Bangladesh Studies by Lutfor Shuvo | University of Chittagong

BBA EDITION
BANGLADESH STUDIES
Edited According to the syllabus of Faculty of Business Administration of the
University of Chittagong for the students of BBA or any related field of study
LUTFOR SHUVO
Student
Department of Finance
University of Chittagong
Click the name

Confession
Welcome to "Bangladesh Studies", your one-stop shop for biryani-flavored
knowledge (minus the actual biryani, sorry!).
Remember that 4th-semester’s Bangladesh Studies course that felt like climbing
Mount Everest? This book is like the handy navigator you never knew you needed.
I’ve blended info from Wikipedia, The Daily Star, Google's brainiacs (Gemini &
ChatGPT), and government websites, and many other sources from the web, but
remember: fact-check like a pro! Don't take everything at face value – a sprinkle of
skepticism goes a long way.
Why write this book? Because let's face it, endless HUGE History book of Bangladesh
were putting me to sleep faster than counting cows in a Kurbanir Bazar. This is my
love letter to Bangladesh, a crash course in its history, politics, and culture and
Geography. So, open your mind, grab your metaphorical rickshaw, and let's explore!
You never know what hidden gems you'll find. Happy learning!
Look, I'm not claiming to have single-handedly unearthed the secrets of Bangladesh's
past. This book is a collection of information scattered on the web only for the
students who are learning to make money(sins!), written with equal parts not-
knowing number of hours in front of the monitor and exactly 1472 cup of caffeine
(kidding!)
P.S. If you DO find any biryani recipes, share them – knowledge is meant to be
shared, unlike my limited biryani-making skills!
Best wishes
Lutfor Shuvo

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Table of Contents
HISTORY OF BANGLADESH........................................................................................2
PEOPLE OF BANGLADESH 3
ETHNIC GROUPS OF NORTH AND NORTHEAST BANGLADESH 5
ORIGIN AND ANTHROPOLOGICAL IDENTITY 6
TERRITORIES OF BANGLADESH IN ANCIENT TIMES 9
MUSLIM RULE IN INDIAN SUB-CONTINENT 11
BRITISH COLONIAL RULE IN INDIA 12
PAKISTAN MOVEMENT 30
BENGALI LANGUAGE MOVEMENT 36
JUKTAFRONT ELECTION (EAST PAKISTAN) 45
SIX POINT MOVEMENT 48
1969 EAST PAKISTAN MASS UPRISING 49
1970 PAKISTANI GENERAL ELECTION 52
INDEPENDENCE MOVEMENT 58
PHYSICAL AND NATURAL RESOURCES OF BANGLADESH.....................63
GEOGRAPHY OF BANGLADESH 64
CLIMATE 65
PHYSIOGRAPHIC UNITS OF BANGLADESH 68
RIVERS OF BANGLADESH 69
AGRICULTURE IN BANGLADESH 70
FORESTRY IN BANGLADESH 76
TRANSPORTATION AND COMMUNICATION 80
INDUSTRIAL LANDSCAPE OF BANGLADESH 81
POPULATION DISTRIBUTION IN BANGLADESH 83
POLITICAL, ADMINISTRATIVE AND LEGAL STRUCTURE OF
BANGLADESH. ........................................................................................................86
GOVERNMENT OF BANGLADESH 87
STATE MECHANISM 93
CONSTITUTION OF BANGLADESH 97
AMENDMENTS TO THE CONSTITUTION 104
ADMINISTRATIVE GEOGRAPHY OF BANGLADESH 108
POLITICS OF BANGLADESH 112
DIFFERENT POLITICAL REGIMES OF BANGLADESH 113
SOCIO-CULTURE OF BANGLADESH.......................................................................116
BANGLADESHI SOCIAL STRUCTURE 117
SOCIAL CLASSES AND STRATIFICATION 122
POPULATION MIGRATION FROM RURAL TO URBAN AREAS IN BANGLADESH. 123
ETHNIC GROUP 125
SOCIAL AND CULTURAL PROBLEMS OF BANGLADESH. 126

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Chapter One
History of
Bangladesh

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Bangladesh Studies by Lutfor Shuvo
1.1
People of Bangladesh
Bangladeshis (Bengali: বাাংলাদেশী ) are the citizens of Bangladesh, a South Asian country
centered on the transnational historical region of Bengal along the eponymous bay.
Bangladeshi citizenship was formed in 1971, when the permanent residents of the
former East Pakistan were transformed into citizens of a new republic. Bangladesh is
the world's eighth most populous nation. The vast majority of Bangladeshis are
ethnolinguistically Bengalis, an Indo-Aryan people. The population of Bangladesh is
concentrated in the fertile Bengal delta, which has been the centre of urban and
agrarian civilizations for millennia. The country's highlands, including the Chittagong
Hill Tracts and parts of the Sylhet Division, are home to various tribal minorities.
Bengali Muslims are the predominant ethnoreligious group of Bangladesh with a
population of 150.36 million, which makes up 91.04% of the country's population as
of 2022. The minority Bengali Hindu population made up approximately 7.95% of the
population of the country according to the 2022 Census Non-Bengali Muslims make
up the largest immigrant community; while the TibetoBurman Chakmas, who speak
the Indo-Aryan Chakma language, are the largest indigenous ethnic group after
IndoAryan Bengalis. The Austroasiatic Santhals are the largest aboriginal community.
The Bangladeshi diaspora is concentrated in the Arab world, North America and the
United Kingdom. A significant number of Non-Resident Bangladeshis (NRBs) have
dual citizenship in different countries.

Terminology
After the Independence of Bangladesh in 1971, Bangladeshis, as a nationality, have
been referred to by various terms:
Bangladeshis, the most widely used term to refer to the citizens of Bangladesh,
comes from Bangladesh (meaning "Country of Bengal"), and can be traced to
the early 20th century. Then, the term was used by Bengali patriotic songs like
Namo Namo Namo Bangladesh Momo, by Kazi Nazrul Islam, and Aaji
Bangladesher Hridoy, by Rabindranath Tagore.
Bangalees, an exonym for Bengalis, was used between 1972 and 1978 by the
Constitution of Bangladesh for all citizens of Bangladesh, despite 2% of the
population being
indigenous and immigrant non-Bengalis. Under President Ziaur Rahman, the
constitutional term was changed to
Bangladeshi, as part of efforts to promote Bangladeshi nationalism. The term
"Bangalee" is still used to denote people of Bangladesh as a nation.
None of these terms should be conflated with Bengalis, the name of the predominant
ethnic group in the country who make up the bulk of all Bangladeshis.
Demographics
The region of Bengal was settled by people of diverse origins, including Indo-Aryan,
Dravidian, Tibeto-Burman and Austroasiatic ancestry, with the most ancient
settlements traced back to 4000 BCE.
Religious demographics
Bangladesh has a population of 166,303,498 as per 2021, January official projections.
As per as 2020 estimation research, around 13 million Bangladeshis lives abroad in
the various foreign nation's. The estimated total population of all Bangladeshis
including the ones who are living in their country and abroad is about 180 million as
per 2020–21 estimation.
Bangladesh religious diversity as per 2022 census
Religion Population %
Muslims ( ) 150,360,404 91.04%
Hindus ( ) 13,130,109 7.95%
Buddhists ( ) 1,007,467 0.61%
Christians ( ) 495,475 0.30%
Others 198,190 0.12%
Total 165,158,616 100%

Tribes of the Chittagong Hill Tracts
In southeastern Bangladesh, the Chittagong Hill Tracts frontier has a district
history. It was an exclusive zone for Tibeto- Burman tribes in Bengal during
the British Raj. Today, the area makes up 10% of Bangladesh's territory. It is home
to several indigenous ethnic groups in the three hill districts of Rangamati,
Bandarban and Khagrachari. The three largest communities in the region have a
Raja as their tribal chief who is recognized by the Government of Bangladesh.
 The Chakma people are the largest tribe of the Chittagong Hill Tracts and
the second largest indigenous ethnic group of Bangladesh after Bengalis. A
Tibeto-Burman community, they have been greatly influenced by Bengali
culture, including in their native Chakma language, a branch of the Bengali-
Assamese languages. Most Chakmas are concentrated in Rangamati
District. The community is headed by the Chakma Raja. The majority of
Chakmas are Therevada Buddhists, with a minority being Hindu.
 The Marma people are second largest community in the Chittagong Hill
Tracts. They have a Raja and are concentrated in the districts of Bandarban
and Khagrachari. The Marmas are originally Arakanese people who moved
to the territory in the 17th century in order to escape Burmese persecution.
 The Mro people are the third largest community in the region and have a Raja.
Buddhism, Christianity and animist beliefs are among the chief faiths of the
Mros. Their population is concentrated in Bandarban District. Mros are
originally related to the Chin people of Myanmar.
 The Tanchangya people are among the oldest native indigenous tribes of the
region. They speak the Indo-Aryan Tanchangya language and adhere to
Therevada Buddhism.
 The Bawm people are a Tibeto-Burman Christian community. They are among
the oldest inhabitants of the region.
 The Tripuri people inhabit much of Khagrachari District. Their population is
divided between Bangladesh and their larger indigenous homeland in the
Indian state ofTripura.
Ethnic groups of North and Northeast Bangladesh
There are several Austroasiatic, Tibeto-Burman and Indo-Aryan ethnic groups
which inhabit parts of northern and northeastern Bangladesh.
The Manipuri people (also called as Meitei people) speak Meitei language
(better known as "Manipuri language"), write in Manipuri script (Meitei
script), besides the Eastern Nagari script and are known for the Manipuri
classical dance,developed by the Meitei king Rajarshi Bhagyachandra (Meitei:
Ching Thang Khomba), the Maharajah of erstwhile Manipur Kingdom.

The Santhal people are the largest aboriginal community of the country. They
speak the Austroasiatic Santhali language. Their culture is noted for martial
dance traditions. Their population is most concentrated in Rajshahi Division
and Rangpur Division. The Santhals have been the focal point of land rights
controversies as the Bangladeshi government seeks to develop open pit coal
mining in their tribal hinterlands.
The Garo people inhabit the Haluaghat Upazila of Mymensingh District. They
have high literacy rates and are adherents of Christianity.
The Bisnupriya Manipuri people speaks Bishnupriya, a creole of Bengali
language and Meitei language (officially known as "Manipuri
language") and it still retains its pre-Bengali features.
A negligible small minority of Marwari people live in various cities and towns
of the country such as Dinajpur, Kushtia and Narayanganj. Although many of
them have been assimilated into the larger Hindu Bengali demographics, they
still use the marwari surnames such as Agarwal,
Singhania etc. They are among the affluent sections of the country's merchant
and business class.
Tribes of Southern Bangladesh
An Arakanese Rakhine community has resided in Barisal Division for three
centuries. They arrived by the sea after escaping Burmese conquests in the 17th
century.
1.2
Origin and Anthropological identity
The origin and anthropological identity of Bangladeshis are incredibly diverse and
fascinating, reflecting the region's long history as a crossroads of civilizations. Here's
a breakdown:
Ancient Ancestry:
The story of Bangladeshi ancestry unravels like a captivating tapestry woven from
threads spun millennia ago. The earliest chapters emerge from around 4000 BCE, as
settlements began to appear in the fertile Bengal region. Driven by the promise of a

bountiful land, diverse groups embarked on journeys that would forever shape the
Bangladeshi identity.
First came the ancestors of the Austroasiatic communities, leaving behind whispers of
their languages and customs in scattered tools and pottery fragments. Dravidian
influences followed, enriching the cultural landscape with unique agricultural
practices and linguistic traces. Then, a dynamic shift occurred with the arrival of Indo-
Aryan speakers, bringing their languages and belief systems, which eventually
blossomed into the foundation of the Bengali language and culture.
However, the story doesn't end there. Tibeto-Burman groups also etched their mark,
contributing to the region's linguistic and cultural diversity. This remarkable
intermingling of ancestries is reflected in the very foundation of the Bengali language,
which bears influences from each of these waves of migration. It's a testament to the
dynamic nature of the region, where cultures intermingled and evolved, creating a
unique blend that continues to fascinate researchers and historians today.
Imagine the rich cultural and social fabric of Bangladesh as a vibrant kaleidoscope,
each fragment reflecting a distinct force that shaped its identity. From empires that
left their indelible mark to trade winds carrying whispers of distant lands, the journey
of Bangladeshi identity is a captivating one.
One of the most significant shaping forces were the historical empires that rose and
fell in the region. The Mauryas laid the foundation for centralized administration,
while the Guptas ushered in a golden age of art and literature. The Pala and Sena
empires left their imprint on religious practices and architecture, contributing to the
rise of Buddhism and Hinduism respectively. Each era added a brushstroke to the
canvas, enriching the cultural legacy.
Trade played another crucial role. The bustling ports of Bengal saw caravans laden
with spices, textiles, and ideas from Persia, Arabia, and beyond. These exchanges not
only fueled the economy but also introduced new customs, religions (like Islam), and
architectural styles, further diversifying the cultural landscape. Portuguese traders in
the 16th century added another layer, leaving behind influences visible in language
and cuisine.
But the shaping forces weren't just external. Internal movements like Bhakti and Sufi
mysticism played a critical role in shaping religious practices and social thought.
Bhakti emphasized personal devotion, while Sufism introduced concepts like tolerance
and inclusivity, leaving a lasting impact on the national ethos.

Finally, we cannot ignore the diverse communities that continue to contribute to the
richness of Bangladeshi identity. Tribal groups like the Chakma and Marma, residing
in the Chittagong Hill Tracts and Sylhet regions, preserve their unique languages,
traditions, and customs, adding a vibrant mosaic to the national tapestry.
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1.3
Territories of Bangladesh in Ancient Times
The land we now know as Bangladesh has been inhabited for thousands of years, with
various kingdoms and empires ruling over different parts throughout history. Here's
a glimpse into some of the major territories that existed in ancient Bangladesh:
1. Pundra Kingdom (6th-4th century BCE):
 Believed to be located in the northwest region
of present-day Bangladesh, with
Mahasthangarh as its capital.
 One of the earliest known kingdoms in
Bengal, mentioned in the Rigveda and other
ancient texts.
 Ruled by various dynasties, including the
Mauryas and the Guptas.
2. Vanga Kingdom (7th-12th century CE):
 Flourished in the central and eastern regions
of Bengal, with its capital at Vikramapura
(present-day Munshiganj).
 Renowned for its maritime trade and cultural
achievements, with the Pala dynasty being its
most prominent rulers.
3. Samatata Kingdom (3rd century BCE-12th
century CE):
 Encompassed the southeastern region of
Bengal, with its capital at Devagram (present-
day Comilla).
 Known for its Buddhist and Hindu heritage,
with the Chandra dynasty being its most
notable rulers.
Pundra Kingdom map
Pundra Kingdom map
Samatata Kingdom map

4. Harikela Kingdom (7th-12th century CE):
 Located in the northeastern region of Bengal,
with its capital at Maynamati (present-day
Comilla).
 Ruled by various dynasties, including the
Buddhist kings of the 7th-8th centuries and
the Deva dynasty later on.
 Renowned for its cultural and artistic
achievements, with the Mainamati
archaeological site being a testament to its
legacy.
5. Gauda Kingdom (6th-12th century CE):
 Located in the western region of Bengal, with its
capital at Karnasuvarna (present-day
Murshidabad).
 One of the most powerful kingdoms in Bengal,
ruling over vast territories and producing
renowned rulers like Shashanka.
 Known for its trade, agriculture, and cultural
contributions.
6. 13th-16th Centuries:
 Delhi Sultanate: Conquered Bengal in the 13th century, incorporating it into
their vast empire.
 Bengal Sultanate: Gained independence in the 14th century, establishing a
prosperous and culturally rich kingdom.
 Mughal Empire: Absorbed Bengal in the 16th century, bringing a period of
expansion and administrative reforms.
 Decline of Mughal Empire: Weakened control created opportunities for
regional powers like the Nawabs of Bengal.
 British East India Company: Gradually gained influence and control over
Bengal through trade and military conquest.
Samatata Kingdom map
Harikela Kingdom map
Gauda Kingdom map

 British Raj: Established direct rule over Bengal, integrating it into British
India.
 Partition of India: In 1947, Bengal was divided, with the eastern part
becoming East Pakistan.
 Bangladesh Liberation War: Led to the independence of Bangladesh in
1971.
1.4.1
Muslim Rule in Indian Sub-Continent
Muslim period in the Indian subcontinent (712–1757) is conventionally said to have
started in 712, after the conquest of Sindh and Multan by the Umayyad Caliphate under
the military command of Muhammad ibn al-Qasim. It began in the Indian
subcontinent in the course of a gradual conquest. The perfunctory rule by the
Ghaznavids in Punjab was followed by Ghurids, and Sultan Muhammad of Ghor (r.
1173–1206) is generally credited with laying the foundation of Muslim rule in Northern
India. From the late 12th century onwards, Muslim empires dominated the
subcontinent, most notably the Delhi Sultanate and Mughal Empire. Various other
Muslim kingdoms ruled most of South Asia from the mid-14th to late 18th centuries,
including the Bahmani, Bengal, Gujarat, Malwa, Mysore, Carnatic and Deccan
Sultanates. Though the Muslim dynasties in India were diversed in origin, they were
linked together by the Persianate culture and Islam. The height of Islamic rule was
marked during the reign of Mughal Emperor Aurangzeb (r. 1658– 1707), during which
the Fatawa Alamgiri was compiled, which briefly served as the legal system of Mughal
Empire. Additional Islamic policies were re-introduced in South India by Mysore's de
facto king Tipu Sultan. Sharia was used as the primary basis for the legal system in
the Delhi Sultanate, most notably during the rule of Firuz Shah Tughlaq and Alauddin
Khilji, who repelled the Mongol invasions of India. On the other hand, rulers such as
Akbar adopted a secular legal system and enforced religious neutrality. Muslim rule in
India saw a major shift in the cultural, linguistic, and religious makeup of the
subcontinent. Persian and Arabic vocabulary began to enter local languages, giving
way to modern Punjabi, Bengali, and Gujarati, while creating new languages including
Urdu and Deccani, used as official languages under Muslim dynasties. This period also
saw the birth of Hindustani music, Qawwali and the further development of dance
forms such as Kathak. Religions such as Sikhism and Din-e-Ilahi were born out of a
fusion of Hindu and Muslim religious traditions as well. The eventual end of the period
of Muslim rule of modern India is mainly marked with the Battle of Plassey in 1757
and beginning of British Raj in 1857, although its aspects persisted in Hyderabad State,
Junagadh State, Jammu and Kashmir State and other minor princely states until the
mid of the 20th century. Today's modern Bangladesh, Maldives and Pakistan are the
Muslim majority nations in the Indian subcontinent while India has the largest
Muslim minority population in the world numbering over 180 million.

1.4.2
British Colonial Rule in India
The British Raj (/rɑːdʒ/ RAHJ; from Hindi rāj, 'kingdom', 'realm', 'state', or 'empire')
was the rule of the British Crown on the Indian subcontinent; it is also called Crown
rule in India, or Direct rule in India, and lasted from 1858 to 1947. The region under
British control was commonly called India in contemporaneous usage and included
areas directly administered by the United Kingdom, which were collectively called
British India, and areas ruled by indigenous rulers, but under British paramountcy,
called the princely states. The region was sometimes called the Indian Empire, though
not officially.
As India, it was a founding member of the League of Nations, a participating state in
the Summer Olympics in 1900, 1920, 1928, 1932, and 1936, and a founding member
of the United Nations in San Francisco in 1945.
This system of governance was instituted on 28 June 1858, when, after the Indian
Rebellion of 1857, the rule of the East India Company was transferred to the Crown in
the person of Queen Victoria (who, in 1876, was proclaimed Empress of India). It
lasted until 1947, when the British Raj was partitioned into two sovereign dominion
states: the Union of India (later the Republic of India) and Pakistan (later the Islamic
Republic of Pakistan). Later, the People's Republic of Bangladesh gained
independence from Pakistan. At the inception of the Raj in 1858, Lower Burma was
already a part of British India; Upper Burma was added in 1886, and the resulting
union, Burma, was administered as an autonomous province until 1937, when it
became a separate British colony, gaining its own independence in 1948. It was
renamed Myanmar in 1989. The Chief Commissioner's Province of Aden was also part
of British India at the inception of the British Raj, and became a separate colony known
as Aden Colony in 1937 as well.
Geographical extent
The British Raj extended over almost all present-day India, Pakistan, and Bangladesh,
except for small holdings by other European nations such as Goa and Pondicherry.
This area is very diverse, containing the Himalayan mountains, fertile floodplains, the
Indo-Gangetic Plain, a long coastline, tropical dry forests, arid uplands, and the Thar
Desert. In addition, at various times, it included Aden (from 1858 to 1937), Lower
Burma (from 1858 to 1937), Upper Burma (from 1886 to 1937), British Somaliland
(briefly from 1884 to 1898), and the Straits Settlements (briefly from 1858 to 1867).
Burma was separated from India and directly administered by the British Crown from
1937 until its independence in 1948. The Trucial States of the Persian Gulf and the
other states under the Persian Gulf Residency were theoretically princely states as well
as presidencies and provinces of British India until 1947 and used the rupee as their
unit of currency.

Among other countries in the region, Ceylon, which was referred to coastal regions and
northern part of the island at that time (now Sri Lanka) was ceded to Britain in 1802
under the Treaty of Amiens. These coastal regions were temporarily administered
under Madras Presidency between 1793 and 1798, but for later periods the British
governors reported to London, and it was not part of the Raj. The kingdoms of Nepal
and Bhutan, having fought wars with the British, subsequently signed treaties with
them and were recognised by the British as independent states. The Kingdom of
Sikkim was established as a princely state after the Anglo-Sikkimese Treaty of 1861;
however, the issue of sovereignty was left undefined. The Maldive Islands were a
British protectorate from 1887 to 1965, but not part of British India.
History
1858–1868: rebellion aftermath, critiques, and responses
Although the Indian Rebellion of 1857 had shaken the British enterprise in India, it
had not derailed it. Until 1857, the British, especially under Lord Dalhousie, had been
hurriedly building an India which they envisaged to be on par with Britain itself in the
quality and strength of its economic and social institutions. After the rebellion, they
became more circumspect. Much thought was devoted to the causes of the rebellion
and three main lessons were drawn. First, at a practical level, it was felt that there
needed to be more communication and camaraderie between the British and Indians—
not just between British army officers and their Indian staff but in civilian life as well.
The Indian army was completely reorganised: units composed of the Muslims and
Brahmins of the United Provinces of Agra and Oudh, who had formed the core of the
rebellion, were disbanded. New regiments, like the Sikhs and Baluchis, composed of
Indians who, in British estimation, had demonstrated steadfastness, were formed.
From then on, the Indian army was to remain unchanged in its organisation until 1947.
The 1861 Census had revealed that the English population in India was 125,945. Of
these only about 41,862 were civilians as compared with about 84,083 European
officers and men of the Army. In 1880, the standing Indian Army consisted of 66,000
British soldiers, 130,000 Natives, and 350,000 soldiers in the princely armies.
Second, it was also felt that both the princes and the large land-holders, by not joining
the rebellion, had proved to be, in Lord Canning's words, "breakwaters in a storm".
They too were rewarded in the new British Raj by being integrated into the British-
Indian political system and having their territories guaranteed. At the same time, it
was felt that the peasants, for whose benefit the large land reforms of the United
Provinces had been undertaken, had shown disloyalty, by, in many cases, fighting for
their former landlords against the British. Consequently, no more land reforms were
implemented for the next 90 years: Bengal and Bihar were to remain the realms of
large land holdings (unlike the Punjab and Uttar Pradesh).

Third, the British felt disenchanted with Indian reaction to social change. Until the
rebellion, they had enthusiastically pushed through social reform, like the ban on sati
by Lord William Bentinck. It was now felt that traditions and customs in India were
too strong and too rigid to be changed easily; consequently, no more British social
interventions were made, especially in matters dealing with religion, even when the
British felt very strongly about the issue (as in the instance of the remarriage of Hindu
child widows). This was exemplified further in Queen Victoria's Proclamation released
immediately after the rebellion. The proclamation stated that 'We disclaim alike our
Right and Desire to impose Our Convictions on any of Our Subjects'; demonstrating
official British commitment to abstaining from social intervention in India.
1858–1880: railways, canals, Famine Code
In the second half of the 19th century, both the direct administration of India by the British crown
and the technological change ushered in by the industrial revolution, had the effect of closely
intertwining the economies of India and Great Britain. In fact many of the major changes in
transport and communications (that are typically associated with Crown Rule of India) had already
begun before the Mutiny. Since Dalhousie had embraced the technological change then rampant
in Great Britain, India too saw the rapid development of all those technologies. Railways, roads,
canals, and bridges were rapidly built in India, and telegraph links were equally rapidly established
so that raw materials, such as cotton, from India's hinterland, could be transported more efficiently
to ports, such as Bombay, for subsequent export to England. Likewise, finished goods from
England, were transported back for sale in the burgeoning Indian markets. Unlike Britain, where
the market risks for the infrastructure development were borne by private investors, in India, it
was the taxpayers—primarily farmers and farm-labourers—who endured the risks, which, in the
end, amounted to £50 million. Despite these costs, very little skilled employment was created for
Indians. By 1920, with the fourth largest railway network in the world and a history of 60 years of
its construction, only ten per cent of the "superior posts" in the Indian Railways were held by
Indians.
The rush of technology was also changing the agricultural economy in India: by the last decade of
the 19th century, a large fraction of some raw materials—not only cotton, but also some food-
grains—were being exported to faraway markets. Many small farmers, dependent on the whims of
those markets, lost land, animals, and equipment to money-lenders. The latter half of the 19th
century also saw an increase in the number of large-scale famines in India. Although famines were
not new to the subcontinent, these were particularly severe, with tens of millions dying, and with
many critics, both British and Indian, laying the blame at the doorsteps of the lumbering colonial
administrations. There were also salutary effects: commercial cropping, especially in the newly
canalled Punjab, led to increased food production for internal consumption. The railway network
provided critical famine relief, notably reduced the cost of moving goods, and helped nascent
Indian-owned industry. After, the Great Famine of 1876–1878, The Indian Famine Commission
report was issued in 1880, and the Indian Famine Codes, the earliest famine scales and
programmes for famine prevention, were instituted. In one form or other, they would be
implemented worldwide by the United Nations and the Food and Agricultural Organisation well
into the 1970s.
1880s–1890s: middle class, Indian National Congress
By 1880, a new middle class had arisen in India and spread thinly across the country.
Moreover, there was a growing solidarity among its members, created by the "joint

stimuli of encouragement and irritation". The encouragement felt by this class came
from its success in education and its ability to avail itself of the benefits of that
education such as employment in the Indian Civil Service. It came too from Queen
Victoria's proclamation of 1858 in which she had declared, "We hold ourselves bound
to the natives of our Indian territories by the same obligation of duty which bind us to
all our other subjects." Indians were especially encouraged when Canada was granted
dominion status in 1867 and established an autonomous democratic constitution.
Lastly, the encouragement came from the work of contemporaneous Oriental scholars
like Monier Monier-Williams and Max Müller, who in their works had been presenting
ancient India as a great civilisation. Irritation, on the other hand, came not just from
incidents of racial discrimination at the hands of the British in India, but also from
governmental actions like the use of Indian troops in imperial campaigns (e.g. in the
Second Anglo-Afghan War) and the attempts to control the vernacular press (e.g. in
the Vernacular Press Act of 1878).
It was, however, Viceroy Lord Ripon's partial reversal of the Ilbert Bill (1883), a
legislative measure that had proposed putting Indian judges in the Bengal Presidency
on equal footing with British ones, that transformed the discontent into political
action. On 28 December 1885, professionals and intellectuals from this middle-class
— many educated at the new British-founded universities in Bombay, Calcutta, and
Madras, and familiar with the ideas of British political philosophers, especially the
utilitarians assembled in Bombay — founded the Indian National Congress. The 70
men elected Womesh Chunder Bonerjee as the first president. The membership
comprised a westernised elite, and no effort was made at this time to broaden the base.
During its first 20 years, the Congress primarily debated British policy toward India.
Its debates created a new Indian outlook that held Great Britain responsible for
draining India of its wealth. Britain did this, the nationalists claimed, by unfair trade,
by the restraint on indigenous Indian industry, and by the use of Indian taxes to pay
the high salaries of the British civil servants in India.
Thomas Baring served as Viceroy of India 1872–1876. Baring's major
accomplishments came as an energetic reformer who was dedicated to upgrading the
quality of government in the British Raj. He began large scale famine relief, reduced
taxes, and overcame bureaucratic obstacles in an effort to reduce both starvation and
widespread social unrest. Although appointed by a Liberal government, his policies
were much the same as viceroys appointed by Conservative governments.
Social reform was in the air by the 1880s. For example, Pandita Ramabai, poet,
Sanskrit scholar, and a champion of the emancipation of Indian women, took up the
cause of widow remarriage, especially of Brahmin widows, later converted to
Christianity. By 1900 reform movements had taken root within the Indian National
Congress. Congress member Gopal Krishna Gokhale founded the Servants of India

Society, which lobbied for legislative reform (for example, for a law to permit the
remarriage of Hindu child widows), and whose members took vows of poverty, and
worked among the untouchable community.
By 1905, a deep gulf opened between the moderates, led by Gokhale, who downplayed
public agitation, and the new "extremists" who not only advocated agitation, but also
regarded the pursuit of social reform as a distraction from nationalism. Prominent
among the extremists was Bal Gangadhar Tilak, who attempted to mobilise Indians by
appealing to an explicitly Hindu political identity, displayed, for example, in the
annual public Ganapati festivals that he inaugurated in western India.
1905–1911: Partition of Bengal, Swadeshi, violence
The viceroy, Lord Curzon (1899–1905), was unusually energetic in pursuit of efficiency
and reform. His agenda included the creation of the North-West Frontier Province;
small changes in the civil services; speeding up the operations of the secretariat;
setting up a gold standard to ensure a stable currency; creation of a Railway Board;
irrigation reform; reduction of peasant debts; lowering the cost of telegrams;
archaeological research and the preservation of antiquities; improvements in the
universities; police reforms; upgrading the roles of the Native States; a new Commerce
and Industry Department; promotion of industry; revised land revenue policies;
lowering taxes; setting up agricultural banks; creating an Agricultural Department;
sponsoring agricultural research; establishing an Imperial Library; creating an
Imperial Cadet Corps; new famine codes; and, indeed, reducing the smoke nuisance
in Calcutta.
Trouble emerged for Curzon when he divided the largest administrative subdivision in
British India, the Bengal Province, into the Muslim-majority province of Eastern
Bengal and Assam and the Hindu-majority province of West Bengal (present-day
Indian states of West Bengal, Bihar, and Odisha). Curzon's act, the Partition of Bengal,
had been contemplated by various colonial administrations since the time of Lord
William Bentinck, but was never acted upon. Though some considered it
administratively felicitous, it was communally charged. It sowed the seeds of division
among Indians in Bengal, transforming nationalist politics as nothing else before it.
The Hindu elite of Bengal, among them many who owned land in East Bengal that was
leased out to Muslim peasants, protested fervidly.
Following the Partition of Bengal, which was a strategy set out by Lord Curzon to
weaken the nationalist movement, Tilak encouraged the Swadeshi movement and the
Boycott movement. The movement consisted of the boycott of foreign goods and also
the social boycott of any Indian who used foreign goods. The Swadeshi movement
consisted of the usage of natively produced goods. Once foreign goods were boycotted,
there was a gap which had to be filled by the production of those goods in India itself.

