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9. Contents
Preface VII
Part 1 Biomineralizing Schemes and Strategies 1
Chapter 1 Intrinsically Disordered Proteins in Biomineralization 3
Magdalena Wojtas, Piotr Dobryszycki and Andrzej Ożyhar
Chapter 2 Single Amino Acids as Additives Modulating
CaCO3 Mineralization 33
Christoph Briegel, Helmut Coelfen and Jong Seto
Chapter 3 Control of CaCO3 Crystal Growth by the Acidic
Proteinaceous Fraction of Calcifying Marine Organisms:
An In Vitro Study of Biomineralization 49
M. Azizur Rahman and Ryuichi Shinjo
Part 2 In Vivo Mineralization Systems 63
Chapter 4 The Chiton Radula:
A Unique Model for Biomineralization Studies 65
Lesley R. Brooker and Jeremy A. Shaw
Chapter 5 Cartilage Calcification 85
Ermanno Bonucci and Santiago Gomez
Part 3 Applied Biomineralization 111
Chapter 6 Biomimetic Materials Synthesis from
Ferritin-Related, Cage-Shaped Proteins 113
Pierpaolo Ceci, Veronica Morea, Manuela Fornara,
Giuliano Bellapadrona, Elisabetta Falvo and Andrea Ilari
Chapter 7 Biofilm and Microbial Applications
in Biomineralized Concrete 137
Navdeep Kaur Dhami, Sudhakara M. Reddy
and Abhijit Mukherjee
11. Preface
Emerging from investigations of bone, shell, and tooth formation, the field of
biomineralization has rapidly grown in the past decade—utilizing novel method
and device developments that have resulted from advances in nano -science and -
technology. These tools have enabled direct measurement, manipulation, and
visualization of processes at or near the molecular level. Not only have the methods
improved, but biomineralization has become multidisciplinary—relying on the
active cooperation of molecular biologists, physical chemists, as well as materials
scientists to approach questions from other perspectives. Active centers in
biomineralization research are found throughout Germany, Israel, Japan, United
Kingdom as well as the United States.
Biomineralization has become not only an interdisciplinary matter but also an
international one, which benefits tremendously from the cooperative as well as
coordination of research efforts stretching around the world. Pooling together the
expertise at these centers and disciplines to focus on key issues in biomineralization,
our understanding of the formation, regulation of properties and application of
biominerailized materials have dramatically improved.
By examining biomineralized materials at smaller length scales, we can observe
interfaces where organic and inorganic interactions occur. At these length scales,
molecules have been found that can inhibit mineralization. Another category of
molecules that can nucleate mineral are more elusive, but are believed to exist as well.
The interactions of the organic with the developing mineral—in the form of ions and
clusters of ions—have led to a better understanding of the influence of additives
involved in mineralization. Several groups have also found the existence of
amorphous phases and their significance in directing the formation of specific
crystalline phases.
If we fully understand these principles at the atomic and molecular levels, bottom-up
construction schemes can be utilized to make materials that are tailored with specific
properties. Some groups have even gone into exploring these schemes for building
materials for use in construction of large structures like bridges and buildings. In the
next decade, we hope that the biomineralization community will continue to grow and
12. VIII Preface
develop, incorporating novel examples of Nature’s biomineralization toolkit to create
functional materials that will create a more clean, safe, and livable society.
Jong Seto
Department of Chemistry, University of Konstanz, Konstanz
Germany
17. 1
Intrinsically Disordered Proteins
in Biomineralization
Magdalena Wojtas, Piotr Dobryszycki and Andrzej Ożyhar
Wroclaw University of Technology
Poland
1. Introduction
Intrinsically disordered proteins (IDPs) have the potential to play a unique role in the study
of proteins and the relationships between structure and function. Intrinsic disorder affects
chemical and cellular events such as cell signaling, macromolecular self-assembly, protein
removal and crystal nucleation and growth. This chapter explores the structural principles
by which IDPs act and reveals the prevalence of IDPs in the field of biomineralization. It has
been demonstrated that proteins involved in biomineralization are frequently very extended
and disordered. Moreover, the disordered structure is integral to how these proteins fulfill
their functions. We have focused on the analysis of polypeptide folding, the role of post-
translational modifications, predictions of the structural disorder and the degree of disorder
in secondary structures. Computational and biophysical strategies to analyze the secondary
structures and evaluate the degree and nature of "disorder" in proteins are described.
Biomineralization is the result of the orchestration of a series of protein-protein, protein-
mineral and protein-cell interactions. Identifying unfolded functional domains in cell
signaling may have a great impact in the study of tissue regeration and biomineral
formation. IDPs are typically organic components of biominerals. It is believed that they
could act as a regulatory coordinator for specific interactions of many proteins, and thus
many physiological processes such as formation of dentin and bone, the formation of sea
urchin and crusteacean exoskeletons. Here, we review what is currently understood about
the molecular basis of biomineral formation. This includes protein interaction with metal
ions, post-translational modifications, interactions with other proteins, or other factors
that induce the formation of crystal shape and size along with the proper polymorph
selection in relation to the role of IDPs.
2. Intrinsically disordered proteins
The history of IDPs goes back to the 1960s, with Linus Pauling’s observation of the existence
of regions in proteins with a disordered structure (Pauling & Delbruck, M., 1940). However,
only a small group of researchers like Dunker, Uversky, Wright, Dyson, Tompa and others
during the next forty years demonstrated that it was possible to depart from the paradigm
that a protein’s function is closely affiliated with its structure (Dyson & P.E. Wright, 2005;
Tompa, 2011; Uversky & Dunker, 2010; P.E. Wright & Dyson, 1999). Currently, it is believed
18. Advanced Topics in Biomineralization
4
that 20-50% of eukaryotic proteins contain at least one fragment belonging to the class of
IDPs (Babu et al., 2011; Dunker et al., 2000). It is well known that globular proteins decrease
their activity in a denatured state when a solution is subjected to high temperatures or
chemical denaturants. The "structure-function" paradigm was not contested for many
years until experimental data began to show that there was no stable three-dimensional
structure for some protein fragments that had been attributed to particular functions.
These proteins are in whole or in part, in contrast to globular proteins, heterogeneous
ensembles of flexible molecules, unorganized and without a defined three-dimensional
structure. According to these properties, the proteins are referred to as natively unfolded,
intrinsically unfolded (IUP), intrinsically unstructured or intrinsically disordered (Dunker
et al., 2005; Dyson & Wright, 2005; Tompa, 2005; Uversky, 2002). It has been previously
shown that structural disorder is characteristic of proteins involved in important
biological processes such as signal transmission, regulation of cell cycles, regulation of
gene expression, activity of chaperone proteins, neoplastic processes, and biomineral
formation (Dyson, 2011; Tompa, 2011; Uversky, 2010).
These processes require a series of dynamic macromolecular interactions and IDPs seem to
be specially created for their functions. An IDP’s meta-stable conformation allows it to bind
to its protein partners as well as interact with high specificity and relatively low affinity.
