![This is the suit of Richard of Sudbury: [there follow the names,
but only of 10 men] against the countess Amice who was the
countess of Clare, concerning whom he had complained concerning
a novel disseisin of his free tenement in Sudbury. She said that by
judgment of her court for default of warranty which he had vouched
did she make the [dis]seisin and thereof did she produce suit. And
he denied against her and against the suit, and law was adjudged.
And he comes with his law and makes it with the abovesaid suit.
Therefore it is considered that he recover thereof his seisin; let the
countess be in mercy for unjust disseisin and also her men, of whom
the same Richard has complained. And let the same countess return
to him the damages done thereof by a jury of law-worthy men of the
vicinity. The names of the men of the countess are in the writ.
A sample of crown pleas in several hundreds or wapentakes
[Danish name for a hundred] from 1201 to 1203 are:
1. -Denise, who was wife to Anthony, appeals Nicholas Kam of the
death of Anthony, her husband, for that he wickedly slew her
husband; and this she offers to prove against him under award of
the court. And Nicholas defends all of it. It is considered that
Denise's appeal is null, for in it she does not say that she saw the
deed. The jurors being asked, say that they suspect him of it; the
whole county likewise suspects him. Let him purge himself by water
[ordeal] under the Assize. He has waged his law.
2. -William de Ros appeals Ailward Bere, Roger Bald, Robert
Merchant, and Nicholas Parmenter, for that they came to his house
and wickedly in the king's peace took away from him a certain villein
of his whom he kept in chains because he wished to run away, and
led him off, and in robbery carried away his wife's coffer with one](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/907422-250615074312-ee33c37c/85/Beyond-Project-Management-New-Perspectives-On-The-Temporarypermanent-Dilemma-Anders-Soderholm-56-320.jpg)
![mark of silver and other chattels; and this he offers to prove by his
son, Robert de Ros, who saw it. And Ailward and the others have
come and defended the felony, robbery, and breach of the king's
peace, and say that (as the custom is in Cornwall) Roger of
Prideaux, by the sheriff's orders, caused twelve men to come
together and make oath about the said villein, whether he was the
king's villein or William's and it was found that he was the king's
villein, so the said Roger the serjeant demanded that [William]
should surrender him, and he -refused, so [Roger] sent to the
sheriff, who then sent to deliver [the villein], who, however, had
escaped and was not - - to be found, and William makes this appeal
because he wishes to keep the chattels of Thomas [the villein], to
wit, two oxen, one cow, one mare, two pigs, nine sheep, eleven
goats. - - And that this is so the jurors testify. Judgment: William
and Robert in mercy for the false claim. William's amercement, a
half-mark. Robert's amercement, a half-mark. Pledge for the mark,
Warin, Robert's son. Let the king have his chattels from William.
Pledge for the chattels, Richard, Hervey's son.
3. -Serlo of Ennis-Caven appeals Osbert of Dimiliock and Jordan,
Walter's son, for that they in the king's peace wickedly assaulted,
beat and seriously wounded him, so that by reason of the beating
three bones were extracted from his head; and this he offers to
prove against him under the court's award as a man maimed by that
mayhem. And it is testified by the coroners that the wounds when
fresh were shown in the county [court], and that [the bones were
broken] as aforesaid. And Osbert and Jordan come and defend word
by word. It is considered that Osbert do purge himself by ordeal of
iron on account of the appeal, for Serlo betook himself against
Osbert in the first instance. And let Jordan be in custody until it be
known how Osbert shall fare. And the other persons who are](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/907422-250615074312-ee33c37c/85/Beyond-Project-Management-New-Perspectives-On-The-Temporarypermanent-Dilemma-Anders-Soderholm-57-320.jpg)
![appealed as accessories are to be under pledge until [Osbert's fate]
be known.
4. -The jurors say that they suspect William Fisman of the death of
Agnes of Chilleu, for the day before he had threatened her body and
goods. And the four neighboring townships being sworn, suspect
him of it. It is considered that he purge himself by water under the
Assize.
5. -William Burnell and Luke of the Well are suspected of the
burglary at the house of Richard Palmer by the jurors of the
hundred, and by the four neighboring townships, which are sworn.
Let them purge themselves by water under the Assize.
6. -Malot Crawe appeals Robert, Godfrey's son, of rape. He comes
and defends. It is testified that he thus raped her and that she was
seen bleeding. By leave of the justices they made concord on the
terms of his espousing her.
7. -Walter Wifin was burgled, and of his chattels taken from his
house in the burglary certain boots were found in the house of
Lefchild of Ranam, and the said Walter pursues - - those boots as
his. And Lefchild said that he bought them in Bodmin market for 2
1/2 pence, but he knows not from whom. And besides Walter says
that eleven ells of linen cloth, part of the stolen goods, were sold in
Lefchild's house, and all the other proceeds of the burglary, and that
Lefchild was the receiver of the burglars, namely, Robert of Hideford
-and Alan the Foresters, whom he [Walter] had appealed of the -
crime. And Lefchild defends. The jurors on being asked, say that
they suspect Lefchild of the said receipt. So let him purge himself by
water under the Assize.](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/907422-250615074312-ee33c37c/85/Beyond-Project-Management-New-Perspectives-On-The-Temporarypermanent-Dilemma-Anders-Soderholm-58-320.jpg)
![8. -Eadmer of Penwithen appeals Martin, Robert and Thomas of
Penwithen, for that Robert wounded him in the head so that twenty-
eight pieces of bone were extracted, and meanwhile - - Martin and
Thomas held him; and this he offers to deraign against the said
Robert as a man thereby maimed, under the court's award. And
Robert comes and defends all of it word - - by word. It is considered
that he purge himself by ordeal of iron. Let the others be in custody
until it be known how Robert shall fare. Afterwards Eadmer came
and withdrew himself, and submitted to an amercement of one
mark.Pledges, Reinfrid, Gill's son, and Philip his brother. Let the
other appellees go quit.
9. -Reginald le Teinus accused of the receipt and fellowship of
Robert the outlaw comes and defends. The jurors say that they
suspect him, and the four neighboring townships say - - that they
suspect him of it. So let him purge himself by water under the
Assize. And there must be inquiry as to Richard Revel, who was
sheriff when the said Robert escaped - - from his custody.
10. Osbert of Reterth appeals Odo Hay, for that he assaulted him
as he was returning from Bodmin market, and in the king's peace
and wickedly struck him on the hand with a stick, and afterwards
struck him on the arm with his sword -so that he is maimed; and
this he offers to prove as a maimed man. And Odo defends it all.
And that [Osbert] is maimed is testified by knights sent to see him.
Judgment: let [Odo] purge himself by ordeal of iron because of this
appeal.
11. Wulward of Wadebridge was burgled. And Odo Hay, Lawrence
Smith, Osbert Mediciner, and Benet his son, William Miller, Robert of
Frokemere, and Maud his sister, are suspected of the burglary by the](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/907422-250615074312-ee33c37c/85/Beyond-Project-Management-New-Perspectives-On-The-Temporarypermanent-Dilemma-Anders-Soderholm-59-320.jpg)
![jurors of the hundred and by the four nearest townships, which are
sworn. Let the males purge themselves by water under the Assize,
and Maud by ordeal of - - iron. Roger Morand fled for that burglary,
and he was living in Bodmin, [which town is] therefore in mercy.
12. Robert, Godfrey's son, appeals Philip, William's son, for that he
came on the land of [Robert's] lord Richard Fortescue, and wickedly
and in the king's peace and in robbery took eight oxen and a mantle,
cape, and sword, and carried them off; and this he offers to prove
against him by his body under award of the court. And Philip comes
and defends all of it word by word. It is considered that the appeal is
null, for the oxen were not Robert's, but - - Richard's. The jurors
being asked, say that [Philip] did no robbery to [Richard]. So Richard
Fortescue is in mercy for a false appeal, and let Philip be quit.
13. Peter Burel appeals Anketil of Wingely, for that he wickedly in
the king's peace assaulted him in the field where he was pasturing
his oxen, and beat him, and gave him - - four wounds in the head,
and in robbery took from him an ax and a sword; and this he offers
to prove against him; but he shows no wound. And Anketil defends.
And the county records - - that [Peter] first appealed Roger of
Tregadec of the same robbery and of the same wounds. Therefore it
is considered that the appeal is null, and let Peter be in mercy for a
false appeal. His amercement, a half-mark; pledge for it, Ralph
Giffard.
14. The jurors are in mercy for a silly presentment, for they
presented an appeal which was made in the hundred [court] and
which was not presented in the county [court].
15. Lucy of Morwinstow appeals Robert de Scaccis and Roland -of
Kellio and Peter of Lancarf of robbing her of twenty shillings and](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/907422-250615074312-ee33c37c/85/Beyond-Project-Management-New-Perspectives-On-The-Temporarypermanent-Dilemma-Anders-Soderholm-60-320.jpg)
![eight pence, and of a cloak, price a half-mark. And it is testified by
the jurors that they did not rob her, and that she is a hireling, and
that a man lay with her in a garden, and the boys hooted her, so
that she left her cloak, and the boys took it and pawned it for two
gallons of wine. It is considered that Robert do give her three pence
in respect of the wine and do go quit. And Roland and Peter neither
come nor essoin [present an excuse for nonappearance] themselves.
And their pledges were Nicholas brother of Alfred of Bodmin and
Herbert Reeve of Bodmin, who are therefore in mercy.
16. Osbert Church accused of the death of Roland, son of Reginald
of Kennel, on the appeal of the said Reginald, was detained in gaol
and defends word by word. And Reginald - - offers proof by the
body of a certain freeman, Arkald, who has his [Reginald's] daughter
to wife, who is to prove in his stead, since he has passed the age of
sixty. Osbert Church defends all of it. The knights of the hundred of
Penwith say that they suspect him of the said death. The - - knights
of kerrier [hundred] say the same. The knights of Penwith [hundred]
say the same. The knights of Pyder [hundred] say the same.
Judgment: let him purge himself by water, and Reginald is in mercy,
for he does not allege sight and hearing, and because he has
withdrawn himself, and put another in his place, who neither saw
nor heard and yet - - offered to prove it, and so let both Reginald
and Arkald be in mercy. Osbert is purged by the water. Osbert's
pledges: Henry Little, Henry of Penant, Ossulf Black, Roger of
Trevithow, John of Glin, Ralph of Trelew.
17. Roger of Wick [was] appealed of the death of Brictmer by the
appeal of Hawise, Brictmer's wife, and was captured in flight, as say
John of Winielton and Ralph of Mertherin, but the flight is not
testified by the hundred. Kerier [hundred] says the same. Penwith](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/907422-250615074312-ee33c37c/85/Beyond-Project-Management-New-Perspectives-On-The-Temporarypermanent-Dilemma-Anders-Soderholm-61-320.jpg)
![[hundred] says the same. So is considered that he purge himself by
water. He is purged. Roger's pledges: Ralph of Trelew, Ogier of
Kurnick, Richard, Simon's son, Alfred Malvoisin, Everwin of Lande,
John of Kewerion, Warin of Tiwardeni, Baldwin Tirel, Roger of - -
Trevithow, John of Glin, William of Dunham, Thomas, Osbert's - -
son.
18. Richard, William's son, appealed Luke, Richard's son, and
William, the servant of Alan Clerk, of robbery and of binding him.
The appellees have not come nor essoined themselves. The county
together with the wapentake says that they were appealed, not of
the king's peace, but of the sheriff's peace, so that the suit was and
is in the county [court], and therefore they were not attached to
come before the justices. Therefore the jurors are in mercy for
presenting what they ought not to have presented.
19. William, Hawise's son, appeals Richard, son of Robert of
Somercotes, for that he came in the king's peace to his house at
Somercotes, and broke his house and robbed him of.[an abrasion]
shillings, and a cape and surcoat, and twenty-five fowls, and twenty
shillings worth of corn [grain], and wounded him in the head with
the wound that he shows; and this he offers to prove against him as
the court shall consider etc. And Richard comes and defends the
breach of the king's peace and the housebreaking, wounding and -
robbery, but confesses that he came to a certain house, which
William asserts to be his [William's], as to his -[Richard's] own
proper house, which escheated into his hand on the death of Roger
his villein, and there he took certain chattels which were his villein's
and which on his villein's - - death were his [Richard's] own: to wit,
five thraves of oats, thirteen sheaves of barley, and twenty-five
fowls; and he offers the king twenty shillings for an inquest [to find]](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/907422-250615074312-ee33c37c/85/Beyond-Project-Management-New-Perspectives-On-The-Temporarypermanent-Dilemma-Anders-Soderholm-62-320.jpg)
![whether this be so or no. And William says that Richard says this
unjustly, for the said Roger never had that house nor dwelt therein,
nor were those chattels Roger's, but he [William] held that house as
his own, and the chattels there seized were his. The jurors being
questioned whether Roger did thus hold the house of Richard in
villeinage, say, Yes. Also the coroners and the whole county testify
that [William] never showed any wound until now; and the wound
that he now shows is of recent date. Therefore it is considered that
the appeal is null, and let Richard go quit, and William be in mercy
for his false claim. Pledges for the amercement, Gilbert, Robert's
son, and Richard, Haldeng's son.
20. Astin of Wispington appeals Simon of Edlington, for that he
wickedly and in the king's peace assaulted him in his meadows and
put out his eye, so that he is maimed of that eye; and this he offers
to prove etc. Simon comes and defends all of it word by word. And
the coroners and the county testify that hitherto the appeal has
been duly sued, at first by [Astin's] wife, and then by [Astin himself].
Judgment: let law be made, and let it be in the election of the
appellee whether he or Astin shall carry the iron. He has chosen that
Astin shall carry it. Astin has waged the law. Simon's pledges,
William of Land and his frankpledge and Ralph of Stures. Astin's
pledges, Roger Thorpe, Osgot of Wispington, and William, Joel's
brother. Afterwards came [the appellor and appellee] and both put
themselves in mercy.
21. Gilbert of Willingham appeals Gilbert, Geoffrey's son, for that
he in the king's peace and wickedly set fire to his house and burned
it, so that after the setting fire [the appellor] went forth and raised
hue and cry so that his neighbors and the township of Willingham
came thither, and he showed them [the appellee] in flight and](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/907422-250615074312-ee33c37c/85/Beyond-Project-Management-New-Perspectives-On-The-Temporarypermanent-Dilemma-Anders-Soderholm-63-320.jpg)
![therefore they pursued him with the cry; and this he offers etc. And
the appellee defends all of it word by word etc. And the - -
neighbors and the township of Willingham being questioned, say
that they never saw him in flight, and that [the appellor] never
showed him to them. Likewise the jurors say that in their belief he
appeals him out of spite rather than for just cause. Therefore it is
considered that the appeal is null, and the appellee is in mercy for a
half-mark [7s.]. Pledge for the amercement, Robert Walo.
22. William burel appeals Walter Morcock, for that he in the king's
peace so struck and beat Margery, [William's] wife, that he killed the
child in her womb, and besides this beat her and drew blood. And
William of Manby, the beadle, testifies that he saw the wound while
fresh and the blood in the wapentake [court]. And the serjeant of
the riding and the coroners and the twelve knights testify that they
never saw wound nor blood. And so it is considered that the appeal
is null, for one part of the appeal being quashed, it is quashed
altogether, and William Burel is in mercy. Let him be in custody. And
William Manby is in mercy for false testimony. Pledges for William's
amercement, Richard of Bilsby, Elias of Welton.
23. William Marshall fled for the death of Sigerid, Denis' mother,
whereof Denis appeals him; and he was in the Prior of Sixhills'
frankpledge of Sixhills, which is in mercy, and his chattels were two
cows and one bullock. Afterwards came the Prior of Sixhills and
undertook to have William to right before the justices. And he came,
and then Denis, Sigerid's son, came and appealed him of his
mother's death. And it was testified that [Denis] had an elder
brother, and that nine years are past since [Sigerid] died, and that
she lived almost a year after she was wounded, and that Denis
never appealed [William] before now. Therefore it is - - considered](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/907422-250615074312-ee33c37c/85/Beyond-Project-Management-New-Perspectives-On-The-Temporarypermanent-Dilemma-Anders-Soderholm-64-320.jpg)
![that the appeal is null and that Denis be in mercy. Pledge for the
amercement, his father, Ralph, son of Denis.
