Poland wants a Swiss-style citizen army but can it actually work?

Donald Tusk says Poland will build a large reserve force based on the Swiss model in which every able-bodied man undergoes military training to be ready in case of war. It’s an attractive idea: a nation of citizen-soldiers, trained and prepared, without the need to revive full-scale conscription. But is Poland really following Switzerland’s example or is it just borrowing its rhetoric?

Switzerland’s militia system is rooted in mandatory service, a deeply ingrained national tradition, and a well-funded, decades-old infrastructure. Poland, in contrast, scrapped conscription in 2009 and now faces logistical and political challenges in training 100,000 volunteers annually. 

The Swiss model works because it is systematic, compulsory, and culturally embedded, none of which applies to Poland’s plan. Instead, Tusk’s proposal is voluntary, incentive-based, and still lacks a clear implementation strategy. It raises the question of whether Poland can realistically build a functional reservist system this way, or is the Swiss comparison just political branding?

Poland’s decision to launch large-scale military training for civilians is not happening in a vacuum. The war in Ukraine, shifting US foreign policy, and growing fears of Russian aggression have forced Warsaw to rethink its defence strategy. With NATO support uncertain in Trump’s presidency, European leaders are scrambling to build up their own military capabilities. For Poland, which has already committed over 4% of its GDP to defence spending, the next logical step is expanding the number of trained citizens who can be mobilized in a crisis.

Donald Tusk has made it clear that this is about preparing society for war. In a speech to Parliament, he declared:

“In 2027 we will achieve the ability to train 100,000 volunteers per year... Apart from the professional army and beyond the Territorial Defence Force, we must de facto build an army of reservists and our actions will serve this purpose.”

Tusk insists this will not be a return to conscription, but rather a voluntary, incentive-based system aimed at creating a large, trained reserve force that can be mobilised in case of war.

The scale of the plan is unprecedented in modern Poland. In a meeting with his ministers, Tusk reportedly told them they too would be expected to participate, that no one would be exempt, not even high-ranking government officials. It was a symbolic moment, underlining his argument that military readiness must be seen as a civic duty, not just a job for professional soldiers.

The goal is clear: Poland wants to ensure that if conflict reaches its borders, it will not face the same challenges as Ukraine, which had to rapidly train civilians from scratch in 2022. By creating a large, pre-trained reserve force, Poland hopes to avoid playing catch-up in a crisis. 

But while the government has pointed to Switzerland as a model, the reality of implementing such a system in Poland is far from straightforward.

Switzerland’s militia-based military system is mandatory, not voluntary. Every able-bodied Swiss man is legally required to serve, and those who refuse must pay an additional tax as compensation.

The Swiss model relies on a structured, long-term training cycle. There are eighteen weeks of intensive basic training covering combat tactics, weapons handling, and survival skills. Reservists are required to take annual refresher courses over the next nine years, fifteen for the officer class, ensuring they stay sharp. The culture of lifelong readiness is deeply ingrained, with many former conscripts keeping their rifles at home and regularly participating in shooting exercises. Military service is seen as a civic duty rather than an optional career path.

The Swiss system not only involves mandatory training but also a culture of civilian armament, where former conscripts often keep their military rifles at home. This is very different from Poland, which has strict gun control laws and no such tradition.

Switzerland has had this system in place for decades, and its success comes from a combination of social acceptance, institutional stability, and heavy financial investment. Polish leaders may admire the Swiss model, but that does not mean it can be easily replicated.

Tusk’s proposal diverges from the Swiss example in several fundamental ways. The Swiss system ensures that every eligible man serves, whereas Poland’s plan depends on volunteers. There is no guarantee that enough people will sign up. Switzerland’s reservists remain active for nearly a decade, while Poland currently has no framework for ongoing refresher courses. Without continued training, a one-time month-long course is of little long-term use. Poland ended conscription in 2009 and has not maintained the training facilities necessary to accommodate 100,000 trainees per year. Swiss citizens are raised with the expectation of military participation. Poland’s younger generations have no such tradition, and convincing them to volunteer will not be automatic.

These gaps highlight a key issue. Poland is not adopting the Swiss model, it is borrowing its rhetoric.

Poland’s military experts have raised serious doubts about the feasibility of training 100,000 volunteers annually. Mateusz Kalbarczyk, a security consultant, warns that the plan is politically appealing but operationally unrealistic. He argues that Poland lacks the instructors, shooting ranges, and facilities to process such numbers.

"I wouldn’t believe the super-optimistic words that these men will be trained properly. We don’t even have the infrastructure to handle such a scale."

Kalbarczyk also said that many Poles do not even know basic emergency skills, like how to respond to a car accident or perform first aid, yet the government is talking about military training on a national scale.

Then there is the question of whether people will actually sign up. Switzerland’s system works because refusal is penalised, whereas Poland’s relies on incentives. One of the proposed benefits is free professional driver’s license training, particularly for truck licenses, under the logic that this skill is useful in war and in civilian life. But will perks like this be enough to fill training slots year after year?

The broader issue is whether this policy has long-term political backing. Poland is in the midst of a presidential election campaign, and while military training is popular in polls, the government must prove it has the resources and commitment to sustain the program beyond political rhetoric.

Even if Poland is not truly adopting the Swiss model, the idea of expanding military readiness is not without merit. The Baltic states have taken similar steps. Lithuania reintroduced conscription in 2015, Latvia in 2023, and Estonia never abolished it. Poland does not necessarily need to copy Switzerland. It could instead develop a hybrid system, balancing voluntary recruitment with selected mandatory service.