Furthermore, there is some experimental evidence showing that IDPs may interact with
multiple partners, changing or adjusting the structures and functions of their partners
(Tompa, 2005). Comparative analyses of the amino acid sequences of all currently known
IDPs have shown common features. These proteins are characterized by amino acid
compositions enriched with residues like A, R, G, Q, S, P, E and K that promote a
disordered structure, with the small participation of other residues like W, C, F, I, Y, V, L
and N, which simultaneously promote an ordered structure (Dunker et al., 2001). IDPs can
be classified into five groups based on their relative functions: entropic chains, effectors,
assemblers, scavengers, and display sites. Entropic chains act as flexible linkers between the
globular domains of multidomain proteins. Effectors bind and modify the activity of a
partner. Assemblers are able to simultaneously bind several ligands as multimolecular
assemblies. Scavengers store or neutralize small ligands. Finally, display sites promote
specific interactions within the active sites of enzymes that facilitate post-translational
modifications (Tompa, 2002).
2.1 Methods for analyzing IDP structure
Based on the amino acid composition of IDPs, a number of algorithms have been
proposed that predict regions containing a disordered structure. The most frequently
used are PONDR (Romero et al., 2001), DISOPRED 2 (Ward et al., 2004a, 2004b), IUPred
(Dosztanyi et al., 2005), GLOBPLOT 2 (Linding et al., 2004) and FoldIndex (Uversky et al.,
2000). More algorithms can be found in the DisProt database (Sickmeier et al., 2007). These
algorithms operate on the principle of a neuronal network "trained" using amino acid
sequences belonging to experimentally confirmed IDPs. It has been observed that
sequences that have low complexity or are abundantly charged and/or freuquently post-
translationally modified (e.g. phosphorylated) usually adopt a stretched, unordered
conformation (Romero et al., 2001). IDPs are often characterized by charge-hydropathy
19. Intrinsically Disordered Proteins in Biomineralization 5
plots. Based on the normalized net charge and mean hydrophobicity, proteins can be
categorized into either globular folded proteins or IDPs. IDPs are specifically localized
within a unique region of charge-hydrophobicity proteins (Uversky et al., 2000). Figure
1A shows a charge-hydropathy plot for experimentally confirmed IDPs and globular
proteins, while Figure 1B presents a charge-hydropathy plot for proteins involved in
biomineralization.
Fig. 1. Charge-hydrophobicity plots. The solid line represents the contractual boundary
between disordered and ordered proteins. (A) Comparison of charge-hydrophobicity for
IDPs (black dots) and globular proteins (white dots). (B) Proteins involved in
biomineralization represented on the charge-hydrophobicity plot. Black triangles show
experimentally confirmed IDPs, while white triangles represent proteins whose secondary
structure has not been studied.
Even this simple analysis indicates that many proteins involved in biomineralization
could be IDPs. However, computer predictions themselves can not be relied on as the sole
evidence of the absence of structural order in a protein. Such evidence only invites further
experimental study, which could include X-ray diffraction analysis (Dunker & Obradovic,
2001), multidimensional nuclear magnetic resonance spectroscopy (NMR) (Bai et al.,
2001), circular dichroism spectroscopy (CD) (Tompa, 2002), differential scanning
microcalorimetry (DSC) (Mendoza et al., 2003), X-ray scattering at small angle (SAXS)
(Millett et al., 2002).
3. IDPs found in calcium phosphate related mineralization
In bone and dentin, collagen acts as a structural matrix whereas hydroxyapatite (HA)
nucleation is regulated by the acidic phosphoproteins (Chen et al., 1992; Glimcher, 1989).
These non-collagenous proteins (NCPs) play crucial roles in the organization of the
collagen matrix and in the modulation of HA crystal formation (Ganss et al., 1999). NCPs
20. Advanced Topics in Biomineralization
6
are often classified as IDPs. Some examples of IDPs engaged in HA formation are
presented below.
3.1 SIBLINGs
Small integrin-binding ligand, N-linked glycoproteins (SIBLINGs) with NCPs are involved in
the mineralization of bone and dentin (George & Veis, 2008; Qin et al., 2004). Within the family
of human SIBLINGs there is limited sequence similarity; however, they share common
features, such as: (i) similar gene organization and chromosome localization, (ii) RGD
(arginine-glycine-aspartate) motifs mediating cell attachment/signaling via their interactions
with cell-surface integrins, (iii) extensive post-translational modifications like phosphorylation
and glycosylation, (iv) abundance of acidic residues, (v) calcium ions and collagen binding
ability (George & Veis, 2008; Qin et al., 2004), (vi) intrinsically disordered molecular character
(Tompa, 2002). The SIBLINGs family includes osteopontin (OPN), bone sialoprotein (BSP),
dentin matrix protein 1 (DMP1), matrix extracellular phosphoglycoprotein (MEPE) and
dentin sialophosphoprotein (DSPP). DSPP gives rise to two mature products, dentin
phosphoprotein (also called phosphophoryn) (DPP) and dentin sialoprotein (DSP) (George
& Veis, 2008; Qin et al., 2004).
3.1.1 DMP1
The highly acidic protein (D and E constitute 29% of all residues) DMP1 acts as a nucleator
for HA deposition in vitro (He et al., 2003a). The disordered character of DMP1 has been
shown using several methods (Tab. 1). CD and FTIR measurements have shown that DMP1
has a random structure in solution, however upon calcium ions binding DMP1 undergoes a
slight conformational change to a more ordered structure. SAXS and DLS confirmed a
calcium-induced disorder-to-order transition in DMP1 leading to oligomerization (Gericke
et al., 2010; He et al., 2003b). Moreover, it has been shown that the DMP1 molecule assumes
an elongated shape (He et al., 2005a). Further studies have revealed that two specific acidic
clusters (ESQES and QESQSEQDS) in DMP1 are responsible for the calcium-induced
oligomerization and in vitro nucleation of apatite crystals (He et al., 2003b). This calcium-
induced conformational change of DMP1 could be the structural basis for biocomposite self-
assembly (He et al., 2003b).
The lack of a rigid structure enables DMP1 to serve multiple functions, not only in
biomineralization, but also in osteoblast differentiation and maturation (Narayanan et al.,
2003). Nonphosphorylated DMP1 is localized in the nucleus where it acts as a
transcriptional component for the activation of matrix genes involved in mineralized
tissue formation (Narayanan et al., 2003). It binds the DSPP gene promoter and activates
DSPP gene expression. Calcium ions released from intracellular stores bind DMP1 and
induce in DMP1 a conformational change and phosphorylation by casein kinase 2 (CK2).
Finally, the phosphorylated protein is exported to the extracellular matrix, where it acts as
a nucleator of hydroxyapatite (Narayanan et al., 2003). The DNA binding domain is
localized within the C-terminal region of DMP1 (Narayanan et al., 2006). Extracellular
DMP1 also has the ability to strongly bind the H factors, integrin αvβ3 and CD44 (Jain et
al., 2002), and it is specifically involved in signaling via extracellular matrix-cell surface
interaction (Wu et al., 2011).