24. Alice, wife of Geoffrey of Carlby, appealed William, Roger's
son, and William his son and Roger his son of the death of William
her brother. And Alice does not prosecute.Therefore let her be in
mercy and let her be arrested. To -judgment against the sheriff who
did not imprison the said persons who were attached, whereas they
are appealed of homicide, and to judgment also as to a writ which
he ought to produce.
25. Hawise, Thurstan's daughter, appeals Walter of Croxby -and
William Miller of the death of her father and of a wound -given to
herself. And she has a husband, Robert Franchenay, - - who will not
stir in the matter. Therefore it is considered that the appeal is null,
for a woman has no appeal against anyone save for the death of her
husband or for rape. And - - let Robert be in mercy on his wife's
account, for a half-mark [7s.], and let the appellees be quit. Pledge
for Robert's amercement, Richard Dean of Mareham, who has lay
property. Wapentake of Aswardhurn.
26. Juliana of Creeton appeals Adam of Merle of battery and
robbery. And Adam does not come, but essoins himself as being in
the king's service beyond seas. And for that it is not allowed to
anyone appealed of the king's peace to leave the land without a
warrant before he has been before justices learned in the law, his
pledges are in mercy: to wit, Segar of Arceles, Alan of Renington,
and Robert of Searby. Adam himself is excused from the plea by the
essoin that he has cast.
27. Thomas, Leofwin's son, appeals Alan Harvester, for that he in
the king's peace assaulted him as he went on the highway, and with](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/907422-250615074312-ee33c37c/85/Beyond-Project-Management-New-Perspectives-On-The-Temporarypermanent-Dilemma-Anders-Soderholm-65-320.jpg)
![his force carried him into Alan's house, and struck him on the arm so
that he broke a small bone of his arm, whereby he is maimed, and
robbed him of his cape and his knife, and held him while Eimma,
[Alan's] wife, cut off one of his testicles and Ralph Pilate the other,
and when he was thus dismembered and ill-treated, the said Alan
with his force carried him back into the road, whereupon as soon as
might be he raised the cry, and the neighbors came to the cry, and
saw him thus ill-treated, and then at once he sent to the king's
serjeant, who came and found, so [Thomas] says, the robbed things
in Alan's house and then as soon as might be [Thomas] went to the
wapentake [court] and - - to the county [court] and showed all this.
So inquiry is made of the king's sergeant, who testifies that he came
to Alan's house and there found the knife and the testicles in a little
cup, but found not the cape. Also the whole county testifies that
[Thomas] never before now appealed Alan of breaking a bone. And
so it is considered that the appeal is null, and that [Thomas] be in
mercy, and that the other appellees be quit. Thomas also appeals
Emma, Alan's wife, for that she in the peace aforesaid after he was
placed in her lord's house cut off one of his testicles. He also appeals
Ralph Pilate, for that he cut off the other of his - - testicles.
28. The twelve jurors presented in their verdict that Austin,
Rumfar's son, appealed Ralph Gille of the death of his brother, so
that [Ralph] fled, and that William, Rumfar's son, appealed Benet
Carter of the same death, and Ranulf, Ralph's son, appealed Hugh of
Hyckham of the same death and Baldwin of Elsham and Ralph Hoth
and Colegrim as accessories. And the coroners by their rolls testify
this also. But the county records otherwise, namely, that the said
Ralph Gille, Benet, Hugh, Baldwin, Ralph [Hoth] and Gocegrim were
all appealed by Ranulf, Ralph's son, and by no one else, so that four
of them, to wit, Ralph Gille, Hugh, Benet and Colegrim, were](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/907422-250615074312-ee33c37c/85/Beyond-Project-Management-New-Perspectives-On-The-Temporarypermanent-Dilemma-Anders-Soderholm-66-320.jpg)
![outlawed at the suit of the said Ranulf, and that the said persons
were not appealed by anyone other than the said Ranulf. And for
that the county could not [be heard to] contradict the coroners and
the said jurors who have said their say upon oath, it is considered
etc. Thereupon the county forestalled the judgment and before
judgment was pronounced made fine with 200 pounds [4,000s.] [to
be collected throughout the county], franchises excepted.
29. Hereward, William's son, appeals Walter, Hugh's son, for that
he in the king's peace assaulted him and wounded him in -the arm
with an iron fork and gave him another wound in the head; and this
he offers to prove by his body as the court shall consider. And Walter
defends all of it by his body. And it is testified by the coroners and
by the whole county that Hereward showed his wounds at the
proper time and has made sufficient suit. Therefore it is considered
that there be battle. Walter's pledges, Peter of Gosberton church,
and Richard Hereward's son. Hereward's pledges, William his father
and the Prior of Pinchbeck. Let them come armed in the quindene of
St. Swithin at Leicester.
30. William Gering appeals William Cook of imprisonment, to wit,
that he with his force in the king's peace and wickedly, while
[Gering] was in the service of his lord Guy at the forge, took him and
led him to Freiston to the house of William Longchamp, and there
kept him in prison so that his lord could not get him replevied; and
this he offers to prove as the court shall consider. And William Cook
comes and defends the felony and imprisonment, but confesses that
whereas he had sent his lord's servants to seize the beasts of the
said Guy on account of a certain amercement which [Guy] had
incurred in the court of [Cook's] lord [Longchamp], and which
though often summoned he had refused to pay, [Gering] came and](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/907422-250615074312-ee33c37c/85/Beyond-Project-Management-New-Perspectives-On-The-Temporarypermanent-Dilemma-Anders-Soderholm-67-320.jpg)
![rescued the beasts that had been seized and wounded a servant of
[Cook's] lord, who had been sent to seize them, whereupon [Cook]
arrested [Gering] until -he should find pledges to stand to right
touching both the wounding and the rescue, and when [Gering's]
lord [Guy] came -for him, [Cook] offered to let him be replevied, but
this [Guy] refused, and afterwards he repeated the offer before the
king's serjeant, but even then it was refused, and then [Cook] let
[Gering] go without taking security. And Guy says that he puts
himself upon the wapentake, whether the imprisonment took place
in manner aforesaid, and whether he [Guy] at once showed the
matter to the king's serjeant, or no. And William Cook does the
same. And the wapentake says that the alleged [imprisonment] took
place in Lent, and Guy did not show the matter to the wapentake
until a fortnight before St. Botulph's day. And the county together
with the coroners says that they never heard the suit in their court.
Therefore it is considered that the appeal is null, and Guy is in
mercy. And let William and those who are appealed as accessories
go quit.
31. The jurors say that Andrew, sureman's son, appealed Peter,
Leofwin's son, Thomas Squire and William Oildene of robbery. And
he does not prosecute. So he and Stephen Despine and Baldwin
Long are in mercy, and the appellees go without day. Afterwards
comes Andrew and says that [the appellees] imprisoned him by the
order of William Malesoures in the said William's house, so that he
sent to the sheriff that the sheriff might deliver him, whereupon the
sheriff sent his serjeant and others thither, who on coming there
found him imprisoned and delivered him and he produces witnesses,
to wit, Nicholas Portehors and Hugh, Thurkill's son, who testify that
they found him imprisoned, and he vouches the sheriff to warrant
this. And the sheriff, on being questioned, says that in truth he sent](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/907422-250615074312-ee33c37c/85/Beyond-Project-Management-New-Perspectives-On-The-Temporarypermanent-Dilemma-Anders-Soderholm-68-320.jpg)
![thither four lawful men with the serjeant on a complaint made by
Nicholas Portehors on Andrew's behalf. And those who were sent
thither by the sheriff testify that they found him at liberty and
disporting himself in William's house. Therefore it is considered that
the appeal is null [and Andrew is in mercy] for his false complaint
and Nicholas Portehors and Hugh, Thurkill's son, are in mercy for
false testimony. Andrew and Hugh are to be in custody until they
have found pledges [for their amercement].
32. The jurors say that Geoffrey Cardun has levied new customs
other than he ought and other than have been usual, to wit, in
taking from every cart crossing his land at Winwick with eels, one
stick of eels, and from a cart with greenfish, one greenfish, and from
a cart with salmon, half a salmon, and from a cart with herrings, five
herrings, whereas he ought to take no custom for anything save for
salt crossing his land, to wit, for a cartload, one bole of salt, and in
that case the salter ought to have a loaf in return for the salt, and
also if the salter's cart breaks down, the salter's horses ought to
have pasture on Geoffrey's land without challenge while he repairs
his cart. And Geoffrey comes and confesses that he takes the said
customs, and ought to take them, for he and his ancestors have
taken them from the conquest of England, and he puts himself on
the grand assize of our lord the king, and craves that a recognition
be made whether he ought to take those customs or no. And
afterwards he offers the king twenty shillings that this action may be
put before Sir Geoffrey FitzPeter [the Justiciar]. Pledge for the
twenty shillings, Richard of Hinton.
33. The jurors say that Hugh, son of Walter Priest, was outlawed
for the death of Roger Rombald at the suit of Robert Rombald, and
afterwards returned under the [protection of the] king's writ, and](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/907422-250615074312-ee33c37c/85/Beyond-Project-Management-New-Perspectives-On-The-Temporarypermanent-Dilemma-Anders-Soderholm-69-320.jpg)
![afterwards was outlawed for the same death on the appeal of
Geoffrey, Thurstan's son. The county therefore is asked by what
warrant they outlawed the same man twice for the same death, and
says that of a truth in King Richard's time the said Hugh was - -
outlawed at the suit of one Lucy, sister of the said Roger, so that for
a long time afterwards he hid himself; and at length he came into
the county [court] and produced letters of Sir Geoffrey FitzPeter in
the form following: "G. FitzPeter etc. to the sheriff of
Northamptonshire, greeting, Know thou that the king hath pardoned
to Hugh, son of the priest of Grafton, his flight and the outlawry
adjudged to him for the death of a certain slain man, and hath
signified to us by his letters that we be aiding to the said Hugh in
reestablishing the peace between him and the kinsfolk of the slain;
wherefore we command thee that thou be aiding to the said Hugh in
making the peace aforesaid, and do us to wit by thy letters under
seal what thou hast done in this matter, since we are bound to
signify the same to the king. In witness etc. by the king's writ from
beyond seas." And the said letters being read in full county [court]
the county told the said Hugh that he must find pledges that he
would be in the king's peace, and he went away to find pledges, and
afterwards did not appear. But the kinsfolk of the slain, having heard
that Hugh had returned after his outlawry, came to the next county
[court] and Robert Rombald produced Geoffrey, Thurstan's son, who
said that if he saw the said Hugh he would sue against him the
death of the said Roger, who was [his kinsman]. And the county
showed him how Hugh had brought the Justiciar's letters pardoning
him the flight and outlawry, and that he was to find pledges to stand
to the king's peace, but had not returned. Whereupon the king's
serjeant was ordered to seek Hugh and bring him to a later county
[court]. And at a later county [court] Geoffrey offered himself](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/907422-250615074312-ee33c37c/85/Beyond-Project-Management-New-Perspectives-On-The-Temporarypermanent-Dilemma-Anders-Soderholm-70-320.jpg)
![against Hugh, and Hugh did not appear; whereupon the king's
serjeant being questioned said that he had not found him, and the
county advised [Geoffrey] to come to another county [court],
because if in the meantime Hugh could be found, he would be
brought to the county [court]. Then at the third county [court] the
said Geoffrey offered himself, and it was testified by the serjeant
that Hugh had not yet been found, wherefore the county said that as
Hugh would not appear to the king's peace, he must bear the wolf's
head as he had done before. To judgment against the coroners and
the twelve jurors.
34. Robert of Herthale, arrested for having in self-defense slain
Roger, Swein's son, who had slain five men in a fit of madness, is
committed to the sheriff that he may be in custody as before, for the
king must be consulted about this matter. The chattels of him who
killed the five men were worth two shillings, for which Richard [the
sheriff must account].
35. Sibil, Engelard's daughter, appeals Ralph of Sandford, for that
he in the king's peace and wickedly and in breach of the peace given
to her in the county [court] by the sheriff, came to the house of her
lord [or husband] and broke her chests and carried off the chattels,
and so treated her that he slew the child that was living in her
womb. Afterwards she came and said that they had made a
compromise and she withdrew herself, for they have agreed that
Ralph shall satisfy her for the loss of the chattels upon the view and
by the appraisement of lawful men; and Ralph has assented to this.
36. William Pipin slew William [or John] Guldeneman and fled. He
had no chattels. Let him be exacted. And Hugh Fuller was taken for
this death and put in gaol because the said John [or William] was](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/907422-250615074312-ee33c37c/85/Beyond-Project-Management-New-Perspectives-On-The-Temporarypermanent-Dilemma-Anders-Soderholm-71-320.jpg)
![slain in his house. And Hugh gives to the king his chattels which
were taken with him, that he may have an inquest [to find] whether
he be guilty thereof or no. The jurors say that he is not guilty, and
so let him go quit thereof. And William Picot is in mercy for having
sold Hugh's chattels before he was convicted of the death, and for
having sold them at an undervalue, for he sold them, as he says, for
three shillings, and the jurors - - say that they were worth seventeen
shillings, for which William Picot and those who were his fellows
ought to account. And William says that the chattels were sold by
the advice of his fellows, and his fellows deny this.
37. Robert White slew Walter of Hugeford and fled. The jurors say
that he was outlawed for the death, and the county and the
coroners say that he was not outlawed, because no one sued
against him. And because the jurors cannot [be heard to] contradict
the county and the coroners, therefore they are in mercy, and let
Robert be exacted. His chattels were [worth] fifteen shillings, for
which R. of Ambresleigh, the sheriff, must account.
38. Elyas of Lilleshall fled to church for the death of a woman slain
at Lilleshall. He had no chattels. He confessed the death and abjured
the realm. Alice Crithecreche and Eva of Lilleshall and Aldith and
Mabel, Geoffrey and Robert of Lilleshall, and Peter of Hopton were
taken for the death of the said woman slain at Lilleshall. And Alice,
at once after the death, fled to the county of Stafford with some of
the chattels of the slain, so it is said, and was taken in that county
and brought back into Shropshire and there, as the king's serjeant
and many knights and lawful men of the county testify, in their
presence she said, that at night - - she heard a tumult in the house
of the slain; whereupon she came to the door and looked in, and
saw through the middle of the doorway four men in the house, and](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/907422-250615074312-ee33c37c/85/Beyond-Project-Management-New-Perspectives-On-The-Temporarypermanent-Dilemma-Anders-Soderholm-72-320.jpg)
![they came out and - - caught her, and threatened to kill her unless
she would conceal them; and so they gave her the pelf [booty] that
she had. And when she came before the [itinerant] justices she
denied all this. Therefore she has deserved death, but by way of
dispensation [the sentence is mitigated, so] let her -eyes be torn
out. The others are not suspected, therefore let them be under
pledges.
39. William, John's son, appeals Walter, son of Ralph Hose, for
that when [William's] lord Guy of Shawbury and [William] had come
from attending the pleas of our lord the king in the county court of
Shropshire, there came five men in the forest of Haughmond and
there in the king's peace and wickedly assaulted his lord Guy, and so
that [Walter], who was the fourth among those five, wounded Guy
and was accessory with the others in force as aid so that Guy his
lord was killed, and after having wounded his lord he [Walter] came
to William and held him so that he could not aid his lord; and this he
offers to deraign [determine by - - personal combat] against him as
the court shall consider. And Walter comes and defends all of it word
by word as the court etc. It is considered that there be battle
[combat] between them. The battle [combat] is waged. Day is given
them, at Oxford on the morrow of the octave of All Saints, and then
let them come armed. And Ralph [Walter's father] gives the king a
half-mark that he may have the custody of his son, [for which sum]
the pledges are John of Knighton and Reiner of Acton, and he is
committed to the custody of Ralph Hose, Reiner of Acton, John of
Knighton, Reginald of Leigh, Adam of Mcuklestone, William of
Bromley, Stephen of Ackleton, Eudo of Mark.