Bal Gangadhar Tilak said that the Swadeshi and Boycott movements are two sides of
the same coin. The large Bengali Hindu middle-class (the Bhadralok), upset at the
prospect of Bengalis being outnumbered in the new Bengal province by Biharis and
Oriyas, felt that Curzon's act was punishment for their political assertiveness. The
pervasive protests against Curzon's decision took the form predominantly of the
Swadeshi ("buy Indian") campaign led by two-time Congress president, Surendranath
Banerjee, and involved boycott of British goods.
The rallying cry for both types of protest was the slogan Bande Mataram ("Hail to the
Mother"), which invoked a mother goddess, who stood variously for Bengal, India, and
the Hindu goddess Kali. Sri Aurobindo never went beyond the law when he edited the
Bande Mataram magazine; it preached independence but within the bounds of peace
as far as possible. Its goal was Passive Resistance. The unrest spread from Calcutta to
the surrounding regions of Bengal when students returned home to their villages and
towns. Some joined local political youth clubs emerging in Bengal at the time, some
engaged in robberies to fund arms, and even attempted to take the lives of Raj officials.
However, the conspiracies generally failed in the face of intense police work. The
Swadeshi boycott movement cut imports of British textiles by 25%. The swadeshi
cloth, although more expensive and somewhat less comfortable than its Lancashire
competitor, was worn as a mark of national pride by people all over India.
1870s–1906: Muslim social movements, Muslim League
The overwhelming, but predominantly Hindu, protest against the partition of Bengal
and the fear in its wake of reforms favouring the Hindu majority, led the Muslim elite
in India to meet with the new viceroy, Lord Minto in 1906 and to ask for separate
electorates for Muslims. In conjunction, they demanded proportional legislative
representation reflecting both their status as former rulers and their record of
cooperating with the British. This led, in December 1906, to the founding of the All-
India Muslim League in Dacca. Although Curzon, by now, had resigned his position
over a dispute with his military chief Lord Kitchener and returned to England, the
League was in favour of his partition plan. The Muslim elite's position, which was
reflected in the League's position, had crystallized gradually over the previous three
decades, beginning with the revelations of the Census of British India in 1871, which
had for the first time estimated the populations in regions of the Muslim majority (for
his part, Curzon's desire to court the Muslims of East Bengal had arisen from British
anxieties ever since the 1871 census—and in light of the history of Muslims fighting
them in the 1857 Mutiny and the Second Anglo-Afghan War—about Indian Muslims
rebelling against the Crown). In the three decades since, Muslim leaders across
northern India, had intermittently experienced public animosity from some of the new
Hindu political and social groups. The Arya Samaj, for example, had not only
supported Cow Protection Societies in their agitation, but also—distraught at the 1871
Census's Muslim numbers—organized "reconversion" events for the purpose of
welcoming Muslims back to the Hindu fold. In 1905, when Tilak and Lajpat Rai
attempted to rise to leadership positions in the Congress, and the Congress itself

rallied around the symbolism of Kali, Muslim fears increased. It was not lost on many
Muslims, for example, that the rallying cry, "Bande Mataram", had first appeared in
the novel Anand Math in which Hindus had battled their Muslim oppressors. Lastly,
the Muslim elite, and among it Dacca Nawab, Khwaja Salimullah, who hosted the
League's first meeting in his mansion in Shahbag, was aware that a new province with
a Muslim majority would directly benefit Muslims aspiring to political power.
The first steps were taken toward self-government in British India in the late 19th
century with the appointment of Indian counsellors to advise the British viceroy and
the establishment of provincial councils with Indian members; the British
subsequently widened participation in legislative councils with the Indian Councils Act
of 1892. Municipal Corporations and District Boards were created for local
administration; they included elected Indian members.
The Indian Councils Act 1909, known as the Morley-Minto Reforms (John Morley was
the secretary of state for India, and Minto was viceroy)—gave Indians limited roles in
the central and provincial legislatures. Upper-class Indians, rich landowners and
businessmen were favoured. The Muslim community was made a separate electorate
and granted double representation. The goals were quite conservative but they did
advance the elective principle.
The partition of Bengal was rescinded in 1911 and announced at the Delhi Durbar at
which King George V came in person and was crowned Emperor of India. He
announced the capital would be moved from Calcutta to Delhi. This period saw an
increase in the activities of revolutionary groups, which included Bengal's Anushilan
Samiti and the Punjab's Ghadar Party. However, the British authorities were able to
crush violent rebels swiftly, partly because the mainstream of educated Indian
politicians opposed violent revolution.
1914–1918: First World War, Lucknow Pact, Home Rule leagues
The First World War would prove to be a watershed in the imperial relationship
between Britain and India. Shortly before the outbreak of war, the Government of
India had indicated that they could furnish two divisions plus a cavalry brigade, with
a further division in case of emergency. Some 1.4 million Indian and British soldiers
of the British Indian Army took part in the war, primarily in Iraq and the Middle East.
Their participation had a wider cultural fallout as news spread of how bravely soldiers
fought and died alongside British soldiers, as well as soldiers from dominions like
Canada and Australia. India's international profile rose during the 1920s, as it became
a founding member of the League of Nations in 1920 and participated, under the name
"Les Indes Anglaises" (British India), in the 1920 Summer Olympics in Antwerp. Back
in India, especially among the leaders of the Indian National Congress, the war led to
calls for greater self-government for Indians.

At the onset of World War I, the reassignment of most of the British army in India to
Europe and Mesopotamia, had led the previous viceroy, Lord Harding, to worry about
the "risks involved in denuding India of troops". Revolutionary violence had already
been a concern in British India; consequently, in 1915, to strengthen its powers during
what it saw was a time of increased vulnerability, the Government of India passed the
Defence of India Act 1915, which allowed it to intern politically dangerous dissidents
without due process, and added to the power it already had—under the 1910 Press
Act—both to imprison journalists without trial and to censor the press. It was under
the Defence of India act that the Ali brothers were imprisoned in 1916, and Annie
Besant, a European woman, and ordinarily more problematic to imprison, was
arrested in 1917. Now, as constitutional reform began to be discussed in earnest, the
British began to consider how new moderate Indians could be brought into the fold of
constitutional politics and, simultaneously, how the hand of established
constitutionalists could be strengthened. However, since the Government of India
wanted to ensure against any sabotage of the reform process by extremists, and since
its reform plan was devised during a time when extremist violence had ebbed as a
result of increased governmental control, it also began to consider how some of its
wartime powers could be extended into peacetime.
After the 1906 split between the moderates and the extremists in the Indian National
Congress, organised political activity by the Congress had remained fragmented until
1914, when Bal Gangadhar Tilak was released from prison and began to sound out
other Congress leaders about possible reunification. That, however, had to wait until
the demise of Tilak's principal moderate opponents, Gopal Krishna Gokhale and
Pherozeshah Mehta, in 1915, whereupon an agreement was reached for Tilak's ousted
group to re-enter the Congress. In the 1916 Lucknow session of the Congress, Tilak's
supporters were able to push through a more radical resolution which asked for the
British to declare that it was their "aim and intention ... to confer self-government on
India at an early date". Soon, other such rumblings began to appear in public
pronouncements: in 1917, in the Imperial Legislative Council, Madan Mohan Malaviya
spoke of the expectations the war had generated in India, "I venture to say that the war
has put the clock ... fifty years forward ... (The) reforms after the war will have to be
such, ... as will satisfy the aspirations of her (India's) people to take their legitimate
part in the administration of their own country."
The 1916 Lucknow Session of the Congress was also the venue of an unanticipated
mutual effort by the Congress and the Muslim League, the occasion for which was
provided by the wartime partnership between Germany and Turkey. Since the Turkish
Sultan, or Khalifah, had also sporadically claimed guardianship of the Islamic holy
sites of Mecca, Medina, and Jerusalem, and since the British and their allies were now
in conflict with Turkey, doubts began to increase among some Indian Muslims about
the "religious neutrality" of the British, doubts that had already surfaced as a result of
the reunification of Bengal in 1911, a decision that was seen as ill-disposed to Muslims.
In the Lucknow Pact, the League joined the Congress in the proposal for greater self-
government that was campaigned for by Tilak and his supporters; in return, the

Congress accepted separate electorates for Muslims in the provincial legislatures as
well as the Imperial Legislative Council. In 1916, the Muslim League had anywhere
between 500 and 800 members and did not yet have the wider following among Indian
Muslims that it enjoyed in later years; in the League itself, the pact did not have
unanimous backing, having largely been negotiated by a group of "Young Party"
Muslims from the United Provinces (UP), most prominently, two brothers
Mohammad and Shaukat Ali, who had embraced the Pan-Islamic cause; however, it
did have the support of a young lawyer from Bombay, Muhammad Ali Jinnah, who
was later to rise to leadership roles in both the League and the Indian independence
movement. In later years, as the full ramifications of the pact unfolded, it was seen as
benefiting the Muslim minority élites of provinces like UP and Bihar more than the
Muslim majorities of Punjab and Bengal; nonetheless, at the time, the "Lucknow Pact"
was an important milestone in nationalistic agitation and was seen as such by the
British.
During 1916, two Home Rule Leagues were founded within the Indian National
Congress by Tilak and Annie Besant, respectively, to promote Home Rule among
Indians, and also to elevate the stature of the founders within the Congress itself.
Besant, for her part, was also keen to demonstrate the superiority of this new form of
organised agitation, which had achieved some success in the Irish home rule
movement, over the political violence that had intermittently plagued the
subcontinent during the years 1907–1914. The two Leagues focused their attention on
complementary geographical regions: Tilak's in western India, in the southern
Bombay presidency, and Besant's in the rest of the country, but especially in the
Madras Presidency and in regions like Sind and Gujarat that had hitherto been
considered politically dormant by the Congress. Both leagues rapidly acquired new
members—approximately thirty thousand each in a little over a year—and began to
publish inexpensive newspapers. Their propaganda also turned to posters, pamphlets,
and political-religious songs, and later to mass meetings, which not only attracted
greater numbers than in earlier Congress sessions, but also entirely new social groups
such as non-Brahmins, traders, farmers, students, and lower-level government
workers. Although they did not achieve the magnitude or character of a nationwide
mass movement, the Home Rule leagues both deepened and widened organised
political agitation for self-rule in India. The British authorities reacted by imposing
restrictions on the Leagues, including shutting out students from meetings and
banning the two leaders from travelling to certain provinces.
1915–1918: return of Gandhi
The year 1915 also saw the return of Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi to India. Already
known in India as a result of his civil liberties protests on behalf of the Indians in South
Africa, Gandhi followed the advice of his mentor Gopal Krishna Gokhale and chose not
to make any public pronouncements during the first year of his return, but instead
spent the year travelling, observing the country at first hand, and writing. Earlier,
during his South Africa sojourn, Gandhi, a lawyer by profession, had represented an

Indian community, which, although small, was sufficiently diverse to be a microcosm
of India itself. In tackling the challenge of holding this community together and
simultaneously confronting the colonial authority, he had created a technique of non-
violent resistance, which he labelled Satyagraha (or Striving for Truth). For Gandhi,
Satyagraha was different from "passive resistance", by then a familiar technique of
social protest, which he regarded as a practical strategy adopted by the weak in the
face of superior force; Satyagraha, on the other hand, was for him the "last resort of
those strong enough in their commitment to truth to undergo suffering in its cause".
Ahimsa or "non-violence", which formed the underpinning of Satyagraha, came to
represent the twin pillar, with Truth, of Gandhi's unorthodox religious outlook on life.
During the years 1907–1914, Gandhi tested the technique of Satyagraha in a number
of protests on behalf of the Indian community in South Africa against the unjust racial
laws.
Also, during his time in South Africa, in his essay, Hind Swaraj, (1909), Gandhi
formulated his vision of Swaraj, or "self-rule" for India based on three vital
ingredients: solidarity between Indians of different faiths, but most of all between
Hindus and Muslims; the removal of untouchability from Indian society; and the
exercise of swadeshi—the boycott of manufactured foreign goods and the revival of
Indian cottage industry. The first two, he felt, were essential for India to be an
egalitarian and tolerant society, one befitting the principles of Truth and Ahimsa, while
the last, by making Indians more self-reliant, would break the cycle of dependence that
was perpetuating not only the direction and tenor of the British rule in India, but also
the British commitment to it. At least until 1920, the British presence itself was not a
stumbling block in Gandhi's conception of swaraj; rather, it was the inability of Indians
to create a modern society.
Gandhi made his political debut in India in 1917 in Champaran district in Bihar, near
the Nepal border, where he was invited by a group of disgruntled tenant farmers who,
for many years, had been forced into planting indigo (for dyes) on a portion of their
land and then selling it at below-market prices to the British planters who had leased
them the land. Upon his arrival in the district, Gandhi was joined by other agitators,
including a young Congress leader, Rajendra Prasad, from Bihar, who would become
a loyal supporter of Gandhi and go on to play a prominent role in the Indian
independence movement. When Gandhi was ordered to leave by the local British
authorities, he refused on moral grounds, setting up his refusal as a form of individual
Satyagraha. Soon, under pressure from the Viceroy in Delhi who was anxious to
maintain domestic peace during wartime, the provincial government rescinded
Gandhi's expulsion order, and later agreed to an official enquiry into the case.
Although the British planters eventually gave in, they were not won over to the farmers'
cause, and thereby did not produce the optimal outcome of a Satyagraha that Gandhi
had hoped for; similarly, the farmers themselves, although pleased at the resolution,
responded less than enthusiastically to the concurrent projects of rural empowerment
and education that Gandhi had inaugurated in keeping with his ideal of swaraj. The
following year Gandhi launched two more Satyagrahas—both in his native Gujarat—

one in the rural Kaira district where land-owning farmers were protesting increased
land-revenue and the other in the city of Ahmedabad, where workers in an Indian-
owned textile mill were distressed about their low wages. The satyagraha in
Ahmedabad took the form of Gandhi fasting and supporting the workers in a strike,
which eventually led to a settlement. In Kaira, in contrast, although the farmers' cause
received publicity from Gandhi's presence, the satyagraha itself, which consisted of the
farmers' collective decision to withhold payment, was not immediately successful, as
the British authorities refused to back down. The agitation in Kaira gained for Gandhi
another lifelong lieutenant in Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel, who had organised the
farmers, and who too would go on to play a leadership role in the Indian independence
movement.
1916–1919: Montagu–Chelmsford reforms
In 1916, in the face of new strength demonstrated by the nationalists with the signing
of the Lucknow Pact and the founding of the Home Rule leagues, and the realisation,
after the disaster in the Mesopotamian campaign, that the war would likely last longer,
the new viceroy, Lord Chelmsford, cautioned that the Government of India needed to
be more responsive to Indian opinion. Towards the end of the year, after discussions
with the government in London, he suggested that the British demonstrate their good
faith—in light of the Indian war role—through a number of public actions, including
awards of titles and honours to princes, granting of commissions in the army to
Indians, and removal of the much-reviled cotton excise duty, but, most importantly,
an announcement of Britain's future plans for India and an indication of some concrete
steps. After more discussion, in August 1917, the new Liberal secretary of state for
India, Edwin Montagu, announced the British aim of "increasing association of
Indians in every branch of the administration, and the gradual development of self-
governing institutions, with a view to the progressive realisation of responsible
government in India as an integral part of the British Empire". Although the plan
envisioned limited self-government at first only in the provinces—with India
emphatically within the British Empire—it represented the first British proposal for
any form of representative government in a non-white colony.
Montagu and Chelmsford presented their report in July 1918 after a long fact-finding
trip through India the previous winter. After more discussion by the government and
parliament in Britain, and another tour by the Franchise and Functions Committee for
the purpose of identifying who among the Indian population could vote in future
elections, the Government of India Act 1919 (also known as the Montagu–Chelmsford
Reforms) was passed in December 1919. The new Act enlarged both the provincial and
Imperial legislative councils and repealed the Government of India's recourse to the
"official majority" in unfavourable votes. Although departments like defence, foreign
affairs, criminal law, communications, and income-tax were retained by the Viceroy
and the central government in New Delhi, other departments like public health,
education, land-revenue, local self-government were transferred to the provinces. The
provinces themselves were now to be administered under a new diarchical system,

whereby some areas like education, agriculture, infrastructure development, and local
self-government became the preserve of Indian ministers and legislatures, and
ultimately the Indian electorates, while others like irrigation, land-revenue, police,
prisons, and control of media remained within the purview of the British governor and
his executive council. The new Act also made it easier for Indians to be admitted into
the civil services and the army officer corps.
A greater number of Indians were now enfranchised, although, for voting at the
national level, they constituted only 10% of the total adult male population, many of
whom were still illiterate. In the provincial legislatures, the British continued to
exercise some control by setting aside seats for special interests they considered
cooperative or useful. In particular, rural candidates, generally sympathetic to British
rule and less confrontational, were assigned more seats than their urban counterparts.
Seats were also reserved for non-Brahmins, landowners, businessmen, and college
graduates. The principal of "communal representation", an integral part of the Minto–
Morley Reforms, and more recently of the Congress-Muslim League Lucknow Pact,
was reaffirmed, with seats being reserved for Muslims, Sikhs, Indian Christians,
Anglo-Indians, and domiciled Europeans, in both provincial and Imperial legislative
councils. The Montagu–Chelmsford reforms offered Indians the most significant
opportunity yet for exercising legislative power, especially at the provincial level;
however, that opportunity was also restricted by the still limited number of eligible
voters, by the small budgets available to provincial legislatures, and by the presence of
rural and special interest seats that were seen as instruments of British control. Its
scope was unsatisfactory to the Indian political leadership, famously expressed by
Annie Besant as something "unworthy of England to offer and India to accept". The
Rowlatt Committee presented its report in July 1918 and identified three regions of
conspiratorial insurgency: Bengal, the Bombay presidency, and the Punjab. To combat
subversive acts in these regions, the committee recommended that the government
use emergency powers akin to its wartime authority, which included the ability to try
cases of sedition by a panel of three judges and without juries, exaction of securities
from suspects, governmental overseeing of residences of suspects, and the power for
provincial governments to arrest and detain suspects in short-term detention facilities
and without trial.
With the end of World War I, there was also a change in the economic climate. By the
end of 1919, 1.5 million Indians had served in the armed services in either combatant
or non-combatant roles, and India had provided £146 million in revenue for the war.
The increased taxes coupled with disruptions in both domestic and international trade
had the effect of approximately doubling the index of overall prices in India between
1914 and 1920. Returning war veterans, especially in the Punjab, created a growing
unemployment crisis, and post-war inflation led to food riots in Bombay, Madras, and
Bengal provinces, a situation that was made only worse by the failure of the 1918–19
monsoon and by profiteering and speculation. The global influenza epidemic and the
Bolshevik Revolution of 1917 added to the general jitters; the former among the

population already experiencing economic woes, and the latter among government
officials, fearing a similar revolution in India.
To combat what it saw as a coming crisis, the government now drafted the Rowlatt
committee's recommendations into two Rowlatt Bills. Although the bills were
authorised for legislative consideration by Edwin Montagu, they were done so
unwillingly, with the accompanying declaration, "I loathe the suggestion at first sight
of preserving the Defence of India Act in peacetime to such an extent as Rowlatt and
his friends think necessary." In the ensuing discussion and vote in the Imperial
Legislative Council, all Indian members voiced opposition to the bills. The
Government of India was, nevertheless, able to use of its "official majority" to ensure
passage of the bills early in 1919. However, what it passed, in deference to the Indian
opposition, was a lesser version of the first bill, which now allowed extrajudicial
powers, but for a period of exactly three years and for the prosecution solely of
"anarchical and revolutionary movements", dropping entirely the second bill involving
modification the Indian Penal Code. Even so, when it was passed, the new Rowlatt Act
aroused widespread indignation throughout India, and brought Gandhi to the
forefront of the nationalist movement.
1919–1939: Jallianwala, non-cooperation, GOI Act 1935
The Jallianwala Bagh massacre or "Amritsar massacre", took place in the Jallianwala
Bagh public garden in the predominantly Sikh northern city of Amritsar. After days of
unrest Brigadier-General Reginald E.H. Dyer forbade public meetings and on Sunday
13 April 1919 fifty British Indian Army soldiers commanded by Dyer began shooting at
an unarmed gathering of thousands of men, women, and children without warning.
Casualty estimates vary widely, with the Government of India reporting 379 dead, with
1,100 wounded. The Indian National Congress estimated three times the number of
dead. Dyer was removed from duty but he became a celebrated hero in Britain among
people with connections to the Raj. Historians consider the episode was a decisive step
towards the end of British rule in India.
In 1920, after the British government refused to back down, Gandhi began his
campaign of non-cooperation, prompting many Indians to return British awards and
honours, to resign from the civil services, and to again boycott British goods. In
addition, Gandhi reorganised the Congress, transforming it into a mass movement and
opening its membership to even the poorest Indians. Although Gandhi halted the non-
cooperation movement in 1922 after the violent incident at Chauri Chaura, the
movement revived again, in the mid-1920s.
The visit, in 1928, of the British Simon Commission, charged with instituting
constitutional reform in India, resulted in widespread protests throughout the
country. Earlier, in 1925, non-violent protests of the Congress had resumed too, this

time in Gujarat, and led by Patel, who organised farmers to refuse payment of
increased land taxes; the success of this protest, the Bardoli Satyagraha, brought
Gandhi back into the fold of active politics.
At its annual session in Lahore, the Indian National Congress, under the presidency of
Jawaharlal Nehru, issued a demand for Purna Swaraj (Hindustani language:
"complete independence"), or Purna Swarajya. The declaration was drafted by the
Congress Working Committee, which included Gandhi, Nehru, Patel, and
Chakravarthi Rajagopalachari. Gandhi subsequently led an expanded movement of
civil disobedience, culminating in 1930 with the Salt Satyagraha, in which thousands
of Indians defied the tax on salt, by marching to the sea and making their own salt by
evaporating seawater. Although, many, including Gandhi, were arrested, the British
government eventually gave in, and in 1931 Gandhi travelled to London to negotiate
new reform at the Round Table Conferences.
In local terms, British control rested on the Indian Civil Service (ICS), but it faced
growing difficulties. Fewer and fewer young men in Britain were interested in joining,
and the continuing distrust of Indians resulted in a declining base in terms of quality
and quantity. By 1945 Indians were numerically dominant in the ICS and at issue was
divided loyalty between the Empire and independence. The finances of the Raj
depended on land taxes, and these became problematic in the 1930s. Epstein argues
that after 1919 it became harder and harder to collect the land revenue. The Raj's
suppression of civil disobedience after 1934 temporarily increased the power of the
revenue agents but after 1937 they were forced by the new Congress-controlled
provincial governments to hand back confiscated land. Again the outbreak of war
strengthened them, in the face of the Quit India movement the revenue collectors had
to rely on military force and by 1946–47 direct British control was rapidly disappearing
in much of the countryside.
In 1935, after the Round Table Conferences, Parliament passed the Government of
India Act 1935, which authorised the establishment of independent legislative
assemblies in all provinces of British India, the creation of a central government
incorporating both the British provinces and the princely states, and the protection of
Muslim minorities. The future Constitution of independent India was based on this
act. However, it divided the electorate into 19 religious and social categories, e.g.,
Muslims, Sikhs, Indian Christians, Depressed Classes, Landholders, Commerce and
Industry, Europeans, Anglo-Indians, etc., each of which was given separate
representation in the Provincial Legislative Assemblies. A voter could cast a vote only
for candidates in his own category.
The 1935 Act provided for more autonomy for Indian provinces, with the goal of
cooling off nationalist sentiment. The act provided for a national parliament and an
executive branch under the purview of the British government, but the rulers of the

princely states managed to block its implementation. These states remained under the
full control of their hereditary rulers, with no popular government. To prepare for
elections Congress built up its grass roots membership from 473,000 in 1935 to 4.5
million in 1939.
In the 1937 elections Congress won victories in seven of the eleven provinces of British
India. Congress governments, with wide powers, were formed in these provinces. The
widespread voter support for the Indian National Congress surprised Raj officials, who
previously had seen the Congress as a small elitist body. The British separated Burma
Province from British India in 1937 and granted the colony a new constitution calling
for a fully elected assembly, with many powers given to the Burmese, but this proved
to be a divisive issue as a ploy to exclude Burmese from any further Indian reforms.
1939–1945: World War II
With the outbreak of World War II in 1939, the viceroy, Lord Linlithgow, declared war
on India's behalf without consulting Indian leaders, leading the Congress provincial
ministries to resign in protest. The Muslim League, in contrast, supported Britain in
the war effort and maintained its control of the government in three major provinces,
Bengal, Sind and the Punjab.
While the Muslim League had been a small elite group in 1927 with only 1300
members, it grew rapidly once it became an organisation that reached out to the
masses, reaching 500,000 members in Bengal in 1944, 200,000 in Punjab, and
hundreds of thousands elsewhere. Jinnah now was well positioned to negotiate with
the British from a position of power. Jinnah repeatedly warned that Muslims would
be unfairly treated in an independent India dominated by the Congress. On 24 March
1940 in Lahore, the League passed the "Lahore Resolution", demanding that, "the
areas in which the Muslims are numerically in majority as in the North-Western and
Eastern zones of India should be grouped to constitute independent states in which
the constituent units shall be autonomous and sovereign." Although there were other
important national Muslim politicians such as Congress leader Ab'ul Kalam Azad, and
influential regional Muslim politicians such as A. K. Fazlul Huq of the leftist Krishak
Praja Party in Bengal, Fazl-i-Hussain of the landlord-dominated Punjab Unionist
Party, and Abd al-Ghaffar Khan of the pro-Congress Khudai Khidmatgar (popularly,
"red shirts") in the North West Frontier Province, the British, over the next six years,
were to increasingly see the League as the main representative of Muslim India.
The Congress was secular and strongly opposed to having any religious state. It
insisted there was a natural unity to India, and repeatedly blamed the British for
"divide and rule" tactics based on prompting Muslims to think of themselves as alien
from Hindus. Jinnah rejected the notion of a united India, and emphasised that

religious communities were more basic than an artificial nationalism. He proclaimed
the Two-Nation Theory, stating at Lahore on 23 March 1940:
are not religions in the strict sense of the word, but are, in fact, different and
distinct social orders and it is a dream that the Hindus and Muslims can ever
evolve a common nationality ... The Hindu and Muslim belong to two different
religions, philosophies, social customs and literature . They neither intermarry
nor interdine together and indeed they belong to two different civilizations
which are based mainly on conflicting ideas and conceptions. Their aspects on
life and of life are different ... To yoke together two such nations under a single
state, one as a numerical minority and the other as a majority must lead to
growing discontent and final destruction of any fabric that may be so built up
for the government of such a state.
While the regular Indian army in 1939 included about 220,000 native troops, it
expanded tenfold during the war, and small naval and air force units were created.
Over two million Indians volunteered for military service in the British Army. They
played a major role in numerous campaigns, especially in the Middle East and North
Africa. Casualties were moderate (in terms of the world war), with 24,000 killed;
64,000 wounded; 12,000 missing (probably dead), and 60,000 captured at Singapore
in 1942.
London paid most of the cost of the Indian Army, which had the effect of erasing
India's national debt; it ended the war with a surplus of £1,300 million. In addition,
heavy British spending on munitions produced in India (such as uniforms, rifles,
machine-guns, field artillery, and ammunition) led to a rapid expansion of industrial
output, such as textiles (up 16%), steel (up 18%), and chemicals (up 30%). Small
warships were built, and an aircraft factory opened in Bangalore. The railway system,
with 700,000 employees, was taxed to the limit as demand for transportation soared.
The British government sent the Cripps mission in 1942 to secure Indian nationalists'
co-operation in the war effort in exchange for a promise of independence as soon as
the war ended. Top officials in Britain, most notably Prime Minister Winston
Churchill, did not support the Cripps Mission and negotiations with the Congress soon
broke down.
Congress launched the Quit India Movement in July 1942 demanding the immediate
withdrawal of the British from India or face nationwide civil disobedience. On 8
August the Raj arrested all national, provincial and local Congress leaders, holding
tens of thousands of them until 1945. The country erupted in violent demonstrations
led by students and later by peasant political groups, especially in Eastern United
Provinces, Bihar, and western Bengal. The large wartime British Army presence

crushed the movement in a little more than six weeks; nonetheless, a portion of the
movement formed for a time an underground provisional government on the border
with Nepal. In other parts of India, the movement was less spontaneous and the
protest less intensive; however, it lasted sporadically into the summer of 1943.
Earlier, Subhas Chandra Bose, who had been a leader of the younger, radical, wing of
the Indian National Congress in the late 1920s and 1930s, had risen to become
Congress President from 1938 to 1939. However, he was ousted from the Congress in
1939 following differences with the high command, and subsequently placed under
house arrest by the British before escaping from India in early 1941. He turned to Nazi
Germany and Imperial Japan for help in gaining India's independence by force. With
Japanese support, he organised the Indian National Army, composed largely of Indian
soldiers of the British Indian Army who had been captured by the Japanese in the
Battle of Singapore. As the war turned against them, the Japanese came to support a
number of puppet and provisional governments in the captured regions, including
those in Burma, the Philippines and Vietnam, and in addition, the Provisional
Government of Azad Hind, presided by Bose.
Bose's effort, however, was short-lived. In mid-1944 the British Army first halted and
then reversed the Japanese U-Go offensive, beginning the successful part of the Burma
Campaign. Bose's Indian National Army largely disintegrated during the subsequent
fighting in Burma, with its remaining elements surrendering with the recapture of
Singapore in September 1945. Bose died in August from third degree burns received
after attempting to escape in an overloaded Japanese plane which crashed in Taiwan,
which many Indians believe did not happen. Although Bose was unsuccessful, he
roused patriotic feelings in India.
1946–1947: Independence, Partition
In January 1946, a number of mutinies broke out in the armed services, starting with
that of RAF servicemen frustrated with their slow repatriation to Britain. The mutinies
came to a head with mutiny of the Royal Indian Navy in Bombay in February 1946,
followed by others in Calcutta, Madras, and Karachi. Although the mutinies were
rapidly suppressed, they had the effect of spurring the new Labour government in
Britain to action, and leading to the Cabinet Mission to India led by the secretary of
state for India, Lord Pethick Lawrence, and including Sir Stafford Cripps, who had
visited four years before.
Also in early 1946, new elections were called in India. Earlier, at the end of the war in
1945, the colonial government had announced the public trial of three senior officers
of Bose's defeated Indian National Army who stood accused of treason. Now as the
trials began, the Congress leadership, although ambivalent towards the INA, chose to
defend the accused officers. The subsequent convictions of the officers, the public

outcry against the convictions, and the eventual remission of the sentences, created
positive propaganda for the Congress, which only helped in the party's subsequent
electoral victories in eight of the eleven provinces. The negotiations between the
Congress and the Muslim League, however, stumbled over the issue of the partition.
Jinnah proclaimed 16 August 1946, Direct Action Day, with the stated goal of
highlighting, peacefully, the demand for a Muslim homeland in British India. The
following day Hindu-Muslim riots broke out in Calcutta and quickly spread
throughout British India. Although the Government of India and the Congress were
both shaken by the course of events, in September, a Congress-led interim government
was installed, with Jawaharlal Nehru as united India's prime minister.
Later that year, the British Exchequer exhausted by the recently concluded World War
II, and the Labour government conscious that it had neither the mandate at home, the
international support, nor the reliability of native forces for continuing to control an
increasingly restless British India, decided to end British rule of India, and in early
1947 Britain announced its intention of transferring power no later than June 1948.
As independence approached, the violence between Hindus and Muslims in the
provinces of Punjab and Bengal continued unabated. With the British army
unprepared for the potential for increased violence, the new viceroy, Louis
Mountbatten, advanced the date for the transfer of power, allowing less than six
months for a mutually agreed plan for independence. With the partition of India, the
end of the British rule in India in August 1947 saw the creation of two separate states
of India and Pakistan.
On 15 August 1947, the new Dominion of Pakistan (later Islamic Republic of Pakistan),
with Muhammad Ali Jinnah as the governor-general; and the Dominion of India, (later
Republic of India) with Jawaharlal Nehru as the prime minister, and the viceroy, Louis
Mountbatten, staying on as its first governor-general came into being; with official
ceremonies taking place in Karachi on 14 August and New Delhi on 15 August. This
was done so that Mountbatten could attend both ceremonies.
The great majority of Indians remained in place with independence, but in border
areas millions of people (Muslim, Sikh, and Hindu) relocated across the newly drawn
borders. In Punjab, where the new border lines divided the Sikh regions in half, there
was much bloodshed; in Bengal and Bihar, where Gandhi's presence assuaged
communal tempers, the violence was more limited. In all, somewhere between
250,000 and 500,000 people on both sides of the new borders, among both the
refugee and resident populations of the three faiths, died in the violence.