21. Intrinsically Disordered Proteins in Biomineralization 7
Organism Protein pI Methods Reference
Mammals
DMP1 4.0
CD, DLS,
FTIR, SAXS
(Gericke et al., 2010; He et al., 2003a, 2003b)
DPP 2.8
CD, NMR,
SAXS
(Cross et al., 2005; Evans et al., 1994;
Fujisawa & Kuboki, 1998; George & Hao,
2005; He et al., 2005b; Lee et al., 1977)
BSP 4.1
CD, NMR,
SAXS
(Fisher et al., 2001; Tye et al., 2003, 2005;
Wuttke et al., 2001)
OPN 4.4
CD, NMR,
FTIR
(Fisher et al., 2001; Gorski et al., 1995)
amelogenin 6.6 CD, NMR
(Buchko et al., 2010; Delak et al., 2009b;
Ndao et al., 2011;Shaw et al., 2008)
statherin 8.0 CD, NMR
(Long et al., 2001; Naganagowda et al.,
1998; Raj et al., 1992)
lithostathine 5.7 CD (Gerbaud et al., 2000)
Haliotis rufescens
AP7 5.2 CD, NMR
(Kim et al., 2004, 2006a; Michenfelder et al.,
2003; Wustman et al., 2004)
AP24 5.3 CD, NMR
(Michenfelder et al., 2003;
Wustman et al., 2004)
Lustrin A 8.1 NMR (Wustman et al., 2003; Zhang et al., 2002)
Picntada fucata
n16 7.5 CD, NMR
(Amos et al., 2011; Collino & Evans, 2008;
Kim et al., 2004, 2006b)
ACCBP 4.7 CD (Amos et al., 2009)
PFMG1 7.9 CD (Liu et al., 2007)
Atrina rigita Asprich
2.7-
3.5
CD, NMR
(Collino et al., 2006; Delak et al., 2009a,
2008; Kim et al., 2008; Ndao et al., 2010)
Procambrus
clarkii
CAP-1 3.9 CD (Inoue et al., 2007)
Strongylocentrotus
purpuratus
SM50 10.8 CD, NMR (Xu & Evans, 1999; Zhang et al., 2000)
PM27 8.1 CD, NMR (Wustman et al., 2002)
Danio rerio Stm 4.1
CD, gel
filtration
(Kaplon et al., 2008, 2009)
Table 1. IDPs involved in biomineralization of calcium carbonate and phosphate for which a
disordered structure has been confirmed experimentally.
3.1.2 DSPP
DSPP undergoes proteolytic cleavage to DPP and DSP. DPP is most abundant in dentin, but
also present in bone (George & Hao, 2005; Lee et al., 1977). At least 75% of the DPP sequence
(isolated from dentin) is composed of S and D residues and 85-90% of the S residues are
phosphorylated (George & Veis, 2008; He et al., 2005b; Huq et al., 2000). In solution DPP
isolated from dentin behaves as a fairly extended, random-chain molecule due to
electrostatic repulsion (Table 1), as has been shown by CD studies (Lee et al., 1977). The
22. Advanced Topics in Biomineralization
8
presence of calcium ions reduces DPP solubility, which indicates aggregation of the protein
(Lee et al., 1977). It has been demonstrated that nonphosphorylated DPP has lower calcium
binding ability than the phosphorylated form and induces amorphous calcium phosphate
formation, while the phosphorylated form promotes plate-like apatite crystals (He et al.,
2005b). SAXS studies revealed a calcium-induced conformation change from an extended
structure to a more compact one, but only in phosphorylated DPP. Nonphosphorylated DPP
was disordered irrespective of the presence of calcium ions at various concentrations
(George & Hao, 2005; He et al., 2005b). NMR spectroscopy also confirmed high mobility and
flexibility of DPP in the absence of calcium ions, and decreased mobility in the presence of
calcium ions (Cross et al., 2005; Evans et al., 1994). Solid-state NMR spectroscopy enabled
investigation of the DPP structure when bonded to HA. The secondary structure of DPP
bound to crystal was very extended and largely disordered. A majority of DPP residues
interacted with crystal. (Fujisawa & Kuboki, 1998). This disordered molecular structure
facilitates DPP’s extension across the surface of a crystal and allows it to cover the surface
with only a small number of molecules, all of which results in a highly inhibitory effect on
crystal growth (Fujisawa & Kuboki, 1998).
While DPP structure has been extensively explored, DSP structural studies are still unavailable.
However, bioinformatic predictions strongly suggest that DSP is also an IDP (Table 2).
Overall percent disordered
Organism Protein pI IUPred DISOPRED2 PONDR
Mammals
DSP 4.5 100 100 73
MEPE 8.6 95 60 64
Picntada fucata
Aspein 1.5 100 100 100
Prismalin-14 3.9 0 0 9
Patinopecten yessoensis MSP-1 3.2 97 98 96
Pinna nobilis Calprismin 4.9 12 0 74
Crassostrea nippona MPP1 2.2 100 98 97
Nautilus macromphalus Nautilin-63 9.2 66 4 41
Procambrus clarkii
GAMP 4.2 63 73 63
CAP-2 4.2 18 2 45
Casp-2 4.3 33 8 68
Orchestia cavimana Orchestin 4.5 58 34 69
Cherax quadricarinatus
GAP 65 5.0 2 0 11
GAP 10 5.5 4 0 37
Penaeus japonicus Crustocalcin 3.9 45 37 81
Strongylocentrotus purpuratus
SM30 6.2 25 0 28
SM32 8.3 44 44 47
SM37 10.4 60 43 56
phosphodontin 3.9 96 94 94
Oryzias latipes Stm-like 3.8 100 98 94
Oncorhynchus mykiss OMM-64 3.5 97 96 92
Gallus gallus Ovocleidin-116 6.6 91 57 78
Table 2. Bioinformatic predictions of a disordered structure in proteins involved in
biomineralization.
24. vessels at Havre, I was anxious to have an explanation of his
offensive tone. He replied that, tired himself of not knowing where
the blame lay, he had the honor to send you a memoir by M. Lee,
and that the latter reported that Your Excellency had clearly assured
him that for a long while there had been no obstacle on the part of
the ministry and that if I said there was, it could only be an
imposture of mine or of M. Montieu. Pardon, M. le Comte, if after
swallowing all the other bitter pills without complaint, this rests in
my throat and strangles me in passing. Your Excellency will perhaps
be so good as to cast a glance over the four letters that I join to
this, written by me to M. de Sartine the 3rd, 18th, 22d and 29th of
January. They will inform you of the true state of affairs if it is
possible that you are ignorant of it, and you will tell me afterwards
up to what point you order me to keep silent and sacrifice myself.