40. Robert, son of Robert of Ferrers, appeals Ranulf of
Tattesworth, for that he came into Robert's garden and wickedly and](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/907422-250615074312-ee33c37c/85/Beyond-Project-Management-New-Perspectives-On-The-Temporarypermanent-Dilemma-Anders-Soderholm-73-320.jpg)
![in the king's peace assaulted Robert's man Roger, and beat and
wounded him so that his life was despaired of, and robbed him
[Roger?] of a cloak, a sword, a bow and arrows: and the said Roger
offers to prove this by his body as the court shall consider. And
Ranulf comes and defends the whole of it, word by word, and offers
the king one mark of silver that he may have an inquest of lawful
knights [to say] whether he be guilty thereof or no. Also he says that
Roger has never until now appealed him of this, and prays that this
be allowed in his favor. [Ranulf's] offering is accepted. The jurors say
that in truth there was some quarrel between Robert's gardener,
Osmund, and some footboys, but Ranulf was not there, and they do
not suspect him of any robbery or any tort done to Robert or to
Osmund. Also the county records that the knights who on Robert's
complaint were sent to view Osmund's wounds found him
unwounded and found no one else complaining, and that Robert in
his plaint spoke of Osmund his gardener and never of Roger, and
that Roger never came to the county [court] to make this appeal.
Therefore it is considered that Ranulf be quit, and Robert and Roger
in mercy. Pledge for Ranulf's mark, Philip of Draycot. Pledges for the
amercement, Henry of Hungerhill, and Richard Meverell. Pledge for
Roger, the said Robert.
41. One L. is suspected by the jurors of being present when
Reinild of Hemchurch was slain, and of having aided and counseled
her death. And she defends. Therefore let her purge herself by the
ordeal of iron; but as she is ill, the ordeal is respited until her
recovery.
42. Andrew of Burwarton is suspected by the jurors of the death
of one Hervey, for that he concealed himself because of that death.
Therefore let him purge himself by ordeal of water.](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/907422-250615074312-ee33c37c/85/Beyond-Project-Management-New-Perspectives-On-The-Temporarypermanent-Dilemma-Anders-Soderholm-74-320.jpg)
![43. Godith, formerly wife of Walter Palmer, appeals Richard of
Stonall, for that he in the king's peace wickedly and by night with his
force came to her house and bound her and her husband, and
afterwards slew the said Walter her husband; and this she offers to
prove against him as wife of the slain as the court shall consider.
And he defends all of it. And the jurors and the whole neighborhood
suspect him of that death. And so it is considered that he purge
himself by ordeal of iron for he has elected to bear the iron.
44. The jurors of Oflow hundred say that the bailiffs of Tamworth
have unjustly taken toll from the knights of Staffordshire, to wit, for
their oxen and other beasts. And the men of Lichfield complain that
likewise they have taken toll from them, more especially in
Staffordshire. And the bailiffs deny that they take anything from the
knights in Staffordshire. And for that they cannot [be heard to]
contradict the jurors, the bailiffs are in mercy. As to the men of
Lichfield, [the Tamworth bailiffs] say that they ought to have, and in
King Henry's time had, toll of them, more especially of the
merchants, as well in Staffordshire as in Warwickshire. And the
burgesses of Lichfield offer the king a half-mark for an inquest by
the county. And the county records that in King Henry's time the
men of - - Lichfield did not pay toll in Staffordshire. Therefore the
bailiffs are in mercy.
Chapter 7
The Times 1215-1272](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/907422-250615074312-ee33c37c/85/Beyond-Project-Management-New-Perspectives-On-The-Temporarypermanent-Dilemma-Anders-Soderholm-75-320.jpg)
![dependant for past services, or a purchase with a gross sum. There
were no wardship or marriage or other fees associated with a tenure
in free socage. Tenure in frankalmoin ["free alms" for the poor to
relieve the king of this burden] was land held by ecclesiastics in right
of their churches and of God. This service was spiritual, often for
saying prayers for the deceased donor so that he could go from
purgatory to heaven, and it was an indefinite service. In general,
land could be alienated or subinfeudated without the lord's consent
and thus come to be held in another tenure. Land escheated
[returned] to the lord if there were no heirs, or in case of felony
after the king has possessed and taken the profits of the land for
year and day. In case of treason, a tenant's lands were all forfeited
to the king. The tenure of socage obligated the tenant to fixed
agricultural services, for which a nominal payment called a "quit
rent" could be substituted. Socage did not entail rights of wardship
or marriage. Socage grew at the expense of the other tenures. The
unfree tenure was villein tenure. Villeins were tied to a piece of land
and were bound to perform for their lord indefinite agricultural
services and could be physically recovered in case they left the land.
Villeins were subject to a lord's court and were not protected by the
king's court.
The major types of freemen were: nobles, knights, ecclesiastics,
Jews, and women. The nobles were the earls and barons. They did
not have noble blood, but were tenants in chief of certain land by
the king's will. The king consulted them and they obeyed his
summons and gave him counsel. They were entitled to be judged in
cases of treason or felony, by their peers, that is, each other. Lower
in status are the knights. They were active in royal justice, making
thedecisions in the most important cases. Ecclesiatics were bishops;
abbots; and monks, nuns, and friars, who had taken vows of poverty](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/907422-250615074312-ee33c37c/85/Beyond-Project-Management-New-Perspectives-On-The-Temporarypermanent-Dilemma-Anders-Soderholm-77-320.jpg)
![and obedience; and clergy. The difference between a monk and a
friar was a cloistered life versus an active life. Jews came to England
after the Conquest and were under the special protection of the
king. All they had belonged to the king. A Jew could lend money for
interest, which was disallowed for Christians. Jews were subject to
the courts of justice, but could also settle their disputes by their own
Hebrew law, They were expelled in 1290. Women could hold land,
even by military tenure, own chattels typically beasts and coins],
make a will, make a contract, and could sue and be sued. They
could give evidence in court, but could not be jurors or judges.
Women who had husbands had to defer to them in certain property
matters.
Nobles, doctors, and attorneys wore tunics to the ankle and an
over-tunic almost as long, which was lined with fur and had long
sleeves. A hood was attached to it. A man's hair was short and
curled, with bangs on the forehead. The tunic of merchants and
middle class men reached to the calf. The laborer wore a tunic that
reached to the knee, cloth stockings, and shoes of heavy felt, cloth,
or perhaps leather. Ladies wore a full-length tunic with moderate
fullness in the skirt, and a low belt, and tight sleeves. A lady's hair
was concealed by a round hat tied on the top of her head. Over her
tunic, she wore a cloak. Monks and nuns wore long black robes with
hoods.
Baron landholders' semi-fortified stone manor houses were
improved and extended. Many had been licensed to be embattled or
crenelated [wall indented at top with shooting spaces]. They were
usually quadrangular around a central courtyard. The central and
largest room was the hall, where people ate and slept. The hall had
a hearth for fire in the center of the room if the hall was one story](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/907422-250615074312-ee33c37c/85/Beyond-Project-Management-New-Perspectives-On-The-Temporarypermanent-Dilemma-Anders-Soderholm-78-320.jpg)
![commotion or contempt of royal authority, the sheriff of the county
had power to raise a posse of armed men to restore order. The
coroner watched the interests of the crown and had duties in sudden
deaths, treasure trove, and shipwreck cases. There were about five
coroners per county and they served for a number of years. They
were chosen by the county court. The escheator was appointed
annually by the Treasurer to administer the Crown's rights in feudal
land, which until 1242 had been the responsibility of the sheriff. He
was usually chosen from the local gentry. The constable and bailiff
operated at the hundred and parish [the geographical area of a
church's members] level to detect crime and keep the peace. They
assisted sheriffs and Justices of the Peace, organized watches for
criminals and vagrants at the village level, and raised the hue and
cry along the highway and from village to village in pursuit of
offenders who had committed felony or robbery. The constables also
kept the royal castles; they recruited, fed, and commanded the
castle garrison.
County knights served sheriffs, coroners, escheators, and justices
on special royal commissions of gaol-delivery. They sat in judgment
in the county court at its monthly meetings, attended the two great
annual assemblies when the lord, knights and freeholders of the
county gathered to meet the itinerant justices who came escorted by
the sheriff and weapon bearers. They served on the committees
which reviewed the presentments of the hundreds and village, and
carried the record of the county court to Westminster when
summoned there by the kings' justices. They served on the grand
assize. As elected representatives of their fellow knights of the
county, they assessed any taxes due from each hundred. Election
might be by nomination by the sheriff from a fixed list, by choice, or
in rotation. They investigated and reported on local abuses and](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/907422-250615074312-ee33c37c/85/Beyond-Project-Management-New-Perspectives-On-The-Temporarypermanent-Dilemma-Anders-Soderholm-83-320.jpg)
![grievances. The King's justices and council often called on them to
answer questions put to them on oath. In the villages, humbler
freeholders and sokemen were elected to assess the village taxes.
Six villeins answered for the village's offenses before the royal
itinerant justice.
Reading and writing in the English language was taught. The use
of English ceased to be a mark of vulgarity. In 1258 the first
governmental document was issued in English as well as in Latin and
French, and later Latin started falling into disuse. Boys of noblemen
were taught reading, writing, Latin, a musical instrument, athletics,
riding, and gentlemanly conduct. Girls were taught reading, writing,
music, dancing, and perhaps household nursing and first aid,
spinning, embroidery, and gardening. Girls of high social position
were also taught riding and hawking. Grammar schools taught, in
Latin, grammar, dialectic (ascertaining word meaning by looking at
its origin, its sound (e.g. soft or harsh), its power (e.g. robust and
strong sound), its inflection, and its order; and avoiding obscurity
and ambiguity in statements), and rhetoric [art of public speaking,
oratory, and debate]. The teacher possessed the only complete copy
of the Latin text, and most of the school work was done orally.
Though books were few and precious, the students read several
Latin works. Girls and boys of high social position usually had private
teachers for grammar school, while boys of lower classes were
sponsored at grammar schools such as those at Oxford. Discipline
was maintained by the birch or rod.
There was no examination for admission as an undergraduate to
Oxford, but a knowledge of Latin with some skill in speaking Latin
was a necessary background. The students came from all
backgrounds. Some had their expenses paid by their parents, while](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/907422-250615074312-ee33c37c/85/Beyond-Project-Management-New-Perspectives-On-The-Temporarypermanent-Dilemma-Anders-Soderholm-84-320.jpg)
![and between students and townsmen. But when the mayor of
Oxford hanged two students accused of being involved in the killing
of a townswoman, many masters and students left for Cambridge. In
1214, a charter created the office of Chancellor of the university at
Oxford. He was responsible for law and order and, through his court,
could fine, imprison, and excommunicate offenders and expel
undesirables such as prostitutes from the town. He had authority
over all crimes involving scholars, except murder and mayhem. The
Chancellor summoned and presided over meetings of the masters
and came to be elected by indirect vote by the masters who had
schools, usually no more than a room or hall with a central hearth
which was hired for lectures. Students paid for meals there. Corners
of the room were often partitioned off for private study. At night,
some students slept on the straw on the floor. Six hours of sleep
were considered sufficient. In 1231, the king ordered that every
student must have his name on the roll of a master and the masters
had to keep a list of those attending his lectures.
In 1221 the friars established their chief school at Oxford. They
were bound by oaths of poverty, obedience, and chastity, but were
not confined within the walls of a monastery. They walked barefoot
from place to lace preaching. They begged for their food and
lodgings. They replaced monks, who had become self-indulgent, as
the most vital spiritual force among the people.
The first college was founded in 1264 by Walter de Merton, former
Chancellor to the King, at Oxford. A college had the living
arrangements of a Hall, with the addition of monastic-type rules. A
warden and about 30 scholars lived and ate meals together in the
college buildings. Merton College's founding documents provided
that: [1] "The house shall be called the House of the Scholars of](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/907422-250615074312-ee33c37c/85/Beyond-Project-Management-New-Perspectives-On-The-Temporarypermanent-Dilemma-Anders-Soderholm-86-320.jpg)
![Merton, and it shall be the residence of the Scholars forever. [2]
There shall be a constant succession of scholars devoted to the
study of letters, who shall be bound to employ themselves in the
study of Arts or Philosophy, the Canons or Theology. Let there also
be one member of the collegiate body, who shall be a grammarian,
and must entirely devote himself to the study of grammar; let him
have the care of the students in grammar, and to him also let the
more advanced have recourse without a blush, when doubts arise in
their faculty. [3] There is to be one person in every chamber, where
Scholars are resident, of more mature age than the others, who is to
make his report of their morals and advancement in learning to the
Warden [4] The Scholars who are appointed to the duty of studying
in the House are to have a common table, and a dress as nearly
alike as possible. [5] The members of the College must all be
present together, as far as their leisure serves, at the canonical
hours and celebration of masses on holy and other days. [6] The
Scholars are to have a reader at meals, and in eating together they
are to observe silence, and to listen to what is read. In their
chambers, they must abstain from noise and interruption of their
fellows; and when they speak they must use the Latin language. [7]
A Scrutiny shall be held in the House by the Warden and the Seniors,
and all the Scholars there present, three times a year; a diligent
inquiry is to be instituted into the life, conduct, morals, and progress
in learning, of each and all; and what requires correction then is to
be corrected, and excesses are to be visited with condign
punishment. . ."
Educated men (and those of the 1200s through the 1500s),
believed that the earth was the center of the universe and that it
was surrounded by a giant spherical dome on which the stars were
placed. The sun and moon and planets were each on a sphere](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/907422-250615074312-ee33c37c/85/Beyond-Project-Management-New-Perspectives-On-The-Temporarypermanent-Dilemma-Anders-Soderholm-87-320.jpg)
Beyond Project Management New Perspectives On The Temporarypermanent Dilemma Anders Soderholm
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- 6. Beyond Project Management ISBN 91-47-06403-X O 2002 The Authors and Liber AB Publishers editor: Ola Hakansson and Nigel Pickard Design: Fredrik Elvander Typeset: Gyllene Snittet AB Printed in Sweden by Daleke Grafiska AB, Malmo 2002 Distribution: Sweden Liber Ekonomi. Baltzarsgatan 4, 2051 0 Malmo, Sweden tfn 04@258600, fax 040-9705 50 http://www.liber.se Kundtjanst tfn 08-69093 30, fax 08690 9 3 0 1 Norway Abstrakt Forlag AS, Kristian 4's gate 15, Postboks 6952, St Olaus Plass 0130 Olso, Norge tel +47 23 35 79 42, fax +47 23 35 79 4 1 Denmark DBK, Siljangade 2-8, P.O. Box 1731 DK-2300 Copenhagen S, Denmark phone: +45 3269 7788, fax: +45 3269 7789 North America Copenhagen Business School Press Books International Inc. P.O. Box 605 Herndon, V A 20172-0605, USA phone: + I 703 6 6 1 1500, toll-free: + I 8 0 0 758 3756 fax: + I 7 0 3 6611 5 0 1 Rest of the World Marston Book Services, P.O. Box 269 Abingdon, Oxfordshire. OX14 4YN, UK phone: +44 (0)1235 465500, fax: +44 (0) 1235 465555 E-mail Direct Customers: direct.orderQmarston.co.uk E-mail Booksellers: trade.order@marston.co.uk A All rlghtsreserved No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrival system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photo-copying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior written permission of the publisher.