1.5
Pakistan Movement
The Pakistan Movement (Urdu: ‫تح‬
ِ
‫ریک‬ ‫پاکستان‬,
romanized: Teḥrīk-e-Pākistān; Bengali: পাকিস্তান
আদদালন, romanized: Pakistan āndōlon) was a
nationalist and political movement in the first
half of the 20th century that aimed for the
creation of Pakistan from the Muslim-majority
areas of British India. It was connected to the
perceived need for self-determination for
Muslims under British rule at the time.
Muhammad Ali Jinnah, a barrister and politician
led this movement after the Lahore Resolution
was passed by All-India Muslim League on the 23 March 1940 and Ashraf Ali Thanwi
as a religious scholar supported it.
The Aligarh Movement, under the leadership of Sir Syed Ahmed Khan, was
instrumental in establishing a base for the Pakistan Movement, and later providing
the newly formed country with its ruling elite. Soon thereafter, the All-India Muslim
League was formed, which perhaps marked the beginning of the Pakistan Movement.
Many of the top leadership of the movement were educated in Great Britain with many
of them educated at the Aligarh Muslim University. Many graduates of the University
of Dhaka soon also joined. The driving force behind the Pakistan Movement was the
Muslim community of the Muslim minority provinces, such as the United Provinces,
rather than that of the Muslim majority provinces.
The Pakistan Movement was a part of the Indian independence movement, but
eventually it also sought to establish a new nation-state that protected the political
interests of Muslims of British India. Urdu poets such as Iqbal and Faiz used literature,
poetry and speech as a powerful tool for political awareness. Iqbal is called the spiritual
father of this movement. The Deobandis, who were organized as the Jamiat Ulema-e-
Hind led by Hussain Ahmed Madani, were convinced by composite nationalism and
called for a united India. Ashraf Ali Thanwi and his followers dissented from the
Deobandi ulema; Thanwi's disciples Shabbir Ahmad Usmani and Zafar Ahmad
Usmani were key players in religious support for the creation of Pakistan. The
dissenting group of Ulama, led by Shabbir Ahmad Usmani, left the Jamiat Ulema-e-
Hind to form the Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam, which gave their support to the movement
for an independent Pakistan. Acknowledging the services of these ulema, Usmani was
honoured to raise the flag of Pakistan in Karachi and Zafar Ahmad Usmani, in Dhaka.
Despite political obstacles and social difficulties, the movement was successful in
culminating Pakistan on 14 August 1947, which also resulted in partition of India and
Minar-e-Pakistan, where the bill
of Lahore Resolution was passed

the creation of two separate states. Land boundaries and population demographics of
West Pakistan (present-day Pakistan), East Pakistan (present-day Bangladesh) and
India are among the primary achievements of the Pakistan Movement. Not all Muslims
of colonial India supported the Pakistan Movement and there was widespread
opposition to the partition of India.
History of the movement
Background
During the early 19th century, Lord Macaulay's radical and influential educational
reforms led to numerous changes to the introduction and teaching of Western
languages (e.g. English and Latin), history, and philosophy. Religious studies and the
Arabic, Turkish, and Persian languages were completely barred from the state
universities. In a short span of time, the English language had become not only the
medium of instruction but also the official language in 1835 in place of Persian,
disadvantaging those who had built their careers around the latter language.
Traditional Hindu and Islamic studies were no longer supported by the British Crown,
and nearly all of the madrasahs lost their waqf (lit. financial endowment).
Renaissance vision
Very few Muslim families had their children sent to English universities. On the other
hand, the effects of the Bengali Renaissance made the Hindu population more
educated and enabled them to gain lucrative positions at the Indian Civil Service;
many ascended to the influential posts in the British government. In 1930,
Muhammad Iqbal delivered his famous speech in the Allahabad annual session which
is commonly regarded as sowing the seeds for the creation of a separate state, later
known as Pakistan.
Class conflict was coloured in a religious shade, as the Muslims were generally
agriculturists and soldiers, while Hindus were increasingly seen as successful
financiers and businessmen. Therefore, according to the historian Spear, "an
industrialised India meant a Hindu India" to the Muslims. Syed Ahmed Khan
converted the existing cultural and religious entity among Indian Muslims into a
separatist political force, throwing a Western cloak of nationalism over the Islamic
concept of culture. The distinct sense of value, culture and tradition among Indian
Muslims originated from the nature of Islamization of the Indian populace during the
Muslim conquests in the Indian subcontinent.
Rise of organised movement
The success of the All India Muhammadan Educational Conference as a part of the
Aligarh Movement, the All-India Muslim League, was established with the support

provided by Syed Ahmad Khan in 1906. It was founded in Dhaka in a response to the
reintegration of Bengal after a mass Hindu protest took place in the subcontinent.
Earlier in 1905, viceroy Lord Curzon partitioned Bengal, which was favoured by the
Muslims, since it gave them a Muslim majority in the eastern half.
In 1909 Lord Minto promulgated the Council Act and met with a Muslim delegation
led by Aga Khan III, a deal to which Minto agreed. The delegation consisted of 35
members, who each represented their respective region proportionately.
Until 1937 the Muslim League had remained an organisation of elite Indian Muslims.
The Muslim League leadership then began mass mobilisation and the League then
became a popular party with the Muslim masses in the 1940s, especially after the
Lahore Resolution. Under Jinnah's leadership its membership grew to over two
million and became more religious and even separatist in its outlook. The Muslim
League's earliest base was the United Provinces. From 1937 onwards, the Muslim
League and Jinnah attracted large crowds throughout India in its processions and
strikes.
Lahore Resolution
The Lahore Resolution marked the beginning of the Pakistan movement. At the 27th
annual Muslim League session in 1940 at Lahore's Iqbal Park where about 100,000
people gathered to hear Jinnah speak:
Hindus and Muslims belong to two different religions, philosophies, social
customs, and literature... It is quite clear that Hindus and Muslims derive their
inspiration from different sources of history. They have different epics,
different heroes, and different episodes... To yoke together two such nations
under a single state, one as a numerical minority and the other as a majority
must lead to growing discontent and final destruction of any fabric that may be
so built up for the government of such a state.
At Lahore the Muslim League formally committed itself to create an independent
Muslim state, including Sindh, Punjab, Baluchistan, the North West Frontier Province
and Bengal, that would be "wholly autonomous and sovereign". The resolution
guaranteed protection for non-Muslims. The Lahore Resolution, moved by the sitting
Chief Minister of Bengal A. K. Fazlul Huq, was adopted on 23 March 1940, and its
principles formed the foundation for Pakistan's first constitution.
In opposition to the Lahore Resolution, the All India Azad Muslim Conference
gathered in Delhi in April 1940 to voice its support for a united India. Its members

included several Islamic organisations in India, as well as 1400 nationalist Muslim
delegates.
C. R. formula and Cabinet Mission
Talks were held between Muhammad Ali Jinnah and Mahatma Gandhi in 1944. Jinnah
negotiated as the representative of the Muslims. Gandhi rejected and insisted that the
Indian National Congress alone represented all of India, including Muslims. Gandhi
proposed the C.R Formula, which sought to first achieve independence from the
British and then settle the issue of Pakistan through a plebiscite in Muslim majority
districts in which the non-Muslims would also vote. Jinnah rejected both postponing
decision on partition of British India and the formula in favor of the immediate
creation of Pakistan.
In 1945 and 1946 general and provincial elections were held in India respectively. The
Muslim League of Jinnah secured most of the Muslim vote in both elections. Jinnah
interpreted the results as the entire Muslim nation's demand for partition and a
separate state of Pakistan. Congress was forced to recognise the Muslim League as the
sole representative of the Muslims.
The same year the British sent a delegation to India to determine its constitutional
status and to address the Hindu-Muslim differences. The delegation proposed a plan
that three groups in India be formed. One would consist of the Muslim majority
Northwest zone, another would consist of the Hindu majority center and the
remaining, Eastern zone of India. The proposal further contemplated the
independence of Muslim majority provinces after ten years of Indian Independence.
An interim government was to be set up until independence.
The Congress Party rejected the separation of the provinces but agreed to the
formation of an interim government. The plan stated that whichever party will agree
to the whole of the plan will be allowed to form the interim government which would
be established after the General elections in 1946.
Jinnah decided to agree to the plan. The British still invited the Congress to form a
government with the Muslim League and the Viceroy of India assigned the Office of
Prime minister to Nehru of the Indian National Congress.
World War II

On 3 September 1939, British Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain declared the
commencement of war with Germany. Shortly thereafter, Viceroy Lord Linlithgow
followed suit and announced that India too was at war with Germany.
In 1939, the Congress leaders resigned from all British India government positions to
which they had elected. The Muslim League celebrated the end of the Congress-led
British Indian government, with Jinnah famously declaring it "a day of deliverance
and thanksgiving". In a secret memorandum to the British Prime Minister, the Muslim
League agreed to support the United Kingdom's war efforts—provided that the British
recognise it as the only organisation that spoke for Indian Muslims.
Following the Congress's effective protest against the United Kingdom unilaterally
involving India in the war without consulting with them, the Muslim League went on
to support the British war efforts, which allowed them to actively go against the
Congress with the argument of "Islam in Danger".
The Indian Congress and Muslim League responded differently over the World War II
issue. The Indian Congress refused to support the British unless the whole Indian
subcontinent was granted independence. The Muslim League, on the other hand,
supported Britain both politically and via human contributions. The Muslim League
leaders' British education, training, and philosophical ideas helped bring the British
government and the Muslim League closer to each other. Jinnah himself supported
the British in World War II when the Congress failed to collaborate. The British
government made a pledge to the Muslims in 1940 that it would not transfer power to
an Independent India unless its constitution was first approved by the Indian
Muslims, a promise it did not subsequently keep.
The end of the war
In 1942, Gandhi called for the Quit India Movement against the United Kingdom. On
the other hand, the Muslim League advised Prime Minister Winston Churchill that
Great Britain should "divide and then Quit". Negotiations between Gandhi and Viceroy
Wavell failed, as did talks between Jinnah and Gandhi in 1944. When World War II
ended, the Muslim League's push for the Pakistan Movement and Gandhi's efforts for
Indian independence intensified the pressure on Prime Minister Churchill. Given the
rise of American and Russian dominance in world politics and the general unrest in
India, Wavell called for general elections to be held in 1945.
In the 1940s, Jinnah emerged as a leader of the Indian Muslims and was popularly
known as Quaid-e-Azam (‘Great Leader’). The general elections held in 1945 for the
Constituent Assembly of British Indian Empire, the Muslim League secured and won
434 out of 496 seats reserved for Muslims (and about 87.5% of Muslim votes) on a

policy of creating an independent state of Pakistan, and with an implied threat of
secession if this was not granted. The Congress which was led by Gandhi and Nehru
remained adamantly opposed to dividing India. The partition seems to have been
inevitable after all, one of the examples being Lord Mountbatten's statement on
Jinnah: "There was no argument that could move him from his consuming
determination to realize the impossible dream of Pakistan."
American historian Stephen P. Cohen writes in The Idea of Pakistan with regards to
the influence of South Asian Muslim nationalism on the Pakistan movement, which he
stated:
...begins with a glorious precolonial state-empire when the Muslims of South
Asia were politically united and culturally, civilizationally, and strategically
dominant. In that era, ethnolinguistic differences were subsumed under a
common vision of an Islamic-inspired social and political order. However, the
divisions among Muslims that did exist were exploited by the British, who
practiced 'divide-and-rule' politics, displacing the Mughals and circumscribing
other Islamic rulers. Moreover, the Hindus were the allies of the British, who
used them to strike a balance with the Muslims; many Hindus, a fundamentally
insecure people, hated Muslims and would have oppressed them in a one-man,
one-vote democratic India. The Pakistan freedom movement united these
disparate pieces of the national puzzle, and Pakistan was the expression of the
national will of India's liberated Muslims.
—Stephen Cohen, The Idea of Pakistan (2004)
1946 elections
The 1946 elections resulted in the Muslim League winning the majority of Muslim
votes and reserved Muslim seats in the Central and provincial assemblies, performing
exceptionally well in Muslim minority provinces such as UP and Bihar, relative to the
Muslim majority provinces of Punjab and NWFP. The Muslim league captured 429 of
the total 492 seats reserved for Muslims. Thus, the 1946 election was effectively a
plebiscite where the Indian Muslims were to vote on the creation of Pakistan; a
plebiscite which the Muslim League won.
This victory was assisted by the support given to the Muslim League by the rural
agriculturalists of Bengal as well as the support of the landowners of Sindh and Punjab.
The Congress, which initially denied the Muslim League's claim of being the sole
representative of Indian Muslims, was now forced to recognise that the Muslim League
represented Indian Muslims. The British had no alternative except to take Jinnah's
views into account as he had emerged as the sole spokesperson for India's Muslims.
However, the British did not desire India to be partitioned and in one last effort to

avoid it they arranged the Cabinet Mission plan. In 1946, the Cabinet Mission Plan
recommended a decentralised but united India; this was accepted by the Muslim
League but rejected by the Congress, thus, leading the way for the Partition of India.
1.6
Bengali language movement
The Bengali language movement (Bengali: ভাষা আদদালন, romanized: Bhasha Andolôn)
was a political movement in former East Bengal (renamed East Pakistan in 1955)
advocating the recognition of the Bengali language as an official language of the then-
Dominion of Pakistan to allow its use in government affairs, the continuation of its use
as a medium of education, its use in media, currency and stamps, and to maintain its
writing in the Bengali script.
When the Dominion of Pakistan was formed after the separation of the Indian
subcontinent in 1947 when the British left, it was composed of various ethnic and
linguistic groups, with the geographically non-contiguous East Bengal province having
a mainly ethnic Bengali population. In 1948, the Government of the Dominion of
Pakistan ordained as part of Islamization and Arabization of East Pakistan or East
Bengal that Urdu will be the sole national language, alternately Bengali writing in
Arabic script or Roman script (Romanisation of Bengali) or Arabic as the state
language of the whole of Pakistan was also proposed, sparking extensive protests
among the Bengali-speaking majority of East Bengal. Facing rising sectarian tensions
and mass discontent with the new law, the government outlawed public meetings and
rallies. The students of the University of Dhaka and other political activists defied the
law and organised a protest on 21 February 1952. The movement reached its climax
when police killed student demonstrators on that day. The deaths provoked
widespread civil unrest. After years of conflict, the central government relented and
granted official status to the Bengali language in 1956.
The Language Movement catalysed the assertion of Bengali national identity in East
Bengal and later East Pakistan, and became a forerunner to Bengali nationalist
movements, including the 6-Point Movement and subsequently the Bangladesh
Liberation War and the Bengali Language Implementation Act, 1987. In Bangladesh,
21 February (Ekushey February) is observed as Language Movement Day, a national
holiday. The Shaheed Minar monument was constructed near Dhaka Medical College

in memory of the movement and its victims. In 1999, UNESCO declared 21 February
as International Mother Language Day, in tribute to the Language Movement and the
ethnolinguistic rights of people around the world.
Background
The present-day nations of Pakistan and Bangladesh were part of an undivided India
during the British colonial rule. From the mid-19th century, the Urdu language had
been promoted as the lingua franca of Indian Muslims by political and religious
leaders, such as Sir Khwaja Salimullah, Sir Syed Ahmed Khan, Nawab Viqar-ul-Mulk
and Maulvi Abdul Haq. Urdu is a Central Indo-Aryan language of the Indo-Iranian
branch, closely related to Hindi and belonging to the Indo-European family of
languages. It developed under Persian, Arabic and Turkic influence on apabhramshas
(last linguistic stage of the medieval Indian Aryan language Pali–Prakrit) in South Asia
during the Delhi Sultanate and Mughal Empire. With its Perso-Arabic script, the
language was considered a vital element of the Islamic culture for Indian Muslims;
Hindi and the Devanagari script were seen as fundamentals of Hindu culture.
While the use of Urdu grew common with Muslims in northern India, the Muslims of
Bengal (a province in the eastern part of the British Indian sub-continent) primarily
used the Bengali language. Bengali is an Eastern Indo-Aryan language that arose from
the eastern Middle Indic languages around 1000 CE and developed considerably with
a rich literature, history and cultural identity. Unlike many other Indic Languages,
Bengali got patronage from the States and Empires in the Middle Ages. During the
Bengal Renaissance, the modern Bengali literature developed its stronghold. Bengalis
irrespective of religious identity used Bengali language. Supporters of Bengali opposed
Urdu even before the partition of India, when delegates from Bengal rejected the idea
of making Urdu the lingua franca of Muslim India in the 1937 Lucknow session of the
Muslim League. The Muslim League was a British Indian political party that became
the driving force behind the creation of Pakistan as a Muslim state separate from
British India.
Early stages of the movement
After the partition of India in 1947, Bengali-speaking people in East Bengal, the non-
contiguous eastern part of the Dominion of Pakistan, made up 44 million of the newly
formed Dominion of Pakistan's 69 million people. The Dominion of Pakistan's
government, civil services, and military, however, were dominated by personnel from
the western wing of the Dominion of Pakistan. In November 1947, a key resolution at
a national education summit in Karachi advocated Urdu and English as the sole state
languages. Opposition and protests arose immediately. Students from Dhaka rallied
under the leadership of Abul Kashem, the secretary of Tamaddun Majlish, a Bengali
Islamic cultural organisation. The meeting stipulated Bengali as an official language
of the Dominion of Pakistan and as a medium of education in East Bengal. However,

the Pakistan Public Service Commission removed Bengali from the list of approved
subjects, as well as from currency notes and stamps. The central education minister
Fazlur Rahman made extensive preparations to make Urdu the only state language of
the Dominion of Pakistan. Public outrage spread, and many Bengali students met on
the University of Dhaka campus on 8 December 1947 to formally demand that Bengali
be made an official language. To promote their cause, Bengali students organised
processions and rallies in Dhaka.
Leading Bengali scholars argued why Urdu should not be the only state language. The
writer Abul Mansur Ahmed said if Urdu became the state language, the educated
society of East Bengal would become 'illiterate' and 'ineligible' for government
positions. The first Rastrabhasa Sangram Parishad (National Language Action
Committee), an organisation in favour of Bengali as a state language was formed
towards the end of December 1947. Professor Nurul Huq Bhuiyan of the Tamaddun
Majlish convened the committee. Later, Parliament member Shamsul Huq convened
a new committee to push for Bengali as a state language.
Dhirendranath Datta's proposal
Assembly member Dhirendranath Datta proposed legislation in the Constituent
Assembly of Pakistan to allow members to speak in Bengali and authorise its use for
official purposes. Datta's proposal was supported by legislators Prem Hari Burman,
Bhupendra Kumar Datta and Sris Chandra Chattaopadhyaya of East Bengal, as well as
the people from the region. Prime minister Liaquat Ali Khan and the Muslim League
denounced the proposal as an attempt to divide the Pakistani people, thus the
legislation was defeated.
Fazlur Rahman's proposal
Since the partition of the country in 1947, the Union Minister representing East
Pakistan Fazlur Rahman campaigned for the implementation of Bengali language
written in Arabic script (Bengali language with the "Hurful Qur'an"). At the Nikhil
Pakistan Teachers' Conference held in Karachi on 29 December 1948, Fazlur Rahman
proposed to write Bengali in Arabic script for the sake of Islamization of the language.
East Bengal Provincial Education Department Secretary Fazle Ahmad Karim Fazli was
one of the main initiators of the effort to introduce the Arabic alphabet in Bengal. Both
Karim Fazli and Fazlur Rahman established a society called 'Hurful Qur'an Samity'
with a Maulana named Zulfikar Ali of Chittagong and tried to form a movement to
introduce Arabic letters in Bengal through him. Abdul Hakim, the former director of
the East-Bengal Education Department said; "Some funny legends are heard in Dhaka
about a Bengali Wazir Sahib's own knowledge of Urdu. He wanted to fulfill his ardent
desire to beautify the in order to be admired by the all-powerful Urdu Mahal of the
Centre. For this purpose, a sum of Rs. 35,000 per annum for the publication of books
was arranged to hand over the central sanction to the aforesaid Provincial Education
Secretary.” In response, Muhammad Shahidullah opposed the proposal, fearing

further complications, and advocated making Bengali unchanged as the state language
of East Bengal and one of the state languages of Pakistan.
Proposal for Romanisation of Bengali
During that time, romanization of Bengali was also proposed along with other
proposals regarding the determination of the state language of Pakistan. After 1947,
many other East Pakistani academics, including Muhammad Qudrat-i-Khuda and
Nazirul Islam Mohammad Sufian, supported the idea of writing Bengali in Roman
script. In 1948, Mohammad Ferdous Khan opposed it in his pamphlet "The language
problem of today".
Abul Fazl Muhammad Akhtar-ud-Din supported the Roman alphabet in his article
entitled "Bangla Bornomalar Poribortton" (বাাংলা বর্ ণ
মালার পররবর্ত্ণন, Changes in the
Bengali Alphabet) published in Daily Azad on 18 April 1949.
The romanisation proposal continued on even after 1952. In 1957, the East Pakistan
Education Commission recommended the use of the revised Roman script in adult
education.
Around 1957–1958, there was a significant demand for the use of Roman letters again.
At that time Muhammad Abdul Hai and Muhammad Enamul Haque opposed it.
Agitations of 1948
Students of the University of Dhaka and other colleges of the city organised a general
strike on 11 March 1948 to protest the omission of Bengali language from official use,
including coins, stamps and recruitment tests for the navy. The movement restated
the demand that Bengali be declared an official language of the Dominion of Pakistan.
Political leaders such as Shamsul Huq, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, Shawkat Ali, M
Sirajul Islam, Kazi Golam Mahboob, Oli Ahad, Abdul Wahed and others were arrested
during the rallies. Rally leader Mohammad Toaha was hospitalised after attempting to
snatch a rifle from a police officer. Student leaders, including Abdul Matin and Abdul
Malek Ukil took part in the procession.
Agreement with Khwaja Nazimuddin
In the afternoon of 11 March, a meeting was held to protest police brutality and arrests.
A group of students marching towards the chief minister Khawaja Nazimuddin's house
was stopped in front of the Dhaka High Court. The rally changed its direction and
moved in the direction of the Secretariat building. Police attacked the procession
injuring several students and leaders, including A. K. Fazlul Huq. Continuing strikes
were observed the following four days. Under such circumstances, the chief minister

Nazimuddin signed an accord with the student leaders agreeing to some terms and
conditions, without complying to the demand that Bengali be made a state language.
Liaquat Ali Khan's visit to Dhaka
On November 18, 1948, the first Prime Minister of Pakistan Liaquat Ali Khan visited
East Pakistan. On November 27, he addressed a student meeting at the playground of
Dhaka University. In that meeting, the demand for Bengali language in the certificate
issued by the Dhaka University Central Student Union was again raised, but he
refrained from making any comments. In a meeting of the National Language Working
Council held under the chairmanship of Ataur Rahman Khan on November 17, Aziz
Ahmad, Abul Kashem, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, Kamruddin Ahmed, Abdul Mannan,
Tajuddin Ahmed and others drafted a memorandum and sent it to Prime Minister
Liaquat Ali Khan. The Prime Minister did not respond to this either.
Muhammad Ali Jinnah's visit to Dhaka
In the height of civic unrest, Governor-General of Pakistan Muhammad Ali Jinnah
arrived in Dhaka on 19 March 1948. On 21 March, at a civic reception at Racecourse
Ground, he claimed that the language issue was designed by a "fifth column" to divide
Pakistani Muslims. Jinnah further declared that "Urdu, and only Urdu" embodied the
spirit of Muslim nations and would remain as the state language, labelling those who
disagreed with his views as "Enemies of Pakistan". Jinnah delivered a similar speech
at Curzon Hall of the University of Dhaka on 24 March. At both meetings, Jinnah was
interrupted by large segments of the audience. He later called a meeting of a state
language committee of action, and overruled the contract that was signed by Khawaja
Nazimuddin with the student leaders. Before Jinnah left Dhaka on 28 March, he
delivered a speech on radio reasserting his "Urdu-only" policy.
Proposal for Arabic language
Muhammad Shahidullah believed that Bengalis could learn Urdu at the same time as
learning English, he also believed that: "When Arabic becomes the state language of
Pakistan, the creation of the state of Pakistan will be justified." Therefore, in December
1949, he assumed the presidency of the East Pakistan Arabic Language Association,
approved a draft memorandum to be submitted to the Assembly, where it was
requested to government for Arabic to be made the state language of Pakistan and for
the provision of 'Darse Koran' or Quran teaching in various centers and mosques of
the city. On January 18, 1950, some students of Rajshahi College called a meeting to
demand that Arabic be made the state language. 3 State Bank Governor Zahid Hussain
proposed to make Arabic the state language and this proposal was then supported by
Syed Akbar Shah, member of Sindh Legislative Council and Vice-Chancellor of Sindh
Arabic University. On 1 February 1951 at the session of the World Muslim Conference
in Karachi, the leader of the Ismaili community Aga Khan said, if Arabic is made the
state language of Pakistan, common communication will be established between the
Muslims of the Arab world, North Africa and Indonesia. On February 10, 1951, the

Secretary of the Pakistan Buddhist League, Rabindranath Burmi, issued a statement
opposing these proposals in favor of Urdu instead of Arabic as state language. These
proposals to make Arabic the state language did not gain much support in any part of
Pakistan. However, according to Badruddin Umar, as this demand was related to the
question of development of Islamic culture, it indirectly supported the demand of the
introduction of Arabic script in Bengali language to some extent in some groups.
Proposal by Language Committee
Shortly thereafter, the East Bengal Language Committee, presided by Maulana Akram
Khan, was formed by the East Bengal government to prepare a report on the language
problem.
At 1949, Language Committee of the East-Bengal Government conducted a survey
among teachers, intellectuals, high civil servants, members of the Legislative Council,
according to which, out of 301 respondents, 96 favored the introduction of the Arabic
script, 18 the Roman script and 187 gave opinion in favor of the retention of the Bengali
script. Besides, many people did not give any answer.
The committee produced its report by 6 December 1950; but it was not published
before 1958. Here an effective measure was proposed by the government to solve the
language problem, where they recommended writing Bengali through Arabic
characters.
Events of 1952
The Urdu-Bengali controversy was reignited when Jinnah's successor, governor-
general Khawaja Nazimuddin, staunchly defended the "Urdu-only" policy in a speech
on 27 January 1952. On 31 January, the Shorbodolio Kendrio Rashtrobhasha Kormi
Porishod (All-Party Central Language Action Committee) was formed in a meeting at
the Bar Library Hall of the University of Dhaka, chaired by Maulana Bhashani. The
central government's proposal of writing the Bengali language in Arabic script by East
Pakistan's education secretary Fazlur Rahman was vehemently opposed at the
meeting. The action committee called for an all out protest on 21 February, including
strikes and rallies. In an attempt to prevent the demonstration, the government
imposed Section 144 in Dhaka, thereby banning any gathering.
According to the earlier decision, students of Dhaka University and other educational
institutions gathered at Dhaka University premises on February 4. The rally protested
the proposal to write Bengali in Arabic script and demanded Bengali as the state
language. The students took out a huge demonstration after their assembly.