This blow crushes me and makes me desire that my whole conduct
as a vigilant man and faithful servitor be promptly examined and
with the utmost rigor. It is impossible for me to take an instant’s
repose until you have accorded me this grace. Read, I beg you, my
letters to M. de Sartine and judge of my suffering.”
Vergennes immediately replied, and the whole situation grew
brighter. Beaumarchais wrote the next day, February 1, 1777, “I
sincerely thank you for your goodness in tranquilizing me. I have
force against everything except your discontent. Never judge me
without hearing me, this is the only favor I ask. I know well that you
are accused of irresolution, which is very far from your character.
Afterwards they cast upon me the reflections of their discontent,
making you speak, so that I may feel it more keenly—I will never
believe anything again. I have the intimate consciousness that I do
my best and even the best that can be done under the
circumstances. Across all the obstacles that surround me, a small
success pays me for great labor. I feel myself already light-hearted
again since yesterday’s letters have told me that three of my vessels
have started.” Beaumarchais was thus after so many delays given
full power to act. On the 4th of February, 1777, he wrote to
25. Vergennes:
“At last I have my delivery.... It is a pity that the Dutch should
be destined to have the principal gain from the transport of these
materials. No matter, the most important thing is, not to let America
come to grief through lack of good munitions....”
By the beginning of March ten vessels of Roderigue Hortalès et
Cie. were floating towards America. The seventh of that month he
announced the fact to Vergennes: “Never,” he wrote, “has
commercial affair been pushed with so much vigor, in spite of
obstacles of every nature which have been encountered. May God
give it good success!”
“Beaumarchais,” says M. de Loménie, “naturally expected soon
to receive very many expressions of gratitude from Congress, as well
as very much Maryland and Virginia tobacco. He did not even receive
a reply to his letters.” Nevertheless, he continued to send out ships
laden with supplies, all through the spring and summer, receiving
from his agents alone information of their safe arrival.
The failure of Congress to ratify the conditions offered by its
commissioner would have brought to ruin the commercial house of
Roderigue Hortalès et Cie. in spite of the subsidy of two millions with
which it had been founded, had not the Government again come to
its assistance. But though the ministers in general, and Vergennes in
particular, never entirely deserted Beaumarchais, other and wholly
different measures for aiding the Americans were now seriously
occupying their attention. The colonies in declaring themselves free
from British rule had forced upon France the necessity of coming to
some definite decision. This she was slow in doing, but so inevitable
was it that she should take an active part in the great struggle that
already the measures necessary for the arming and equipping of her
forces were being discussed in her councils, while the nation, gone
mad with enthusiasm, was urging her forward in the pathway which
could lead to nothing but open war.
26. LAFAYETTE
CHAPTER XX
“Never Greece, never Rome, never any people of the ancient
world, exposed the motives of its independence with a more noble
simplicity, nor based them upon more evident truths.”
Gudin de la Brenellerie, Histoire de Beaumarchais.
The Declaration of Independence and Its Effect in Europe—
Beaumarchais’s Activity in Getting Supplies to America—
Difficulties Arise About Sailing—Treachery of du Coudray—
27. “
T
Lafayette’s Contract with Deane—His Escape to America—
Beaumarchais’s Losses—Baron von Steuben Sails for America in
Beaumarchais’s Vessel, Taking the Latter’s Nephew, des
Epinières, and His Agent, Theveneau de Francy—The Surrender
of Burgoyne—Beaumarchais Finds Himself Set Aside While
Others Take His Place—Faces Bankruptcy—Vergennes Comes to
His Assistance.
HE Act,” says Doniol (I, p. 561), “which proclaimed to the
civilized world the institution of the American Republic and
which was destined to open a new phase of civilization, was
announced in Europe only as an incident, secondary to the
resistance of the rebels.
“The English Government would not admit that the solemn act
produced any visible emotion in London. In the beginning Garnier,
the French Ambassador, was no more struck than the cabinet of
London by the page of political philosophy put into being by the
declaration of Congress, and which was to respond so loudly in the
country of Voltaire and the Encyclopædia.” In France, “when it
became known,” continues Doniol, “it produced the most vivid
sensation which was possible to create a century ago by the means
of publicity then existing.”
But though the action of the colonies was greeted with wild
enthusiasm by the populace, the government remained cold and
undemonstrative. Silas Deane had written to Congress, January 17,
1777, “The hearts of the French people are universally for us and the
opinion for an immediate war with Great Britain is very strong, but
the court has its reasons for postponing a little longer.”
The chief cause of the apparent inaction of the government
arose from the ruined condition of its finances. Beaumarchais, as
was seen in the last chapter, already had been commissioned to
draw up a plan of finance which should aid in the present crisis. This
he had done, basing his scheme of reform upon the wise and
prudent measures adopted by the great Sully. He endeavored to
prove that these reforms would, if put into execution, cause such an
28. increase of revenue as would enable France safely to declare war,
without increasing the rate of taxation or incurring the risk of
bankruptcy. His scheme, however, had been set aside. On the 30th
of March, 1777, he addressed a lengthy memoir to the prime
minister, M. le Comte de Maurepas, of which the following is an
extract: “... I have doubtless explained badly my ideas of help for
the Americans, since it seems that you have not adopted them. The
fear of giving you too much to read makes me concise to the point
of being perhaps obscure.... Read the letter of M. Deane.... Judge if
a good Frenchman, a zealous subject of the King, a good servitor of
M. de Maurepas, who respects him and wishes to see his
administration honored among all the people of the world, judge if
he can support your constant refusal to lend him a hand, the earnest
solicitations of America at bay, and the insolent triumph of armed
England.... M. le Comte, spare your servitors the sorrows of one day
hearing you reproached with having been in a position to save
America at small cost and you have not done it, to tear her from the
yoke of England and to unite her to us by commerce, and that you
have neglected it.
“Hear me, I pray you; you distrust too much your own powers
and my resources; and above all I fear that you do not sufficiently
esteem the empire, which your age and your wisdom gives you over
a young prince whose heart is formed, but whose politics are still in
the cradle. You forget that that fresh young soul has been turned
and brought back from very far. He is tractable, helpless, weak in his
whole being. You forget that while dauphin, Louis XVI had an
invincible repugnance to the old parliaments, yet that their recall
honored the first six months of his reign; you forget also that he
swore never to be vaccinated, yet that eight days afterwards he had
the vaccine in his arm. No one is ignorant of this, and no one will
excuse you for not employing the beautiful power of your place in
causing to be adopted the great things which you have in your mind.
“If you find my liberties too daring, go back to their respectful
motives, and you will pardon them to my attachment.
29. “It was not play on my part, M. le Comte, when attaching
myself to you, I said with feeling: ‘I shall never have a day of true
happiness, if your administration passes away without having
accomplished the three greatest acts which could illustrate it: the
humiliation of England by the union of America and France; the re-
establishment of the finances, following the plan of Sully, which I
have placed several times at your feet, and the rendering of civil
existence to protestants.... These three things are to-day in your
hands; I wish only the honor of having often recalled them to you.