- 7. To Rolf A Lundin from friends and colleagues
- 8. Table of contents Preface INTRODUCTION I The Scandinavian School of Project Studies KERSTIN SAHLlN-ANDERSSON AND ANDERS SODERHOLM Key features of the Scandinavian School of Project Studies 11 / A projectified society 14 / Project portfolios in their corporate context 18 / Relating the temporary and the permanent zo / Project manage- ment reconsidered 21 / Beyond project management 23 A PROJECTIFIED SOCIETY z How project management got carried away TOMAS BLOMQUIST AND ANDERS SODERHOLM Projcct management as management knowledge 25 I Within industries, via engineering professionals, and abetted by industry-specific require- ments 27 / Among industries through consultants: Expanding the scope and adding generic value 28 /Volume through professional associations: Picking up the latecomers with success stories and offers of professional identity j o / Long-term survival through standardization bodies, scien- tific research, and university training: Creating normative pressure 34 1 Carry on into the future 36 3 The temporary society and its enemies: Projects from an individual perspective JOHANN PACKENDORFF The individual in the projccticised society 39 1Project work from an individual perspective - a typology 41 / Project-hased work (type I) 44 1 Renewal project participation (type 11) 46 / Temporary work (type 111) 48 /Independent entrepreneurs (type IV) 51 /Project work forms and life in the projecticised society 53 / Who are the enemies of the tem- porary society? 57 4 Contracts of work in a project-based economy ESKIL EKSTEDT Introduction 59 1Towards a project-hased economy 60 /Time aspects of organizations and employment 62 / From the permanent to the temporary 67 1Market relations, transaction costs and contractual forms in different kinds of organizations 70 / Conclusions 77
- 9. TABLE OF CONTENTS PROJECT PORTFOLIOS IN THEIR CORPORATE CONTEXT 5 Stickiness and leakiness in inter-organizational innovation projects 81 MARIA BENGTSSON AND JESSICA ERIKSSON Introduction 81 / Inter-organizational innovation projects 83 / Flows in different contexts of innovation projects 84 / Four innovation projects and their contexts 88 / Contextual influence and flows in innovation projects 97 / Discussion 104 6 Informationsharing among partnering project organizations 108 JEFFREY K. PINTO AND ZORICA NEDOVIC-BUDIC Benefits of informamon sharing 109 / The potential for information sharing 1 1 1 I Challenges and dynamics of data sharing 112 / Conceptual framework 118 / Improving the prospects for data sharing among project organizations I r z 7 Projects and core values STEN JONSSON Introduction 126 / Observations of premium product design in context 128 1The company history is the source of values 129 / With Gyllenhammar a new era began 130 I Empirical observation of value based product development14~ / Analysis 145 I The strong narrative solution 146 8 Intensive innovation context and design system dynamics The case of car Information Communication Entertainment (ICE) systems 151 CHRISTOPHE MIDLER Part one: The product trajectory: history and characterizat~on153 / Part two: The innovative firm odyssey 161 RELATING THE TEMPORARY AND THE PERMANENT 9 Organizing in two modes On the merging of the temporary and the permanent 1 7 0 BARBRO I. ANEI.1. AND TIMOTHY L. WILSON Introduction 170/ A framework for discussion 172 / Observations 175 I Merging of the temporary and permanent 182 / Reflections 18s 10 Regenerated professionalism The librarian who went out on her own 187 ELISABETN SUNDIN Introduction 187 1The Swedish public sector 189 1Entrepreneurs and librarians 193 1Why the librarian went out on her own 196 1Shifts in practice 197 / Shifts in theory 199
- 10. TABLE OF CONTENTS 11 Moving beyond the rhetoric of the post-modern corporation Some observations on complementarities in innovative forms of organizing 205 TOMAS MULLERN Introducing the theme of innovative forms of organizing 205 I Building the argument 207 I The Saab case 211 I The Cisco case214 I Concluding reflections 218 12 Bridging the gap between temporality and permanency HENRIK C.J. LINDEROTH Action and the temporary organization 224 I Thc theory of the temporary organization 226 / Building networks and translating ideas into action 228 I The theory of the temporary organization meets actor network theory 234 1Concluding remarks 240 PROJECT MANAGEMENT RECONSIDERED r j Project management as boundary work Dilemmas of defining and delimiting KERSTIN SAHLIN-ANDERSSON The attractiveness of projects: Controllability and adventure 241 I Boundary work 244 I Temporal, task, and institutional boundary work 245 I Project definition as boundary work 259 14 The futile dream of the perfect goal MATS ENGWALL Project failures and unclear goals 2611The goal - the core of every project assignment 263 I The necessity of goal ambiguity 267 I The irrelevance of goals to project execution 271 I Project execution - aprocess of goal formation 275 r5 What goes on in projects? O n goal-directed learning processes LARS LlNDKVlST AND JONAS SODERLUND Introduction 278 I Scandinavian views on project processes 280 I Project organization 285 / Project organizing 285 I A process model 286 1Conclusions 290 16 The life of a project researcher BARBARA CZARNIAWSKA References Author presentations
- 11. Preface Room for new thought styles In this anthology I find several important steps taken towards a new style of thinking about projects. The first is the challenge of projects as being completely planned activities. If we put the temporary activity called project in a context marked by uncertainty it is self-evident that in some way planning will not be complete. Those arguing for good project planning will try to make the planning as completely rational as possible. The other way around taken here is to look at what happened to the context when people started to have work and life organised in pro- jects. Projectisation of society is a reality today. So is the organisation of work in corporations. We face a swarm of new issues and problems for research and studies in this new landscape generated by the ideas created in the first generation of project thinking and its applications. From an individual perspective it is a revolution of work and life so far-reaching that it "has reshaped the conditions for family life in con- temporary society" (Johannn Packendorff). The combined individual effects are already noticeable in the Swedish society and economy. The second step I here can see leading to a new thought style (in the meaning of Ludwik Fleck) is the understanding of changing relations between corporations and customers in their joint project work devel- oping more complicated and unique products. "Exit mechanisms dom- inating the market relations of traditional industrial organisations are exchanged for voice and sometime even loyalty in project based activ- ities" (Eskil Ekstedt). The reader will certainly find other examples of steps taken here making room for a new, much more sophisticated, stylised thinking about projectified contexts. Life as a project Maybe also life itself could be a project context. However, while read- ing Barbara Czarniwska's interview with Rolf Lundin "A Life of a Pro-
- 12. ject Researcher" in this book, a story came into my mind: A man was asked to explain the diversity of his experience in work and in private life. He answered, "There was no plan I just dived down and swam around". It sounded strange to his friends in the field of project prac- tise. He almost regretted his spontaneous answer. Rolf's comment in his Post Scriptum could have been comforting for the man: "It also appears that too much of feelings and whims rather than planning took over my past life". With my background as a mathematical economist during a long period of my life I dare trying to formulate a general rule: Looking back on a person's trajectory of life you always end up falsifying the hypothesis that it could have been part of a project process. Along the same modelling line of thought I remember that smooth trajectories might in a more detailed resolution be of fractal character as in chaos theory. Changing perspectives means entering new worlds. Putting project studies and practises in contexts, that really matters, does also mean opening doors to new worlds of thought. The project academy as context One new world of thought is the exploration of the contexts in which projects are in action. Getting in touch with reality beyond project management models is a necessity and a natural task for scholars in the field. The Swedish Project Academy, and its current chairman Rolf Lundin has formed such an arena for a growing host of practitioners in industry and consulting firms and of university scholars seeking to explore these broader issues. The aim of the academy is to enhance the interchange of ideas and thoughts between people from different spheres involved with project work. This mixture of professionals was also the starting point for a clus- ter of projects named Project Sweden, which sought to combine prac- tical experience with scholarly analyses. It is too early to say anything about how successful this scheme can be. It depends certainly upon how deep the projects can deal with sensitive issues in the practical world. But the scheme has potential to generate more complex context- project issues where the new perspectives presented in this volume can be put on trial. This book honouring Rolf Lundin is written in a spirit resembling
- 13. that of the Swedish Project Academy and of Project Sweden. By com- bining various experiences and professional perspectives, it opens up new venues for project studies and for project activities, and I hope it will rouse many to new project activities in new contexts. Jan Odhnoff Professor Emeritus, Teleinformatics, Royal Institute of Technology, and founding chairman Swedish ProjectAcademy
- 15. The Key features of the Scandinavian School of Project Studies New insights and understandings are often gained as experiences and lessons from various fields are combined and translated into new set- tings. This is certainly true for what we here term "The Scandinavian School of Project Studies". The Scandinavian School of Project Studies has developed an understanding of projects primarily by combining an organization theory perspective with theories on entrepreneurship and industrial development, and with in-depth empirical studies of how projects unfold in practice. This line of theorizing has grown from an interest in the rapid expansion of projects in a variety of settings. Projects abound in organ- izations, industries, and inter-organizational settings with long trad- itions of project work, as well as in arcas in which more bureaucratic and seemingly permanent and routinized organizations used to dom- inate (e.g.Lundin & Soderholm, 1995;Engwall, Steinthhrsson & Soder- holm, 2002; Sahlin, 1996). Scholarly writings on project management have grown with the expanded use of projects- by organized efforts to perform defined tasks within a time-limited period and with some type of resource restrictions (e.g. financial, staff).It is not easy to prove that the use has expanded. Projects cannot be counted as easily as legal cor-
- 16. KERSTIN SAHLIN-ANDERSSON AND ANDERS SODERHOLM porations. But, several indicators show that this expansion has taken place, that it has spread among different industries, and is used for more varied purposes (see Ekstedt, Lundin, Soderholm & Wirdenius, 1999; Engwall, 1995; Chapter z in this volume). And the forming of projects in practice is influenced and inspired by widespread writings. Such reciprocal development of practice and theory is common in the field of management, for management theory has usually developed in close interaction with practice and with theoretical developments in other scientific fields (Engwall, 1992; Sahlin-Andersson & Engwall, 2002). Many writings on project management have echoed practical man- agement, and have taken the form of recipes and handbooks on "How to Manage Better". Such writings have provided valuable inputs to the discourse and development of new managerial tools. However, they appear to focus too narrowly on management of the individual project to be of value to people who are primarily interested in understanding how projects contribute to and are related to longer-term and wider developments in organizations, industries, and society. Furthermore, many of the handbook-type writings in project management assume ideal conditions for management and change that are seldom found in practice. Fuzzier and more ambiguous conditions often characterize life in organizations and society. The Scandinavian School of Project Studies has taken a wider, and at the same time closer approach in their studies (seee.g. Soderlund zooob; Engwall, Steinthbrsson & Soderholm 2002 for different research per- spectives in this field; Packendorff, 1995). We point to three key featu- res of the Scandinavian School. First, it has widened the scope of pro- ject studies beyond that of single projects. Its aim has been to reflect on and thereby contribute to the understanding of the way in which pro- jects are contextually related. This broadened view has been triggered by questions such as: Why has the use of prolects expanded? How are projects formed from longer-term developments in organizations and society? How do they contribute to these long-term developments? How are projects that are pursued simultaneously or sequentially con- nected with or disconnected from each other? How can one best learn from one project to another?, and How can one avoid repeating unwanted procedures from one project to another? These studies, in other words, analyze the development of projects in relation to more general organizational and societal changes. With the
- 17. THE SCANDINAVIAN SCHOOL OF PROJECT STUDIES elaborated analysis of the ways in which projects relate to their contexts, it has also become clear that the formation and management of individ- ual projects are contextually dependent. Hence, even when focusing on individual projects, the relevance of understanding wider contextual contingencies is repeatedly demonstrated (Lundin & Soderholm, 7998). This broadened analysis of projects, when compared to more trad- itional and "mainstream" writings in project management, is related to the second key feature of the Scandinavian School. As previously men- tioned, studies of the Scandinavian School are theoretically based. The view pursued by the Scandinavian School on the relevance of context parallels developments in organization theory in which we have lear- ned the importance of understanding organizations as open systems that are affected by their environments and by organizational fields. These project studies of the Scandinavian School have added to theo- retical developments in the theoretical fields to which the analyses are related. The analyses have highlighted and added to the theoretical understanding of temporality, commitment, innovation, boundaries, and change more generally. Third, the Scandinavian School of Project Studies is empirically based. It is primarily based on close qualitative studies of how projects actually evolve, rather then on wishes for how they would evolve in the best of worlds. The in-depth studies have led to a strong awareness of the fact that projects vary. Variations follow from differences in tasks, but perhaps more importantly, from differences in context, history, and process. Even though projects are temporary organizations, they spring from historical processes and from the specific contextual circumstances in which they develop. An important topic for analysis, then, is the way in which projects are related to these contextual conditions. Obviously, in-depth empirical work also nurtures the theoretical development and further emphasizes the importance of project processes and the short- comings of generic models for effective project management. Processes and activities are commonly more important for results than for formal structures. Moreover, it suggests that one must be cautious in formulat- ing general normative how-to models for running a successful project. Rased on these key features, this book provides a multifaceted an- alysis of the emergence and management of projects under various con- ditions. We provide theoretical frameworks, analyses, and thorough empirical illustrations of projects in a wider theoretical and empirical
- 18. KERSTIN SAHLIN-ANDERSSON AND ANDERS SODERHOLM sense. The chapters deal with different projects in different settings. Using a broad variation of project studies built upon the common ground presented above, we demonstrate and deepen the knowledge of the embeddedness of projects. In this way we go beyond project man- agement to reconceptualize projects as they appear in their corporate and temporal context. We continue this introductory chapter by exploring the common ground of the various studies in greater depth. We begin with a reflec- tion on the expansion of projects in society and we provide a few explanations for this recent trend. We then elaborate on two aspects of the contextuality of projects: the corporate context and the relationship between the temporary and the permanent. As mentioned above, this has been - and remains - an important theme in the Scandinavian School of Project Studies. And the discussion serves partly as an intro- duction to the following section, in which we use some findings from the Scandinavian School as an analytical tool to narrate the history of how the Scandinavian School was formed and how it has invited us to reconsider project management. Finally, the chapter summarizes a few lessons in practical project management that the Scandinavian School has provided. The label "Scandinavian School of Project Studies" does not exclude contributions from outside Scandinavia. The label merely reflects the origin of this research tradition in Scandinavia. If one should identify one person as its founder, that person would surely be Rolf A. Lundin - a Scandinavian. Professor Lundin published some influential early work in this area (see e.g. Lundin & Wirdenius 1989; Lundin, 1992; Ekstedt, Lundin & Wirdenius, 1992) and has continued to bring orga- nizational analysis into the worlds of projects and temporary organ- izations (see, e.g., Lundin & Sijderholm, 1995; Ekstedt, Lundin, SGder- holm & Wirdenius, 1999). A projectified society Projects abound. There has recently been a great deal of talk about such concepts as project organizing, project management, project dev- elopment, to such an extent that one can talk about project organizing as a management fad or fashion (see Abrahamson, 1996; Ravik, 1996; Chapter 2, this volume). Also, one can speak of the projectification of
- 19. THE SCANDINAVIAN SCHOOL OF PROJECT STUDIES society (Chapters 3 and 4, this volume; Bennis & Slater, 1968). If, however, we do not focus so much on the labels that management practitioners and management theorists use, but on the practices of organizing activities, it is clear that projects are not new. One may argue, with Engwall, Steinth6rsson & Soderholm (zooz),that the most significant accounts of humankind can be regarded as projects. The reconstruction of Europe after World War I1and the American Apollo program come immediately to mind, and there are historical examples, including Columbus' explorations to West India and the building of the pyramids and the Chinese wall. When we label these undertakings as projects, the main features on which we focus - that define them as projects - are the temporal and task-oriented components of the exercises (even though, when accomp- lished, the tasks may turn out quite differently than planned). In each example we can envisage the task demanding a certain organization - an organization that is no longer required and is ideally dismantled when the tasks are accomplished. The project is, in other words, a temp- orary organization (Lundin & Soderholm, 1995). It is not always the case, however, that a task forms the foundation of the project. A team may alternatively form the stability and coherence of the project and the task and the goals may change over time (Chapter14, this volume). Projects, then, not only develop differently in different contexts, but the same procedure of events and activities may sometimes be defined as part of a project, sometimes not. It is not uncommon for projects to be defined differently from time to time and from situation to situation. For example, a construction project usually involves various groups of experts such as architects, engineering consultants, real estate firms, construction companies, and politically appointed decision makers from several organizations. Sometimes this whole team and their acti- vities and resources are described as the project, but each of the org- anizations involved also treats its team and the resources it allocates to this endeavor as a separate project. If we abandon the simple way of establishing what a project is, then the basis for defining and analyzing projects needs to be reconsidered. A project cannot be distinguished from other forms of organizing solely by one criterion, such as a certain technical content or a specific formal structure. Project organizing is a perspective that is developed relative to certain activities, processes, and tasks. The expansion of projects, then, does not only constitute a new or expanded empirical phenom-
- 20. KERSTIN SAHLIN-ANDERSSON AND ANDERS SODERHOLM enon calling for studies and reflection. It is also an emergent perspecti- ve that is put on all sorts of aspects of a society that appears to be more projectified today than it was only 10 years ago (Ekstedt, Lundin, Soderholm & Wirdenius,rgqg). In part of the management literature, managers are told to organize their company as a portfolio of projects, thereby bringing tasks and accomplishments to the fore (Arenius, Artto, Lahti, & Meklin, 2002). Such proselytizing has also been evident in public organizations and is closely associated with the loud call for rationalistic reforms in the pub- lic sector during the past few decades (see Leijon, Lundin & Persson, 1984; Brunsson & Olsen, 1990; Jacobsson, 1994; Blomquist & Pack- endorff, 1998b; Sahlin-Andersson & Soderholm, 1987). In the public sector, projects tend to be presented as means of breaking with stabil- ity and bureaucracy (Lundin & Soderholm, 1997; Chapter 10,this volume). Projects are thought to provide greater flexibility, and the flourishing of projects has followed hand-in-hand with an enhanced emphasis on flexibility. For private commercial corporations, projects, and the attractiveness of projects, have a stronger association with something planned, well defined, delimited, and controlled. When activities or organizational assignments are organized as projects, they appear to be easier to con- trol, delimit, terminate, and follow up (Engwall, 1995; Berggren & Lindkvist, 2001; Sahlin-Andersson, 1989; Sahlin, 1996). Thus, the pro- liferation of projects harmonizes well with a striving for action, visibi- lity, and evaluation. In addition, many projects seem to be created as ways for organ- izations to acquire extra resources. Particularly in times of frozen or downsized funds and supplies, an organization may redefine part of its daily operations as specific projects, in order to acquire project money from various sources. As is true for many management trends more generally (Sahlin-Andersson & Engwall, zooz), projects expand as integral or additional parts of other ideas, technologies, resources, and financial assistance programs (Chapters z and 12, this volume). As with many strategies, many projects are actually post-rationaliz- ations. What turned out to be the outcome is tempting to explain in linear terms as having followed from a well designed plan and a delim- ited task. Projects then become a narrative genre (see Czarniawska, 1997) - a way of accounting for and making sense of what has happ- ened or will happen. When viewing the mushrooming of projects in
- 21. THE SCANDINAVIAN SCHOOL OF PROJECT STUDIES this light, we can assume that the development partly follows on an escalated demand for documentation in the world of organizations. In light of these features, it may seem tempting to organize and pre- sent not only enterprises, but one's whole life, as a project. The notion of life as a project encourages one to plan, to be task-focused, to fulfill means, and to be in control of one's own destiny. And many life stories now so popular in research tend to be based upon and to further this view. The reasoning seems to be that in order to understand the out- come - or where someone ended up - the entire project must be under- stood: when was the plan put to work, when was it designed, and so on. The interview with Professor Lundin in Chapter 16 shows, how- ever, that even though he is a man of many projects, he cannot see his life as a project. It merely happened to him. He seized opportunities as they occurred, but not according to a predefined plan. And his under- standing of organizations follows the same route. He convincingly shows - as do the authors of this volume-that neither personal life nor organizational life is best seen as one project with a predefined plan, but as a collection or series of more or less coupled projects. One pro- ject may lead to another, but more often different projects have diff- erent roots, and the challenge for many organizations - and many per- sons - is to find some order and relationship among them. Such rela- tionships among projects is accomplished either by connecting projects with each other or by distancing and disconnecting them in order to maintain each project as a separate endeavor. When we speak of a projectified society, we point to the mush- rooming of projects, both in the sense that activities are, to an increa- sing extent, organized as projects; and in the sense that many processes are presented and understood as projects. Both these aspects have con- sequences, for individuals, for organizations, and for society as a whole. Even though many projects were not aimed at changing labor relations and work conditions for individual workers, the effects on the labor market and on individuals can be dramatic, as shown in Chap- ters 3 and 4 of this volume.