On February 11, 1952, a long circular (No. 10) titled 'Rashtra Bhashar Andolan' was
promoted to the Secretariat of the Bengali Provincial Organizing Committee before the
Communist Party of Pakistan'. In this circular, the Communist Party's statement, line,
and organizational duties regarding the language movement are clearly indicated.
In accordance with the principles and lines of the State Language Movement laid down
in Party Circular No. 10 of the East Bengal Organizing Committee of the Communist
Party of Pakistan dated February 11, they circulated a cyclostyled manifesto on
February 20, which read, "Respond to the call of the All-Union State Language
Working Committee. Do strike, hartal, meeting and march across the province on 21st
February to demand Bengali as one of the national languages with equal status for all
languages.” This brief manifesto calls for, “English shall no longer be the official
language; Want equality of all languages of Pakistan; Bengalis, Punjabis, Pathans,
Sindhis, Balochs, Urdu speakers etc. have to be given the right to get education in their
own mother tongue and conduct government affairs; We want to make Bengali
language one of the national languages. Instead of English, Urdu, Bengali - the
movement to give equal status to all languages in the state. English made English as
the state language in order to continue the imperialist and feudal system of
exploitation while keeping the various linguistic communities of Pak-India backward.
The League government also adopted English as the state language for the same
purpose; has kept and wants to make the only child the state language. Making one
language the state language will leave the various linguistic communities of Pakistan
backward and will hinder the overall development of Pakistan. Therefore, all the
Bengali, Punjabi, Pathan, Siddhi, Belche, Urdu speaking nations of Pakistan should
come together in the movement to give equal status to the different languages of
Pakistan and make them the state language."
21 February
At nine o'clock in the morning, students began gathering on the University of Dhaka
premises in defiance of Section 144. The university vice-chancellor and other officials
were present as armed police surrounded the campus. By a quarter past eleven,
students gathered at the university gate and attempted to break the police line. Police
fired tear gas shells towards the gate to warn the students. A section of students ran
into the Dhaka Medical College while others rallied towards the university premises
cordoned by the police. The vice-chancellor asked police to stop firing and ordered the
students to leave the area. However, the police arrested several students for violating
section 144 as they attempted to leave. Enraged by the arrests, the students met around
the East Bengal Legislative Assembly and blocked the legislators' way, asking them to
present their insistence at the assembly. When a group of students sought to storm
into the building, police opened fire and killed a number of students, including Abdus
Salam, Rafiq Uddin Ahmed, Shafiur Rahman, Abul Barkat and Abdul Jabbar. The
Government reported that 29 people died in that day. As the news of the killings
spread, disorder erupted across the city. Shops, offices and public transport were shut
down and a general strike began. At the assembly, six legislators including Manoranjan

Dhar, Boshontokumar Das, Shamsuddin Ahmed and Dhirendranath Datta requested
that chief minister Nurul Amin visit wounded students in hospital and that the
assembly be adjourned as a sign of mourning. This motion was supported by some
treasury bench members including Maulana Abdur Rashid Tarkabagish, Shorfuddin
Ahmed, Shamsuddin Ahmed Khondokar and Mosihuddin Ahmed. However, Nurul
Amin refused the requests.
On the same day, the East Bengal Organizing Committee of the East Pakistan
Communist Party circulated a cyclostyled manifesto entitled "To build a united East
Bengal Tumdal United Movement against the barbaric killings of the tyrant Nurul
Amin Sarkar", calling on all institutions and the multi-lingual public of Pakistan,
regardless of party affiliation. Support is invited for the following demands:
1. Leaving chair by Nazim Nurul Amin Sarkar
2. Want to make Bengali one of the national languages immediately
3. We want the punishment of the killer, we want a private commission of inquiry,
we want full compensation for the dead and injured.
4. Seek immediate release of all political prisoners,
5. Demand withdrawal of Security Act, Section 144 and all repressive laws.
22 February
Disorder spread across the province as large processions ignored section 144 and
condemned the actions of the police. More than 30,000 people congregated at Curzon
Hall in Dhaka. During the continued protests, police actions led to the death of four
more people. This prompted officers and clerks from different organisations, including
colleges, banks and the radio station, to boycott offices and join the procession.
Protesters burned the offices of two leading pro-government news agencies, the
Jubilee Press and the Morning News. Police fired on a major janaza, or mourning rally,
as it was passing through Nawabpur Road. The shooting killed several people
including activist Sofiur Rahman and a nine-year-old boy named Ohiullah.
Through the night of 23 February, students of Dhaka Medical College worked on the
construction of a Shaheed Smritistombho, or Monument of Martyrs. Completed at
dawn on 24 February, the monument had a handwritten note attached to it with the
words "Shaheed Smritistombho". Inaugurated by the father of the slain activist Sofiur
Rahman, the monument was destroyed on 26 February by police. On 25 February,
industrial workers in the town of Narayanganj observed a general strike. A protest
followed on 29 February whose participants faced severe police beating.
The government censored news reports and withheld exact casualty figures during the
protests. Most pro-government media held Hindus and communists responsible for
encouraging the disorder and student unrest. The families of Abul Barkat and Rafiq
Uddin Ahmed tried to charge the police with murder, but the charges were dismissed

by the police. On 8 April government report on the incidents failed to show any
particular justification for police firings on the students.
Reaction in West Pakistan
Although the Language Movement is considered to have laid the foundations for ethnic
nationalism in many of the Bengalis of East Bengal and later East Pakistan, it also
heightened the cultural animosity between the authorities of the two wings of
Pakistan. In the western wing of the Dominion of Pakistan, the movement was seen as
a sectional uprising against Pakistani national interests. The rejection of the "Urdu-
only" policy was seen as a contravention of the Perso-Arabic culture of Muslims and
the founding ideology of Pakistan, the two-nation theory. Some of the most powerful
politicians from the western wing of Pakistan considered Urdu a product of Indian
Islamic culture, but saw Bengali as a part of "Hinduized" Bengali culture. Most stood
by the "Urdu only" policy because they believed that only a single language, one that
was not indigenous to Pakistan, should serve as the national language. This kind of
thinking also provoked considerable opposition in the western wing, wherein there
existed several linguistic groups. As late as in 1967, military dictator Ayub Khan said,
"East Bengal is ... still under considerable Hindu culture and influence."
Aftermath
The Shorbodolio Kendrio Rashtrobhasha Kormi Porishod, with support from the
Awami Muslim League, decided to commemorate 21 February as Shohid Dibosh . On
the first anniversary of the protests, people across East Bengal wore black badges in
solidarity with the victims. Most offices, banks and educational institutions were
closed to observe the occasion. Student groups made agreements with college and
police officials to preserve law and order. More than 100,000 people assembled at a
public meeting held in Dhaka, where community leaders called for the immediate
release of Maulana Bhashani and other political prisoners. However, Pakistani
politicians such as Fazlur Rahman aggravated sectional tensions by declaring that
anyone who wanted Bengali to become an official language would be considered an
"enemy of the state". Bengali students and civilians disobeyed the restrictions to
celebrate the anniversary of the protests. Demonstrations broke out on the night of 21
February 1954 with various halls of the University of Dhaka raising black flags in
mourning.
Worldwide: International Mother Language Day
Bangladesh officially sent a proposal to UNESCO to declare 21 February as
International Mother Language Day. The proposal was supported unanimously at the
30th General Conference of UNESCO held on 17 November 1999.

1.7
Juktafront Election (East Pakistan)
The United Front was a coalition of political parties in East Bengal which contested
and won Pakistan's first provincial general election to the East Bengal Legislative
Assembly. The coalition consisted of the Awami Muslim League, the Krishak Praja
Party, the Ganatantri Dal (Democratic Party) and Nizam-e-Islam. The coalition was
led by three major Bengali populist leaders- A. K. Fazlul Huq, Huseyn Shaheed
Suhrawardy and Maulana Bhashani. The election resulted in a crushing defeat for the
Muslim League. Veteran student leader of East Pakistan Khaleque Nawaz Khan
defeated sitting Prime Minister of East Pakistan Mr. Nurul Amin in Nandail
Constituency of Mymensingh district and created history in political arena. Nurul
Amin's crushing defeat to a 27 years old young Turk of United Front effectively
eliminated the Muslim League from political landscape of the then East Pakistan with
United Front parties securing a landslide victory and gaining 223 seats in the 309-
member assembly. The Awami League emerged as the majority party, with 143 seats.
A. K. Fazlul Huq of the Krishak Praja Party became Chief Minister of East Pakistan
upon the victory of the United Front. The election propelled popular Bengali leaders
into the Pakistani federal government, with leaders such as Hussain Shaheed
Suhrawardy and Abul Mansur Ahmed becoming key federal ministers. In the
provincial government, young leaders such as Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, Yusuf Ali
Chowdhury and Khaleque Nawaz Khan rose to prominence. The United Front
demanded greater provincial autonomy for East Pakistan. It passed a landmark order
for the establishment of the Bangla Academy in Dhaka.
Twenty One Point Programme
Twenty One Point Programme objectives incorporated in the election manifesto of the
united front, an alliance of the opposition political parties, to contest elections of the
East Bengal Legislative Assembly in 1954 against the then party in power, Muslim
league. The United Front was composed of four political parties of East Bengal, namely
Awami Muslim League, Krishak Sramik Party, Nezam-e-Islam and Ganatantri Dal.
The Front was formed on 4 December 1953 by the initiative of AK Fazlul Huq of
Krishak Sramik Party, Maulana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhasani and Huseyn Shaheed
Suhrawardy of Awami Muslim League.
The 21-point package programme in the election manifesto adopted by the United
Front runs as follows:
1. To recognise Bangla as one of the State Languages of Pakistan;

2. To abolish without compensation zamindari and all rent receiving interest in land,
and to distribute the surplus lands amongst the cultivators; to reduce rent to a fair
level and abolish the certificate system of realising rent;
3. To nationalise the jute trade and bring it under the direct control of the government
of East Bengal, secure fair price of jute to the growers and to investigate into the jute-
bungling during the Muslim League regime to punish those found responsible for it;
4. To introduce co-operative farming in agriculture and to develop cottage industries
with full government subsidies;
5. To start salt industry (both small and large scale) to make East Bengal self-sufficient
in the supply of salt, and to investigate into the salt-bungling during the Muslim
League regime to punish the offenders;
6. To rehabilitate immediately all the poor refugees belonging to the artisan and
technician class;
7. To protect the country from flood and famine by means of digging canals and
improving irrigation system;
8. To make the country self-sufficient by modernising the method of cultivation and
industrialisation, and to ensure the rights of the labourer as per ILO Convention;
9. To introduce free and compulsory primary education throughout the country and to
arrange for just pay and allowances to the teachers;
10. To restructure the entire education system, introduce mother tongue as the
medium of instruction, remove discrimination between government and private
schools and to turn all the schools into government aided institutions;
11. To repeal all reactionary laws including those of the Dhaka and Rajshahi
Universities and to make them autonomous institutions; to make education cheaper
and easily available to the people;
12. To curtail the cost of administration and to rationalise the pay scale of high and low
paid government servants. The ministers shall not receive more than 1000 taka as
monthly salary;
13. To take steps to eradicate corruption, nepotism and bribery, and with this end in
view, to take stocks of the properties of all government officers and businessmen from
1940 onward and forfeit all properties the acquisition of which is not satisfactorily
accounted for;
14. To repeal all Safety and Preventive Detention Acts and release all prisoners
detained without trial, and try in open court persons involved in anti-state activities;
to safeguard the rights of the press and of holding meetings;
15. To separate the judiciary from the executive;
16. To locate the residence of the chief minister of the United Front at a less costly
house, and to convert Burdwan House into a students hostel now, and later, into an
institute for research on Bangla language and literature;

17. To erect a monument in memory of the martyrs of the Language Movement on the
spot where they were shot dead, and to pay compensation to the families of the
martyrs;
18. To declare 21 February as ‘Shaheed Day’ and a public holiday;
19. The Lahore Resolution proposed full autonomy of East Bengal leaving defence,
foreign affairs and currency under the central government. In the matter of defence,
arrangements shall be made to set the headquarters of the army in West Pakistan and
the naval headquarters in East Bengal and to establish ordnance factories in East
Bengal, and to transform Ansar force into a full-fledged militia equipped with arms;
20. The United Front Ministry shall on no account extend the tenure of the Legislature
and shall resign six months before the general elections to facilitate free and fair
elections under an Election Commission;
21. All casual vacancies in the Legislature shall be filled up through by-elections within
three months of the vacancies, and if the nominees of the Front are defeated in three
successive by-elections, ministry shall resign from office.
In the elections of East Bengal Legislative Assembly held in March 1954, the United
Front won 223 seats out of 237 Muslim seats, whereas the ruling Muslim League
managed to bag only 9 seats.
Dissolution of United Front government
However, within weeks of assuming power, the newly elected provincial legislature
was dismissed by Governor-General Ghulam Muhammad, upon accusations against A
K Fazlul Huq of attempting secession. The central government of Pakistan was
alarmed at the United Front's victory and while it instituted Governor General's rule
in East Pakistan, the central government instituted the One Unit plan in West
Pakistan, where they amalgamated all of Pakistan's provinces into one giant province
called West Pakistan to try to prevent the smaller provinces from coordinating with
East Bengal to offset Punjab's overwhelming power in the military and civil
government of Pakistan. The One Unit scheme was essentially an anti-democratic
provocation meant to stop East Bengal from taking advantage of its numerical
superiority. It also alienated the smaller provinces of West Pakistan by robbing the
Sindhis, Baluchis and Pashtuns of their provincial identities. The overthrow of the
United Front government and the creation of the One Unit of West Pakistan alienated
the Bengalis and caused them to demand maximum autonomy or even to secede from
Pakistan.
The dismissal of the United Front was a key turning point in aggravating East
Pakistan's grievances in the Pakistani union, and led Maulana Bhashani to openly call
for separation and independence in 1957, in his Salaam, Pakistan (Farewell, Pakistan)
speech.

1.8
Six point movement
The six point movement was a movement in East Pakistan, spearheaded by Sheikh
Mujibur Rahman, which called for greater autonomy for East Pakistan. The
movement's main agenda was to realize the six demands put forward by a coalition of
Bengali nationalist political parties in 1966, to end the perceived exploitation of East
Pakistan by the West Pakistani rulers. It is considered a milestone on the road to
Bangladesh's independence.
Background
Opposition leaders in East Pakistan called for a national conference on 6 February
1966, to assess the trend of post-Tashkent politics. On 4 February, Sheikh Mujibur
Rahman, along with some members of the Awami League, reached Lahore to attend
the conference. The next day on 5 February, he placed the Six Points before the subject
committee and urged to include the issue in the agenda of next day's conference. The
proposal was rejected and Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was identified as a separatist. On
6 February, Mujib boycotted the conference. On 21 February, the Six Points proposal
was placed before the meeting of the working committee of the Awami League and the
proposal was accepted unanimously.
The reason for proposing the Six Points was to give the East greater autonomy in
Pakistan. Following the partition of India, the new state of Pakistan came into being.
The inhabitants of East Pakistan (later Bangladesh) made up the majority of its
population, and exports from East Pakistan (such as jute) were a majority of Pakistan's
export income. However, East Pakistanis did not feel they had a proportional share of
political power and economic benefits within Pakistan.
East Pakistan was facing a critical situation after being subjected to continuous
discrimination on a regional basis, year after year. As a result, the economists,
intelligentsia, and the politicians of East Pakistan started to raise questions about this
discrimination, giving rise to the historic six-point movement.
The six points
The six points are noted as being:
1. The Constitution should provide for a Federation of Pakistan in its true sense
based on the Lahore Resolution, and the parliamentary form of government
with supremacy of a Legislature directly elected on the basis of universal adult
franchise.

2. The federal government should deal with only two subjects: Defence and
Foreign Affairs, and all other residual subjects should be vested in the
federating states.
3. Two separate, but freely convertible currencies for the two wings should be
introduced; or if this is not feasible, there should be one currency for the whole
country, but effective constitutional provisions should be introduced to stop the
flight of capital from East to West Pakistan. Furthermore, a separate reserve
bank should be established and separate fiscal and monetary policy be adopted
for East Pakistan.
4. The power of taxation and revenue collection should be vested in the federating
units and the federal centre would have no such power. The federation would
be entitled to a share in the state taxes to meet its expenditures.
5. There should be two separate accounts for the foreign exchange earnings of the
two wings; the foreign exchange requirements of the federal government should
be met by the two wings equally or in a ratio to be fixed; indigenous products
should move free of duty between the two wings, and the constitution should
empower the units to establish trade links with foreign countries.
6. East Pakistan should have a separate military or paramilitary force, and Navy
headquarters should be in East Pakistan.
Reception
The proposal was rejected by politicians from West Pakistan and non Awami League
politicians from East Pakistan. It was rejected by the president of the All Pakistan
Awami League, Nawabzada Nasarullah Khan. It was also rejected by the National
Awami Party, Jamaat-i-Islami, and Nizam-i-Islam. The movement had support from
the majority of the population of East Pakistan.
1.9
1969 East Pakistan mass uprising
The 1969 East Pakistan uprising (Bengali: ঊনসত্তদেে গণঅভযুত্থান, lit. '69’s Mass uprising')
was a democratic political uprising in East Pakistan. It was led by the students backed
by various political parties such as the Awami League and National Awami Party and
specially their student wings against Muhammad Ayub Khan, the president of
Pakistan in protest of the military rule, political repressions, Agartala Conspiracy Case
and the incarceration of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and other Bengali nationalists.
The uprising consisted of mass demonstrations and sporadic conflicts between
government armed forces and the demonstrators. Although the unrest began in 1966
with the six point movement of Awami League, it got momentum at the beginning of

1969. It culminated in the resignation of Ayub Khan. The uprising also led to the
withdrawal of the Agartala Conspiracy Case and acquittal of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman
and other defendants.
Background
In October 1958, General Ayub Khan seized power in Pakistan through a coup.
The Agartala Conspiracy Case was filed in 1968 as a sedition case by the government
of Pakistan against Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the then leader of the Awami League and
East Pakistan, and 34 other people. The case is officially called State vs. Sheikh
Mujibur Rahman and others, but are popularly known as Agartala Shoŗojontro Mamla
(Agartala conspiracy case) as the main conspiracy was purported to have taken place
in the Indian city of Agartala in Tripura state, where Sheikh Mujib's associates met
Indian military officials.
Timeline of events in 1969
January
Sarbadaliya Chhatra Sangram Parishad (All Party Students Action Committee) was
formed on 5 January 1969. It was formed through the joining of the East Pakistan
Students' Union (Matia), East Pakistan Chhatra League, East Pakistan Students'
Union (Menon), and student leaders of Dhaka University Students Union (DUCSU).
The Parishad created an Eleven Points Program that was based on the 1965 Six Point
program of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and the Awami League. The Parishad was based
in the University of Dhaka and it became the principal political entity of East Pakistan.
The Parishad spread to different universities in East Pakistan. The Parishad called a
meeting on 17 January despite the Police placing section 144. The police and students
clashed in the streets which injured many students and an EPRTC bus was burnt
down.
7–8 January: Formation of a political coalition named the Democratic Action
Committee (DAC) to restore democracy. The Awami League mobilized against
President Ayub Khan government. Democratic Action Committee spokesman was
Nawabzada Nasrullah Khan. The DAC called for the release of Khan Abdul Wali Khan
and Sheikh Mujibur Rahman.
20 January: The Parishad called a strike on 20 January throughout the province.
Amanullah Asaduzzaman, a leftist student leader, was killed by police firing in the
strike. The Parishad in response called strikes and processions from 21 to 24 January.

On 24 January clashes took place throughout the province between strikers and police
personal. Two protesters were killed in Mymensingh due to police action. Many were
injured throughout the province. Matiur Rahman Mallik, a class nine student of
Nabakumar Institution, and Rustam Ali were killed in Dhaka. 61 activists were killed
in the protests. The student league formed Kendriya Chhatra Sangram Parishad on 12
January 1970 thus ending Sarbadaliya Chhatra Sangram Parishad.
24 January: Matiur Rahman Mallik, a teenage activist, is gunned down by the police.
This day is observed as the Mass Upsurge Day in Bangladesh.
February
Pakistan Muslim League in East Pakistan called for the release of detained students
and the removal of Abdul Monem Khan as governor of East Pakistan. The Pakistan
Muslim League also re-elected President Ayub Khan as party president for a two year
term.
15 February: Sergeant Zahurul Haq, one of the convicts of Agartala Conspiracy Case,
is assassinated in the prison of Kurmitola Cantonment. Haq's death led to more street
protests and state guest house and other government buildings were burned down and
the "February 15 Bahini" was created as the first armed opposition.
18 February: Shamsuzzoha of the University of Rajshahi is killed as the police open
fire on a silent procession in Rajshahi.
22 February: Withdrawal of Agartala Conspiracy Case. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman,
leader of the All-Pakistan Awami League, released from his prison cell in the Dhaka
cantonment.
23 February: Sheikh Mujibur Rahman is accorded a grand reception, where he is given
the title Bangabandhu (friend of Bengal). The Awami League derived its popularity
from Sheikh Mujibur Rahman who had been released after two years imprisonment.
He received a hero's welcome in East Pakistan.
March
Ayub Khan calls for a round-table meeting with the opposition. Sheikh Mujibur
Rahman submitted a draft constitution based on the six point movement and the
eleven point movement.

On 25 March 1969, martial law was declared in Pakistan and Ayub Khan hands over
power to General Yahya Khan, the army Chief of Staff of Pakistan Army. Ayub Khan
had remarked before handing over power that Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's draft "would
liquidate the central government and army".
Aftermath
On 28 November 1969, President Yahya Khan announced that national elections will
take place in October 1970. The newly elected assembly will frame the constitution of
Pakistan according to Yahya Khan. Khan also announced that West Pakistan would be
broken into separate provinces.
On 31 March 1970, President Yahya Khan announced a Legal Framework Order (LFO)
which called for direct elections for a unicameral legislature. Many in the West feared
the East wing's demand for countrywide provincial autonomy. The purpose of the LFO
was to secure the future Constitution which would be written after the election so that
it would include safeguards such as preserving Pakistan's territorial integrity and
Islamic ideology.
The integrated province of West Pakistan, which was formed on 22 November 1954,
was abolished and four provinces were retrieved: Punjab, Sindh, Balochistan and the
North-West Frontier Province. The principles of representation was made on the basis
of population, and since East Pakistan had more population than the combined
population of the four provinces of West Pakistan, the former got more than half seats
in the National Assembly. Yahya Khan ignored reports that Sheikh Mujib planned to
disregard the LFO and that India was increasingly interfering in East Pakistan. Nor
did he believe that the Awami League would actually sweep the elections in East
Pakistan.
1.10
1970 Pakistani general election
General elections were held in Pakistan on 7 December 1970 to elect members of the
National Assembly. They were the first general elections since the independence of
Pakistan and ultimately the only ones held prior to the independence of Bangladesh.
Voting took place in 300 general constituencies, of which 162 were in East Pakistan
and 138 in West Pakistan. A further thirteen seats were reserved for women (seven of

which were in East Pakistan and six of which were in West Pakistan), who were to be
elected by members of the National Assembly.
General elections were held in Pakistan on 7 December 1970 to elect members of the
National Assembly. They were the first direct general elections since the independence
of Pakistan and ultimately the only ones held prior to the independence of Bangladesh.
Voting took place in 300 general constituencies, of which 162 were in East Pakistan
and 138 in West Pakistan. A further thirteen seats were reserved for women (seven of
which were in East Pakistan and six of which were in West Pakistan), who were to be
elected by members of the National Assembly.
The elections were a fierce contest between two social democratic parties, the west-
based Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) and the east-based Awami League. The Awami
League was the sole major party in the east wing, while in the west wing, the PPP faced
severe competition from the conservative factions of Muslim League, the largest of
which was Muslim League (Qayyum), as well as Islamist parties like Jamaat-e-Islami
(JI), Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam (JUI) and Jamiat Ulema-e-Pakistan (JUP).
The result was a victory for the Awami League, which gained an absolute majority,
winning 160 of the 162 general seats and all seven women's seats in East Pakistan. The
PPP won only 81 general seats and five women's seats, all in West Pakistan. In the
provincial elections held ten days later, the Awami League again dominated in East
Pakistan, while the PPP were the winning party in Punjab and Sindh. The Marxist
National Awami Party emerged victorious in Northwest Frontier Province and
Balochistan.
The National Assembly was initially not inaugurated as President Yahya Khan and the
PPP chairman Zulfikar Ali Bhutto did not want a party from East Pakistan in federal
government. Instead, Yahya appointed the veteran Bengali politician Nurul Amin as
Prime Minister, asking him to reach a compromise between the PPP and Awami
League. However, this move failed as the delay in inauguration had already caused
significant unrest in East Pakistan. The situation deteriorated further when Operation
Searchlight occurred under the orders of Yahya resulting in a civil war that led to the
formation of the independent state of Bangladesh. The Assembly was eventually
inaugurated in 1972 after Yahya resigned and handed power to Zulfikar Ali Bhutto.
Bhutto became Prime Minister in 1973 after the post was recreated by a new
constitution.
Background
On 23 March 1956 Pakistan changed from being a Dominion of the British
Commonwealth and became an Islamic republic after framing its own constitution.
Although the first general elections were scheduled for early 1959, severe political

instability led President Iskander Mirza to abrogate the constitution on 7 October
1958. Mirza imposed martial law and handed power to the Commander-in-Chief of the
Pakistan Army, General Muhammad Ayub Khan. After assuming presidency,
President Ayub Khan promoted himself to the rank of Field marshal and appointed
General Muhammad Musa Khan as the new Commander-in-Chief.
On 17 February 1960 President Ayub Khan appointed a commission under
Muhammad Shahabuddin, the Chief Justice of Pakistan, to report a political
framework for the country. The commission submitted its report on 29 April 1961, and
on the basis of this report, a new constitution was framed on 1 March 1962. The new
constitution, declaring the country as Republic of Pakistan, brought about a
presidential system of government, as opposed to the parliamentary system of
government under the 1956 Constitution. The electoral system was made indirect, and
the "basic democrats" were declared electoral college for the purpose of electing
members of the National and Provincial Assemblies. Under the new system,
presidential elections were held on 2 January 1965 which resulted in a victory for Ayub
Khan. As years went by, political opposition against President Ayub Khan mounted. In
East Pakistan, leader of the Awami League, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, was one of the
key leaders to rally opposition to President Ayub Khan. In 1966, he began the Six point
movement for East Pakistani autonomy.
In 1968 Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was charged with sedition after the government of
President Ayub Khan accused him for conspiring with India against the stability of
Pakistan. While a conspiracy between Mujib and India for East Pakistan's secession
was not itself conclusively proven, it is known that Mujib and the Awami League had
held secret meetings with Indian government officials in 1962 and after the 1965 war.
This case led to an uprising in East Pakistan which consisted of a series of mass
demonstrations and sporadic conflicts between the government forces and protesters.
In West Pakistan, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, who served as foreign minister under President
Ayub Khan, resigned from his office and founded the Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) in
1967. The socialist political party took up opposition to President Ayub Khan as well.
Ayub Khan succumbed to political pressure on 26 March 1969 and handed power to
the Commander-in-Chief of the Pakistan Army, General Agha Muhammad Yahya
Khan. President Yahya Khan imposed martial law and the 1962 Constitution was
abrogated. On 31 March 1970, President Yahya Khan announced a Legal Framework
Order (LFO) which called for direct elections for a unicameral legislature. Many in the
West feared the East wing's demand for countrywide provincial autonomy. The
purpose of the LFO was to secure the future Constitution which would be written after
the election so that it would include safeguards such as preserving Pakistan's territorial
integrity and Islamic ideology.

The integrated province of West Pakistan, which was formed on 22 November 1954,
was abolished and four provinces were retrieved: Punjab, Sindh, Balochistan and the
North-West Frontier Province. The principles of representation was made on the basis
of population, and since East Pakistan had more population than the combined
population of the four provinces of West Pakistan, the former got more than half seats
in the National Assembly. Yahya Khan ignored reports that Sheikh Mujib planned to
disregard the LFO and that India was increasingly interfering in East Pakistan. Nor
did he believe that the Awami League would actually sweep the elections in East
Pakistan.
A month before the election, the Bhola cyclone struck East Pakistan. This was the
deadliest tropical cyclone in world history, killing an estimated 500,000 people. The
government was severely criticised for its response to the disaster.
Parties and candidates
The general elections of 1970 are considered one of the fairest and cleanest elections
in the history of Pakistan, with about twenty-four political parties taking part. The
general elections presented a picture of a Two-party system, with the Awami League,
a Bengali nationalist party, competing against the extremely influential and widely
popular Pakistan Peoples Party, a leftist and democratic socialist party which had been
a major power-broker in West Pakistan. The Pakistani government supported the pro-
Islamic parties since they were committed to strong federalism. The Jamaat-e-Islami
suspected that the Awami League had secessionist intentions.
Election campaign in East Pakistan
The continuous public meetings of the Awami League in East Pakistan and the
Pakistan Peoples Party in Western Pakistan attracted huge crowds. The Awami
League, a Bengali nationalist party, mobilised support in East Pakistan on the basis of
its Six-Points Program (SPP), which was the main attraction in the party's manifesto.
In East Pakistan, a huge majority of the Bengali nation favoured the Awami League,
under Sheikh Mujib. The party received a huge percentage of the popular vote in East
Pakistan and emerged as the largest party in the nation as a whole, gaining the
exclusive mandate of Pakistan in terms both of seats and of votes.
The Pakistan Peoples Party failed to win any seats in East Pakistan. On the other hand,
the Awami League had failed to gather any seats in West Pakistan. The Awami League's
failure to win any seats in the west was used by the leftists led by Zulfikar Bhutto who
argued that Mujib had received "no mandate or support from West Pakistan" (ignoring
the fact that he himself did not win any seat in East Pakistan).