What work, M. le Comte, what success more beautiful, could crown
your career? After such actions, there is no death. The dearest
existence of man, his reputation, survives all and becomes eternal.
Hear me then, I beg you, in favor of the Americans. Remember that
the deputies await my answer to dispatch a courier who will carry
encouragement or desolation into Congress.... Do not render my
pains unfruitful, through not concurring in them, and may the
recompense of my works be the honor of having made them
acceptable to you!
“I am, with the most respectful devotion, M. le Comte,
“Your very, etc.,
“de Beaumarchais.”
To all this Maurepas made no reply, and the unhappy agent, still
harassed and thwarted in his plans, wrote to Vergennes:
“April 13, 1777.
“... If I do my duty, as M. de Maurepas had before the goodness
to say to me, in presenting without ceasing and under all its faces,
the picture of so important an affair, permit me to represent to you,
M. le Comte, what you know better than I, that loss of time, silence
and indecision are even worse than refusal. Refusal is a deed, one
can act afterwards, but from nothing, nothing ever comes—it
remains nothing....”
30. GENERAL JOHN SCHUYLER
In the same letter he warmly pleaded his own cause. “In so far
as I work alone,” he said, “my secret is secure. If the indiscretion of
the officers of the Amphitrite and their foolish chief make known the
destination of the vessel, what can I do more than you? I defy any
man in this country, beginning with the ministers themselves, to cite
either what name, what charge, from what port and for what
31. destination I have sent the vessels dispatched since.... In a word, M.
le Comte, now that all is in operation, when the first pains and
labors of so vast an establishment have obtained a certain success,
when my profound disdain for the idle gossip of society has turned
aside the babblers and now that I can assure the happy
consequence of the enterprise, do you refuse to concur any longer?
and does my active perseverance inspire the same in no one?... In
the name of Heaven, of honor, of the interests of France, retard no
longer your decision, M. le Comte! Confer again with M. de
Maurepas. No object is more important, and none so pressing.
“In the instant of closing this letter, I receive one from Nantes,
by which I am informed of the refusal to provide sailors, and so my
richest ship is stopped at the moment it is ready to sail.... I implore
you, M. le Comte, promptly to arrange with M. de Sartine what is
necessary for the departure of my vessel.... I hope to go myself for
your orders upon very many objects Thursday evening, if you do not
send them before. I recommend the Americans to your
remembrance and their advocate to your good will.... The hour of
the post has passed while I was writing. I send this therefore by a
man on horseback.”
In striking contrast to the outspoken and independent tone
assumed by Beaumarchais when addressing the ministers, is the
friendly yet authoritative manner which he employs when it is
question of a subordinate. To de Francy, his confidential agent, he
had written February 28, 1777, in relation to the dispatching of the
Amphitrite, after it had been brought back by du Coudray: “We shall
have to say, like Bartholo (one of the characters in the Barbier de
Séville) ‘le diable est entré dans mon affaire,’ and remedy as best we
may the evil that is past, by preventing its happening again. Give the
enclosed letter to M. du Coudray. I send it to you open, in order that
you may reply in my behalf to his objections, should he make any.
Show to Captain Fautrelle, the enclosed order which we give him, in
quality of proprietor of the vessel which he commands, and take his
word of honor to conform to it entirely. I received yesterday a letter
32. from my nephew along with yours. As unreasonable as the rest of
them, my nephew seems to be unwilling to go back to his place on
the Amphitrite. You can understand the little attention which I pay to
such childishness. Simply recommend him again to the special care
of M. de Conway and to the Chevalier de Bore. Command the
captain to receive on board M. le Marquis de la Rouërie, who comes
to us with special recommendations. Give to the Captain the general
rule and the secret of the route. If the force of circumstances obliges
him to put into Santo Domingo, arrange with him and M. de Conway
not to stop there, but to write to the governor of the island in order
to notify him that the fear of some unlucky encounter, alone
prompted the drawing up of the fictitious order in regard to the
destination of the Amphitrite, and take from him a new fictitious
order for France, in order to shelter yourself by that order in case
you encounter an English vessel between Santo Domingo and the
true destination of the ship. You know very well that all the
precautions of the Ministry are taken in accord with us; it is upon
this that we can count.
“As soon as the Amphitrite has set sail, go on to Nantes, where,
by the way, you will probably find le Mercure started, because it is
ready now to set sail. Good-bye, my dear Francy. Come quickly back
to Paris. You have trotted about enough for this time; other work
awaits you here: but I will be there to divide it with you. Bring me
back this letter.”
The fear of a possible reconciliation of the colonies with Great
Britain, which constantly haunted the agent of the French
Government, had of late been greatly augmented. The 8th of March,
1777, he had written to Vergennes:
“Sunday morning.
“M. le Comte; Another letter you will say. Will they never stop!
Eh! how can I stop, M. le Comte, when new objects unceasingly
excite my attention and my vigilance? A private secretary of Lord
Germaine arrived yesterday, secretly sent to Messrs. Deane and
33. Franklin. He brings propositions of peace. The most superb
recompenses are promised him if he succeeds.”...
Monday morning, he wrote ... “America is doing the impossible
to hold her own. But be sure that she cannot go much farther
without you, or without a reconciliation with Great Britain.... While I
am treating with you, I warn you that England is secretly attempting
to treat with M. Franklin.... Deane is regarded as a formidable
obstacle to any project of adjustment: They will attempt to dislodge
him at whatever price. My news is so positive as to the intention of
the ministers that my conjectures become facts. They have the
project to compel Deane to leave France, and to make of him the
expiatory victim.” A short time before Beaumarchais had written to
the same minister: “The doctor Franklin at this moment, wishes to
send away M. Deane from France. My special object is to prevent his
leaving. The manly firmness of this Republican alone, can arrest the
insinuations of every kind employed against the doctor.”
As a matter of fact, Franklin was well aware of the dismay which
the noise of his secret communications with agents of Great Britain
had caused the ministers, nor did he desire to allay their suspicions.
He knew well the value for France of an alliance with the colonies, at
least supposing the fact of their independence. He knew, also, how
far it was to the interest of England to prevent such an alliance. So
long as France remained outwardly inactive, Franklin did nothing to
allay the fears of the one government nor to weaken the hopes of
the other, although there can be no doubt that in his heart he was
bent only upon concluding a treaty with France. In March, 1777, he
wrote: “I did not come to make peace, but to procure the aid of
European powers to permit us to defend our liberty and our
independence, which it is certainly to their interest to guarantee,
because our great and growing commerce will be open, and cease to
be the monopoly of England.... I think we shall be capable with a
little help, of defending our possessions long enough, so that
England will be ruined if she persists in destroying us.... I flatter
myself to live to see my country established in peace and prosperity,
34. while Great Britain will no longer be so formidable a figure among
the powers of Europe.” There also seems no doubt but that he had
at last secretly concurred with Deane in aiding the escape of
Lafayette from the restrictions imposed upon him by the French
government, although subsequently, the whole blame was allowed
to rest upon Deane alone.