- 22. KERSTIN SAHLIN-ANDERSSON AND ANDERS SODERHOLM Project portfolios in their corporate context With the wider focus on projects that is portrayed above, and with insights used from organization theory, the theorizing of the Scandina- vian School of Project Studies has been especially important in devel- oping an understanding of projects as temporary and delimited organ- izational settings (Lundin& Soderholm, 1995; Lundin & Midler, 1998a; Ekstedt, Lundin, Soderholm & Wirdenius, 1999; Lundin & Hartman, zoooa).Placing projects in an organizational or corporate context indi- cates a willingness to acknowledge that projects are embedded in wider structures and processes. Projects are not isolated islands (Engwall, 2002) independent of outside events (Kreiner, 1995). And it is clear that the understanding of the manner in which a project may contri- bute to organizational or societal changes demands a thorough analysis of the ways in which projects stem from and relate to their context. Just as has been the case with organization studies more generally, this line of analysis calls not only for specifications of the project in focus, but also for more elaborated analyses of the context of projects and the aspects of these contexts that affect, and are affected by, the project (see Chapters 5 and 6, this volume). In part these contexts consist of other projects, and hence the inter- relation between projects is one important aspect of the project-context relationship. Taking this cross-sectional perspective, we can analyze how projects that are carried out at the same time are related to and dependent on other projects (Sjogren Kallqvist, 2002). Projects may also be interrelated over time, and lessons from one project can be used in the next (seeChapters 7 and 8, this volume). One organization is usually conducting or is involved in several pro- jects simultaneously. These projects may be interrelated - a situation implied by the term "project portfolio", which calls for information- sharing efforts among projects (moreabout this topic in Chapter 6, this volume). Even projects that seem to be separate and independent may compete for resources, attention, commitment, and legitimacy (Sahlin- Andersson, 1989; Eskerod, 1996; Sjijgren Kallqvist, 2002). Hence, the managing of the relationships among projects and with the wider con- text is one important aspect of project management. But it is an aspect that is often difficult to control, and it is not always the responsibility of appointed project managers. Many project management researchers have focused on the project manager. With such a focus, they have delim-
- 23. THE SCANDINAVIAN SCHOOL OF PROIECT STUDIES ited their analysis to the perspective of the project manager. For this reason, the interrelationships of projects and their relationship with the wider corporate context, have been under-explored in the project management literature (Engwall, Steinth6rsson & Soderholm, 2002). The studies that form the bases for Chapters 5 to 8 in this volume do not focus primarily on the activities or responsibilities of the individual project manager, but take a broader view of the ways in which projects emerge. They demonstrate the development of relationships among projects and they analyze the effects of these interrelationships on the unfolding of the individual project. The embeddedness of projects in wider corporate contexts is multi- layered and changing. It is not in the hands of individual project man- agers to control, and it may not always be desirable from the viewpoint of the individual mangers to integrate and co-ordinate projects too much. Our analyses of constellations of projects and of the embedded- ness of projects in their corporate context points to other, often more difficult issues of management and governance than do studies that are restricted to individual projects. The fruitfulness of not restricting stud- ies and analysis to individual projects and the importance of not taking formal structures as given are clearly shown throughout this volume. This demonstration of the gains of more contextualized designs of stud- ies parallels findings in neighboring areas; for example, the develop- ment of more field-based analyses in organization theory (see Powell & DiMaggio, 1991; Scott, 1995; Scott et. al., 2000)and the development of more governance-based rather than government-based studies in political science (Rosenau & Czempiel, 1992). When analyzing the embeddedness of projects in their corporate context, it also becomes apparent that the management of these pro- cesses is neither simple nor clear-cut. The analysis points to dilemmas in the ways that projects should be related to their wider context. One such quandary can be termed the attachment-detachment dilemma. The basic concept of project organizing is usually to detach a certain task or a certain procedure from its wider context to allow specific pro- cedures to develop (as discussed in Chapter 13, this volume). Project organization may also be a way to separate various parts, objectives, and relationships of the corporation. Thus, they may be used as a way to separate activities in order to handle potentially conflicting demands and objectives (c.f. Cyert & March, 1963). At the same time, concepts such as project portfolios show, as do Chapters 5 and 6 of this volume,
- 24. KERSTIN SAHLIN-ANDERSSON AND ANDERS SODERHOLM the importance of co-ordinating projects and transferring and sharing information among them. This coordination not only involves the frame- work of a single organization; it is equally important to include part- ners, networks, competitors, or authorities as part of the analysis as discussed in Chapters 5 and 6. Relating the temporary and the permanent Projects are the primary example of a temporary setting, whereas a trad- itional and hierarchical functional organization is the most obvious example of a permanent setting. Even though there are examples of pro- jects, such as Apollo, that lasted far longer than some functional organ- izations (such as new IT start-ups), the preconception guiding the organ- izing efforts are different between the two. A project is supposed to end, and is therefore organized in terms of an effort that is running from "un- finished" to "finished". The functional organization is set up to maintain a flow of similar and repetitive activities for the foreseeable future. Based on this perspective, projects are believed to be more appropriate for change, flexibility, and action orientation than are functional organiza- tions. Functional organizations, on the other hand, are supposed to guar- antee stability, maintenance of core values, and long-term development. Obviously, relating the long-term ambitions of the functional organ- ization and its advocates to the short-term action-orientation of pro- jects and their supporters is a necessity in any modern organization. Relationships of this kind, however, include more than relating flexibil- ity to stability. As shown in Chapter 9 of this volume, it seems that permanent and temporary organizations pick up some characteristics from each other (seealso Kadefors, 1995). Projects become less focused on flexibility, as routines for running a project or standardizing project models become better known in a par- ticular company. Diffusion of project management knowledge and norm- ative pressure from professional associations further underlines the importance of routines and standard approaches in projects (asdiscuss- ed in Chapter z, this volume). Thus, projects are less innovative and less flexible than some managers may believe. Actually, when projects have been used as a major organizing principle for some time, the main renewal problem may very well be the inertia embedded in the project organization (see Ekstedt, Lundin & Wirdenius, 1992).
- 25. THE SCANDINAVIAN SCHOOL OF PROJECT STUDIES Likewise, the functional organization is subjected to changes. It becomes less focused on stability and maintenance of previous rout- ines, as requirements for flexibility and change are more emphasized. The development of individual competence, the use of temporary employment, recurring changes of technology, and ways of increasing experiential learning are only a few cases that might result in greater flexibility and less stability in the functional organization. Relating the temporary and permanent setting is, therefore, more than a way of relating flexibility to stability. The relationship is far more subtle and multi-layered where tasks, organizing principles, time frames, management styles and overall corporate strategies influence the permanent as well as the temporary organization and the relation- ship between them. Chapters 1 1 and 12 of this volume elaborate on this concept using two case studies (Chapter 11) and in relation to actor-network theory (Chapter 12). Chapter q provides a general discussion on ways to relate temporary and permanent settings. The relationship between temporary and permanent settings is also interesting to analyze on an individual level. Based on the discussion in Chapter 3, it is obvious that individuals can suffer as well as benefit from an extended use of projects in working life and personal life. In a professional context, individuals need to relate to both temporary and permanent settings, as they wander from project to project or from func- tional units to projects, for example. Being employed in a public organ- ization with a bureaucratic tradition is often seen as not being the best foundation for an entrepreneurial effort. Nevertheless, Chapter 10pro- vides a good example of how this can be achieved, thus highlighting one aspect of the temporary-permanent dilemma. Project management reconsidered In the introduction, we pointed to three key features of the Scandinavian School: it has broadened the analysis of project management; it is theo- retically based; and it is empirically based. These key features have eventually contributed to a reconsideration of project management. The reconsideration is not necessarily based on a view that the norm- ative models dominating the literature on project management are wrong or unnecessary. Instead the Scandinavian School demonstrates that these models are incomplete if we are to understand how projects
- 26. KERSTIN SAHI.IN-ANDHRSSONAND ANDERS SODERHOLM reproduce, how projects relate to each other and to their broader con- text, and how individual projects evolve. The close focus on project progress and the contextualized character of projects point to great variation (see Hellgren & Stjernberg, 1995, for an empirical study illustrating this issue). Not all projects can be managed according to the same recipe. Both in practice and in the normatively oriented project management literature, we frequently find comments about projects that unfold in less ordered and less clear-cut ways than those assumed and prescribed in the handbooks. However, such examples tend to be regarded as exceptions to the assumed ideal models. The question is: "How often should we encounter an exception before accepting it as the normal state of affairs?" The comprehensive empirical studies that have been conducted within the Scandinavian School tradition find that the less ordered and less clear that projects are, the more frequent the perfectly clear and ordered projects are desired in many normative models and project text- books (Larson, 2000; Blomberg, 1998). It seems reasonable, from such findings, to modify commonly spread project management models based on empirically observed conditions that deviate from the perfect situation presented in many textbooks. The insights gained through research of the Scandinavian School of Project Studies, invite us not to take the nature of a project for gran- ted, but to continuously open the black boxes of projects and project management, as demonstrated in several chapters in this volume. Chapter 13 broadens the content of project definition processes beyond planning and active management actions, thus providing us with an enriched picture of the creation of projects. Project goals are discussed along similar lines in Chapter 14. Project goals are commonly assumed in the project management literature to be the result of a comprehensive planning process and to form the basis for the implementation of those plans. Chapter 14 reviews the validity of this conclusion and provides valuable insights into other aspects of the goal-formulating process in project contexts. From the project studies pursued by the Scandinavian School, we learn that in order to understand the outcome of a process, it is of value to learn about the process - a lesson inspired by empirical studies as much as by theories of decision-making processes (see e.g. March, 1981; 1994), social interaction, and social psychology (Weick, 1979).
- 27. THE SCANDINAVIAN SCHOOL OT: PROJE(:T S'rllDIES Chapter 1 5 of this volume develops this notion further, as the authors provide an alternative approach to understanding "what goes on in projects" (seealso Lindkvist, Soderlund & Tell, 1998). When we talk about this tradition of project studies as a school, we point to the three common features that form the basis of these studies. Moreover, a school indicates that the knowledge and perspective pro- vided by the individual research projects have been enhanced through interactions with other researchers in the school. Even though we ack- nowledge Professor Lundin's impact on the formation of a Scandi- navian School, we do not want to portray it as a formalized or goal- directed process. The Scandinavian School has not, in other words, been pursued as an ordered, delimited, and goal-directed project. As becomes clear from the interview with Rolf A. Lundin (Chapter16, this volume) the Scandinavian School resulted from curiosity about projects and a willingness to learn about a phenomenon, rather than from a preconceived idea of what the lessons would look like in the end. Hence, the formation and development of The Scandinavian School of Project Studies in many ways resembles the features that students of this same school have found in their studies of projectified settings more generally. Beyond project management The interview in Chapter 16 also demonstrates that knowledge dev- elopment in this area has evolved in close contact with practitioners and with the researchers' own practical experiences. The role taken by Rolf A. Lundin and his colleagues has not been one of experts who seek to teach ready-made models to practitioners. Rather the knowledge has developed in an interactive dialogue among scholars and practitioners in various fields. An important drive for the researchers of this school can be summarized with a quote from Rolf A. Lundin: "I need new ideas, I need to get out to do some interviews". Many Swedish com- panies are project-based. It has also shown to be the case that organiza- tional changes of the Swedish public sector have tended to be pursued as separate projects, rather than as all encompassing programmatic changes (see e.g. Olson & Sahlin-Andersson, 1998; Chapters 10 and 13 in this volume provide examples of such project driven transform- ation of the Swedish public sector). For these reasons it may not be so
- 28. KERSTIN SAHLIN-ANDERSSON AND ANDERS SODERHOLM surprising that empirically oriented Swedish management researchers have been so active in developing knowledge on project management and beyond. However, it is also safe to claim that the attitude in Scandinavian companies is fairly open and that many companies handle a large num- ber of projects and they are constantly seeking inspiration on ways to organize their efforts. In so doing, both company representatives and consultants are open to new approaches and to unorthodox advice. It is sometimes claimed that because the Scandinavian economies have a large number of companies that differ from the role models presented in project management textbooks, they are more likely to look and list- en for approaches that go beyond project management. Because so many Scandinavian companies are project-based, and other types of organizations have pursued multiple projects, these organizations also search for knowledge that goes beyond management of the individual projects. The Scandinavian school offers one simple lesson: in order to utilize the complete potential of project organizing for enhancing con- trol, flexibility, and change, more systematic attention must be paid to the ways in which projects develop relative to their corporate and temp- oral context. By reconsidering projects and project management, this volume offers reflections and concepts for such a context-dependent management of projects.