The then leaders of Pakistan, all from West Pakistan and PPP leaders, strongly
opposed the idea of an East Pakistani-led government. Many in Pakistan predicted
that the Awami League-controlled government would oversee the passage of a new
constitution with a simple majority. Bhutto uttered his infamous phrase "idhar hum,
udhar tum" (We rule here, you rule there) – thus dividing Pakistan for the first time
orally.
The same attitudes and emotions were also felt in East Pakistan whereas East-
Pakistanis absorbed the feeling and reached to the conclusion that Pakistan had been
benefited with economic opportunities, investments, and social growth would swiftly
depose any East Pakistanis from obtaining those opportunities.
Some Bengalis sided with the Pakistan Peoples' Party and tacitly or openly supported
Bhutto and the democratic socialists, such as Jalaludin Abdur Rahim, an influential
Bengali in Pakistan and mentor of Bhutto, who was later jailed by Bhutto. Jamat-e-
Islami, while supporting allowing the Awami League to form a government, was also
against the fragmentation of the country. Conversely, several prominent figures from
West Pakistan supported allowing the Awami League to rule, including the poet Faiz
Ahmad Faiz and rights activist Malik Ghulam Jilani, father of Asma Jahangir, G.M
Syed the founder of Sindhi nationalist party Jeay Sindh Qaumi Mahaz (JSQM) and
Abul Ala Maududi, the leader of Jamat-e-Islami.
Elections in West Pakistan
However, the political position in West Pakistan was completely different from East
Pakistan. In West Pakistan, the population was divided between different ideological
forces. The right-wing parties, led under Abul Maududi, raised the religious slogans
and initially campaigned on an Islamic platform, further promising to enforce Sharia
laws in the country. Meanwhile, the founding party of Pakistan and the national
conservative Muslim League, that although was divided into three factions (QML,
CML, MLC), campaigned on a nationalist platform, promising to initiate the Jinnah
reforms as originally envisioned by Jinnah and others in the 1940s. The factions
however criticised each other for disobeying the rules laid down by the country's
founding father.
The dynamic leadership and charismatic personality of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto was highly
active and influential in West Pakistan during these days. Bhutto's ideas and the
famous slogan "Roti Kapra Aur Makaan" ("Food, Clothing and Shelter") attracted poor
communities, students, and the working class to his party. Under Bhutto's leadership
the democratic left gathered and united into one party platform for the first time in
Pakistan's history. Bhutto and the left-leaning elements attracted the people of the
West to participate and vote for the Peoples Party based on a broad hope for a better
future for their children and families. As compared to the right-wing and conservatives

in West Pakistan, Bhutto and his allies won most of the popular vote, becoming the
pre-eminent players in the politics of the West.
Nominations
A total of 1,957 candidates filed nomination papers for 300 National Assembly seats.
After scrutiny and withdrawals, 1,579 eventually contested the elections. The Awami
League ran 170 candidates, of which 162 were for constituencies in East Pakistan.
Jamaat-e-Islami had the second-highest number of candidates with 151. The Pakistan
Peoples Party ran only 120 candidates, of which 103 were from constituencies in
Punjab and Sindh, and none in East Pakistan. The PML (Convention) ran 124
candidates, the PML (Council) 119 and the PML (Qayyum) 133.
Aftermath
The elected Assembly initially did not meet as President Yahya Khan and the Pakistan
Peoples Party did not want the majority party from East Pakistan forming government.
This caused great unrest in East Pakistan. The military junta responded by executing
Operation Searchlight, which led to the Bangladesh War of Independence, with East
Pakistan becoming the independent state of Bangladesh. The Assembly session was
eventually held when Yahya resigned four days after Pakistan surrendered to
Bangladesh and Zulfikar Ali Bhutto took over. Bhutto became the Prime Minister of
Pakistan in 1973, after the post was recreated by the new Constitution.

1.11
Independence movement
The Awami League captured 160 of East
Pakistan's 162 seats in the 1970 Pakistani
general election. Nurul Amin won one of
the remaining seats. The Pakistan Peoples
Party, led by Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, won a
majority of seats in West Pakistan. Yahya
organised talks between Bhutto and Mujib
to arrive at a consensus on the form of the
future constitution. Mujib asserted his
majority and intent to base the constitution
on his six points. Bhutto's argument was
that there were two majorities. The talks
failed. Mujib rejected Bhutto's demands for
a share in power. Bhutto boycotted the
National Assembly session of 3 March and intimidated other West Pakistani
politicians from participating. Bhutto requested that Yahya delay the National
Assembly session. On 1 March protests and confrontations broke out when Yahya did
this.
Leftists in East Pakistan pressured Mujib to immediately declare independence. The
West Pakistani government deployed soldiers to deter such a possibility. Mujib chose
a middle-ground option by starting a non-cooperation movement. The movement was
successful, freezing the machinery of government and effectively giving Mujib
command over East Pakistan. Mujib announced that East Pakistanis would fight for
independence but he simultaneously attempted to achieve a solution within a united
Pakistan.
Yahya Khan and Bhutto went to Dhaka in March as a last attempt to obtain a
resolution. However, the three parties could not arrive at a consensus on the transfer
of power. On 23 March the Awami League told Yahya that he was to issue regional
autonomy within 2 days or East Pakistan would turn lawless. While the talks were still
underway, Yahya opted for a military solution for the problem. On the night of 25
March, Yahya secretly went back to West Pakistan and commanded the military to
attack the core members of the autonomy campaign.
On 3 March, student leader Shahjahan Siraj read the 'Sadhinotar Ishtehar'
(Declaration of Independence) at Paltan Maidan in front of Mujib at a public gathering
under the direction of the Swadhin Bangla Biplobi Parishad.
On 7 March, there was a public gathering in Suhrawardy Udyan to hear updates on the
ongoing movement from Sheikh Mujib, the leader of the movement. Although he

avoided directly referring to independence, as the talks were still underway, he warned
his listeners to prepare for any imminent war. The speech is considered a key moment
in the War of Liberation, and is remembered for the phrase,
"Ebarer Shongram Amader Muktir Shongram, Ebarer Shongram Shadhinotar
Shongram...."
"Our struggle this time is a struggle for our freedom, our struggle this time is a struggle
for our independence...."
Formal Declaration of Independence
In the early hours of 26 March 1971, a military crackdown by the Pakistan army began.
Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was arrested and the political leaders
dispersed, mostly fleeing to neighbouring India where they organised a provisional
government. Before being arrested by the Pakistani Army, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman
passed a hand written note which contained the Bangladesh's Declaration of
Independence. This note was widely circulated and transmitted by the then East
Pakistan Rifles' wireless transmitter. The world press reports from late March 1971
also made sure that Bangladesh's declaration of independence by Bangabandhu was
widely reported throughout the world. Bengali Army officer Major Ziaur Rahman
captured the Kalurghat Radio Station in Chittagong and read the declaration of
independence of Bangladesh during the evening hours on 27 March.
This is Swadhin Bangla Betar Kendra. I, Major Ziaur Rahman, at the direction of
Bangobondhu Mujibur Rahman, hereby declare that the Independent People's
Republic of Bangladesh has been established. At his direction, I have taken command
as the temporary Head of the Republic. In the name of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, I call
upon all Bengalees to rise against the attack by the West Pakistani Army. We shall fight
to the last to free our motherland. Victory is, by the Grace of Allah, ours. Joy Bangla.
The Provisional Government of the People's Republic of Bangladesh was formed on 10
April in Meherpur (later renamed as Mujibnagar, a town adjacent to the Indian
border). Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was announced to be the Head of the State. Tajuddin
Ahmed became the Prime Minister, Syed Nazrul Islam became the acting president
and Khondaker Mostaq Ahmed the Foreign Minister. There the war plan was sketched
out with Bangladesh armed forces established and named "Muktifoujo". Later these
forces were named "Muktibahini" (freedom fighters). M. A. G. Osmani was appointed
as the Chief of the Armed Forces. The training and most of the arms and ammunitions
were arranged by the Meherpur government which was supported by India. As fighting
grew between the Pakistan Army and the Bengali Mukti Bahini, an estimated ten
million Bengalis, mainly Hindus, sought refuge in the Indian states of Assam, Tripura
and West Bengal.

The freedom fighters were not able to beat the military. The Pakistani military created
civilian and paramilitary groups to neutralise the freedom fighters. They recruited
Biharis and Bengalis who did not support the separation of East Pakistan.
When it became clear that neither the Pakistani military nor the freedom fighters could
win, India gradually started its invasion. It increased its efforts at the international
level and increased its military activities in East Pakistan but did not declare war out
of fear of the geopolitical aftermath. India had its opportunity to declare war when
Pakistan attacked Indian airfields on 3 December. The Indian military and Mukti
Bahini had the edge with better weaponry, complete air and naval supremacy and
support from most locals. The Pakistani army killed and raped many Bengalis. Pro-
Pakistan militias killed Bengali intellectuals near the war's end. Pakistan's
administration collapsed and the army surrendered on 16 December.
Pakistani capitulation and aftermath
On 16 December 1971, Lt. Gen A. A. K. Niazi, CO of Pakistan Army forces located in
East Pakistan, signed the Instrument of Surrender and the nation of Bangla Desh
("Country of Bengal") was finally established the following day. At the time of
surrender only a few countries had provided diplomatic recognition to the new nation.
Over 90,000 Pakistani troops surrendered to the Indian forces making it the largest
surrender since World War II. The new country changed its name to Bangladesh on 11
January 1972 and became a parliamentary democracy under a constitution. Shortly
thereafter on 19 March Bangladesh signed a friendship treaty with India. Bangladesh
sought admission in the UN with most voting in its favour, but China vetoed this as
Pakistan was its key ally. The United States, also a key ally of Pakistan, was one of the
last nations to accord Bangladesh recognition. To ensure a smooth transition, in 1972
the Simla Agreement was signed between India and Pakistan. The treaty ensured that
Pakistan recognised the independence of Bangladesh in exchange for the return of the
Pakistani PoWs. India treated all the PoWs in strict accordance with the Geneva
Convention, rule 1925. It released more than 93,000 Pakistani PoWs in five months.
Furthermore, as a gesture of goodwill, nearly 200 soldiers who were sought for war
crimes by Bengalis were also pardoned by India. The accord also gave back more than
13,000 km2 (5,019 sq mi) of land that Indian troops had seized in West Pakistan
during the war, though India retained a few strategic areas; most notably Kargil (which
would in turn again be the focal point for a war between the two nations in 1999).
The real number of victims during the war is still not certain. and estimates of those
killed range from Bangladeshi estimates of 3 million to Pakistani estimates of 26,000.
According to one source 1.7 million died. A large number of women had been raped by

Pakistani, Bengali and Biharis. The government conferred upon them an honorary title
of birangina ("brave heroines") but they suffered discrimination afterwards.
Besides the Pakistani prisoner of wars there were still collaborators in Bangladesh. In
1973, the Bangladeshi government announced an amnesty for them in exchange for
Pakistani recognition. Demands that these be collaborators be tried resurfaced in the
1990s. There was also a large population of non-Bengali Muslims who mostly
supported Pakistan. Bengali mobs, who identified them as "Bihari", had killed them
before the war and the Biharis had aided the Pakistani army during it. Thousands
suffered a counter genocide and at least a million were made homeless.

Chapter Two
Physical and Natural
Resources of
Bangladesh.

2.1
Geography of Bangladesh
Bangladesh is a densely populated, low-lying,
mainly riverine country located in South Asia with a
coastline of 580 km (360 mi) on the northern littoral
of the Bay of Bengal. The delta plain of the Ganges
(Padma), Brahmaputra (Jamuna), and Meghna
Rivers and their tributaries occupy 79 percent of the
country. Four uplifted blocks (including the
Madhupur and Barind Tracts in the centre and
northwest) occupy 9 percent and steep hill ranges up
to approximately 1,000 metres (3,300 ft) high
occupy 12 percent in the southeast (the Chittagong
Hill Tracts) and in the northeast. Straddling the
Tropic of Cancer, Bangladesh has a tropical
monsoon climate characterised by heavy seasonal
rainfall, high temperatures, and high humidity.
Natural disasters such as floods and cyclones
accompanied by storm surges periodically affect the
country. Most of the country is intensively farmed,
with rice the main crop, grown in three seasons.
Rapid urbanisation is taking place with associated
industrial and commercial development. Exports of
garments and shrimp plus remittances from Bangladeshis working abroad provide the
country's three main sources of foreign exchange income.
Physical geography
The physical geography of Bangladesh is varied and has an area characterised by two
distinctive features: a broad deltaic plain subject to frequent flooding, and a small hilly
region crossed by swiftly flowing rivers. The country has an area of 148,460 square
kilometres (57,320 sq mi) (according to BBS 2020) or 148,460 square kilometres
(57,320 sq mi) (according to CIA World factbook 2021) and extends 820 kilometres
(510 mi) north to south and 600 kilometres (370 mi) east to west. Bangladesh is
bordered on the west, north, and east by a 4,095 kilometres (2,545 mi) land frontier
with India and, in the southeast, by a short land and water frontier (193 kilometres
(120 mi)) with Myanmar. On the south is a highly irregular deltaic coastline of about
580 kilometres (360 mi), fissured by many rivers and streams flowing into the Bay of
Bengal. The territorial waters of Bangladesh extend 12 nautical miles (22 km), and the
exclusive economic zone of the country is 200 nautical miles (370 km).
Roughly 80% of the landmass is made up of fertile alluvial lowland called the
Bangladesh Plain. The plain is part of the larger Plain of Bengal, which is sometimes
called the Lower Gangetic Plain. Although altitudes up to 105 metres (344 ft) above
Land cover map of Bangladesh

sea level occur in the northern part of the plain, most elevations are less than 10 metres
(33 ft) above sea level; elevations decrease in the coastal south, where the terrain is
generally at sea level. With such low elevations and numerous rivers, water—and
concomitant flooding—is a predominant physical feature. About 10,000 square
kilometres (3,900 sq mi) of the total area of Bangladesh is covered with water, and
larger areas are routinely flooded during the monsoon season.
The only exceptions to Bangladesh's low elevations are the Chittagong Hills in the
southeast, the Low Hills of Sylhet in the northeast, and highlands in the north and
northwest. The Chittagong Hills constitute the only significant hill system in the
country and, in effect, are the western fringe of the north–south mountain ranges of
Myanmar and eastern India. The Chittagong Hills rise steeply to narrow ridgelines,
generally no wider than 36 metres (118 ft), with altitudes from 600 to 900 metres
(2,000 to 3,000 ft) above sea level. At 1,052 metres (3,451 ft) altitude, the highest
elevation in Bangladesh is found at Saka Haphong, in the southeastern part of the hills.
Fertile valleys lie between the hill lines, which generally run north–south. West of the
Chittagong Hills is a broad plain, cut by rivers draining into the Bay of Bengal, that
rises to a final chain of low coastal hills, mostly below 200 metres (660 ft), that attain
a maximum elevation of 350 metres (1,150 ft). West of these hills is a narrow, wet
coastal plain located between the cities of Chittagong in the north and Cox's Bazar in
the south.
About 67% of Bangladesh's nonurban land is arable. Permanent crops cover only 2%,
meadows and pastures cover 4%, and forests and woodland cover about 16%. The
country produces large quantities of quality timber, bamboo, and sugarcane. Bamboo
grows in almost all areas, but high-quality timber grows mostly in the highland valleys.
Rubber planting in the hilly regions of the country was undertaken in the 1980s, and
rubber extraction had started by the end of the decade. A variety of wild animals are
found in the forest areas, such as in the Sundarbans on the southwest coast, which is
the home of the royal Bengal tiger. The alluvial soils in the Bangladesh Plain are
generally fertile and are enriched with heavy silt deposits carried downstream during
the rainy season.
2.2
Climate
Bangladesh has a tropical monsoon climate characterized by wide seasonal variations
in rainfall, high temperatures, and high humidity. Regional climatic differences in this
flat country are minor, though some variations can be seen between the weather

patterns of the northern and southern regions, as the piedmontal plains of the former
have a monsoon-influenced humid subtropical climate. According to Bangladesh
Meteorological Department, there are six seasons in Bangladesh depending on the
temperature, rainfall and direction of wind: mild and cool winter from December to
February, hot and sunny summer or pre-monsoon season from March to May,
somewhat cooler and very wet monsoon season from June to September and pleasant,
shorter and cooler autumn or post-monsoon season in October–November. In
general, maximum summer temperatures range between 38 and 41 °C (100.4 and
105.8 °F). April is the hottest month in most parts of the country. January is the coolest
month, when the average temperature for most of the country is 16–20 °C (61–68 °F)
during the day and around 10 °C (50 °F) at night.
Winds are mostly from the north and northwest in the winter, blowing gently at 1 to 3
kilometres per hour (0.6 to 1.9 mph) in northern and central areas and 3 to 6
kilometres per hour (1.9 to 3.7 mph) near the coast. From March to May, violent
thunderstorms, called northwesters by local English speakers, produce winds of up to
60 kilometres per hour (37.3 mph). During the intense storms of the early summer
and late monsoon season, southerly winds of more than 160 kilometres per hour (99.4
mph) cause waves to crest as high as 6 metres (19.7 ft) in the Bay of Bengal, which
brings disastrous flooding to coastal areas.
Heavy rainfall is characteristic of Bangladesh, causing it to flood every year. Except for
the relatively dry western region of Rajshahi, where the annual rainfall is about 1,600
mm (63.0 in), most parts of the country receive at least 2,300 mm (90.6 in) of rainfall
per year. Because of its location just south of the foothills of the Himalayas, where
monsoon winds turn west and northwest, the region of Sylhet in northeastern
Bangladesh receives the greatest average precipitation. From 1977 to 1986, annual
rainfall in that region ranged between 3,280 and 4,780 mm (129.1 and 188.2 in) per
year. Average daily humidity ranged from March lows of between 55 and 81% to July
highs of between 94 and 100%, based on readings taken at selected stations nationwide
in 1986.
About 80% of Bangladesh's rain falls during the monsoon season. The monsoons
result from the contrasts between low and high air pressure areas that result from
differential heating of land and water. During the hot months of April and May, hot air
rises over the Indian subcontinent, creating low-pressure areas into which rush cooler,
moisture-bearing winds from the Indian Ocean. This is the southwest monsoon,
commencing in June and usually lasting through September. Dividing against the
Indian landmass, the monsoon flows in two branches, one of which strikes western
India. The other travels up the Bay of Bengal and over eastern India and Bangladesh,
crossing the plain to the north and northeast before being turned to the west and
northwest by the foothills of the Himalayas.
Natural calamities, such as floods, tropical cyclones, tornadoes, and tidal bores—
destructive waves or floods caused by flood tides rushing up estuaries—ravage the
country, particularly the coastal belt, almost every year. Between 1947 and 1988, 13

severe cyclones hit Bangladesh, causing enormous loss of life and property. In May
1985, for example, a severe cyclonic storm packing 154-kilometre-per-hour (95.7 mph)
winds and waves 4 metres (13.1 ft) high swept into southeastern and southern
Bangladesh, killing more than 11,000 persons, damaging more than 94,000 houses,
killing some 135,000 head of livestock, and damaging nearly 400 kilometres (248.5
mi) of critically needed embankments.
Annual monsoon flooding results in the loss of human life, damage to property and
communication systems, and a shortage of drinking water, which leads to the spread
of disease. For example, in 1988 two-thirds of Bangladesh's 64 districts experienced
extensive flood damage in the wake of unusually heavy rains that flooded the river
systems. Millions were left homeless and without potable water. Half of Dhaka,
including the runway at the Shahjalal International Airport—an important transit
point for disaster relief supplies—was flooded. About 2,000,000 tonnes (2,204,623
short tons; 1,968,413 long tons) of crops were reported destroyed, and relief work was
rendered even more challenging than usual because the flood made transportation
exceedingly difficult. A tornado in April 1989 killed more than 600 people, possibly
many more.
There are no precautions against cyclones and tidal bores except giving advance
warning and providing safe public buildings where people may take shelter. Adequate
infrastructure and air transport facilities that would ease the suffering of the affected
people had not been established by the late 1980s. Efforts by the government under
the Third Five-Year Plan (1985–90) were directed toward accurate and timely forecast
capability through agrometeorology, marine meteorology, oceanography,
hydrometeorology, and seismology. Necessary expert services, equipment, and
training facilities were expected to be developed under the United Nations
Development Programme.
Cold weather is unusual in Bangladesh. When temperatures decrease to 8 °C (46 °F)
or less, people without warm clothing and living in inadequate homes may die from
the cold.

2.3
Physiographic Units of Bangladesh
Bangladesh, nestled in the northeastern part of South Asia, is a land of diverse
landscapes, characterized by its intricate physiographic features. These features,
shaped by geological processes over millions of years, have given rise to distinct
physiographic units across the country. From the towering peaks of the Chittagong
Hill Tracts to the vast floodplains of the Ganges-Brahmaputra Delta, Bangladesh's
physiography is a testament to its geological richness and environmental diversity.
One of the prominent physiographic units of Bangladesh is the Chittagong Hill Tracts
(CHT), located in the southeastern part of the country. This region is characterized by
rugged hills, deep valleys, and dense forests. The highest peaks of Bangladesh,
including Tahjindong and Keokradong, are found here. The Chittagong Hill Tracts are
inhabited by various indigenous communities, each with its unique cultural heritage
and way of life.
Moving westward, the landscape transitions into the Madhupur Tract, a relatively
higher elevation area compared to the surrounding floodplains. The Madhupur Tract
is characterized by undulating topography, with hills, ridges, and small valleys. It is
known for its fertile soils and is an important agricultural region in Bangladesh.
The Barind Tract, located in the northwestern part of Bangladesh, is another distinct
physiographic unit. It is characterized by flat to gently rolling terrain, with scattered
hillocks and depressions. The Barind Tract experiences water scarcity and is prone to
droughts, making agriculture challenging in this region. However, efforts have been
made to harness groundwater resources through irrigation to support agriculture.
The vast low-lying floodplains of Bangladesh, known as the Ganges-Brahmaputra
Delta, dominate the central and southern parts of the country. Formed by the
deposition of sediments carried by the Ganges, Brahmaputra, and Meghna rivers, the
delta is a dynamic and ever-changing landscape. It is crisscrossed by numerous rivers,
streams, and tidal channels, creating a complex network of waterways. The fertile soils
of the delta support intensive rice cultivation, making it the breadbasket of
Bangladesh.
Within the Ganges-Brahmaputra Delta, there are several smaller physiographic units,
including beels (seasonal floodplains), haors (depression wetlands), and

chars(sandbars). These areas play crucial roles in water storage, fisheries, and
biodiversity conservation.
The coastal region of Bangladesh, known as the Sundarbans, is another important
physiographic unit. It is the largest mangrove forest in the world and is home to diverse
flora and fauna, including the iconic Royal Bengal Tiger. The Sundarbans act as a
natural barrier against cyclones and tidal surges, providing protection to the inland
areas.
Despite its relatively small size, Bangladesh boasts a remarkable diversity of
physiographic units, each with its unique characteristics and ecological significance.
These landscapes not only shape the country's natural environment but also influence
its socio-economic development and cultural heritage. Understanding and conserving
these physiographic units are essential for ensuring the sustainable management of
Bangladesh's natural resources and the well-being of its people.
2.4
rivers of Bangladesh
Bangladesh is a riverine country. According to
Bangladesh Water development board (BWDB) about
907 rivers currently flow in Bangladesh (during
summer and winter), although the numbers stated in
some sources are ambiguous. As stated by a publication
called বাাংলাদেদশে নে- নেী by BWDB (Bangladesh Water
development board), 310 rivers flow in the summer
although they republished another study in 6 volumes
where stated 405 rivers. The number differs widely due
to lack of research on the counts and the fact that these
rivers change flow in time and season. Historical
sources state about 700 to 800 rivers but most of them
have dried up or are extinct due to pollution and lack of
attention. The numbers also differ because the same
rivers may change names in different regions and
through history. About 17 rivers are on the verge of
extinction.
A map showing the major rivers in
Bangladesh.

A total of 57 international rivers flow through Bangladesh, 54 from India and 3 from
Myanmar. The number of international rivers can be 58 as Brahmaputra is called
"Nod" while the general term for river is "Nodi". The gender division of rivers is
interesting from history and mainly depending on the source of the river but not the
size or flow briskness. Sangu and Halda are the only two internal rivers originated and
finished within Bangladesh. Of the three major rivers, the Jamuna - part of the
Brahmaputra - is the longest, Padma is the swiftest, and Meghna is the widest.
According to banglapedia, 700 rivers flow in Bangladesh, but the information is old
and obsolete. There is an including tributaries flow through the country constituting a
waterway of total length around 24,140 kilometres (15,000 mi). But the number differs
ambiguously due to the lack of updated information. Most of the country's land is
formed through silt brought by the rivers. Bangladesh geography and culture is
influenced by the riverine delta system. Bangladesh lies in the biggest river delta of the
world - the Ganges Delta system.
Ganges-Brahmaputra Delta
Much of Bangladesh's geography is dominated by the Ganges-Brahmaputra Delta, but
the term "Ganges" is not widely used for the larger river's main distributary within
Bangladesh. Where it flows out of India, the Ganges' main channel becomes the Padma
River. Similarly, below its confluence with the Teesta River, the main channel of the
Brahmaputra River is known as the Jamuna River.
2.5
Agriculture in Bangladesh
Agriculture is the largest employment sector in Bangladesh, making up 14.2 percent of
Bangladesh's GDP in 2017 and employing about 42.7 percent of the workforce. The
performance of this sector has an overwhelming impact on major macroeconomic
objectives like employment generation, poverty alleviation, human resources
development, food security, and other economic and social forces. A plurality of
Bangladeshis earn their living from agriculture. Due to a number of factors,

Bangladesh's labour-intensive agriculture has achieved steady increases in food grain
production despite the often unfavorable weather conditions. These include better
flood control and irrigation, a generally more efficient use of fertilisers, as well as the
establishment of better distribution and rural credit networks.
Although rice and jute are the primary crops, maize and vegetables are assuming
greater importance. Due to the expansion of irrigation networks, some wheat
producers have switched to cultivation of maize which is used mostly as poultry feed.
Tea is grown in the northeast. Because of Bangladesh's fertile soil and normally ample
water supply, rice can be grown and harvested three times a year in many areas. The
country is among the top producers of rice (third), potatoes (seventh), tropical fruits
(sixth), jute (second), and farmed fish (fifth). With 35.8 million metric tons produced
in 2000, rice is Bangladesh's principal crop. In comparison to rice, wheat output in
1999 was 1.9 million tonnes (1,900,000 long tons; 2,100,000 short tons).
Population pressure continues to place a severe burden on productive capacity,
creating a food deficit, especially of wheat. Foreign assistance and commercial imports
fill the gap. Underemployment remains a serious problem, and a growing concern for
Bangladesh's agricultural sector will be its ability to absorb additional manpower.
Finding alternative sources of employment will continue to be a daunting problem for
future governments, particularly with the increasing numbers of landless peasants
who already account for about half the rural labour force. Other challenges facing the
sector include environmental issues: insecticides, water management challenges,
pollution, and land degradation all effect the agricultural system in Bangladesh.
Bangladesh is particularly vulnerable to climate change, with extreme weather and
temperature changes significantly changing the conditions for growing food.
Adaptation of the agricultural sector is a major concern for policy addressing climate
change in Bangladesh.
Food crops
Although rice, wheat, mango and jute are the primary crops, rice and wheat are mostly
main crops or food crops of some countries. Due to the expansion of irrigation
networks, some wheat producers have switched to cultivation of maize which is used
mostly as poultry feed. Tea is grown in the northeast. Because of Bangladesh's fertile
soil and normally ample water supply, rice can be grown and harvested three times a
year in many areas. Due to a number of factors, Bangladesh's labour-intensive
agriculture has achieved steady increases in food grain production despite the often
unfavorable weather conditions. These include better flood control and irrigation, a
generally more efficient use of fertilizers, and the establishment of better distribution
and rural credit networks. With 28.8 million metric tons produced in 2005–2006
(July–June), rice is Bangladesh's principal crop. By comparison, wheat output in
2005–2006 was 9 million metric tons. Population pressure continues to place a severe
burden on productive capacity, creating a food deficit, especially of wheat. Foreign

assistance and commercial imports fill the gap. Underemployment remains a serious
problem, and a growing concern for Bangladesh's agricultural sector will be its ability
to absorb additional manpower.
Food grains are cultivated primarily for subsistence. Only a small percentage of total
production makes its way into commercial channels. Other Bangladeshi food crops,
however, are grown chiefly for the domestic market. They include potatoes and sweet
potatoes, with a combined record production of 1.9 million tons in FY 1984; oilseeds,
with an annual average production of 250,000 tons; and fruits such as bananas,
jackfruit, mangoes, and pineapples. Estimates of sugarcane production put annual
production at more than 7 million tons per year, most of it processed into a coarse,
unrefined sugar known as gur, and sold domestically.
Rice
Bangladesh is the fourth largest rice producing country in the world. National sales of
the classes of insecticide used on rice, including granular carbofuran, synthetic
pyrethroids, and malathion exceeded 13,000 tons of formulated product in 2003. The
insecticides not only represent an environmental threat, but are a significant
expenditure to poor rice farmers. The Bangladesh Rice Research Institute is working
with various NGOs and international organisations to reduce insecticide use in rice.
Wheat
Wheat is not a traditional crop in Bangladesh, and in the late 1980s little was
consumed in rural areas. During the 1960s and early 1970s, however, it was the only
commodity for which local consumption increased because external food aid was most
often provided in the form of wheat. In the first half of the 1980s, domestic wheat
production rose to more than 1 million tons per year but was still only 7 to 9 percent
of total food grain production. Record production of nearly 1.5 million tons was
achieved in FY 1985, but the following year saw a decrease to just over 1 million tons.
About half the wheat is grown on irrigated land. The proportion of land devoted to
wheat remained essentially unchanged between 1980 and 1986, at a little less than 6
percent of total planted area.
Wheat also accounts for the great bulk of imported food grains, exceeding 1 million
tons annually and going higher than 1.8 million tons in FY 1984, FY 1985, and FY 1987.
The great bulk of the imported wheat is financed under aid programs of the United
States, the European Economic Community.