The situation in regard to Lafayette was as follows: Some time
during the year 1775, the young Marquis who was then scarcely
eighteen, and who was serving under the Comte de Broglie at the
garrison of Metz, was present at a dinner given in the fortress where
the English Duke of Gloucester was guest. The latter was bitterly
opposed to the policy of George III in regard to America, and at
table spoke freely of the uprising among the colonists; it was then,
so Lafayette tells us in his memoirs, that he formed the resolution of
offering his services to the insurgents. Through the intervention of
De Broglie, the Baron von Kalb, a Prussian general serving in France,
introduced to Silas Deane on November 5, 1776, the young marquis
with two of his cousins who had formed the same determination to
offer their services to America. Silas Deane received them with
enthusiasm, and promised all high positions in the American Army
(see Doniol Vol. II, p. 63). Eleven other officers were added and the
entire group were to sail from Havre on La Seine, one of the fleet of
Hortalès et Cie. when the order already spoken of, came from the
government to prevent further operations of the house. Moreover, a
special prohibition was issued regarding the young officers, because
it was of great importance for the French Government to seem to
oppose the enlistment of such prominent members of the high
nobility as Lafayette and his colleagues. Nothing daunted, Lafayette,
whose fortune made him independent, bought a vessel of his own,
La Victoire, and having decided “to go in spite of everything and
without regard to consequences” secretly negotiated with Deane,
and set sail, April 20, 1777, with some twenty other commissioned
officers.
The agreement which had been drawn up between them was
signed by Lafayette, the Baron von Kalb, and Silas Deane; it bore the
35. date of December 7, 1776, although it was not really issued until
February, 1777. This discrepancy was owing to the fact that since
the arrival of Franklin in December, Deane’s commission had
changed in nature, so that he no longer was empowered to enlist
officers for the American service. The date of December 7, 1776 had
been chosen because on that day the two noblemen had been
presented to the American Commissioner and an informal
engagement entered into. This was immediately before the arrival of
Franklin in France.
The true patriotism which inspired Deane led him to adopt this
subterfuge, feeling as he did that the services of so brilliant an
officer as Lafayette, and one belonging to such an illustrious house,
would be of sufficient value to his country to warrant the irregularity
of the act. The Baron von Kalb had originally, it would seem,
stipulated with Deane for a considerable salary, part of which was to
be paid in advance. (See Our French Allies, Stone, p. 39.) Deane
rightly understood the effect which would be produced in the
different courts of Europe by the daring deed of the young nobleman
and foresaw the consequent fury of the English which could not help
but hasten the final decision of the ministry. Therefore he willingly
concurred in the designs of Lafayette, aiding them to the utmost of
his power (Doniol, Vol. II, Chap. VII). Congress afterwards
disavowed all the commissions granted by Deane, so that most of
the officers were obliged to return to France. Lafayette and the
Baron von Kalb, having fortunes of their own, were willing to serve
without pay; they were therefore given appointments. The romantic
escape of the young nobleman caused all the commotion that was
expected of it. The Capital went wild with exultation, openly
vindicating his act, while the anger of the English knew no bounds.
England, indeed, had good grounds for discontent with the
conduct of her rival. “Public opinion in London,” says Doniol, “was
more and more for war. France everywhere was accused of aiding
the colonies.... It was said that open war was preferable to the
insidious peace which we pretended to maintain while according
every advantage to the revolted colonies.”—(Doniol II, p. 455.) Other
36. causes of grievance, especially in regard to the protection granted to
American vessels in all French ports, were constantly coming up.
“England,” says Doniol, “incriminated especially the authorities of
Martinique. According to Lord Weymouth, the Americans armed
openly in the island, favored by the most notable persons. So much
pressure was brought to bear upon the French Government by the
English Ambassador, that, not yet ready for war, it was forced to
grant the satisfaction which was demanded. As in previous
instances, the blow fell heaviest upon Beaumarchais. July 1, 1777,
he wrote:
“I have just received news that afflicts me.... M. de Bouille, the
new governor of Martinique, has notified the merchants that it is
agreed between the courts of France and England, that the English
Navy seize the French vessels coming from their islands, taking all
the commodities of America which they find.... This is so impossible,
that though I have read it, I still cannot believe it!
“Afternoon.... I am indeed, in despair to receive the
confirmation of that trying announcement. It seems certain that
France has ceded to the English the right to seize all French vessels
coming from the islands, which are charged with American
commodities. What distress, M. le Comte, could have brought about
such an arrangement?... I learn by letters from Cape Francis of the
18th of May, that the cargo of the Amétie, happily arrived in that
port, has started for America, divided on several American and
Bermudan vessels, bought at my cost at Santo Domingo for....
“P. S. You are not to blame, M. le Comte, for the consequences
of that sorrowful convention with the English. Your hands were tied
to sign it. But I am in despair. I made my payment of the 30th
yesterday, selling all the paper money which I had, at a
disadvantage. A quarter of an hour is so important, that a million
arriving the next day could not repair the lack of but thirty thousand
louis d’or. I was compelled to pay yesterday £184,328 2s., and
£21,864 8s. 4d. remain unpaid from the 15th on which I have only
received £200,000 instead of £221,864 8s. 4d. From now until the
37. 15th, I must pay £268,304 8s. 3d. I am lacking therefore £490,168
16s. 7d. with the loss of my paper money, and the three last
payments which I must replace so as to be abreast of my affairs. I
therefore beg you to send me an order for 5,000,000 fr., after that I
can go forward, but as my destination is not a matter of indifference,
I shall have the honor of conferring with you about it.”
The documents deposited in the bureau of foreign affairs, show
that M. de Vergennes “taking into consideration the desperate
situation into which Beaumarchais found himself thrown, owing to
the obstinate refusal of Congress to send him returns, had advanced
successively, the 13th May, 1777, 400,000 livres, the 16th of June,
200,000 livres, and the 3rd of July 474,496 livres.” (Loménie II, p.
145.) By this means alone, Beaumarchais was able to continue his
active services in the cause of America.
Although the court of Louis XVI were making pretense of not
favoring the Americans, they already had decided on war and were
endeavoring to bring the court of Spain to a similar decision.
“The 26th of June,” says Doniol, “a memoir was addressed to
the Spanish cabinet explaining the seasonableness of associating
themselves positively with the colonies, and in consequence, of
making war upon England.”
“By the means so far employed,” wrote Vergennes, “the
reconciliation of the colonies with Great Britain cannot be prevented;
those means have been all that have been prudent, but they will not
suffice any longer; it is necessary that the assistance become
sufficiently effective to assure a total separation and so compel the
Americans to gratitude.”
Madrid was finally forced to follow the course laid out for it at
Versailles; but before openly declaring their alliance, both courts
awaited some decisive act of the Americans. The capture of
Burgoyne determined the King, although several months more
elapsed before the treaty was actually signed.