- 29. Project management as management knowledge Many fields of management theory and practice have grown strong over the past several decades. MBA programs have become standard around the world, management consultancy firms have spread globally, and the use of management models is a hot topic in magazines, bus- iness schools, and among practitioners. Concepts and recipes have spr- ead via books, management gurus, and consultants into every corner of the corporate world (Sahlin-Andersson & Engwall, 2002). Acronyms such as TQM, BPR, and HRM are well known and widely used. For management theory to have grown, of course, requires managers, and management as a profession has grown considerably. Positions with a management function are to be found far down in the organizational structure and even assigned fairly narrow tasks. The increased supply and application of management models and knowledge and the growing number of increasingly similar managers in increasingly similar corporations (DiMaggio& Powell, 1983) are crucial to the creation of management as a global field of professional know- ledge. This is also true of project management. A number of indicators show that this field is becomingincreasingly established as a management field in its own right: professional associations exist; it is marketed as a core method for general and functional managers alike; the field is being standardized through specific examinations; and project management is slowly entering the core curricula of business and engineering schools.
- 30. TOMAS BLOMQUIST AND ANDERS SODERHOLM This chapter analyzes the flow of project management knowledge between nations, industries, and tasks. We will explain how management knowledge has expanded in the particular field of project management, how it has been diffused, translated, and applied indiscriminately; in other words, how project management got carried away. One approach to explaining current developments is to focus on either the various carriers of management knowledge (cf.thediscussion in Sahlin-Andersson & Engwall, 2002: 16-ff.), such as accountants, consultants, or business schools (cf.E n p a l l & Zamagni, 1998; Waller- stedt, 2002; Ruef, zooz), or the vehicles, such as magazines, books, or MBA programs used for this knowledge diffusion (Furusten, 1999; Mazza, Sahlin-Andersson & Strangaard Pedersen, 1998). This chapter, however, aims to cultivate an understanding of how project management has been spread or has diffused. It is insufficient to focus simply on particular carriers (such as project management con- sultants) or vehicles (such as educational programs in project manage- ment). Consequently, we will explore the knowledge flow itself, anal- yzing the waves of diffusion, to find out why ideas connected with pro- ject management have met with such wide acceptance (Rclvik, 2002, Strang & Meyer, 1994).Knowledgeflows can be viewed as either ration- al or instrumental bench-marking processes. More interestingly, how- ever, is to discuss how such flows can be regarded as creators of insti- tutional legitimacy, as ideas are translated and adopted in many diffe- rent contexts (Abrahamson, 1991; Czarniawska and Sevon, 1996; DiMaggio & Powell, 1983; Suddaby & Greenwood, 1999). Focusing on either carriers or flows is not to view two mutually exclusive perspectives: flows comprise interaction among carriers, and carriers are needed to explain the flows. For example, as project rnana- gement is diffused from the private to the public sector, consultants play a major role. Business schools contribute, as carriers, to the "legi- timization" flow of project management models as schools appoint professors of project management. As pointed out by Czarniawska & Sevon (1996),management ideas do not necessarily flow easily or automatically. They need to be active- ly applied by organizations, and thus it is necessary for them to be translated or adapted for local conditions. Such flow is facilitated when interaction among organizations is frequent and intensive, thus prov- iding many openings for the transformation of ideas. If institutional mechanisms, such as strong normative or mimetic pressure from govern-
- 31. HOW PROJECT MANAGEMENT GOT CARRIED AWAY ment or professional associations, are present as well, the flow is fur- ther facilitated and accelerated (cf. Sahlin-Andersson & Engwall (zooz:z6-ff.). Also, if an idea is itself connected to the rational values currently prevalent in society, the flow is further assisted (Rmik, zooz; Meyer, 1996). In this chapter, we will briefly describe four processes, or flows, that have carried project management from being solely a U.S. government contract requirement for military deliveries, to becoming a concept applied even by elementary schools making efforts to change their organization. As will be shown, institutional pressure has evolved as professional organizations have grown stronger; ideas on effective, yet flexible, project management fit well with current ideas, and project management concepts have been adopted by many consultants as these ideas became increasingly popular. It seems as if the several com- ponents needed for successful knowledge flow have been put in place. Within industries, via engineering professionals, and abetted by industry-specific requirements The evolution of project management tools began in weapon systems development in the U.S.A. in the latter part of the Second World War and in the following Cold War era (Morris, 1994, Engwall, 199~:90 ff.). Organizations that were important in this process were the U.S. Department of Defense (DoD)and NASA. They developed methods for processes such as network planning and control, and had their supp- liers use these methods as well. Most important was the development of PERT - Program Evaluation and Review Technique - developed in 1957 to control and evaluate continuously the progress of large, com- plex development projects. Supported by U.S. DoD requirements, PERT became well-known among companies bidding for military orders. By 1964 almost 1,000 books and articles on PERT had been published, and the technique had become almost synonymous with project management (Morris 1qq4:g I). Also, other countries' defense authorities picked up the method via eng- ineers and militaryofficerswho had spent time in the U.S. PERT was used in the Viggen project in Sweden (a 1960s military aircraft project), since many of the engineers taking part had been trained in U.S. engineering schools or, in some cases, had participated in Pentagon training.
- 32. TOMAS BL0,MQUIST AND ANDERS SODERHOLM One of the first companies to use a similar method to control large projects was DuPont, with its Critical Path Method (CPM) method, applicable in the petrochemical industry in the U.S.A. This was in the late r q ~ o s , and a couple of years later over eighty industrial compan- ies in the U.S.A. were using the same type of network planning tool to plan projects (Engwall, 1995). Reports from U.S. contractors and government agencies have indicated difficulties arising from PERT, even though project management enthusiasts in North America, Europe, and elsewhere have implemented such project planning techniques with commitment and energy (Morris 1994:79). Later on many large companies developed their own procedures for how to organize, control, and manage projects. Handbooks, routines, forms, in-house training, and similar efforts are examples of means by which such knowledge can be diffused throughout the company and to newcomers. Ericsson, the Swedish telecom company, has developed "PROPS." PROPS is said to be a generic method, and it is applied both to development projects and customer delivery projects. Project spon- sors, project managers, and team members are all trained in PROPS, and the method has also been made available to other companies as well. PROPS has become a "product" that has been commercialized by Ericsson via their project management (PM) consultants. ABB, the electrical engineering company, offers ongoing education for project managers in its subsidiaries. This education is linked to a career path, since a certain number of courses is a requirement for becoming a sen- ior project manager. Both Ericsson's PROPS and ABB's education programs represent powerful ways of consolidating PM within a company and maintaining a general project "language." Engineers leaving the company for pos- itions in other companies of course become carriers of PM. Among industries through consultants: Expanding the scope and adding generic value PM is today used in many different industries. Consultants have been major carriers of PM among industries, as there are many PM consul- tants. The growth of PM can be explained in three different ways. First, some of the engineers who were involved in various large mil- itary projects were later hired by other industries or, in some cases,
- 33. HOW PROJECT MANAGEMENT GOT CARRIED AWAY started their own businesses as project management consultants. Eng- ineers who had earlier worked on the Viggen jet fighter project at Saab in Linkoping (Sweden), for example, founded the Wenell Group. Today, Wenell Management is the largest independent PM consultancy firm in Scandinavia. Second, firms originally founded in other fields have expanded into PM as demand for such services has increased. Large firms such as Price & Waterhouse can be included in this category since they now offer services within PM. Third, firms active in specific knowledge areas have applied PM as a part of their existing services. This is true of many consultants - for example architects and technical consultants - who direct their services towards the construction sector. As PM consultants become established another pattern of diffusion emerges. Consultants need to attract customers and, furthermore, it is likely that they will try to make their areas of expertise as valuable as possible to customers. This has two consequences. First, when trying to attract customers they do not limit their market to the areas where PM started, i.e., military industries. Instead, they look around for other industries where the application of PM methods could make a diff- erence. All manufacturing companies that have some interest in product development are obviously eligible. PM has thus spread, with the help of consultants, into new industries. This spread was also facilitated by the fact that customers have often learned of PM concepts during their professional training or in earlier positions in other companies. There is thus both a pull and push of PM into new industries. Second, consultants also try to apply PM to other issues than just complex product development. Companies delivering products or systems that are fairly standardized can thus organize their design-pro- duction-delivery processes as projects. As more projects are "discov- ered" this way in an endless number of companies in many industries, the scope of PM extends into new areas and industries. Consultants also need better-developed PM theoretical tools, so as to convince potential customers that PM is a well-founded way of organ- izing business. Consultants are thus interested in making PM more conceptual, to help them point out the general benefits of PM. PM models have become more generic and the value of PM has become more clearly identified. In this way, consultants have added value by making industry-specific models generic and generally attractive to
- 34. TOMAS BLOMQIJIST AND ANDERS S ~ D E R I T O 1 . M companies wanting to increase effectiveness and efficiency. PERT, CPM, and E N (Earned Value) are examples of specific PM models made generic. Volume through professional associations: Picking up the latecomers with success stories and offers of professional identity The ascension of PM as a management device in the 1960s gave a lot of people of varied backgrounds - mainly engineers - a common interest. These PM specialists needed an arena for cooperation and mutual self-recognition, so the Project Management Institute (PMI) was founded in the U.S. in 1969, and Internet was founded in Europe 1965. Since the term "Internet" eventually became associated with other areas than PM, the association changed its name to the Internat- ional Project Management Association (IPMA)in 1994. The Swedish association, Foreningen Natplan ("Network Planning Association"), changed its name to SvensktProjekt Forum ("Swedish Project Forum") in 1968, and is now a member association of IPMA. Both PMI and IPMA are membership based. PMI members can join and create local chapters that form PMI's local networks. IPMA con- sists of a number of national associations in which both individuals and corporations can hold memberships. IPMA is in this sense less centralized than PMI. Building local networks is a major concern of both PMI and IPMA. In 1999, PMI had over r4o chapters in over 45 countries, while IPMA had national associations in 29 countries. In 1989, PMI had 5,000 members; this number increased to 17,000 in 1995, 32,000 in 1998, 45,000 in 1999, and IOO,OOO in 2002. IPMA membership has also increased, reaching 20,000 members by 2002. One reason for this growth has been the desire to accredit project managers professionally, making them part of a "project profession". Consequently, both PMI and IPMA run professional certification pro- grams for project managers. PMI issues the title "Project Management Professional" (PMP)to those who pass their exams. A PMP also recei- ves special recognition at their annual congresses. The congresses of PMI and IPMA are important events for the organ- izations. PMI's world congress is held annually, while IPMA's confer-
- 35. HOW PROJECT MANAGEMENT C O T CARRIED AWAY ence is held every second year. Between world congresses, both organi- zations hold national conferences and smaller, focused conferences and workshops. Nordnet is, for example, the name of an annual conferen- ce organized by Nordic project management associations. In these conferences, practitioners, consultants, and scholars meet to share success stories and practical know-how. The conference themes indicate a shift from engineering-oriented planning to more general management issues. One difference between PMI and IPMA is that PMI conferences over the last ten years have largely focused on inter- nal project management topics. A number of the themes of PMI and IPMA conferences are presented in the tables below. Table 2:1 Themes and locations of PMI conferences, 1983-ZOOZ.
- 36. TOMAS BLOMQUIST AND ANDERS SODERHOLM Table 2:2 Themes and locations of IPMA conferences, 1967-2000 (see Eriks- son, 1997). Eriksson (1qq7:29) identifies three distinct periods in PMT and IPMA conferences. In the first, 1967-1972, the focus was on network plan- ning and the cases examined were drawn from the defense and con- struction industries. A great deal of attention was paid to finding opti- mal solutions for planning schedules, costs, and resource use. Planning was still an important issue in the second period, 1979-1982, but some of the participants had started to question the possibility of finding the one-and-only, perfect planning method. Other issues, such as teams, culture, leadership, and project life cycle, began to achieve more pro- minence. At the PMI conference in 1980 ("Communication in Project Management"), several presented case studies highlighted projects as a means of organizing "normaln work and daily activities. In the third period, 1992-1996, it became more common to discuss the basic con- ditions for project organization and projects as part of company struct- ure. "Management by Projects," the IPMA conference held in Vienna in 1990, is one example of this. Risk, context, and leadership are other issues given specific consideration during this period.
- 37. HOW PROJECT MANAGEMENT GOT CARRIED AWAY A fourth period can possibly be identified at the turn of the millen- nium. Since 1997, the two associations have been making even greater efforts to increase the scope of PM, and more industries (such as pub- lic-sector organizations) and more tasks (including non-engineering tasks) have been included in PM generics. The PMI conference in 1999 and the IPMA conference in 2000 illustrate this tendency. The official PMI 1999 registration brochure reads as follows (p. 2 ) : "Learning, Knowledge and Wisdom... the Evolution of an Idea". In 1969, PMI was founded by a few visionary individuals who shared a belief that project management skills would increasingly be needed for success in the global marketplace. PMI and its members have taken their learning experiences over the last three decades and built a foun- dation of knowledge for the profession. As the Institute celebrates its thirtieth anniversary, the vision of its founders has never been more evi- dent than in the 160% attendance growth rate at PMI Annual Semi- nars & Symposium over the last five years. Today, PMI is the most recognized source of project management professional wisdom in the world...and its Annual Seminars & Symposium has become the prem- ier project management event of the year!" The PMI 1999 conference was organized around twenty-two topics, ranging from aerospace and defense, to women in project management. In the first announcement and call for papers for IPMA zoo0 in Lon- don, the general theme for the conference was declared to be "Univer- sal Project Management from engineering through business and beyond.. .." Five streams were announced: T) "Management across the organization: All levels - from project manager through chairman and beyond.. ." 2) "New frontiers for project management. All organizations - from industry through commerce and beyond..." 3) "Meeting the challenges of diversity and change. All nations - from developing countries through developed and beyond..." 4) "Case studies. All projects - from Polaris through YzK and beyond ..." 5 ) "Facing the new millennium with new skills. The professions - from process through competence and beyond.. ."