Animal agriculture
Poultry
Poultry Arming in Bangladesh is the process of keeping various types of birds for meat,
egg, feather, or sale. In Bangladesh, poultry birds are primarily used for meat and egg
consumption.
The weather in Bangladesh is perfect for raising poultry, with several types of poultry
birds having been domesticated for many years. As of 2017, about 300 billion taka was
invested in the poultry industry, with an estimated 150,000 poultry farms in
Bangladesh. From 2 to 4 March 2017, Poultry Science Association Bangladeshi branch
held the tenth International Poultry Show and Seminar in Bashundhara Convention
centre, Dhaka, Bangladesh. By 2019, significant further investments were noted in the
sector. The farms produce 570 million tonnes of meat and 7.34 billion eggs annually.
Poultry feed is primarily made from imported soybean and soy meal. The per capita
consumption of meat and egg in Bangladesh remains below the level recommended by
the Food and Agriculture Organization. The impact of Avian Influenza in 2007 and the
COVID-19 pandemic has been detrimental to the poultry and associated feed industry
in Bangladesh. The outbreak in 2007 resulted in the closure of two-thirds of all farms
in Bangladesh. In March 2023, poultry farmers urged the government to set chicken
and egg prices for the local market, highlighting the industry's significance in the
country's economy Notable figures in the poultry sector include Late Syed
Hedayetullah and Phanindra Nath Saha, who developed the poultry sector with Aftab
Bahumukhi Farms.
Shrimp
As of the end of 1987, prevailing methods for culturing shrimp in Bangladesh were still
relatively unsophisticated, and average yields per hectare were low. In the late 1980s,
almost all inland shrimping was done by capture rather than by intensive aquaculture.
Farmers relied primarily on wild postlarval and juvenile shrimp as their sources of
stock, acquired either by trapping in ponds during tidal water exchange or by gathering
from local estuaries and stocking directly in the ponds. Despite the seemingly low level
of technology applied to shrimp aquaculture, it became an increasingly important part
of the frozen seafood industry in the mid-1980s. The shrimp farming industry in
Bangladesh has been handicapped by low-quality and low prices.
The World Bank and the Asian Development Bank financed projects to develop shrimp
aquaculture in the 1980s. Much of the emphasis was on construction of modern
hatcheries. Private investors were also initiating similar projects to increase capacity
and to introduce modern technology that would increase average yields. The Food and
Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO) has provided assistance to the

shrimp and fishing industry in meeting fish safety and quality control standards based
on the Hazard Analysis Critical Control Point (HACCP) approach.
Shrimp in the wild are associated with mangrove. Mangrove estuaries such as those
found in the Sundarbans of southwestern Bangladesh are especially rich productive
ecosystems and provide the spawning grounds for shrimp and fish. Intensive shrimp
farming often involves conversion of mangrove stands to brine ponds where shrimp
are grown.
Commodity crops
TEA
Bangladesh is an important tea-producing country. It is the 12th largest tea producer
in the world. Its tea industry dates back to British rule, when the East India Company
initiated the tea trade in the hills of the Sylhet region. In addition to that, tea
cultivation was introduced to Greater Chittagong in 1840. Today, the country has 166
commercial tea estates, including many of the world's largest working plantations. The
industry accounts for 3% of global tea production, and employs more than 4 million
people.
The tea is grown in the northern and eastern districts, the highlands, temperate
climate, humidity and heavy rainfall within these districts provide a favourable ground
for the production of high quality tea.
Edible Oil
Mustard oil production in Bangladesh rose by 3.35 lakh tones to 11.52 lakh tones this
year, according to the agriculture ministry. Mustard oil output worth Tk 3,000 crore
in Bangladesh.
Environmental issues
Insecticides
National sales of the classes of insecticide used on rice, including granular carbofuran,
synthetic pyrethroids, and malathion exceeded 13,000 tons of formulated product in
2003. Insecticides not only represent an environmental threat, but are a significant
expenditure to poor rice farmers. The Bangladesh Rice Research Institute is working
with various NGOs and international organisations to reduce insecticide use in rice.
Climate change

In most countries like Bangladesh, yields from rain-fed agriculture was predicted to
be reduced to 50% by 2020. For a country with increasing population and hunger, this
will have an adverse effect on food security. Although the effects of climate change are
highly variable, by 2030, South Asia could lose 10% of rice and maize yields, while
neighboring states like Pakistan could experience a 50% reduction in crop yield.
As a result of all this, Bangladesh would need to prepare for long-term adaptation,
which could be as drastic as changing sowing dates due to seasonal variations,
introducing different varieties and species, to practicing novel water supply and
irrigation systems.:230 Bangladeshi farmers have been adapting to rising water levels
by making creative floating gardens which mesh water hyacinth plants with bamboo
and fertilizer to provide a sturdy floating platform for agriculture, according to climate
researcher Alizé Carrère.
Being an agrarian society, people of Bangladesh are greatly dependent on various
forms of agriculture. It is the main source of rural job in the country having over 87%
people somewhat related to agri-based economy. In 2016, according to World Bank,
agriculture contributed to 14.77% of country's GDP. A steady increase in agricultural
production with the use of modern equipment and scientific methods, agriculture has
been a key driver to eradicate rural poverty in Bangladesh. The risk of sea level rising
and global warming is the biggest challenge not only to country's agricultural
improvement but also the success on poverty reduction.
As agricultural production is heavily related with temperature and rainfall, the current
change in weather conditions is creating negative impact on crop yielding and the total
area of arable land has been decreased. According to a report published by the Ministry
of Environment and Forests - GoB, 1 degree Celsius increase in maximum temperature
at vegetative, reproductive and ripening stages there was a decrease in Aman rice
production by 2.94, 53.06 and 17.28 tons respectively. Another major threat deriving
from this factor is water salinity which directly affects rice production especially in the
coastal part of Bangladesh. The same report state that, the country will lose 12-16% of
its land if the sea level rises by 1 meter. These challenges lead to food scarcity and
insecurity for the huge populace of the country. There are several adaptation measures
which are practised to cope up with the abnormal behaviour of climate such as:
resilient varieties of crops, diversification, change in cropping pattern, mixed
cropping, improved irrigation facility, adopting soil conservation, agroforestry and so
on.
A number of these measures have already been adapted by the government of
Bangladesh and well practised throughout the country. The Bangladesh Rice Research
Institute has introduced a varieties of saline tolerant rices like BR-11, BR-23, BRRI rice
-28, BRRI rice -41, BRRI rice -47, BRRI rice -53 and BRRI rice -54. In the drought
prone areas, BR-11, BR-23, BRRI rice -28, BRRI rice -41, BRRI rice -47, BRRI rice -53

and BRRI rice -54 are used which take short time to cultivate. To make the best and
efficient utilization of water the Department of Agricultural Extension has introduced
'Alternate Wetting and Drying (AWD). The government also provide financial support
to the affected farmers from different disasters and hazards
Government
Ministry of Agriculture
The Ministry of Agriculture (Bengali: িৃকষ মন্ত্রণালয়; Kr̥ṣi mantraṇālaẏa) is a ministry of
Bangladesh. The ministry is the apex body for formulation and administration of the
rules, regulations and laws related to Agriculture in Bangladesh.
2.6
Forestry in Bangladesh
Wood is the main fuel for cooking and other domestic requirements. It is not
surprising that population pressure has had an adverse effect on the indigenous
forests. By 1980 only about 16 percent of the land was forested, and forests had all but
disappeared from the densely populated and intensively cultivated deltaic plain. Aid
organizations in the mid-1980s began looking into the possibility of stimulating small-
scale forestry to restore a resource for which there was no affordable substitute.
Bangladesh Forest Research Institute (BFRI) is the government organization under
Ministry of Environment, Forest and Climate Change for research in this sector which
was established in 1955 at Sholoshahar, Chittagong city.
The largest areas of forest are in the Chittagong Hill Tracts and the Sundarbans. The
evergreen and deciduous forests of the Chittagong Hills cover more than 4,600 square
kilometres (1,800 sq mi) and are the source of teak for heavy construction and boat
building, as well as other forest products. Domesticated elephants are still used to haul
logs. The Sundarbans, a tidal mangrove forest covering nearly 6,000 square kilometres
(2,300 sq mi) along the Bay of Bengal, is the source of timber used for a variety of
purposes, including pulp for the domestic paper industry, poles for electric power
distribution, and leaves for thatching for dwellings. The total percentage of forests are
10.98%

Types of Forest in Bangladesh
Despite being a small country, Bangladesh boasts a diverse range of forest types, each
with its unique characteristics and ecological significance. Here's a glimpse into the
four major types:
Hill Forests: Towering evergreen giants like Chengal and Teak dominate these lush
forests nestled in the hilly regions of Chittagong, Sylhet, and Cox's Bazar. Bursting with
biodiversity, they shelter monkeys, deer, and elephants, while also acting as vital
guardians of soil and water flow.
Sal Forests: These extensive plains forests in central and northern Bangladesh are
defined by the majestic Sal tree (Shorea robusta), renowned for its valuable timber.
They transform with the seasons, shedding leaves during the dry period and providing
habitat for diverse birds, reptiles, and even the endangered Gangetic Dolphin.
Mangrove Forests: Thriving in the saline embrace of the coast, particularly in the
Sundarbans, these unique forests are dominated by the resilient Sundari tree. They act
as natural shields against cyclones and floods, while offering havens for diverse marine
life like fish, shrimp, and the iconic Royal Bengal Tiger. Additionally, they act as
natural filters, purifying the water.
Freshwater Swamp Forests: Flourishing in seasonally flooded areas like Sylhet
and the Sundarbans, these forests are characterized by trees like Hijal, Shundri, and
Neem, adapted to thrive in wet conditions. They serve as essential breeding grounds
for fish and support a wealth of birdlife, but face threats from habitat loss and water
pollution.
Other types
Coastal Forests: These resilient forests line the coast, their trees specially adapted
to withstand salt spray and wind. They provide valuable protection against coastal
erosion and offer unique habitats for specialized plant and animal species.
Village Forests: Managed by communities across Bangladesh, these smaller forests
are vital sources of fuelwood, fodder, and other essential resources. They play a crucial
role in rural livelihoods and contribute to the overall ecological health of the country.

2.7
Mineral resources, Energy of Bangladesh
Bangladesh, a country with a burgeoning population and a rapidly growing economy,
faces significant challenges in meeting its energy needs and utilizing its mineral
resources effectively. Situated in a region with limited indigenous sources of fossil
fuels, Bangladesh has long relied on imports to satisfy its energy demands, leading to
vulnerability in terms of energy security and economic stability. However, the nation
does possess some notable mineral resources, albeit often underutilized or untapped
due to various constraints.
One of the key mineral resources in Bangladesh is natural gas. The country has
substantial reserves of natural gas concentrated mainly in its offshore areas,
particularly in the Bay of Bengal. Natural gas has been a vital component of
Bangladesh's energy mix, serving as a primary source for power generation, industrial
production, and domestic consumption. The discovery of the Titas and Bakhrabad gas
fields in the early 1960s marked the beginning of Bangladesh's journey into the realm
of natural gas exploration and production. Since then, several other gas fields, such as
Sylhet, Jalalabad, and Bibiyana, have been discovered, contributing significantly to the
country's energy portfolio. However, despite these reserves, Bangladesh faces
challenges in maintaining sufficient gas production to meet the growing demand,
leading to occasional shortages and reliance on alternative energy sources.
Apart from natural gas, Bangladesh also possesses various other mineral resources,
albeit in relatively limited quantities. These include coal, limestone, hard rock, silica
sand, and various construction materials. Coal reserves are primarily found in the
northwest region of the country, with the Barapukuria coal mine being the only
operational coal mine in Bangladesh. Although coal has historically played a minor
role in the country's energy sector compared to natural gas and imported oil, efforts
have been made to expand coal production and utilization to diversify the energy mix
and reduce dependence on imports. However, concerns about environmental
degradation and the global shift towards renewable energy have prompted debates
about the long-term viability of coal as a significant energy source in Bangladesh.
Limestone, another important mineral resource, is widely distributed across
Bangladesh and finds applications in cement production, construction, and various
industrial processes. The availability of high-quality limestone deposits has facilitated
the growth of the cement industry in Bangladesh, with several major cement plants
operating in the country. Additionally, Bangladesh also has significant reserves of hard
rock, which are utilized in road construction, building materials, and infrastructure
development projects. Silica sand, essential for glassmaking and various industrial
applications, is found in coastal areas and riverbeds, although extraction and

processing activities are often hampered by environmental concerns and regulatory
challenges.
Despite the presence of these mineral resources, Bangladesh faces numerous hurdles
in fully harnessing their potential for economic development and energy security.
Infrastructure limitations, inadequate technological capabilities, bureaucratic
inefficiencies, and environmental concerns have hindered the exploration, extraction,
and utilization of mineral resources in the country. Moreover, the global transition
towards renewable energy sources and the increasing focus on sustainability pose
additional challenges to the traditional energy and mineral sectors in Bangladesh.
In response to these challenges, Bangladesh has been exploring alternative energy
sources and adopting measures to improve energy efficiency and conservation. The
government has been actively promoting renewable energy sources such as solar,
wind, and hydroelectric power to diversify the energy mix and reduce dependence on
fossil fuels. The widespread deployment of solar home systems, the development of
solar parks, and the implementation of policies to incentivize renewable energy
investments are some of the initiatives aimed at accelerating the transition towards a
more sustainable energy future in Bangladesh.
Furthermore, efforts are underway to enhance the efficiency of energy production,
transmission, and distribution systems through infrastructure upgrades, technology
adoption, and regulatory reforms. Initiatives such as the construction of liquefied
natural gas (LNG) terminals, the expansion of the natural gas pipeline network, and
the introduction of smart grid technologies are aimed at modernizing the energy
infrastructure and improving reliability and resilience.
In conclusion, Bangladesh possesses significant mineral resources and is endowed
with the potential to meet its energy needs through a combination of indigenous
resources, imports, and renewable energy sources. However, realizing this potential
requires concerted efforts to overcome various challenges and constraints, including
infrastructure limitations, environmental concerns, and policy barriers. By pursuing
sustainable development pathways, promoting innovation and technology adoption,
and fostering partnerships with domestic and international stakeholders, Bangladesh
can unlock the full economic and energy potential of its mineral resources while
ensuring environmental protection and social equity.

2.8
Transportation and Communication
Roads:
Backbone of Connectivity: The road network in Bangladesh serves as the lifeline of
transportation, connecting urban centers, rural areas, and international borders.
Infrastructure Expansion: Recent investments have led to the construction of new
highways, bridges, and expressways, enhancing connectivity and reducing travel
times.
Notable Projects: The Dhaka-Chittagong and Dhaka-Sylhet highways, along with the
ambitious Padma Bridge project spanning the Padma River, exemplify the nation's
commitment to improving road transportation infrastructure.
Railways:
Efficient Freight and Passenger Movement: Bangladesh Railway facilitates the
transportation of goods and passengers across the country, complementing road
networks.
Modernization Initiatives: Ongoing efforts focus on track upgrades, electrification
projects, and rolling stock modernization to enhance efficiency, reliability, and safety.
Urban Connectivity: Projects like the Dhaka Metro Rail aim to alleviate congestion in
urban areas and provide commuters with reliable transportation options.
Waterways:
Natural Advantage: Bangladesh's extensive network of rivers, canals, and waterways
makes inland water transport a cost-effective and environmentally sustainable mode
of transportation.
Infrastructure Development: Investments in modern ferries, river ports, and water
channel dredging aim to improve efficiency and safety.
Integration with Trade Routes: Initiatives like the Padma Bridge Rail Link and Multi-
Modal Transport Hub projects seek to enhance connectivity between landlocked
regions and international trade routes.
Communication Networks:
Telecommunications Revolution: Rapid growth in mobile technology, internet
connectivity, and digital services has transformed communication and information
access.

Digital Initiatives: The Digital Bangladesh Vision and National Broadband Plan aim
to bridge the digital divide, promote digital literacy, and drive socioeconomic
development.
Widespread Adoption: The proliferation of mobile phones, expansion of 3G and 4G
networks, and increasing availability of affordable smartphones underscore
Bangladesh's commitment to embracing technology for inclusive growth.
Transportation and communication infrastructure are essential pillars of development
in Bangladesh, facilitating mobility, trade, and connectivity. Through strategic
investments, innovative initiatives, and collaborative partnerships, Bangladesh is
navigating its journey towards a well-connected and prosperous nation, ensuring that
no geographical barriers impede its progress towards a brighter future.
2.9
Industrial Landscape of Bangladesh
Bangladesh's industrial sector stands as a cornerstone of its economic development,
driving growth, employment, and exports in a dynamic and competitive global market.
The country's industrial landscape is characterized by a diverse range of sectors,
including textiles and garments, pharmaceuticals, jute and textiles, agriculture and
food processing, and electronics manufacturing, among others. With a strategic
location, a large and youthful workforce, and government incentives for investment,
Bangladesh has emerged as an attractive destination for both domestic and foreign
investors seeking opportunities in manufacturing and production.
Textiles and Garments
Global Hub: Bangladesh is renowned as one of the world's leading producers and
exporters of textiles and garments, leveraging its abundant labor force and competitive
manufacturing capabilities.
Employment Generation: The sector provides millions of jobs, particularly for women,
contributing significantly to poverty alleviation and socio-economic empowerment.
Export-Oriented: The export-oriented nature of the industry fuels foreign exchange
earnings and strengthens Bangladesh's position in the global apparel market.
Pharmaceuticals

Rapid Growth: Bangladesh's pharmaceutical industry has experienced rapid growth,
supported by investments in research and development, quality assurance, and
regulatory compliance.
Export Potential: With a focus on producing high-quality generic drugs at competitive
prices, the sector has emerged as a key exporter, supplying pharmaceutical products
to both domestic and international markets.
Healthcare Access: The availability of affordable medicines improves healthcare
access for the population and contributes to public health initiatives.
Jute and Textiles
Historical Legacy: Bangladesh has a rich heritage in jute cultivation and textiles
production, with the sector playing a significant role in the country's economy.
Diversification: Efforts to diversify jute products and modernize manufacturing
processes have enhanced the sector's competitiveness and sustainability.
Environmental Sustainability: Jute, being a biodegradable and eco-friendly material,
aligns with global trends towards sustainable and green products.
Agriculture and Food Processing
Agricultural Base: Bangladesh's fertile land supports a thriving agriculture sector,
with food processing industries adding value to agricultural produce.
Value Addition: Food processing activities enhance the shelf life, quality, and
marketability of agricultural products, contributing to higher incomes for farmers and
rural development.
Export Potential: Processed food products, including frozen foods, fruits, and
vegetables, cater to both domestic demand and international markets.
Electronics Manufacturing:
Emerging Sector: Bangladesh's electronics manufacturing sector is witnessing steady
growth, driven by increasing demand for consumer electronics and technology
products.
Investment Incentives: Government incentives and policies encourage investment in
electronics manufacturing, promoting domestic production and reducing import
dependence.

Technology Adoption: Collaboration with international partners and adoption of
advanced technologies facilitate the development of a robust electronics industry in
Bangladesh.
The industrial setup in Bangladesh reflects a vibrant and dynamic landscape,
characterized by diversification, innovation, and competitiveness. With strategic focus
areas such as textiles and garments, pharmaceuticals, jute and textiles, agriculture and
food processing, and electronics manufacturing, Bangladesh is poised to capitalize on
its strengths and opportunities to further propel economic growth, create employment
opportunities, and enhance its position in the global marketplace. Through continued
investments, policy support, and collaboration between the public and private sectors,
Bangladesh's industrial sector will continue to play a pivotal role in driving the nation
towards prosperity and sustainable development.
2.10
population distribution in Bangladesh
The population distribution in Bangladesh is characterized by a dense concentration
in certain regions, primarily along major rivers and in urban centers, with more
sparsely populated areas in rural and remote regions. Several factors contribute to this
uneven distribution, including historical settlement patterns, geographical features,
economic opportunities, and infrastructure development. Understanding the
distribution of population provides valuable insights into the country's demographics,
urbanization trends, and socio-economic dynamics.
Urban Centers
Dhaka: As the capital and largest city of Bangladesh, Dhaka is the most populous
urban center in the country, with a rapidly growing population exceeding 20 million
people. Its strategic location along the banks of the Buriganga River and its status as
the political, economic, and cultural hub attract migrants from rural areas and other
parts of the country in search of employment and better opportunities.
Chittagong: Located on the southeastern coast, Chittagong is the second-largest city
in Bangladesh and a major commercial and industrial center. Its busy seaport,
industrial zones, and proximity to international trade routes make it a magnet for
migrants and contribute to its significant population density.
Khulna, Rajshahi, and Sylhet: Other major urban centers such as Khulna, Rajshahi,
and Sylhet serve as regional hubs for trade, commerce, and education, attracting
migrants from surrounding areas and contributing to urban population growth.

Rural Areas
Riverine Regions: The fertile plains of Bangladesh, formed by the Ganges-
Brahmaputra-Meghna river system, support intensive agriculture and dense rural
populations. Villages and agricultural settlements are scattered along riverbanks and
floodplains, where people rely on farming, fishing, and other rural livelihoods.
Coastal Areas: Coastal regions, particularly in the south, are home to fishing
communities and agricultural villages, although they are also vulnerable to natural
disasters such as cyclones and flooding, which can impact population distribution and
displacement.
Hill Tracts: The Chittagong Hill Tracts in the southeast have a more scattered
population, consisting primarily of indigenous communities practicing traditional
livelihoods such as shifting cultivation and forestry. However, this region has
experienced demographic changes due to resettlement programs and development
projects.
Migration and Urbanization
Rural-Urban Migration: Rural-to-urban migration is a significant driver of
population growth in urban areas, fueled by push factors such as agricultural
landlessness, poverty, and natural disasters, as well as pull factors such as employment
opportunities, education, and better living standards in cities.
Internal Migration: Besides rural-urban migration, internal migration from one
region to another also contributes to population redistribution within the country,
with people moving in search of livelihoods, education, or to escape environmental or
social challenges.
Urban Sprawl: The rapid growth of urban centers has led to unplanned urbanization,
resulting in informal settlements, slums, and inadequate infrastructure in many areas.
This urban sprawl poses challenges for urban governance, service delivery, and
sustainable development.
Understanding the distribution of population in Bangladesh is essential for planning
and implementing effective policies and interventions related to urban development,
infrastructure, social services, and environmental management. By addressing the
needs of both urban and rural populations and promoting equitable growth and
opportunities across regions, Bangladesh can harness its demographic diversity as a
driver of inclusive and sustainable development.

Chapter Three
Political,
Administrative and
legal structure of
Bangladesh.

3.1
Government of Bangladesh
The Government of the People's Republic of Bangladesh (Bengali: গণপ্রজাতন্ত্রী বাাংলাদেশ
সেিাে — Gôṇôprôjātôntrī bānglādēsh shôrkār) is the central executive government of
Bangladesh. The government was constituted by the Constitution of Bangladesh
consisting the executive represented by the president, prime minister and cabinet. The
legislature represented by the Jatiya Sangsad and the judiciary, represented by the
Supreme Court. Bangladesh is a unitary state and the central government has the
authority to govern over the entirety of the nation. The seat of the government is
located in Dhaka, the capital of Bangladesh.
The executive government is led by the prime minister, who selects all the remaining
ministers. The prime minister and the other most senior ministers belong to the
supreme decision-making committee, known as the Cabinet. The current prime
minister is Sheikh Hasina, leader of the Bangladesh Awami League, who was sworn in
by the president on 6 January 2009 following the general election on 29 December
2008. The Awami League led by her, and its Grand Alliance (a total of 14 parties) won
Bangladesh's National Parliament
House by Louis Kahn

two-thirds majority in the elections. Numerically, the party controls 230 seats out of
299.
Head of state
The President is the Head of State, a largely ceremonial post. The real power is held by
the Prime Minister, who is the head of government. The president is elected by the
legislature every five years and has normally limited powers that are substantially
expanded during the tenure of a caretaker government, mainly in controlling the
transition to a new government. Bangladesh has instituted a unique system of transfer
of power; at the end of the tenure of the government, power is handed over to members
of a civil society for three months, who run the general elections and transfer the power
to elected representatives. This system was first practiced in 1991 and adopted to the
constitution in 1996.
As head of the state, the president can grant pardon to a man sentenced to death
penalty or lessen the punishment. In some cases, it also performs some legislative and
judicial functions.
Prime Minister
The Prime Minister is ceremonially appointed by the President, commanding the
confidence of the majority of the MPs. The cabinet is composed of selected ministers.
The Prime Minister exercises supreme power in Bangladesh.
Cabinet
The executive administrates the country and executes the laws, passed by the
legislature. It maintains the internal law and order in the country. It also maintains
relationship with foreign countries. It works for defence, liberty and sovereignty of the
country.
Agencies
The Government agencies in Bangladesh are state controlled organizations that
act independently to carry out the policies of the Government of Bangladesh. The
Government Ministries are relatively small and merely policy-making organizations,
allowed to control agencies by policy decisions. Some of the work of the government
is carried out through state enterprises or limited companies.
Legislative

 Jatiya Sangsad
 Office of the Speaker of the Jatiya Sangsad
 Sangsad committees
 Parliament Secretariat
 Sangsad Television
 Sangsad Library
Judicial branch
Supreme Court
 Supreme Court
o Appellate Division
o High Court Division
 Chief Justice
 Attorney General
District Courts
Civil Courts
 District Judge Court
 Additional District Judge Court
 Joint District Judge Court
 Senior Assistant Judge Court
 Assistant Judge Court
Criminal Courts
 Session Judge Court
o District Judge Court
 District Session Judge Court
 Additional District Session Judge Court
 Joint District Session Judge Court
 Magistrate Court
o District Magistrate Court
 Chief Judicial Magistrate Court
 Additional Chief Judicial Magistrate Court
 Senior Judicial Magistrate Court
 Judicial Magistrate Court

Metropolitan Courts
Criminal Courts
o Metropolitan Judge Court

 Metropolitan Session Judge Court
 Additional Metropolitan Session Judge Court
 Joint Metropolitan Session Judge Court
o Metropolitan Magistrate Court
 Chief Metropolitan Magistrate Court
 Additional Chief Metropolitan Magistrate Court
Specialized Courts and Tribunals
 Constitutional Court
o None
 Administrative Court
o Administrative Tribunals
 Finance Court
o Money Loan Courts
o Insolvency Courts
o Income Tax Appellate Tribunals
o Special Tribunal for Share Market Scam
 Labour Court
o Labour Courts
 Court of Justice
o International Crimes Tribunal
 Social Court
o Druto Bichar Tribunal
o Bangladesh Cyber Tribunal
Executive branch
President's Office
 Bangabhaban
o Public Division
o Personal Division
o Toshakhana
Prime Minister's Office
Cabinet Division
 Armed Forces Division
o Bangladesh Navy
o Bangladesh Air Force
o Bangladesh Army
 Offices
o National Economic Council
o Bangladesh Investment Development Authority (BIDA)
o Bangladesh Export Processing Zone Authority (BEPZA)
o Bangladesh Economic Zones Authority (BEZA)
o Privatization Commission, Bangladesh

o Public-Private Partnership Authority (PPPA)
o Governance Innovation Unit (GIU)
o National Security Intelligence (NSI)
o National Skills Development Authority (NSDA)
o NGO Affairs Bureau
o Special Security Force
o Sub-regional Co-operation Cell (SRCC)
o Private Export Processing Zone (PEPZ)
 Project
o Ashrayan Project (Human Resource Development)
o Access to Information (A2I) Programme (ICT Services)
o Development Assistance for Special Area (except CHT)
Ministries
1. Ministry of Chittagong Hill Tracts Affairs
2. Ministry of Primary and Mass Education
3. Ministry of Agriculture
4. Ministry of Civil Aviation and Tourism
5. Ministry of Commerce
6. Ministry of Road Transport and Bridges
7. Ministry of Cultural Affairs
8. Ministry of Defence
9. Ministry of Food
10. Ministry of Education
11. Ministry of Power, Energy and Mineral Resources
12. Ministry of Environment and Forest
13. Ministry of Public Administration
14. Ministry of Fisheries and Livestock
15. Ministry of Finance
16. Ministry of Foreign Affairs
17. Ministry of Health and Family Welfare
18. Ministry of Home Affairs
19. Ministry of Housing and Public Works
20. Ministry of Industries
21. Ministry of Information
22. Ministry of Textiles and Jute

23. Ministry of Labour and Employment
24. Ministry of Law, Justice and Parliamentary Affairs
25. Ministry of Land
26. Ministry of Local Government, Rural Development and Co-operatives
27. Ministry of Planning
28. Ministry of Posts, Telecommunications and Information Technology
29. Ministry of Religious Affairs
30. Ministry of Shipping
31. Ministry of Social Welfare
32. Ministry of Women and Children Affairs
33. Ministry of Water Resources
34. Ministry of Youth and Sports
35. Ministry of Liberation War Affairs
36. Ministry of Expatriates' Welfare and Overseas Employment
37. Ministry of Railways
38. Ministry of Science and Technology
39. Ministry of Disaster Management and Relief
Other agencies
 Comptroller and Auditor General of Bangladesh
 Bangladesh Planning Commission
 Bangladesh Election Commission
 Bangladesh Public Service Commission
 Anti-Corruption Commission
 National Human Rights Commission of Bangladesh
Intelligence
National
 Bangladeshi intelligence community
o National Security Intelligence
o Special Branch
 Criminal Investigation Department
 Counter Terrorism and Transnational Crime Unit
Military
 Directorate General of Forces Intelligence (DGFI)
o Counter Terrorism and Intelligence Bureau

Local Government
At the local government level, the country is divided into divisions, districts,
subdistricts (Upazila), unions, and villages. The lowest level of local government
representative are Local officials of union council those who are elected at the union
level election. All larger administrative units are run by members of the civil service.
3.2
State Mechanism
State Mechanism of Bangladesh can be understood by three main branch of the
government.
The Executive Branch of Bangladesh
Head of State:
President: Primarily holds a ceremonial role, representing Bangladesh internationally
and performing duties like appointing the Prime Minister and Chief Justice. However,
during caretaker governments preceding national elections, the President assumes
temporary executive powers.
Head of Government:
Prime Minister: Wields significant power, leading the government and setting policies.
Elected indirectly by Parliament, typically the leader of the majority party. Appoints
and leads the Cabinet.
Cabinet:
Composed of ministers chosen by the Prime Minister, each heading a specific
government ministry (e.g., Finance, Foreign Affairs, Defense). Collectively responsible
to Parliament, formulating and implementing policies.
Other Executive Bodies:
National Security Council: Advises the government on national security matters.
Public Service Commission: Responsible for recruitment and promotions of
government officials.