38. But if the court was thus apparently inactive, Beaumarchais
continued as assiduous as ever in aiding the Americans, and this
notwithstanding the coldness of the commissioners, the total
absence of returns and the unbroken silence of the Continental
Congress. The Hon. John Bigelow, in his admirable paper
Beaumarchais, the Merchant, speaking of Beaumarchais at this
period, said: “He received no tobacco, nor money, nor thanks, nor
even a letter from Congress.... His funds were exhausted, and all his
expectations of returns were disappointed.... At last, reduced to
extremities, he resolved to send a confidential agent to the United
States, to obtain, if possible some explanation of results so chilling
to his enthusiasm, and for which he was so poorly prepared. For this
mission he selected a young man named Theveneau de Francy, a
person of considerable talent, generous and enthusiastic, but poorly
trained for the delicate duty assigned him. De Francy embarked for
the United States at Marseilles on the 26th of September, 1777, on
board of one of Beaumarchais’s ships, carrying twenty-four guns,
called Le Flammand.”
“De Francy,” says Loménie, “went out with the double mission of
obtaining justice from Congress for the past, and to prevent cargoes
from being delivered gratis in the future.”
But before entering into a consideration of his mission, let us
pause to note among the passengers of the Flammand a now justly
celebrated personage, who was destined to render such effective aid
in training the American troops; this was Baron von Steuben. In his
life of that famous Prussian officer, Frederick Kapp has given a
detailed account of the incidents which led up to his entering the
American service. The French minister of war, the Comte de St.
Germain, had long been a pronounced admirer of the military tactics
employed by the king of Prussia. He had endeavored to have those
tactics introduced into the French army but without success. Being
on intimate terms with the Baron, the latter made a halt in Paris with
the intention of visiting his friend at Versailles on the occasion of a
voyage to England in the spring of 1777. Having notified the count of
his desire to wait upon him, the Baron was surprised to be requested
39. not to come to Versailles, but to meet him at the arsenal in Paris.
“You have arrived very apropos,” the count said; opening a map and
pointing to America, he continued, “Here is your field of action, here
is the Republic you must serve. You are the very man she needs at
this moment. If you succeed, your fortune is made and you will
acquire more glory than you can hope for in Europe for many years
to come.” He then pictured the bravery, the resources of the
Americans, and intimated the possibility of an open alliance. After
this he sketched the other side of the situation; spoke of the
disadvantages under which the Americans labored: bad training, lack
of order and discipline among the troops, and ended by saying “You
see now why you must not be seen at Versailles.” The Baron,
however, seemed but little touched by the eloquent appeal of his
friend. He told the count that he was no longer young, that he had
no ambition; though he was without fortune, yet his position was all
that he desired.
After a second interview, his interest seemed somewhat
aroused. The Count gave him a letter to Beaumarchais, who
introduced him to Deane; and Deane took him to Passy to see
Franklin. Both commissioners seemed anxious that Steuben should
enter the service. “But,” says his biographer, “when Steuben
mentioned a disbursement for the expenses of his journey, they
expressed some doubts of their power to grant it. Mr. Deane made
no difficulties; Franklin, however, made several. He spoke a great
deal of presenting him with a couple of thousand acres of land,...
but Steuben did not care for them.... As to any advances, Franklin
positively declared that it was out of the question; he told him this
with an air and manner to which Steuben, as he remarked in a letter
written at that time, ‘was then little accustomed,’ whereupon he
immediately took leave, without any further explanation.
“He went thence to M. de Beaumarchais, telling him that he
intended to set out immediately for Germany, and that he did not
wish to hear any more of America. As soon as Beaumarchais was
informed of the cause of Steuben’s resolution, he said to him, that if
he wanted nothing but money, a thousand louis d’or and more were
40. at his disposal. Steuben thanked him for his generous offer, but said
his determination was fixed. The Count of St. Germain endeavored
to dissuade him, but to no effect.
“Arrived at Rastadt, he found a very persuasive letter from M.
de Beaumarchais, who wrote that the Comte de St. Germain
expected his prompt return to Versailles; that a vessel was ready at
Marseilles for his embarkation, and that Beaumarchais’s funds were
entirely at the Baron’s disposal.
“Prince William of Baden, with whom Steuben conferred, urged
him to accept; accordingly he returned to Paris, August 17, 1777.”
On the 26th of September he set sail. Beaumarchais wrote to
Congress:
“The art of making war successfully being the fruit of courage
combined with prudence, knowledge and experience, a companion
in arms of the great Frederic, who stood by his side for twenty-two
years, seems one of the men best fitted to second M. Washington.”
Baron von Steuben was well received in America. As he asked
for no pay, and wished to enter the army as a simple volunteer, no
objection was made to his enlistment. He soon was raised to a
position suitable to his rank and talents. A little more than a year
after his arrival, Beaumarchais, overjoyed at the success which had
attended the Baron, wrote to his agent, Theveneau de Francy:
“Recall me often to the memory of M. the Baron von Steuben.
“I congratulate myself from that which I learn of him, to have
given so great an officer to my friends, the free men of America, and
to have forced him in a way to follow that noble career. I am in no
way disquieted about the money that I lent him for his voyage.
Never have I made an investment which gave me greater pleasure,
because I have been able to put a man of honor in his true place. I
learn that he is Inspector General of all the American troops. Bravo!
Tell him that his glory is the interest of my money, and that I do not
doubt but at that title, he will pay me with usury.”
41. On the same vessel went also the nephew of Beaumarchais, the
son of his elder sister married to the watchmaker, De Lépine, who on
entering the American service took the name of des Epinières. It was
the same of whom Beaumarchais had spoken impatiently on the
occasion of his refusing to continue his voyage upon the Amphitrite,
when du Coudray had brought that vessel back to port. That he had
his way, is proved by the fact that his name is mentioned amongst
the six aids who accompanied the Baron von Steuben to America. An
idea of the young man’s character may be gained from the following
brief extract of a letter written by him the evening of an
engagement: “Your nephew,” he wrote, “my very dear Uncle, may
perhaps lose his life, but he will never do a deed unworthy of one
who has the honor of belonging to you. This is as certain as the
tenderness which he always will have for the best of uncles.”
According to Loménie, he never returned to France, but died on the
field of battle, after having attained the rank of Major.
At the time when the Baron von Steuben set sail for America,
Beaumarchais was no longer the confidential agent of the
government. As has been seen, Franklin had from the first, refused
to treat with him, while Lee’s influence at home and abroad was at
all times used to bring about his ruin. More than this “everything,”
says Doniol, “seemed to cost too much; they (Franklin and Lee) had
allowed themselves to be persuaded that Beaumarchais ought to
serve them for nothing. The Barbier de Séville, as he was called
familiarly, passed with too many people for gaining great profit, for
there not to be many interested in ruining him. It was also of the
utmost importance to England to interfere with his operations, and
the English Ambassador fed the flames.... Dubourg had his part to
play ... but whatever the reasons, it remains true that Franklin never
missed an opportunity openly to contest the operations of Roderigue
Hortalès et Cie., and to attempt to bring them to naught.” (Doniol II,
611.) Other intermediaries, therefore, began to be employed.