- 38. TOMAS BLOMQUIST A N D ANDERS SC)DERHOLM The organizers were possibly attempting to make PM into an all- embracing approach that should engage every employee in every organ- ization in the world, and that should apply to all imaginable efforts. Finally, it should also be mentioned that both PMI and IPMA publish lournals and books. The publications made available through PMI and IPMA range from academic writings to handbook-type material. Long-term survival through standardization bodies, scientific research, and university training: Creating normative pressure A fourth process and a fourth set of carriers comprise organizational bodies that claim to act on behalf of many in their efforts to make PM knowledge available and more substantial. Universities, colleges, and other educational institutions have incorporated PM into parts of their curricula over the past few decades. In Sweden, PM was first introdu- ced at the two major schools of technology: the Royal Institute of Tech- nology in Stockholm, and Chalmers School of Technology in Gothen- burg. The Royal Institute of Technology appointed Sweden's first pro- fessor of PM in the early 1980s. By 1999, a large number of Swedish universities, university colleges, and engineering schools were offering courses in PM - from LuleP in the north to Lund in the south. Several of the schools and universities offer PM courses in several departments (e.g., the Royal Institute of Technology offers PM courses in four departments). PM courses are in most cases short - typically a five-week course is offered as an option to final-year students - and are not integrated into traditional pro- grams of study, and no degree programs with a major in PM are offer- ed to undergraduates. Two schools, Linkoping University, and Chal- mers School of Technology in Gothenburg, offer professional, masters degrees in PM to students with several years work experience after their bachelors degrees. Even though more PM courses are offered today than a decade ago, still only a few business or engineering graduates have received any PM education. This opens up the market for consultants who organize training courses and in-house education in multi-national corpora- tions. ABB, for example, offers an "academy" that provides employees
- 39. HOW PROJECT MANAGEMENT COT CARRIED AWAY with a three-step training program in PM, organized in cooperation with U.S. partners. Research efforts have increased, and a number of PM-related disser- tations have been presented in Sweden over the past decade, mostly at Chalmers School of Technology, Linkoping University, the Royal Inst- itute of Technology, and Umed School of Business and Economics. These dissertations mainly cite research with a basis in organizational theory and management, and they tend to be descriptive and analytical rather than normative. Research programs involving researchers rang- ing from Ph.D. students to professors have been launched in schools in UmeH and Linkiiping, among others, and national and Nordic Ph.D. program courses arc also being offered. The situation is similar in Nor- way and Finland: Norwegian schools involved in PM include NTNU in Trondheim and BI in Oslo; in Finland, Abo University and Helsinki School of Technology have more formal research programs. For the long-term survival of a field of study it is important that it he represented at universities. When a field is granted its own chairs or dcpartments, it is also natural that research efforts will be organized on a long-term basis and that courses will be developed and offered to stu- dents at both the undergraduate and graduate levels. So far this has not happened in Sweden, but there are substantial activities going on that might result in a more formalized status for PM in the near future. Also ensuring the long-term survival of the field are the standardiz- ation bodies. When PM creates its own standards and rules of conduct it will also acquire a more established identity among other professions, which each have their own rules, hierarchies, and professional gather- ings. PMI (see earlier section) publishes the Project Management Body of Knowledge (PMBOK)and also organizes PMP testing. PMP (Project Management Professional) is the title given to those passing the tests based on PMBOK. The first PMBOK was published in 1987; a second edition was published in 1996 and a third in 2002. Considerable effort has been devoted to consolidating PMBOK, and in the PMI 1997 con- ference, 24 of the 200 papers dealt with the latest thinking on PMBOK. PMI's Swedish chapter translated PMBOK into Swedish in 1998, and arranges PMP testing in Sweden. Similar routines have been established in other countries, thus spreading PMI standards as the de facto stan- dard in the field. Last year the Swedish association SvensktProjekt Forum emphasized TPMA's project management certification. Compa- red to the PMI certification program, IPMA's is the more ambitious one.
- 40. Certification and standardization also evolve from organizations outside the large project management associations. Other organiz- ations want to influence project management and how practitioners carry out projects. One such organization is the International Organ- ization for Standardization (ISO),that over the last five years has dev- eloped IS0 I 5I 8X:ZOOI - Project management guidelines for termin- ology standardization, IS0 1ooo6:1997 - Quality management: guide- lines to quality in project management, and ISO/IEC TR 16326:1999 - Software engineering: guide for the application of ISOAEC 12207 to project management. In this process of developing engineering stan- dards for measuring and assessing organizations' project maturity, one of the first project management models is the capability maturity model of the Software Engineering Institute. Similar models have become popular even among organizations outside the field of engineering and software engineering. The Project Management Institute has for the last couple of years also looked with greater interest into this type of project management model, as a means for describing and assessing organizations as to how they are managing projects. It is obvious that the process of standardization is well under way. So far, not many companies require employees acting as project man- agers to be certified by IPMA, PMI, or any other certification organiz- ations, and contractors do not require this of their partners (atleast not in Sweden). Standardization thus has yet to be transformed into formal rules and requirements. But some consultants do, however, offer cour- ses that enable participants to become certified according to PMBOK, which is known and established as a general framework for PM. Late- ly, certain Swedish consulting firms have begun providing courses and assessment for the IPMA certification. This is a first step towards stan- dardization, and a manifestation of normative pressure for PM know- ledge to be of a recognized type. Carry on into the future This chapter has discussed four processes or flows that have contrib- uted to the spread of PM knowledge. Each process has its own organ- izational bodies that are the actual carriers of the knowledge. Even though it can be difficult to differentiate them, each process has spec- ific characteristics that are outlined below.
- 41. H O W PROJECT MANAGEMENT G O T CARRIED AWAY FLOWS CARRIERS SOME MODES O F CARRYING 1. Within industries Industrial companies Specific training Engineering professionals Experience making careers Formal requirements 2. Expanding scope Consultants Concepts Generic models 3. Increasing volume PMI and local cha ters Conferences IPMA and nationor Publications (books and associations iournals) Professional identity 4. Long-term survival Universities Courses Standardization bodies Research Standards Table 2:3 Flows, carriers, and modes o f carrying. PM has spread from local and specialized contexts in the defense industry, to global and generic contexts through the processes discuss- ed in this chapter. Of course, this spread has also changed the actual content or structure of the knowledge carried. PM was initially con- cerned with network planning, but as it spread some elements were added while others were dropped. As mentioned earlier, PM is now more of a management ideology than a tool. The four flows are interrelated and interdependent and they also illustrate layers of the institutionalization of society, all with functions in the flow of knowledge from projects to industries, from consultants to other industries, from practitioners to academia, from project manager to certified project manger and from practice to standards. Legitimacy + Standardization + Project Control Success tProFessionalization + Volume 1 +Commercialization Figure 2:1 Flows of project management knowledge.
- 42. TOMAS BLOMQUIST AND ANDEKS SCiOEKHOLM These flows also represent the diffusion of project management knowledge from application in individual, large projects to application in multi-pro- ject environments in large and small organizations. The diffusion and use of project management are today regarded as a standard set of solutions to managerial problems. To illustrate the institutionalization of project man- agement as a field of knowledge and the various roles project management carriers play in this process, the figure aboveshows how theseflows of pro- ject management knowledge are carried by particular mechanisms. The first process or flow, which took place within individual industries, was originally initiated to spread core project management methods, such as PERT and CPM, for the purpose of gaining better control over projects. The knowledge carriers supported large projects that demanded specific methods for controlling projects. Second, the successes stories told by pro- ject mangers and consultants expanded the scope of PM and commerciali- zed the concept. Third, with a larger scope, the number of organizations and people coming into CO~tact with project management concepts expan- ded, increasing the volume of affected projects and project managers. The development of project management associations gave project managers an identity, and encouraged them to certify and professionalize themselves as a new social group. The fourth and final process is the pursuit of long- term survival, which depends on project managers having common values pertaining to the content of projects and project management. Contrib- uting to this survival arc standardization bodies, academic research, scienti- fic journals, and university degree programs, all of which give the field legi- timacy. Project managers and organizations can, through standardized cer- tification programs and certified project management procedures, demon- strate that they are members of the project management community and are organized in an up-to-date way. Ultimately, all this aims at making new projects easier to control, more likely to achieve their project goals, and in the end become success stories. It is important to note that the four processes identified do not take place singly, in sequence; rather they are overlapping and more or less parallel. This is to say that industrial companies, consultants, eng- ineering professionals, professional associations, universities, and others are all involved simultaneously in the diffusion of PM; what we have attempted to delineate in this chapter are the differences among these carriers and flows. We can also see that the notion that "projects" are only large-scale endeavors managed by project managers has changed; now, nearly anyone can call himself a project manager, and the smallest of tasks can be called a project.
- 43. The individual in the projecticised society Since the middle of the 196o's, it has been repeatedly claimed that our society - and thus also our lives - is becoming increasingly projectici- zed, i.e. organized in terms of time-limited sequences of action and inter- action (Miles, 1964; Bennis & Slater, 1968). This development was expected to imply an increased use of the project work form, but also an increasing tendency to view ongoing processes as limited in time and scope. When discussing reasons for this development, authors usually referred to a general increase in the speed of change in society in com- bination with an increased complexity. For organizations, the solution to a reality in which most relevant factors changed and interacted at the same time was to organize the flow of events into discrete projects, limited in time and space. As a trend in the development of work organization, projectization is usually expected to imply increased task focus, better conditions for learning, renewal and flexibility, less bureaucratic forms for manage- ment control etc. (cf Ekstedt et al, 1999; Bcrggren & Lindkvist, 2001). In complex settings, a project-based leadership strategy is often said to be preferable over classic, all-encompassing ones (Lundin, 1990). Even though there are some dangers of projectization - such as short-term
- 44. JOHANN PACKENDORFF thinking strategies and increased de-coupling of organizations (Blom- quist & Packendorff, 1998a)- this trend is mainly perceived as a pos- itive one for contemporary organizations. The basic reason for this per- ception seems to be that the project - viewed as a task specific and time-limited form of working- is perceived as a way of avoiding all the classic problems of bureaucracy, inertia and rigidity with which most "normal" organizations are struggling (Pinto,1996). In that sense, pro- ject-based work is a part of the wave of 'new organizational forms' that has entered most industries during recent decades (cf Kerfoot & Knights, ~ 9 9 8 ) . In many industries and companies, the project is now the normal work form. This is obvious in cultural life, advertising, consulting, R&D, IT etc., but also in several large corporations which execute numerous projects both externally and internally. Given this trend, one might assess that work life for many people is becoming increasingly "projecticized", i.e. that substantial parts of individuals' work lives are spent in projects and similar temporary forms of organizing. This is especially evident where individuals working in project-based firms are concerned, i.e. firms where almost all operations take place in projects and where the permanent structure fills the function of administrative support. What hamper this development are the taken-for-granted views of industrial organizations as dependent on routines, hierarchies and tech- nologies rather than flexibility, teamwork and customer orientation (Ekstedtet al, 1999). Still, just a small portion of contemporary organ- izations actually organize work with both decentralization and organ- ized knowledge development in mind (Karlsson & Eriksson, 2000). Many of the calls for new organizational forms and a strengthened civil society can be analyzed in a similar manner - if people are liberated from their structural chains, they can create wonders together (cf Kiddel; 1981; Grantham, 2000). Most research on individual work satisfaction and commitment also support these claims (Karlsson & Eriksson, zooo). The silent proponents of traditional industrial organizing should thus he the enemies of the temporary society, failing to see the necess- ities of projectization at all levels of society and business. Or are they? Let us ask the alleged victims of the old industrial society and the inten- ded beneficiaries of the new projecticised one - the individuals. Is it really so that projectization has implied better working conditions, in- creased possibilities for personal development, and more freedom in
- 45. THE TEMPORARY SOCIETY AND ITS ENEMIES choosing individual lifestyles? Is the projecticised society the solution to the problems that inhabitants of the bureaucratic society experienced? The chapter starts out with a discussion of what project work means - as compared to "traditional" work forms -,and a classification of diff- erent 'project workers' is presented. In the next sections, we meet diff- erent individuals from these different 'classes', and some important con- sequences of project work are discussed through their narratives. Then, we turn to the question of how project work affects life in general, more specifically what kinds of life forms are constructed by project working individuals, again through the narratives of the individuals. The paper ends by a discussion on what kind of society that people working and living by projects construct together - could it be so that the enemies of the temporary society are the same people that created it...? Project work from an individual perspective - a typology From the perspective of the individual, the development toward pro- jectization has implied important consequences for work and life. More and more people spend their working days in different kinds of project organizations, and even more people are involved in projects as a part of their otherwise routine-based employment. Besides being organized into all kinds of projects during work hours, there is also a tendency to perceive processes at work and in life in general in terms of projects (Kunda, 1992; Blomquist & Packendorff, 1998a; Lindgren et al. 2001). While there are theoretical expectations of different kinds in the literature, there are actually few empirical studies carried out on how individuals handle a projecticised reality. The project has usually been viewed as a planning task, and large parts of the project manage- ment literature are in fact just as de-personalized as organization theo- ry once was. And if individuals have indeed been studied, they have exclusively been project managers, a category that is actually just a small portion of the total population of project workers. Moreover, this line of research rests upon quite a weak empirical base; while there is a lot written about how project managers should behave, there are very few descriptions of their actual behavior (Perlow, 1997; Lindgren & Packendorff, 2001; Rapp Ricciardi, 2001). Given this position, the aim of the paper is to critically analyze how individuals construct projects
- 46. J O H A N N PACKrNDORFF - both projects that they are organized into and projects that they con- struct themselves in their everyday life. In this analysis, examples of individual narratives on projects and projectization will be included, individuals working in the IT sector, in the cultural sector, as entre- preneurs, as consultants, and even as voluntary community workers. The problem of this kind of general reasoning is that there are many different types of projects. Project work is actually not just one homo- genous work form; it means different things depending on the situation in which it is performed. The necessity of identifying different types of pro- jects has also been widely acknowledged in literature during the past decade (cf Turner & Cochrane, 1993; Packendorff, 1995; Ekstedt et al, 7999). In the same way as there are many different types of projects, there are thus also many types of project work situations, ranging from 'per- fect projects' where the individual works full-time for one single pro- ject and can devote all of her time to that, to all sorts of 'imperfect' pro- ject work situations where life is more complicated. We will therefore look more closely into different sorts of project work situations from two different dimensions, dimensions that have been important in understanding the narratives of the individuals interviewed: I. To what degree the individual's work situation is tied to the tem- porary project or the permanent organizational context 2. To what degree project work is routine or exception to the indiv- idual The question of whether the individual actually represents a project or an organization in her work is not always that easy to answer, but indiv- iduals often tend to make such narrative separations (Lindgren & Packendorff, 2001). If you are employed in a firm and work by pro- jects, you are of course primarily to be regarded as an employee. From time to time, you will also act as primarily being a project member. Like the project manager, who always has to represent her project in relation to colleagues, other projects and stakeholders, project team members must also quite often view themselves primarily as project members. Often, there is a matrix problem behind this - i.e. that the individual serves two masters and has dual loyalties. A second dimension of importance in this discussion is whether pro- ject work is routine or exception to the individual. Projects have always
- 47. THE TEMPORARY SOCIETY AND ITS ENEMIES been described as unique once-in-a-lifetime-events, far away from eve- ryday repetitive boredom. Consequently, project work has also been seen as something unique and exciting, where the individual will per- form new and different tasks in the pursuit of ambitious and innovat- ive goals. The project thus becomes a kind of temporary system, in which you can work unusually hard, have unusually fun, being unusu- ally creative. Against this, one might depict a modern reality in which projects are not only repetitive, but also the work form around which the entire operations of firms are built. As mentioned above, the pro- ject-based firm is an increasingly common phenomenon, and many individuals spend their entire working days on different projects. This does not mean that all projects are identical, but that they are executed using standardized procedures - every product is still unique, but the process of 'assembling' the product is the same. From these two analytical dimensions, it is possible to identify diff- erent types of project work. It can be everything from work situations implying repetitive project worlc for an organization, to situations where projects are unique and independent of all other work. To this, we can also add work norn~ally not labeled projects, but functioning like projects in practice - such as renting episodes for employees in staff- ing firms. It should therefore be possible to describe the main types of project work - and thus project workers -in the following way: AFFILIATION The project Organisational context 4 * I. Project-based work PROJECT WORK AS 1IV. Independent II. Renewal pro- Exception entrepreneurship ject participation Figure 3:1. A typology of project work situations.