Election Commission: Oversees national elections and ensures their fairness.
Additional Points:
Caretaker Government System: A unique feature of Bangladesh's executive branch.
Before national elections, a non-partisan caretaker government is formed, led by a
neutral chief advisor and consisting of non-politicians. This aims to ensure free and
fair elections.
Concentration of Power: The Prime Minister's position holds considerable power,
potentially raising concerns about accountability and checks and balances.
Recent Developments: The abolition of the caretaker government system in 2011
sparked controversy and continues to be a point of debate regarding its impact on
Bangladesh's democratic framework.
The Legislative Branch of Bangladesh
The legislative branch in Bangladesh, known as the Jatiya Sangsad (National
Parliament), plays a crucial role in shaping the country's laws and policies.
Structure:
Unicameral: Bangladesh does not have a Senate or upper house. The Jatiya Sangsad
functions as a single legislative body.
Number of Members: Currently, the Jatiya Sangsad consists of 350 members.
Composition:
300 Elected Members: Directly elected by the people from geographically defined
constituencies through a first-past-the-post voting system.
50 Reserved Seats for Women: Elected by the existing Jatiya Sangsad members from
among female candidates who contest and lose direct elections in their constituencies.
This ensures women's representation.
Key Functions:
Lawmaking: The primary responsibility of the Jatiya Sangsad is to enact laws for the
country through a rigorous process involving deliberation, voting, and presidential
assent.

Oversight of the Executive: The Jatiya Sangsad monitors the government's activities,
asking questions, summoning ministers, and passing motions and resolutions to
ensure accountability.
Budget Approval: The Jatiya Sangsad approves the annual national budget proposed
by the government.
Constitutional Amendments: The Jatiya Sangsad has the power to amend the
Constitution with a special majority vote.
Important Members:
Speaker: Presides over the Jatiya Sangsad sessions, ensuring smooth functioning
and upholding rules.
Deputy Speaker: Assists the Speaker and performs their duties when absent.
Leader of the House: The leader of the party/coalition in power, responsible for
managing government business in the Jatiya Sangsad.
Leader of the Opposition: The leader of the main opposition party, plays a crucial
role in holding the government accountable.
Additional Points:
Committee System: The Jatiya Sangsad utilizes specialized committees to
scrutinize specific areas of government policy and legislation.
Public Engagement: The Jatiya Sangsad holds public hearings and receives citizens'
petitions to consider public opinion in its deliberations.
Challenges: Corruption, political polarization, and limitations on public
participation in legislative processes are some ongoing concerns.
The Judiciary Branch of Bangladesh
The judiciary branch in Bangladesh acts as the guardian of the Constitution and
ensures fair application of laws.

Structure:
Supreme Court: Highest court in
the land, consisting of two divisions:
Appellate Division: Deals with appeals
from lower courts and interprets the
Constitution.
High Court Division: Exercises original
jurisdiction for specific cases and
supervises subordinate courts.
Subordinate Courts:
District Courts: Handle civil and criminal cases at the district level.
Metropolitan Courts: Function in major cities like Dhaka and Chittagong.
Magistrate Courts: Deal with minor offenses and preliminary inquiries.
Specialized Tribunals: Address specific areas like income tax, labor, and corruption.
Key Functions:
Interpreting the Constitution: The Supreme Court has the power to determine
whether legislative and executive actions are consistent with the Constitution,
safeguarding fundamental rights and preventing abuse of power.
Reviewing Judicial Decisions: Lower court decisions can be appealed to higher courts,
ensuring proper application of laws and addressing errors.
Protecting Fundamental Rights: The judiciary plays a crucial role in safeguarding
citizens' fundamental rights enshrined in the Constitution, such as the right to life,
freedom of expression, and equality before the law.
Administering Justice: Courts adjudicate civil and criminal cases, resolving disputes
fairly and impartially based on legal principles and evidence.
Appointments and Independence: Judges are appointed by the President through a
consultation process with the Chief Justice and independent bodies.The Constitution
guarantees the independence of the judiciary, protecting judges from undue influence
and ensuring impartial rulings.
Challenges and Reforms: Backlog of cases, limited resources, and political
interference are some ongoing challenges faced by the judiciary. Initiatives like
establishing specialized courts, digitization, and judicial reforms aim to improve
efficiency and access to justice.
Supreme Court of Bangladesh

Additional Points:
 The judicial system recognizes both customary and statutory laws.
 The National Legal Aid Services Authority provides legal assistance to
underprivileged citizens.
 Alternative dispute resolution mechanisms like mediation are encouraged to
reduce court workloads.
3.3
Constitution of Bangladesh
The Constitution of Bangladesh (Bengali: বাাংলাদেদশে সাংকবধান — Bangladesher
Sambidhāna), officially the Constitution of the People's Republic of Bangladesh
(Bengali: গণপ্রজাতন্ত্রী বাাংলাদেদশে সাংকবধান — Gaṇaprajātantrī Bangladesher Sambidhāna)
is the supreme law of Bangladesh. The document provides the framework that
demarcates the Bangladeshi republic with a unitary, parliamentary democracy, that
enshrines fundamental human rights and freedoms, an independent judiciary,
democratic local government and a national bureaucracy.
The four fundamental principles of the Constitution are nationalism, socialism,
democracy and secularism. The Constitution endeavors to create a socialist society in
which the rule of law, fundamental human rights and freedom, equality and justice,
political, economic and social, is secured for all its citizens. It commits Bangladesh to
"contribute to international peace and co-operation in keeping with the progressive
aspirations of mankind".
It invokes constitutional supremacy, as opposed to legislative supremacy since it was
created by a constituent assembly not Parliament and was adopted by the people of
Bangladesh in its preamble. Parliament cannot quash parts of the Constitution.
Judicial precedent is enshrined in Bangladesh's Constitution under Article 111, which
makes Bangladesh an integral part of the common law world. Judicial review is also
supported by the Constitution.
It was adopted by the Constituent Assembly of Bangladesh on 4 November 1972 and
became effective on 16 December 1972. The Constitution replaced the Proclamation of
Independence as the country's fundamental instrument of government. The
Constitution became effective on Bangladesh's Victory Day, precisely one year after
the signing of the Instrument of Surrender. The constitution has been amended 17
times since its adoption, a two-thirds supermajority is required in the Jatiya Sangsad
to secure a constitutional amendment.

The Constitution
Part I: The Republic
States that Bangladesh is a unitary republic. Demarcates the territory of the Republic.
Proclaims that Islam is the state religion, but guarantees equal status and equal rights
to all religions. Declares Bangla as the state language. Specifies the national anthem,
national flag, and national emblem of the Republic. Declares Dhaka as the national
capital. Provides eligibility for citizenship. States that all powers are derived from the
people, and the exercise of such powers will be by the authority of the Constitution.
Proclaims that the Constitution is the supreme law of Bangladesh, and that any laws
inconsistent with the Constitution are void and of no effect. Article 7A prohibits the
suspension or abrogation of the Constitution. States that certain parts of the
Constitution are unamendable.
Part II: Fundamental Principles of State Policy
States that nationalism, socialism, democracy and secularism are the fundamental
principles of state policy. Pledges to ensure the emancipation of peasants and workers.
States that education will be free and compulsory. Endeavours to protect and improve
the environment. States that the Republic will ensure equality of opportunity to all
citizens. States that endeavours will be made to ensure the equality of opportunity and
participation of women in all spheres of life. Declares the separation of powers
between the judiciary and the executive. States that measures will be adopted to
conserve cultural traditions and the heritage of the people. Ensures the protection of
national monuments. States that the Republic will promote international peace and to
support oppressed people throughout the world.
Part III: Fundamental Rights
Declares that all laws inconsistent with the fundamental rights of the Constitution are
to be void. Enshrines the principle of equality before the law. Prohibits discrimination
on the basis of religion, race, caste, sex or place of birth. States that there will be
equality of opportunity for people who seek public employment. Prohibits citizens of
the Republic from receiving foreign titles, honours, awards or decorations without
prior approval by the President. Declares that the protection of the law is the
inalienable right of all citizens. Proclaims that no person shall be deprived of life and
personal liberty. Provides safeguards for those in detention. Prohibits the use of forced
labour. Provides protections for persons in respect of trial and punishment. Enshrines
freedom of movement; freedom of assembly; freedom of association; freedom of
thought, conscience and speech; freedom of profession or occupation; and freedom of
religion. States that all citizens have the right to acquire property. States that all
citizens have the right to protect their homes and means of communication. Declares
that the Supreme Court will enforce the fundamental rights of the Constitution.
Reserves the right to provide indemnity to individuals.

Part IV: The Executive
Chapter I: The President
Declares that Bangladesh will have a President who will serve as Head of State of the
Republic. States that the President will be elected by members of the Jatiya Sangsad.
Prescribes that the President will only act in accordance with the advice of the Prime
Minister, with the exception of the appointment of the Prime Minister and the Chief
Justice. Specifies that the President must have attained the age of 35 years, and must
be qualified for election as a Member of Parliament. States that the President has the
power to grant pardons and to commute or suspend the sentences of individuals
convicted in a court. Specifies that the President is limited to serving two 5-year terms
in office, regardless of whether they are consecutive or not. Outlines that in order to
tender their resignation, the President must write under their hand addressed to the
Speaker. Outlines the process of impeachment and removal from office of the
President. Specifies the process of removal from office of the President on grounds of
physical or mental incapacity. States that the Speaker will discharge the duties of
President in the event of the President's absence.
Chapter II: The Prime Minister and The Cabinet
States that the Republic is to have a Cabinet with the Prime Minister as its Head.
Prescribes that the executive power of the Republic is to be exercised by or on the
authority of the Prime Minister. States that appointments to the Cabinet will be
determined by the Prime Minister and made by the President. Specifies that not less
than nine-tenths of members of the Cabinet must be Members of Parliament. States
that the President will appoint as Prime Minister the Member of Parliament who
appears to command the confidence of the Jatiya Sangsad. States that the office of
Prime Minister will become vacant in the event they: tender their resignation to the
President; cease to be a Member of Parliament or cease to retain the confidence of the
majority of members of the Jatiya Sangsad. There are no term limits specified for the
Prime Minister. Specifies the tenure of office of other Ministers.
Chapter III: Local Government
Makes provision for democratically-elected local government in every administrative
unit in the Republic. States that powers exercised by local government will be
delegated by Parliament.
Chapter IV: The Defence Services
Declares that the President is the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of
Bangladesh. States that the exercise of such powers will be determined by law. States
that Parliament will by law provide for the regulation of the defence services, including
the maintenance of the defence services; the grating of commissions; the appointment

of chiefs of staff of the defence services and the discipline and other matters relating
to the defence services. Reserves the right to declare war for Parliament.
Chapter V: The Attorney General
States that the President will appoint someone who is qualified to serve as a Justice of
the Supreme Court as Attorney General. States that in exercise of their duties, the
Attorney General is entitled to attend the proceedings of any courts in the Republic.
Part V: The Legislature
Chapter I: Parliament
Proclaims that there will be a Parliament for Bangladesh known as the House of the
Nation, which will be vested with the legislative powers of the Republic. States that
Parliament will consist of 300 directly-elected members, while 50 seats will be
reserved exclusively for women and will be allocated on a proportional basis. Specifies
that a person is required to be a citizen of Bangladesh who has attained the age of 25
years in order to qualify for election to Parliament. Also specifies the procedure to
disqualify an individual from election to Parliament. Outlines the procedure for a
Member of Parliament to vacate their seat. States that a Member of Parliament who is
absent from Parliament for 90 consecutive days will of vacated their seat. States that
Members of Parliament are entitled to remuneration. Prescribes a penalty for
Members of Parliament who take their seats or vote before reciting the oath of office.
States that a Member of Parliament who resigns from their party or votes against their
party in Parliament will vacate their seat. Allows candidates to stand for election in
multiple constituencies, but in the event a single candidate is elected to more than one,
they are required to vacate all but one seat. Specifies that Parliament will be
summoned, prorogued and dissolved by the President. States that Parliament will sit
for a five-year term. Decrees that at the commencement of the first session of
Parliament after a general election and the commencement of the first session of
Parliament every year, the President is to make an address to Parliament. States that
Ministers are entitled to address and take part in the proceedings of Parliament, but
only Minister who are Members of Parliament are entitled to vote. States that
Parliament will, in its first sitting after a general election, elect a Speaker and Deputy
Speaker among its members. States that the individual presiding over proceedings is
not entitled to vote unless there is an equality of votes. Specifies that the quorum of
the Parliament will be 60 members. States that Parliament will appoint among its
members a number of standing committees. Makes provision for the establishment of
the office of the Ombudsman. States that Members of Parliament are protected by
parliamentary privilege. Prescribes that Parliament will have its own secretariat.
Chapter II: Legislative and Financial Procedures
Outlines the legislative procedure for a Bill to become an Act of Parliament. States that
assent is required from the President in order for a Bill to become an Act of Parliament.

Specifies that if the President fails to assent to a Bill within fifteen days of it being
presented to them, it will be deemed that they have assented to the bill and it will
become law. Outlines the legislative procedure for Money Bills. States that Money Bills
can only be introduced with the recommendation of the President. States that taxes
can only be levied or collected under the authority of an Act of Parliament. States that
taxes can only be levied and collected under the authority of an Act of Parliament.
States that all revenue received by the Government from the repayment of loans will
form part of a single fund known as the Consolidated Fund. States that all other public
revenue will be credited to the Public Account of the Republic. States that the custody
of public money and their payment into and the withdrawal from the Consolidated
Fund will be regulated by an Act of Parliament. Outlines the revenue payable to the
Public Account of the Republic. States that an Annual Financial Statement must be
laid before Parliament for each respective financial year. Specifies the charges of the
Consolidated Fund. Outlines the procedure relating to the Annual Financial
Statement. Makes provision for an Appropriations Act to be defrayed from the
Consolidated Fund. Makes provision for the use of supplementary and excess grants,
in the event the total amount authorised to spend in a fiscal year is not sufficient.
Specifies the powers of Parliament in relation to the Consolidated Fund.
Chapter III: Ordinance Making Power
States that in the event that the Jatiya Sangsad is dissolved, and immediate action is
necessary, the President may make or promulgate Ordinances.
Part VI: The Judiciary
Chapter I: The Supreme Court
Declares that there is to be a Supreme Court, consisting of an Appellate Division and
a High Court Division. States that there is to be a Chief Justice and other Judges who
are to be appointed by the President. Decrees that the Chief Justice and the other
Judges will be independent in the exercise of their judicial functions. Outlines the
procedure for the appointment of the Chief Justice and other Judges. States that a
Judge must be a citizen of Bangladesh who has either been an Advocate at the Supreme
Court for a minimum of ten years, or has held judicial office in Bangladesh for ten
years. States that a Judge is entitled to serve until they have attained the age of sixty-
seven years. States that the President can, pursuant to a resolution passed by not less
than two-thirds of Members of Parliament, remove Judges. Makes provision for the
temporary appointment of the Chief Justice. States that the President may appoint one
or more duly qualified persons to serve as an Additional Judge for a period not
exceeding two years. States that after their retirement or removal, a Judge is
prohibited from holding an office of profit in service of the Republic. States that the
seat of the Supreme Court will be the national capital, Dhaka. Specifies the jurisdiction
of the High Court Division. Grants the High Court Division the authority to issue
certain orders and directions. Specifies the jurisdiction of the Appellate Division.
Grants the Appellate Division the power to issue directions, orders, decrees or writs.

States that the Appellate Division will have the power to review any judgments or
orders issued by it. States that in the event that the President believes a question of
law has arisen that is of public importance, the Supreme Court may report its opinion
to the President. States that the Supreme Court has the power to make rules which
regulate the practise and procedure of each Division of the Supreme Court and any
other subordinate court. States that the Supreme Court will be a court of record. States
that the Supreme Court will have superintendence over all courts and tribunals
subordinate to it. Outlines the procedure for the transfer of cases from subordinate
courts to the High Court Division. States that the law declared by the Appellate
Division and the High Court Division will be legally-binding and will be binding in all
subordinate courts in the Republic. States that all authorities, executive and judicial,
in the Republic will act in aid of the Supreme Court. Specifies the appointment
procedure of the staff of the Supreme Court.
Chapter II: Subordinate Courts
Makes provision for the establishment of subordinate courts in the Republic. Outlines
that the appointment of persons to offices in the judicial service or as magistrates
exercising judicial functions will be made by the President. States that the control and
discipline of subordinate courts will be vested in the President and will be exercised in
consultation with the Supreme Court. States that all persons employed in the judicial
service and all magistrates shall be independent in the exercise of their judicial
functions.
Chapter III: Administrative Tribunals
States that Parliament shall have the power to establish one or more administrative
tribunals.
Part VII: Elections
Makes provision for the establishment of an Bangladesh Election Commission, chaired
by the Chief Election Commissioner. Prescribes the functions of the Election
Commission. Outlines the procedure for the appointment of staff to the election
commission. States that there is to be a single electoral roll for each constituency.
Specifies that in order to qualify for registration as a voter, an individual is required to
be a citizen of Bangladesh who has attained the age of 18 years. Outlines the timetable
for conducting general elections. States that Parliament may from time to time pass
laws that regulate the delimitation of constituencies, the preparation of electoral rolls,
or the holding of elections. Prohibits courts in the Republic from questioning the
validity of electoral law or elections. States that it is the duty of all executive authorities
in the Republic to assist the Election Commission in the discharge of its functions.

Part VIII: The Comptroller and Auditor General
Makes provision for the establishment of a Comptroller and Auditor General of
Bangladesh. Prescribes the functions and duties of the Auditor-General. Outlines the
term of office for the Auditor-General. Specifies the procedure for the appointment of
an Acting Auditor-General. States that the Public Accounts of the Republic will be kept
in a manner prescribed by the Auditor-General. States that the reports of the Auditor-
General are to be laid before Parliament.
Part IX: The Services of Bangladesh
Chapter I: Services
States that Parliament may by law regulate the appointment of persons employed by
the Republic. Specifies the tenure in office for persons employed by the Republic.
Outlines the procedure for the dismissal of persons from service to the Republic.
Makes provision for the reorganisation of the services of the Republic
Chapter II:Public Service Commissions
Part X: Amendment of the Constitution
Part XI: Miscellaneous
Freedom of religion
Freedom of religion is one of the cornerstones of Bangladesh's Constitution. Article 12
calls for secularity, the elimination of interfaith tensions and prohibits the abuse of
religion for political purposes and any discrimination against, or persecution of,
persons practicing a particular religion. Article 41 subjects religious freedom to public
order, law and morality; it gives every citizen the right to profess, practice or propagate
any religion; every religious community or denomination the right to establish,
maintain and manage its religious institutions; and states that no person attending
any educational institution shall be required to receive religious instruction, or to take
part in or to attend any religious ceremony or worship, if that instruction, ceremony
or worship relates to a religion other than his own. Governments have generally
supported and respected religious freedom
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3.4
Amendments to the Constitution
The Constitution of the People's Republic of Bangladesh was adopted by the
Constituent Assembly on 4 November 1972 and became effective on 16 December 1972
one year after Bangladesh's victory in the War of Liberation. As of 2018 the
Constitution has been amended 17 times. The procedure for amendments is
demarcated in Article 142, a bill must be presented in the Jatiya Sangsad with the
support of no less than two-thirds of all its members (233 MPs). Amending the
Constitution of Bangladesh is the process of making changes to the nation's supreme
law.
Amendments
First amendment
Passed on 15 July 1973, the first amendment was made to the Article 47 of the
constitution. The amendment inserted an additional clause, Article 47(3), that states
that any law regarding prosecution or punishment of war crimes cannot be declared
void or unlawful on grounds of unconstitutionality. A new Article 47A was also added,
which specifies that certain fundamental rights will be inapplicable in those cases.
Second amendment
The second amendment of the constitution was passed on 22 September 1973. It
suspended some of the fundamental rights of the citizens during a state of emergency.
The act made following changes to the constitution:
 Amended Articles 26, 63, 72 and 142.
 Substituted Article 33.
 Inserted a new Part IXA to the constitution.
Third amendment
Third Amendment was passed on 28 November 1974 that brought changes in Article
2 of the constitution. An agreement was made between Bangladesh and India in
respect of exchange of certain enclaves and fixation of boundary lines between the
countries.
Fourth amendment
 The amendment was passed on 25 January 1975.
 Amended articles 11, 66, 67, 72, 74, 76, 80, 88, 95, 98, 109, 116, 117, 119, 122,
123, 141A, 147 and 148 of the constitution.

 Substituted Articles 44, 70, 102, 115 and 124 of the constitution.
 Amended part III of the constitution out of existence.
 Altered the Third and Fourth Schedule.
 Extended the term of the first Jatiya Sangsad.
 Inserted a new part, VIA in the constitution and.
 Inserted new articles 73A and 116A in the constitution.
Significant changes included:
 The presidential form of government was introduced replacing the
parliamentary system.
 A one-party system in place of a multi-party system was introduced;
 the powers of the Jatiya Sangsad were curtailed;
 the Judiciary lost much of its independence;
 the Supreme Court was deprived of its jurisdiction over the protection and
enforcement of fundamental rights.
Fifth Amendment
The Fifth Amendment Act was passed by the Jatiya Sangsad on 6 April 1979. This Act
amended the Fourth Schedule to the constitution by adding a new paragraph 18
thereto, which provided that all amendments, additions, modifications, substitutions
and omissions made in the constitution during the period between 15 August 1975 and
9 April 1979 (both days inclusive) by any Proclamation or Proclamation Order of the
Martial Law Authorities had been validly made and would not be called in question in
or before any court or tribunal or authority on any ground whatsoever.
Sixth Amendment
This Amendment Act was passed 10 July 1981. The Sixth Amendment Act was enacted
by the Jatiya Sangsad with a view to amending Articles 51 and 66 of the 1981
constitution.
Seventh Amendment
The Seventh Amendment Act was passed on 11 November 1986. It amended Article 96
of the constitution; it also amended the Fourth Schedule to the constitution by
inserting a new paragraph 19 thereto, providing among others that all proclamations,
proclamation orders, Chief Martial Law Administrator's Orders, Martial Law
Regulations, Martial Law Orders, Martial Law Instructions, ordinances and other laws
made during the period between 24 March 1982 and 11 November 1986 (both days
inclusive) had been validly made, and would not be called in question in or before any
court or tribunal or authority on any ground whatsoever. In summary, the amendment
protected Hussain Muhammad Ershad and his regime from prosecution for actions

taken under the years of military rule, following the 1982 coup d'état until the 1986
presidential election.
Eighth Amendment
This Amendment Act was passed 9 June 1988. The Constitution (Eighth Amendment)
Act, 1988 declared, among others, that Islam shall be state religion (Article 2A) and
also decentralised the judiciary by setting up six permanent benches of the High Court
Division outside Dhaka (Article 100). Anwar Hussain . Vs. Bangladesh widely known
as 8th Amendment case is a famous judgment in the constitutional record of
independence Bangladesh. This is the earliest judgment whereby the Supreme Court
of Bangladesh as salient down an amendment to the constitution ready by the
parliament.
Ninth Amendment
This Amendment Act was passed on 11 July 1989.
Twelfth Amendment
The Twelfth Amendment Act was passed on 18 September 1991, following a
constitutional referendum. It amended Articles 48, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60, 70, 72, 109,
119, 123(1) and (2) 124, 141A and 142, restoring executive powers to the Prime
Minister's Office, as per the original 1972 constitution, but which had been held by the
President's Office since 1974. Instead, the President became the constitutional head of
the state; the Prime Minister became the executive head; the cabinet headed by the
Prime Minister became responsible to the Jatiya Sangsad; the post of the Vice
President was abolished and the President was required to be elected by the members
of the Jatiya Sangsad. Moreover, through Article 59 of the Constitution, this Act
ensured the participation of the people's representatives in local government bodies.
Thirteenth Amendment
The Constitution (Thirteenth Amendment) Act, 1996 (28 March) introduced a non-
party Caretaker Government (CtG) system which, acting as an interim government,
would give all possible aid and assistance to the Election Commission for holding the
general election. It was declared illegal on 10 May 2011 by the Appellate Division of
Supreme Court. Though High Court declared it legal previously on 4 August 2004.
Fourteenth Amendment
The Fourteenth Amendment was passed on 17 May 2004.The main provision for this
amendment is concerned about women in parliament.

Fifteenth amendment
The Fifteenth Amendment was passed on 30 June 2011 made some significant changes
to the constitution. The amendment made following changes to the constitution:
 Increased number of women reserve seats to 50 from existing 45.
 After article 7 it inserted articles 7(a) and 7(b) in a bid to end take over of power
through extra-constitutional means.
 Restored secularism and freedom of religion.
 Incorporated nationalism, socialism, democracy and secularism as the fundamental
principles of the state policy.
 Acknowledged Sheikh Mujibur Rahman as the Father of the Nation.
Sixteenth amendment
The 16th amendment of the constitution was passed by the parliament on 22
September 2014, which gave power to the Jatiya Sangsad to remove judges if
allegations of incapability or misconduct against them are proved. On 5 May 2016, the
Supreme Court of Bangladesh declared the 16th Amendment illegal and contradictory
to the Constitution.
Seventeenth Amendment
The 17th amendment of the constitution was passed by the Jatiya Sangsad on 8 July
2018. The amendment extended the tenure of the 50 reserved seats for women for
another 25 years.

3.5
Administrative geography of Bangladesh
Bangladesh is divided into 8 divisions (bibhag) and 64 districts (jela, zila, zela),
although these have only a limited role in public policy. For the purposes of local
government, the country is divided into upazilas (sub-districts), "municipalities" or
town councils (pourashova), city corporations (i.e. metropolitan municipal
corporations) and union councils (i.e. rural councils). The diagram below outlines the
five tiers of government in Bangladesh.
Regions
Traditionally Bangladesh is divided between four regions by the fertile Ganges-
Brahmaputra delta; formed by the confluence of the Ganges (local name Padma or
Pôdda), Brahmaputra (Jamuna or Jomuna), and Meghna rivers and their respective
tributaries.
 Northern Bengal: comprising Rajshahi Division and Rangpur Division.