Although less recognition was given to Beaumarchais by the
government, the ministers continued to make use of his advice. “At
the moment,” says Doniol, “when he was treated with the greatest
42. coldness, his counsels were appropriated.... They used his political
estimates almost in the terms in which he expressed himself,
sometimes textually. At the end of October he was admitted to
discuss with Vergennes and Maurepas the definite stand to take in
offering propositions of alliance with the American colonies. Three
months later when the King was about to sign the treaty, it was
evident that the Secretary of State had demanded of Beaumarchais
a résumé of their discussion. This résumé entitled, Mémoire
particulière pour l’Etat,” was drawn up by Beaumarchais under
circumstances peculiarly distressing. It was at the moment when he
first realized with absolute certainty that his coöperation in the aid
soon to be freely and openly accorded the Americans was no longer
desired. Nevertheless, he continued to express himself with the
same manly vigor as previously. After setting forth the actual
situation of France and Spain with regard to England, he said: “What
remains for us to do?
“Three courses are open to us. The first is worth nothing, the
second is the most sure, the third, the most noble; but a wise
combination of the third and second could instantly raise the King of
France to be the first power of the civilized world.
“The first course, which is worth nothing, absolutely nothing, is
to continue to do what we are doing, or rather what we are not
doing; to remain longer passive by the side of the turbulent activity
of our neighbors, and obstinately to refuse to take sides while still
awaiting events.” After setting forth at length the actual condition of
affairs in England, the perils which menaced France, the desire
which actuated all parties in Great Britain to make peace with
America while wreaking their vengeance upon France, he continues
warningly, “But the first step towards peace being once taken, be
sure that it will be too late for France to declare in favor of America.”
Then follows a narration of preparations then making in England to
take France unawares. “After having become the laughing stock of
all Europe,” cries the daring advocate of the alliance, “a fatal war
and the bankruptcy of America will be the worthy reward of our
inaction.
43. “The worst course therefore, of all the courses, is now, to take
no course and to attempt none in conjunction with America, waiting
until England shall have closed up every way; something which will
certainly happen very shortly.
“The second course which I regard as the most sure, would be
to accept publicly the treaty of alliance proposed to us for more than
a year by America,... As soon,” he says, “as the English learn that
there is no longer any hope to treat with a country which has
treated with us, they will instantly make war upon us, declaring us to
be aggressors.”... One objection after another that might present
itself to the minds of the ministers is then taken up and weighed,
especially in relation to the ignorance which existed among them
with regard to the “extent of the powers entrusted to the legation at
Passy, the uncertainty of the consent of Congress, the possible
mobility of an assembly of which the majority was the only law, and
which made them fearful that France might have to regret too late, a
step which naturally would exasperate the English.
“These fears, Beaumarchais knew how to turn aside by reasons
and considerations (Doniol II, p. 742) which would not have been
out of place in the mouth of a minister.”
The third course open to France, “the noblest of all,” was to
declare to the English in a manifesto which should be announced at
the same time to the other potentates of Europe, that the King of
France, after having, through delicacy and regard to England, long
remained a passive spectator of the war existing between England
and America, to the great disadvantage and injury of French
Commerce; “that conditions being so and so,” which he proceeded to
clearly define, “His Majesty obliged by circumstances to decide upon
some definite course ... and not wishing to declare war against
England, nor to insult her ... His Majesty contents himself with
declaring that he will hold the Americans for independent, and
desires to regard them as such from henceforward, relatively to their
commerce with France, and the commerce of France with them.”...
“After drawing up his manifesto, Beaumarchais entered into the
exposition of the measures to take, and discussed the shades of
44. opinion of each minister exactly as though he had been part of the
council.... It is not one of the least singularities of the times to see
the author of the Barbier de Séville deliberating as it were with the
ministers, saying ‘I would do’ and putting himself naïvely in the place
of the King of France.” (Loménie, II, p. 160.)
It was early in December that news of the surrender of
Burgoyne reached Europe. “The joy of the news of Saratoga brought
Beaumarchais to Passy, in spite of the bitter griefs which he had
against the Commissioners.” (Doniol II, 646.) The same day he
wrote to Vergennes:
“December 5, 1777.
“Monsieur le Comte:
“... Yesterday I was at Passy with the courier who arrived from
Congress, and I passed the morning in comforting my heart with the
excellent news of which we had that moment received the
announcements.
“I came back to Paris, bringing M. Grand in a light carriage with
a postillion and two horses. The carelessness of my postillion ...
caused us to be overturned.... Mr. Grand had his shoulder broken;
the violence of the fall made me bleed profusely at the nose and
mouth;—a piece of broken glass entered my right arm—the negro
who followed was badly hurt. See me then prostrated, but more ill in
mind than body ... it is not the postillion who kills me, but M. de
Maurepas. Nevertheless the charming news from America is a
balance to my soul.... I am the voice which cries from the depths of
my bed, ‘De profundis clamavi ad te Domine; Domine exaudi
orationem meam.’ Although you received the Gazette of Boston
yesterday, I will send you the extract which I myself made to insert
in le Courrier d’Europe. It is just that I give them in England by my
phrases all the poniard thrusts which their Ambassador gives me
here with his. I salute you, respect and cherish you, and will sign, if
I can with my wounded arm, the assurance of the unalterable
devotion with which I am, etc.
45. “Beaumarchais.”
Two days later, he wrote:
“M. le Comte:
“Your honorable and sweet interest consoles me for everything.
In thanking you for the counsels which you have been so good as to
give me I can assure you that I did not allow myself to be too
vivacious in the letter of which I sent you a copy; I cannot explain
myself in writing, but you will be much more surprised than I,
because you are less acquainted with the persons of whom it is a
question, when I give you an account of all that has happened. I
always have put a great difference between the honest deputy
Deane, and the insidious Lee, and the silent Dr. Franklin.
“The movement which the news of America has given to all idle
heads is inconceivable; the English of the cafés do not know where
to hide themselves;—but all that is nothing like so curious as what
will take place in London from the shock of the different reports. I
await the details with a pleasure equal to all the trouble which they
have tried to make me. I thank you for the interest which you take
in my health. I am getting up to-day for the first time, and to-
morrow I hope to go out.... Receive with your ordinary goodness the
assurances of the very respectful devotion with which I am, etc.
“Beaumarchais.”
Wounded in body and sick at heart, the zealous patriot and
vigilant friend of America continued to give notice to the government
of the news which, through his agents and friends in London, he
received before anyone else.
Thursday, the 11th of December, he wrote:
“To M. le Comte de Vergennes, to be communicated, if he
pleases, to M. le Comte de Maurepas.
“M. le Comte:
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