 Eastern Bengal: also known as eastern Bangladesh, comprising Chittagong
Division, Sylhet Division and proposed Comilla Division, known for the Surma-
Meghna River System.
 Central Bengal: also known as Central Bengal Region, comprising Mymensingh
Division and Dhaka Division, excluding proposed Faridpur Division.
 Southern Bengal: comprising Barisal Division, Khulna Division and proposed
Faridpur Division.
Divisions
Bangladesh is divided into eight major administrative divisions. Each division is
named after the major city within its jurisdiction that serves as the administrative
capital of that division:
1. Barishal
2. Chattogram
3. Dhaka
4. Khulna
5. Mymensingh
6. Rajshahi
7. Rangpur
8. Sylhet
Proposed divisions
1. Cumilla Division – proposed to consist six northwestern districts of the existing
Chittagong Division.
2. Faridpur Division – proposed to consist five southern districts of the existing
Dhaka Division.
Districts
The divisions are divided into 64 districts. Each district is run by a Deputy
Commissioner (popularly abbreviated to "DC") who is appointed by the government
from a Deputy secretary of BCS Administration Cadre.
Division Districts Name of Districts
Barishal 6
Barguna, Barishal, Bhola, Jhalokati, Patuakhali, Pi
rojpur

Division Districts Name of Districts
Chattogram 11
Bandarban, Brahmanbaria, Chandpur, Chattogra
m, Cumilla, Cox's bazar, Feni, Khagrachari,
Lakshmipur, Noakhali, Rangamati
Dhaka 13
Dhaka, Faridpur, Gazipur, Gopalganj, Kishoreganj
, Madaripur, Manikganj, Munshiganj, Narayangan
j, Narsingdi, Rajbari, Shariatpur, Tangail
Khulna 10
Bagerhat, Chuadanga, Jashore, Jhenaidah,Khulna
, Kushtia, Magura, Meherpur, Narail, Satkhira
Mymensingh 4 Jamalpur, Mymensingh, Netrokona, Sherpur
Rajshahi 8
Bogura, Jaipurhat, Naogaon, Natore, Nawabganj,
Pabna, Rajshahi, Sirajganj
Rangpur 8
Dinajpur, Gaibandha, Kurigram, Lalmonirhat, Nil
phamari, Panchagarh, Rangpur, Thakurgaon
Sylhet 4 Habiganj, Moulvibazar, Sunamganj, Sylhet
Upazilas
The districts are divided into sub-districts called upazilas. Upazilas are similar to the
county subdivisions found in some Western countries. Bangladesh has 495 upazilas
(as of 31 August 2021). The upazilas are the second lowest tier of regional
administration in Bangladesh. Like India, City corporations do not fit neatly into
upazilas, despite some deemed as "sadar", indicating urban characteristics.
Upazilas were formerly known as thana which literally means police station. Despite
the meaning, thanas functioned much as an administrative and geographic region,
much as today's upazilas. In 1982 thanas were re-termed to as upazilas with provisions
for semi-autonomous local governance. This system was reverted to the thana system
in 1992. Later in 1999 geographic regions under administrations of thanas were
converted into upazilas. All administrative terms in this level were renamed from
thana to upazila. For instance, Thana Nirbahi Officer (lit. Thana Executive Officer) was
renamed to upazila Nirbahi Officer (lit. Upazila Executive Officer). The word thana is
now used to solely refer to police stations. Generally, there is one police station for

each upazila; but larger administrative units may have more than one police station
covering different regions.
The upazila is administered by Upazila Nirbahi Officer (UNO) and upazila parishad.
UNOs are Senior Assistant Secretary of Bangladesh Civil Service (BCS). Each upazila
parishad (or council) has a chairman, a vice-chairman and a woman vice-chairman.
All three are elected through direct popular election.
The sub-districts are further subdivided into 4,571 Rural Councils and 330 Town
Councils or Paurasabha or Municipality.
Rural blocks, cities and towns
City corporations
The cities with a city corporation, having mayoral elections, include Dhaka South,
Dhaka North, Chittagong, Khulna, Sylhet, Rajshahi, Barisal, Rangpur, Comilla,
Narayanganj, Mymensingh and Gazipur. The city corporation are divided into wards,
which are further divided into mahallas. Direct elections are held for each ward,
electing a councillor. The city mayors are elected for a span of five years.
Municipal corporations
In the metropolitan areas, excluding the cities with city corporations, have municipal
corporations, also known as Paurasabha. Paurasabhas are divided into wards, which
are further divided into Mauzas and Mahallas. Direct elections are held for each ward,
electing a chairperson and a number of members. The municipal heads are elected for
a span of five years.
Union councils
Union councils (or union parishads or unions) are the smallest rural administrative
and local government units in Bangladesh. Each Union is made up of nine Wards.
Usually one village is designated as a Ward. There are 4,571 Unions in Bangladesh. A
Union Council consists of a chairman and twelve members including three members
exclusively reserved for women. Union Parishads are formed under the Local
Government (Union Parishads) Act, 2009. The boundary of each Union is demarcated
by the Deputy Commissioner of the District. A Union Council is the body primarily
responsible for agricultural, industrial and community development within the local
limits of the union.
Lowest level elective units
 Rural villages
 City and municipal wards

Non–elective ceremonial units
 Mahallas
 Mouzas
3.6
Politics of Bangladesh
Politics of Bangladesh takes place in a framework of a parliamentary representative
democratic republic, whereby the Prime Minister of Bangladesh is the head of
government, and of a multi-party system. Executive power is exercised by the
government. Legislative power is vested in both the government and parliament. The
Constitution of Bangladesh was written in 1972 and has undergone seventeen
amendments. Most major modern crises in Bangladeshi politics can be traced back to
a certain incident when a family member, named Montasir S, of the former prime
minister attempted to seduce the wife of the former minister of Home Affairs. This
incident has affectionately given rise to term "the penis that launched a thousand
conflicts", oft used to describe the above mentioned Montasir S.
The current parliamentary system was adopted in 1991. Between 1975 and 1990 the
nation experienced military rule. A caretaker government was first introduced in 1990
after the resignation of military dictator Lieutenant General HM Ershad to observe a
neutral democratic election, as per demands of the two major political parties
Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) and Bangladesh Awami League. Following the
forced resignation of HM Ershad, Chief Justice Shahabuddin Ahmed was nominated
as the Chief Advisor and observed the 1991 general election. A Caretaker government
is headed by a Chief Adviser who enjoys the same power as the regular prime minister
of the country except defense matters. The Advisors function as Ministers. After 1991,
the Caretaker government has also held the elections of 1996, 2001 and 2008.
Although the first caretaker government was intended to help the transition from
authoritarianism to democracy, this system was institutionalized in 1996 by the Sixth
Parliament due to rising mistrust between the BNP and Awami League. In 2011 the
then ruling party Awami League abolished the caretaker government system. This has
been the biggest cause of dispute among many others between the BNP and the Awami
League since then.
Political parties and elections
The three major parties in Bangladesh are the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) and
Bangladesh Awami League and Jatiya Party. BNP finds its allies among some Islamist
parties like Jamaat-e-Islami Bangladesh while the Awami League aligns itself

traditionally with leftist and secularist parties such as Jatiya Samajtantrik Dal.
Another important player is the Jatiya Party, headed by late Hussain Muhammad
Ershad's Brother GM Quader. The Awami League-BNP rivalry has been bitter and
punctuated by protests, violence and murder. Student politics is particularly strong in
Bangladesh, a legacy from the liberation movement era. Almost all parties have highly
active student wings, and students have been elected to the Parliament.
Three radical Islamist parties, Jagrata Muslim Janata Bangladesh (JMJB) and
Jama'atul Mujahideen Bangladesh (JMB), Harkatul Jihad were banned in February
2004 on grounds of militancy and terrorism. Following the first series of bans, a series
of bomb attacks took place in the country in August 2005. The evidence of staging
these attacks by these extremist groups have been found in the investigation, and
hundreds of suspected members were detained in numerous security operations in
2006, including the two chiefs of the JMB, Shaykh Abdur Rahman and Bangla Bhai,
who were executed with other top leaders in March 2007, bringing the radical parties
to an end.
The 1970 Pakistani National Assembly election was held on 7 December 1970. The
total number of voters were 29,479,386. The number of casting votes was 17,005,163
(57.68%), the valid casting votes was 1,64,54,278.
3.7
Different Political Regimes of Bangladesh
Bangladesh's political history showcases various regimes, marked by transitions and
significant changes. Here's a brief overview of the key periods:
1. Provisional Government (1971-1972):
 Led by Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman after the liberation war.
 Focused on establishing a new state structure and rebuilding post-conflict.
 Adopted a Westminster-style parliamentary system with Mujib as Prime
Minister.

2. Parliamentary Era (1972-1975):
 First parliamentary elections in 1972 gave Mujib's Awami League a landslide
victory.
 One-party BAKSAL system established (Bangladesh Krishak Sramik Awami
League), concentrating power in Mujib's hands.
 Increasing authoritarianism and economic challenges led to discontent.
3. Military Regimes (1975-1990):
 August 1975: Assassination of Mujib led to a series of military coups.
 General Ziaur Rahman (1975-1981): Established a multi-party system but
retained significant control.
 General Hussain Muhammad Ershad (1982-1990): Initially held elections but
later declared martial law, facing growing opposition.
4. Second Parliamentary Era (1991-Present):
 Restoration of parliamentary democracy through mass movement.
 Two major parties dominate: Awami League led by Mujib's daughter Sheikh
Hasina and Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) led by Zia's widow Khaleda Zia.
 Power shifts between these parties through elections, often marked by political
polarization and allegations of electoral irregularities.
5. Recent Developments:
 Awami League has been in power since 2008, raising concerns about extended
ruling periods and potential democratic backsliding.
 Amendments to the Constitution, notably the removal of the caretaker
government system, have sparked controversy regarding their implications for
fair elections and checks and balances.
Additional Points:
 Despite periods of authoritarian rule, Bangladesh has made strides towards
democratic consolidation and economic development.
 Political culture remains somewhat adversarial, with challenges in finding
consensus and addressing issues like corruption and human rights concerns.
 Understanding these different regimes provides context for contemporary
Bangladeshi politics and its future trajectory.

Chapter Four
Socio-Culture of
Bangladesh

4.1
Bangladeshi social Structure
Bangladesh did not exist as a distinct geographic and ethnic unity until independence.
The region had been a part of Bangla, Bengali: বাাংলা/ বঙ্গ, whose history dates back to
four millennia, and during the British period it formed the Bengal province, the
eastern part of the British Indian Empire, which was dominated by the British rulers
and Hindu professional, commercial, and landed elites. After the establishment of
Pakistan in 1947, present-day Bangladesh came under the hegemony of the non-
Bengali Muslim elites of the West Wing of Pakistan. The establishment of Bangladesh,
therefore, implied the formation of both a new nation and a new social order.
Social history
Until the partition of British India in 1947, Hindus controlled about 80 percent of all
large rural holdings, urban real estate, and government jobs in East Bengal and
dominated finance, commerce, and the professions. Following partition, a massive
flight of East Bengali Hindus effectively removed the Hindu economic and political
elite and cut the territory's ties to Calcutta. After the emigration of the Hindus,
Muslims moved quickly into the vacated positions, creating for the first time in East
Bengal an economy and government predominantly in Muslim hands. These vastly
increased opportunities, especially in the civil service and the professions, however,
soon came to be dominated by a West Pakistani-based elite whose members were
favoured by the government both directly and indirectly. Soon after independence in
1971, an ill-prepared Bangladeshi elite moved into the areas vacated by West
Pakistanis. Except for members of small non-Bengali caste-like Muslim groups known
as "trading communities," (Arrien) Bangladeshi Muslims almost immediately
established control over all small- and medium-sized industrial and commercial
enterprises. The 1972 nationalization of non-Bengali-owned large industries
accelerated the establishment of control and influence by the indigenous community.

The sudden rise of a new managerial class and the expansion of the civil and military
bureaucracy upset the balance in both the urban and the rural sectors. Party affiliation,
political contacts, and documented revolutionary service became the main
prerequisites for admission to the rapidly growing new elite of political and industrial
functionaries; the established middle class and its values played lesser roles. In the
countryside, new elites with links to the villages bought property to establish their
sociopolitical control. Also taking advantage of the situation, the rural political elite
amassed fortunes in land and rural-based enterprises. The result was the growth of a
new, land-based, rural elite that replaced many formerly entrenched wealthy peasants
(in Bengali, jotedars).
Rural society
The basic social unit in a village is the family (poribar or gushti), generally consisting
of a complete or incomplete patrilineally extended household (chula) and residing in
a homestead (bari). The individual nuclear family often is submerged in the larger unit
and might be known as the house (ghor). Above the bari level, patrilineal kin ties are
linked into sequentially larger groups based on real, fictional, or assumed
relationships.
A significant unit larger than that of close kin is the voluntary religious and mutual
benefit association known as "the society" (shomaj or milat). Among the functions of
a shomaj might be the maintenance of a Mosque and support of a mullah. An informal
council of shomaj elders (matobbors or shordars) settles village disputes. Factional
competition between the matobbors is a major dynamic of social and political
interaction.
Groups of homes in a village are called Paras, and each para has its own name. Several
paras constitute a mauza, the basic revenue and census survey unit. The traditional
character of rural villages was changing in the latter half of the 20th century with the
addition of brick structures of one or more stories scattered among the more common
thatched bamboo huts.
Although farming has traditionally ranked among the most desirable occupations,
villagers in the 1980s began to encourage their children to leave the increasingly
overcrowded countryside to seek more secure employment in the towns. Traditional
sources of prestige, such as landholding, distinguished lineage, and religious piety
were beginning to be replaced by modern education, higher income, and steadier
work. These changes, however, did not prevent rural poverty from increasing greatly.
According to the FY 1986 Household Expenditure Survey conducted by the Ministry

of Planning's Bureau of Statistics, 47 percent of the rural population was below the
poverty line, with about 62 percent of the poor remaining in extreme poverty. The
number of landless rural laborers also increased substantially, from 25 percent in 1970
to 40 percent in 1987.
Urban society
In 1988 about 18 percent of the population lived in urban areas, most of which were
villages or trade centres in rural areas. Urban centres grew in number and population
during the 1980s as a result of an administrative decentralization program that
featured the creation of upazilas. In appearance these small urban areas were not
really hygienic . Most of the urban population merely congregated in ramshackle
structures with poor sanitation and an almost total lack of modern amenities. Towns
were populated mostly by government functionaries, merchants, and other business
personnel. Most dwellings contained nuclear families and some extended family
lodgers. A few households or a neighbourhood would constitute a para, which might
develop some cohesiveness but would have no formal leadership structure. With the
exception of a small number of transients, most town populations consisted of
permanent inhabitants who maintained connections with their ancestral villages
through property or family ties. Most towns had social and sporting clubs and libraries.
Unlike in the rural areas, kinship ties among the town population were limited and
fragile.
Family, household, and kinship
Family and kinship are the core of social life in Bangladesh. A family group residing in
a bari functions as the basic unit of economic endeavour, landholding, and social
identity. In the eyes of rural people, the chula defined the effective household—--an
extended family exploiting jointly-held property and being fed from a jointly operated
kitchen. A bari might consist of one or more such functional households, depending
on the circumstances of family relationship. Married sons generally live in their
parents' household during the father's lifetime. Although sons usually build separate
houses for their nuclear families, they remain under their fathers' authority, and wives
under their mothers-in-law's authority. The death of the father usually precipitates the
separation of adult brothers into their own households. Such a split generally causes
little change in the physical layout of the bari, however. Families at different stages of
the cycle display different configurations of household membership.
Patrilineal ties dominate the ideology of family life, but in practice matrilineal ties are
almost as important. Married women provide especially important links between their
husbands' brothers' families. Brothers and sisters often visit their brothers'
households, which are in fact the households of their deceased fathers. By Islamic law,
women inherit a share of their fathers' property and thus retain a claim on the often
scanty fields worked by their brothers. By not exercising this claim, however, they do

their brothers the important service of keeping the family lands in the patrilineal line
and thus ensure themselves a warm welcome and permanent place in their brothers'
homes.
A woman begins to gain respect and security in her husband's or father-in-law's
household only after giving birth to a son. Mothers therefore cherish and indulge their
sons, while daughters are frequently more strictly disciplined and are assigned heavy
household chores from an early age. In many families the closest, most intimate, and
most enduring emotional relationship is that between mother and son. The father is a
more distant figure, worthy of formal respect, and the son's wife may remain a virtual
stranger for a long time after marriage.
Marriage
Marriage is a civil contract rather than a religious sacrament in Islam (see Islamic
marriage contract), and the parties to the contract represent the interests of families
rather than the direct personal interests of the prospective spouses. In Bangladesh,
parents ordinarily select spouses for their children, although men frequently exercise
some influence over the choice of their spouses. In middle-class urban families men
negotiate their own marriages. Only in the most sophisticated elite class does a woman
participate in her own marriage arrangements. Marriage generally is made between
families of similar social standing, although a woman might properly marry a man of
somewhat higher status. Financial standing came to outweigh family background in
the late 20th century in any case. Often a person with a good job in a Middle Eastern
country is preferred over a person of highly regarded lineage.
Marriages are often preceded by extensive negotiations between the families of the
prospective bride and groom. One of the functions of the marriage negotiations is to
reduce any discrepancy in status through financial arrangements. The groom's family
ordinarily pledges the traditional cash payment, or bride-price, part or all of which can
be deferred to fall due in case of divorce initiated by the husband or in case the contract
is otherwise broken. As in many Muslim countries, the cash payment system provides
women some protection against the summary divorce permitted by Islam. Some
families also adopt the Hindu custom of providing a dowry for the bride.
Of the total population in 1981, an estimated 34 million were married. A total of 19
million citizens of marriageable age were single or had never married, 3 million were
widowed, and 322,000 were divorced. Although the majority of married men (10
million) had only one wife, there were about 580,000 households, between 6 and 10
percent of all marriages, in which a man had two or more wives.

Although the age at marriage appeared to be rising in the 1980s, early marriage
remained the rule even among the educated, and especially among women. The mean
age at marriage in 1981 for males was 23.9, and for females 16.7. Women students
frequently married in their late teens and continued their studies in the households of
their fathers-in-law. Divorce, especially of young couples without children, was
becoming increasingly common in Bangladesh, with approximately one in six
marriages ending in this fashion in the 1980s.
Typical spouses know each other only slightly, if at all, before marriage. Although
marriages between distant kin occur, segregation of the sexes generally keep young
men and women of different households from knowing each other well. Marriage
functions to ensure the continuity of families rather than to provide companionship to
individuals, and the new bride's relationship with her mother-in-law is probably more
important to her well-being than her frequently impersonal relationship with her
husband.
Purdah
As of 1988, the practice of purdah (the traditional seclusion of women) varied widely
according to social milieu, but even in relatively sophisticated urban circles the core of
the institution, the segregation of the sexes, persisted. In traditional circles, full
purdah required the complete seclusion of women from the onset of puberty. Within
the home, women inhabited private quarters that only male relatives or servants could
enter, and a woman properly avoided or treated with formal respect even her father-
in-law or her husband's older brother. Outside the home, a woman in purdah wore a
veil or an enveloping, concealing outer garment. The trappings of full purdah required
both a devotion to traditional practice and the means to dispense with the labor of
women in the fields. For most rural families the importance of women's labor made
full seclusion impossible, although the idea remained. In some areas, for example,
women went unveiled within the confines of the para or village but donned the veil or
the outer garment for trips farther from the community. In any case, contact with men
outside the immediate family was avoided.
The segregation of the sexes extended into social groups that had rejected full purdah
as a result of modern education. Although urban women could enjoy more physical
freedom than was traditional and the opportunity to pursue a professional career, they
moved in a different social world from their husbands and often worked at their
professions in a specifically feminine milieu.
Women's role in society
Available data health, nutrition, education, and economic performance indicated that
in the 1980s the status of women in Bangladesh remained considerably inferior to that

of men. Women, in custom and practice, remained subordinate to men in almost all
aspects of their lives; greater autonomy was the privilege of the rich or the necessity of
the very poor. Most women's lives remained centered on their traditional roles, and
they had limited access to markets, productive services, education, health care, and
local government. This lack of opportunities contributed to high fertility patterns,
which diminished family well-being, contributed to the malnourishment and generally
poor health of children, and frustrated educational and other national development
goals. In fact, acute poverty at the margin appeared to be hitting hardest at women. As
long as women's access to health care, education, and training remained limited,
prospects for improved productivity among the female population remained poor.
4.2
Social classes and stratification
Society in Bangladesh in the 1980s, with the exception of the Hindu caste system, was
not rigidly stratified; rather, it was open, fluid, and diffused, without a cohesive social
organization and social structure. Social class distinctions were mostly functional,
however, and there was considerable mobility among classes. Even the structure of the
Hindu caste system in Bangladesh was relatively loose because most Hindus belonged
to the lower castes.
Ostensibly, egalitarian principles of Islam were the basis of social organization. Unlike
in other regions of South Asia, the Hindu caste-based social system had a very limited
effect on Bangladeshi Muslim social culture. Even the low-caste jolhas (weavers) had
improved their social standing since 1971. Although several hierarchically arranged
family names—such as the syeds (noble born) and the sheikhs, or shaykhs (also noble
born)--were noticeable in Bangladesh Muslim society, there were no impenetrable
hereditary social distinctions. Rather, fairly permeable classes based on wealth and
political influence existed both in the cities and in the villages.
Traditional Muslim class distinctions had little importance in Bangladesh. The
proscription against marriage between individuals of high-born and low-born
families, once an indicator of the social gap between the two groups, had long ago
disappeared; most matrimonial alliances were based on wealth and power and not on
the ties of family distinction. Also, many so-called upper-class families, because of
their traditional use of the Urdu language, had become alienated in independent
Bangladesh.
Although Hindu society used to be formally stratified into caste categories, caste did
not figure prominently in the Bangladeshi Hindu community. About 75 percent of the

Hindus in Bangladesh belonged to the lower castes, notably namasudras (lesser
cultivators), and the remainder belonged primarily to outcaste or untouchable groups.
Some members of higher castes belonged to the middle or professional class, but there
was no Hindu upper class. With the increasing participation of the Hindus in
nontraditional professional mobility, the castes were able to interact in wider political
and socioeconomic arenas, which caused some
4.3
Population migration from rural to urban
areas in Bangladesh.
In developing countries, rural-urban migration (RUM) is considered as the main
driving force of rapid growth. There are some reasons behind this phenomenon which
may vary from country to country. At the same time, consequences of this type of
internal migration can affect the country with identical scenery. In Bangladesh rural-
urban migration is a very common thing. Nowadays, rural people are migrating to
cities for seeking a better life. The preference of taking this type of strategy has several
outcomes including both sides of a coin. Bangladesh is already starting to face
consequences which are determined by the change of social and economic activities.
Now, what are the way forward to the consequences of this ongoing migration over the
economy is the main concern in this new decade.
Millions of rural people are migrating to divisional cities for grabbing the income-
generating opportunities. Industrialisation in city areas and continuous expansion of
informal sector growth are the gravity of migration. Ready-Made Garments (RMG)
sector is also an attraction as an economic hub especially for women who want to

empower themselves through financial independence. Likewise, rural people of the
coastal area always face the natural disaster, it's another reason to leave the area. In
the Shock Index (SI), victims of natural disaster per 100,000 was 4.0 and share of
population in low elevated coastal area was 8.9 per cent in 2018. Unstable condition
of rural agricultural sector is an additional cause of migration. According to Economic
Vulnerability Index (EVI), instability of agriculture production was 3.1 percent in 2018
(National Accounting Wing, BBS). Besides this, easy access to slums, lack of proper
economic condition, better education facility, social discrimination, to get rid of
poverty, lack of scope of absorbing a large labour force in the agricultural sector,
landlessness, river erosion, joint family, higher educated family member, aged family
member and human frustration are the major reasons of migration.
Moreover, Bangladesh is a densely-populated country with a population of 161.36
million in 2018 against 103.17 million in 1990. Population growth was showing a
decreasing trend as it reached 1.05 per cent by 2018 though it was 2.43 per cent in
1990. In such a context, according to UN projection, the population size will be about
100 million by 2025 (UNESCO, 2009). Additionally, Bangladesh is a country with the
highest rate of growth of urban population. Rural population growth was 1.83 per cent,
but from 2014 it became negative and touched minus 0.16 per cent in 2018. Exactly
when the opposite scenario was portrayed by the urban portion as in 1990 the growth
rate was 4.89 per cent, it fell in 2000 and stood at 3.61 per cent. It went up again, hit
4.52 per cent in 2002. Un 2018 it was 3.19, still big comparatively (World Development
Indicators).
Since 1950, urbanisation has had a tremendous effect on developing countries. In
Bangladesh urban population as percentage of total population was 19.81 per cent in
1990 and it stood at 36.63 in 2018. Other South Asian countries' state in 2018 was as
follows: Bhutan-40.9 per cent, India-34.03 per cent, Maldives-39.08 per cent, Nepal-
19.74 per cent, Pakistan-36.67 per cent, Sri Lanka-18.48 per cent (WDI). According to
the Human Development Report (UDP-2017), by 2050 more than two-thirds of the
world population will start living in the urban areas. However, Africa and Asia both
will have the fastest growth. By 2050 it is projected that Asia's urban population will
jump from 48 per cent to 64 per cent and for Africa it will be 40 to 56 per cent. In order
to accommodate this rapid expansion in urban dwellings, experts estimate that US$57
trillion in global infrastructure investment is needed by 2030. As more than 1.0 billion
people live in housing that is below minimum standards of comfort and sanitation,
new houses will have to be built for 3.0 billion people by 2030.
Therefore, Bangladesh is facing an immense change because of rural-urban migration
trend especially in the capital city of Dhaka. The unemployment rate was 4.2 per cent
in FY 2017-18 (BBS). So this young dependents are concerned about higher probability
of employment opportunities. On the other hand, they set their mind to come to city
for catching up with their dream. Although they are expanding food consumption and
improving financial condition but in terms of housing condition their health is in

danger, sanitation is far from the satisfactory level. There are social and economic
costs of migration such as market failure, price hike, unhygienic environment, lack of
drinking water, insufficient health care service, extreme congestion, juvenile crime,
overcrowding, etc.
Furthermore, it has always been a challenge to develop the rural area with all amenities
available in the urban area. As a labour-intensive country, it's a gigantic challenge to
accommodate this large labour force within the limited economic zone. At the moment
when migration is increasing in a consistent manner, national attention should be paid
to this issue for further development. Balanced rural-urban development can be
achieved through poverty alleviation, increasing economic activity, relocating
industry, infrastructural development, increasing employment opportunities,
providing training for enhancing productivity of the rural poor. Again, economic and
social investments in rural areas through introducing new technology in the
agricultural sector, better health care, sanitation and education opportunity,
expanding income generating zone, improving vulnerable groups' condition,
establishing youth training centre and providing bank loans will be advantageous
tools.
Finally, a policy framework for reverse migration will be a vehicle for promoting
growth and alleviating poverty. Internal migration may be economically beneficial for
the development. On the other side, it can be the cause of underdevelopment though
judging the consequences of urbanisation is a difficult task to do. So, instead of a
biased urban development policy, strategic policy formulation for the rural area can
save the country from the grave consequences.
4.4
Ethnic group
The vast majority (about 99%) of Bangladeshis are of the Bengali ethno-linguistic
group. This group also spans the neighboring Indian province of West Bengal.
Minority ethnic groups include Meitei, Tripuri, Marma, Tanchangya, Barua, Khasi,
Santhals, Chakma, Rakhine people, Garo, Biharis, Oraons, Mundas.
Biharis are Urdu-speaking, non-Bengalis who emigrated from the state of Bihar and
other parts of northern India during the 1947 partition. They are concentrated in the
Dhaka and Rangpur areas and number some 300,000. In the 1971 independence war
many of them sided with Pakistan, as they stood to lose their positions in the upper
levels of society. Hundreds of thousands went to Pakistan and those that remained
were interned in refugee camps. Their population declined from about 1 million in 1971
to 600,000 in the late 1980s. Refugees International has called them a "neglected and
stateless" people as they are denied citizenship by the governments of Bangladesh and

Pakistan. As nearly 40 years has passed, two generations of Biharis have been born in
these camps. Biharis were granted Bangladeshi citizenship and voting rights in 2008.
Bangladesh's tribal population was enumerated at 897,828 in the 1981 census. These
tribes are concentrated in the Chittagong Hill Tracts and around Mymensingh, Sylhet,
and Rajshahi. They are of Sino-Tibetan descent and differ markedly in their social
customs, religion, language and level of development. They speak Tibeto-Burman
languages and most are Buddhist or Hindu. The four largest tribes are Chakmas,
Marmas, Tipperas, Tanchangya, and Mros. Smaller groups include the Santals in
Rajshahi and Dinajpur, and Khasis, Garos, and Khajons in Mymensingh and Sylhet
regions.
There are small communities of Meitei people (alias Manipuri people) in the Sylhet
district, which is close to the Meitei homeland across the border in Manipur, India.
There is a large population of Rohingya refugees from Myanmar near the border in the
southeast. There are 28,000 living in two UN refugee camps in Cox's Bazar as well as
some 200,000 "unregistered people of concern" living outside of the camps. The
refugee crisis originated in the early 1990s when the first wave numbering some
250,000 of the predominantly Muslim ethnic group fled persecution from their home
in Rakhaine—Myanmar's westernmost state. Bangladesh seeks to repatriate the
refugees back to Myanmar. Since 2017, there are approximately 1.1 million Rohingya
refugees living in Bangladesh.
4.5
Social and cultural problems of
Bangladesh.
Bangladesh, despite its remarkable resilience and progress, faces a complex tapestry
of cultural and social problems that intertwine and impact the lives of its citizens.
Here, we delve into several prominent issues, acknowledging their interconnectedness
and the ongoing efforts to address them:
1. Gender Inequality: This deeply ingrained issue manifests in various forms,
including limited access to education and employment opportunities for women,
disproportionate representation in decision-making positions, and persistent
practices like child marriage and dowry. While strides have been made through legal
reforms and awareness campaigns, patriarchal norms and discriminatory attitudes
continue to pose significant challenges.

2. Poverty and Disparity: Despite economic growth, poverty remains a major
concern, particularly in rural areas. Inequalities are exacerbated by uneven land
distribution, lack of access to quality education and healthcare, and vulnerability to
natural disasters. This perpetuates a cycle of disadvantage, limiting opportunities for
social mobility and hindering overall development.
3. Education and Skills Gap: While strides have been made in increasing literacy
rates, the quality of education and relevance of skills taught often lag behind. This
mismatch between education and job market demands creates unemployment,
particularly among youth, leading to frustration and potentially fueling social unrest.
4. Healthcare Challenges: Bangladesh faces a shortage of qualified healthcare
professionals and inadequate infrastructure, particularly in rural areas. This translates
to limited access to essential healthcare services, impacting maternal and child health,
communicable diseases, and non-communicable diseases like diabetes and
cardiovascular ailments.
5. Environmental Degradation: Climate change and human activities threaten
Bangladesh's fragile ecosystem. Rising sea levels, natural disasters, and unplanned
urbanization strain resources and displace communities. Water pollution,
deforestation, and industrial waste further exacerbate environmental challenges,
impacting livelihoods and jeopardizing future sustainability.
6. Corruption and Inefficiency: Concerns around corruption and bureaucratic
inefficiencies permeate various sectors, hindering development efforts and public
trust. Transparency and accountability mechanisms need strengthening to ensure
equitable distribution of resources and foster better governance.
7. Religious Extremism and Intolerance: While Bangladesh boasts religious
diversity, incidents of intolerance and violent extremism occasionally mar the social
fabric. Addressing root causes like poverty, lack of education, and social exclusion is
crucial for fostering harmonious coexistence and social cohesion.
8. Mental Health and Well-being: Mental health awareness and access to
adequate care remain limited in Bangladesh. Stigma and societal attitudes contribute
to underdiagnosis and insufficient treatment options, impacting individuals and
families.

9. Digital Divide and Technological Access: Despite progress in digital
infrastructure, many communities, particularly in rural areas, lack access to
technology and digital literacy. This widens the digital divide, limiting access to
information, education, and economic opportunities.
10. Urbanization and Social Issues: Rapid urbanization presents both
opportunities and challenges. Unplanned growth generates problems like inadequate
housing, infrastructure strain, and social issues like crime and substance abuse.
Sustainable urban planning and inclusive development strategies are crucial to
address these challenges.
Addressing these interconnected challenges requires a multi-pronged approach:
 Empowering women through education, economic opportunities, and legal
reforms.
 Targeted poverty alleviation programs, focusing on skills development, rural
infrastructure, and sustainable livelihood options.
 Improving the quality of education and aligning it with market needs.
 Investing in healthcare infrastructure, personnel, and access to essential
services.
 Implementing environmental protection measures, disaster preparedness
strategies, and promoting sustainable development practices.
 Strengthening transparency and accountability in governance.
 Promoting interfaith dialogue, fostering tolerance, and addressing root causes
of extremism.
 Raising awareness about mental health, destigmatizing mental illness, and
ensuring access to care.
 Bridging the digital divide through infrastructure expansion, digital literacy
programs, and inclusive access.
 Developing sustainable urban planning strategies that address infrastructure
needs, social issues, and environmental concerns.
 These are just some of the major cultural and social issues affecting Bangladesh.
Recognizing their complexities and interconnectedness is vital for designing
effective solutions. Through collective efforts, Bangladesh can address these
challenges and build a more inclusive, equitable, and prosperous future for all
its citizens.
It's important to note that this is just a brief overview, and each issue could be explored
in much greater depth. Additionally, it's crucial to recognize and celebrate the ongoing
work of individuals, organizations, and government initiatives striving to address
these challenges and create positive change in Bangladesh.

Thank you

Reference:
www.wikipedia.com
www.chat.openai.com
www.gemini.google.com
www.thedailystar.net

Bangladesh Studies by Lutfor Shuvo | University of Chittagong

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