- 48. JOHANN PACKENDORFF In the upcoming sections, these four types of project work will be discussed in more detail, and analyzed through narratives from indivi- duals. Project-based work (type I) This is what most project working individuals do most of their time, and it implies that the individual spends all or most of her time working in different projects within a stable organizational framework. Since the project form is well accepted in the organization, each single project is not that unusual to the individual - it is rather a natural part of an on- going employment relationship. The individual thus also views herself mainly as a representative for the organization rather than the project - something that from time to time also can be said about the project manager. Project work in this form may be contract based customer pro- jects, but many R&D operations are also organized in this fashion. For the individuals constantly working by projects, work means 'starting over again' all the time. While the respective project managers focus on their respective projects at hand, the individuals working by projects experience a long-term trajectory consisting of a long series of projects. The conclusions one might draw from viewing each project as a separate entity are thus not always the relevant ones from an indiv- idual perspective. One consequence of this is that projects are rarely designed taking previous experiences and workloads of the individual into account: "...even though I was not as interested from the beginning, since I was still very tired from the previous project. I felt quite apathetic, I must say. I didn't feel fun, not new or anything. Then we ran into some problems on the road that we had not expected at all. It was a bit hard for me to do something about those problems. I knew exact- ly how to do most things, but I was too tired to commit myself. Otherwise, I am very committed - let's do it, damn it!" (Carl, systems expert) While the project form of work rests upon the assumption that team members shall be committed and motivated from the start of each pro- ject, individuals often feel that not all projects are interesting enough to
- 49. THE TEMPORARY SOCIETY AND ITS PhTEhlIES awaken a sense of commitment. A related problem is that there is hard- ly any time for reflection and learning between projects due to over- optimistic time schedules and a constant shortage of resources: "In May and June we worked long evenings and weekends in order to finish the project. Then it was not finished anyway, and we post- poned it into the autumn, when the next project was supposed to start. And now during autumn, we worked in the new project during day-time and went over to the old customer company in the even- ings. The project was miscalculated from the beginning, it became much larger than we had expected." (Matthew, computer program- mer) Usually, most projects are quite interesting despite the time strains, since each new project is always different from the previous ones in at least some dimension. What happens is that many individuals start to wonder about their professional development and what kinds of careers that they might be able to pursue. The 'reward' for committing oneself to a demanding project is often expectations on an even higher degree of commitment to another demanding project. In their current occupation, the future is perceived as an endless row of new projects, and it is not unusual to find young people who want to leave the pro- ject-based operations (i.e. the revenue generating activities of the organ- izations) for 'strategic' and often less profitable tasks: "Between us, I've told my bosses that I have now been project man- ager for eight years, and that I find it damn boring. I don't want to do this full time, anymore, so we have been discussing other tasks. And one task is projects. Another task is knowledge development, quality development, methods development, coaching junior consul- tants and so on." (Edith, project manager) If conceived in an unrealistic manner, each project becomes an urgent matter for the team members. The team members, whose main respon- sibility is to deliver the project according to specifications, must then find ways to speed up the project process (i.e. by working more hours per day). In some consultancy companies, consultants are also respon- sible for generating a certain income, i.e. by charging the customers a specific number of hours per year at a fixed hourly fee. If the market
- 50. JOHANN PACKENDORFF price for consultancy hours falls below that fixed fee, it means that consultants will have to add free hours in order to generate the same income. The result is often a vicious circle, where urgent situations are resolved through heroic action, and heroic action becomes the taken- for-granted solution to urgent situations (cf Perlow, 1997). No one questions why the urgent situations appeared in the first place. In order to enhance project-based work for the individual, most people point at the importance of realistic expectations on each new project and the necessity of working with only one project at a time. The task should be interesting and stimulating to the team and also important and wanted in the project environment. Moreover, projects should not be too large andlor too long, and the individual should be able to con- trol her own working hours. In addition, finally, someone other than the individual andlor the project manager should assume some respon- sibility for career development and other long-term issues, getting an overview of the individual's entire work situation. Most HRM proced- ures have been designed for permanent organizations where each indi- vidual. has a position, not for project-based organizations where pos- itions are non-existent or are changed all the time (ECOSIP, rqy3). Renewal project participation (type 11) Except for the 'ordinary' repetitious project work (type I), it is also in- creasingly common that individuals are involved in all sorts of renewal projects in and in between organizations. For the participant, these rcncwal projects are often unique efforts that are something different as compared to the everyday work situation, and usually the intention is that the organization is to be brought to a higher and better level through a temporary process (cf Blomquist & Packendorff, 1y98a). Renewal projects often emerge from some sort of intentional strategy to improve the functionality of the organization, often inspired by curr- ent fashion in the management-consulting sector. Examples of such are TQM projects, quality certification projects, BPR projects and Balanced Scorecard projects. In addition, there are also renewal pro- jects emanating from the eternal need to adapt the organization to new external circumstances, such as merger projects, training projects, re- organizations and closedowns. What are common to all these episodes is that they are a part of the everyday work in the organization and that
- 51. THE TEMPORARY SOCIE'I'Y AND ITS ENEMIES only a few individuals represent each project. For some managers, the incessant handling of such projects may lead to a work situation resem- bling the one in Type I, i.e. a situation in which most of the time is spent implementing renewal projects (cf I,undin, ryyo). The usual point of departure for the individual that becomes a par- ticipant in a renewal project is that she should be able to perform her ordinary job while temporarily committing herself to the project. For the individuals that are attracted to the renewal effort by interest, this is easier than for those who are automatically involved due to a certain position in the organization. In any case, there are always time conflicts between ordinary work and renewal project participation: "Well, my priorities are with curing the patients, hut on the other hand the management control systems must be redesigned, so... Lately, I have been working ISOX,which is not good, you can't take it for too long. I have green clothes on me, I might be called to surg- ery any minute. I always work with the management control system in the morning, but then I am on emergency duty. Sometimes I sit at home working before the evening duty, so I hope that this manage- ment control projcct can be finished somc day, so that everything works again. It's the same though, for everybody." (George, clinic head) Of course, there are also several advantages for those who participate. One important such advantage is that a renewal project is an opportun- ity for the participant to widen her competence and show her abilities to others. In that way, these projects can become both learning exper- iences and career steps: "Concerning my managerial work here at the clinic, I have had the worst three months ever. Nicole, my administrative assistant, was headhunted to a private company in the health care sector, and sudd- enly I had to do everything myself. But I'm happy for Nicole. She was an ordinary nurse when I employed her in the re-organization effort, and she then proved to be an excellent clinic administrator. Now she is country manager here in Sweden for a Danish firm. Luckily,1 have now been able to find a new assistant." (Barbara,clin- ic head)
- 52. JOHANN PACKENDORFF A problem with renewal projects is that there often tend to be too many of them in contemporary organizations. In complex organiza- tions such as health care, many parallel renewal projects with different 'senders' often end up on the middle managers' desk at the same time, and for non-managerial participants it might look like the organization is just processing an incessant flow of new change projects that never become as revolutionary as they are supposed to. The 'good renewal project', from an individual standpoint, is based on an important cause and well planned from the beginning so that participants can make the necessary adjustments in their ordinary schedules. It is also a project that actually ends in a manner that can be subject to evaluation, and it is important that all participants feel recognized for their efforts. Voluntary participation is, of course, an advantage, but it often leads to problems for the renewal project manager: "One of the main problems is that I have the duty to implement this project, but I have no authority to force anyone else to participate if they don't want to. I f Sophie says that she has to take care of a sales conference instead, I just have to accept that. It does not happen all the time, but there are some clear drawbacks with voluntary partici- pation. What I can do is to be damn nagging. As the project goes on, I just become increasingly nagging and persistent. Everyone else has something else to do, this is not their main concern, so to speak." (Bill, public relations manager) The individual is thus often left on her own balancing the ordinary job and the renewal project. Unlike the case of project-based work (type I), there are often no clear indications from management on how to be- have in these situations, and many individuals feel that they never prior- itise the right things. For some, this dilemma is temporary by nature, since renewal projects tend to fade out after a while. However, those who are recognized for good performance in renewal projects are usu- ally those that are asked anew when new reforms are initiated. Temporary work (type 111) 'Temporary work' refers to a work situation in which the individual works in and by similar projects on a regular basis, but where the organ-
- 53. THE TEMPORARY SOCIETY AND ITS ENEMIES izational context is less important or even non-existent. For example, this is the case for many self-employed and/or free-lancing individuals who assume responsibility for temporary assignments - consultants, journalists, actors etc. In this category we can also include 'temps' (here used in the sense introduced by Garsten, 1999);individuals who are not necessarily involved in projects, but who work with temporary assignments in their ordinary work. This means that they have some formal organizational affiliation to some sort of consulting firm, but that they spend their whole time in different customer organizations as temporary employees with routine assignments. Many temps work mostly by themselves without being surrounded by a team, and they are not expected to become permanent members of the customer organ- ization, which means that they keeplare kept at some distance (cf Garsten, 1999; Lindgren et al, 2001). This kind of projecticised work is not usually subject to deadlines, but it is still limited in time and implies a high degree of social discontinuity for the individuals. In this type, project work is still routine-based, since the individual learns how to handle new projects and perhaps builds up long-term relations with some customers and project owners (i.e. makes the situation more sim- ilar to type I). Even though the most obvious example of temporary workers are those who only get temporary jobs or those who are permanently employed in a staffing firm but temporarily "rented out" to customer companies, there are also many others that are mainly affiliated to pro- jects-such as consultants spending all their time at the customers' off- ices. While project work in this respect shares many of the attributes mentioned above, there are also some specific ones for this kind. One important such attribute is the lack of organizational affiliation, imply- ing a kind of loneliness and shifting social contexts at work: "Loyalties are a bit moved there. Concerning the big telecom com- pany, it's an old account that we have been building up for three years, and we have not switched people there often enough. We cannot have the same people in the same customer's office too long, because then they start to identify themselves with the customer's organization. We had one guy who quit, he is still there but he is not with us anymore. Now, we have taken care of that problem -half a year with the same customer is the upper limit." (Douglas, project manager)
- 54. JOHANN PACKEYDORFF Except for a lack of close relations and friendship at work, not being a permanent member of an organization also means a lack of expect- ations on long-term contributions to the organization. They are not expected to be present for a long time and they do not expect that from themselves either- the result is a temporary, detached, superficial organ- izational membership cpisode. Temporary workers are there to fulfill a task or deliver a project, and it is up to them to handle their own competence development and find career opportunities. In addition, aside from the lack of social affiliation, temporary workers with tem- porary employment contracts are also exposed to an economic preca- riousness: "It depends entirely on their status, who they are. There is a pro- letariat of unemployed actors with very little to do. At least where live theatre is concerned, therc are always a lot of movies and commer- cials produced. But in live theatre, it's sad - of course you can live on it, but you have to work with contacts everywhere, do commer- cials et cetera." (Stephen, theatre director) Among temporary workers, it is not unusual to strive for a situation where permanent employment contracts and/or affiliation to a perma- nent organization can be achieved (i.e. type I). Alternatively, the indi- vidual may try to develop a specific competence that she can bring to the market herself, i.e. moving towards independent entrepreneurship (type IV). It is hard to do both things at the same time, since it means combining short-term execution of income-yielding projects with long- term networking and competence development. In that sense, tem- porary work as it has been described here is not a stable mode of work for the individual (which is also the case in renewal project participa- tion, i.e. type 11).This is also something that many employers of tem- porary workers, such as staffing firms, have realized: "...a lot of those who we rent out are employed by the companies to which they are rented out, and suddenly they realize something. This is actually not that bad, you can try two or three companies during a year and then you can feel for yourself if you would like to work for that company or not. You learn how the company works, you broaden your network, and then you might be offered employment. Then the employer and the employee have tested each other, it be-
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- 56. This is the suit of Richard of Sudbury: [there follow the names, but only of 10 men] against the countess Amice who was the countess of Clare, concerning whom he had complained concerning a novel disseisin of his free tenement in Sudbury. She said that by judgment of her court for default of warranty which he had vouched did she make the [dis]seisin and thereof did she produce suit. And he denied against her and against the suit, and law was adjudged. And he comes with his law and makes it with the abovesaid suit. Therefore it is considered that he recover thereof his seisin; let the countess be in mercy for unjust disseisin and also her men, of whom the same Richard has complained. And let the same countess return to him the damages done thereof by a jury of law-worthy men of the vicinity. The names of the men of the countess are in the writ. A sample of crown pleas in several hundreds or wapentakes [Danish name for a hundred] from 1201 to 1203 are: 1. -Denise, who was wife to Anthony, appeals Nicholas Kam of the death of Anthony, her husband, for that he wickedly slew her husband; and this she offers to prove against him under award of the court. And Nicholas defends all of it. It is considered that Denise's appeal is null, for in it she does not say that she saw the deed. The jurors being asked, say that they suspect him of it; the whole county likewise suspects him. Let him purge himself by water [ordeal] under the Assize. He has waged his law. 2. -William de Ros appeals Ailward Bere, Roger Bald, Robert Merchant, and Nicholas Parmenter, for that they came to his house and wickedly in the king's peace took away from him a certain villein of his whom he kept in chains because he wished to run away, and led him off, and in robbery carried away his wife's coffer with one
- 57. mark of silver and other chattels; and this he offers to prove by his son, Robert de Ros, who saw it. And Ailward and the others have come and defended the felony, robbery, and breach of the king's peace, and say that (as the custom is in Cornwall) Roger of Prideaux, by the sheriff's orders, caused twelve men to come together and make oath about the said villein, whether he was the king's villein or William's and it was found that he was the king's villein, so the said Roger the serjeant demanded that [William] should surrender him, and he -refused, so [Roger] sent to the sheriff, who then sent to deliver [the villein], who, however, had escaped and was not - - to be found, and William makes this appeal because he wishes to keep the chattels of Thomas [the villein], to wit, two oxen, one cow, one mare, two pigs, nine sheep, eleven goats. - - And that this is so the jurors testify. Judgment: William and Robert in mercy for the false claim. William's amercement, a half-mark. Robert's amercement, a half-mark. Pledge for the mark, Warin, Robert's son. Let the king have his chattels from William. Pledge for the chattels, Richard, Hervey's son. 3. -Serlo of Ennis-Caven appeals Osbert of Dimiliock and Jordan, Walter's son, for that they in the king's peace wickedly assaulted, beat and seriously wounded him, so that by reason of the beating three bones were extracted from his head; and this he offers to prove against him under the court's award as a man maimed by that mayhem. And it is testified by the coroners that the wounds when fresh were shown in the county [court], and that [the bones were broken] as aforesaid. And Osbert and Jordan come and defend word by word. It is considered that Osbert do purge himself by ordeal of iron on account of the appeal, for Serlo betook himself against Osbert in the first instance. And let Jordan be in custody until it be known how Osbert shall fare. And the other persons who are
- 58. appealed as accessories are to be under pledge until [Osbert's fate] be known. 4. -The jurors say that they suspect William Fisman of the death of Agnes of Chilleu, for the day before he had threatened her body and goods. And the four neighboring townships being sworn, suspect him of it. It is considered that he purge himself by water under the Assize. 5. -William Burnell and Luke of the Well are suspected of the burglary at the house of Richard Palmer by the jurors of the hundred, and by the four neighboring townships, which are sworn. Let them purge themselves by water under the Assize. 6. -Malot Crawe appeals Robert, Godfrey's son, of rape. He comes and defends. It is testified that he thus raped her and that she was seen bleeding. By leave of the justices they made concord on the terms of his espousing her. 7. -Walter Wifin was burgled, and of his chattels taken from his house in the burglary certain boots were found in the house of Lefchild of Ranam, and the said Walter pursues - - those boots as his. And Lefchild said that he bought them in Bodmin market for 2 1/2 pence, but he knows not from whom. And besides Walter says that eleven ells of linen cloth, part of the stolen goods, were sold in Lefchild's house, and all the other proceeds of the burglary, and that Lefchild was the receiver of the burglars, namely, Robert of Hideford -and Alan the Foresters, whom he [Walter] had appealed of the - crime. And Lefchild defends. The jurors on being asked, say that they suspect Lefchild of the said receipt. So let him purge himself by water under the Assize.
- 59. 8. -Eadmer of Penwithen appeals Martin, Robert and Thomas of Penwithen, for that Robert wounded him in the head so that twenty- eight pieces of bone were extracted, and meanwhile - - Martin and Thomas held him; and this he offers to deraign against the said Robert as a man thereby maimed, under the court's award. And Robert comes and defends all of it word - - by word. It is considered that he purge himself by ordeal of iron. Let the others be in custody until it be known how Robert shall fare. Afterwards Eadmer came and withdrew himself, and submitted to an amercement of one mark.Pledges, Reinfrid, Gill's son, and Philip his brother. Let the other appellees go quit. 9. -Reginald le Teinus accused of the receipt and fellowship of Robert the outlaw comes and defends. The jurors say that they suspect him, and the four neighboring townships say - - that they suspect him of it. So let him purge himself by water under the Assize. And there must be inquiry as to Richard Revel, who was sheriff when the said Robert escaped - - from his custody. 10. Osbert of Reterth appeals Odo Hay, for that he assaulted him as he was returning from Bodmin market, and in the king's peace and wickedly struck him on the hand with a stick, and afterwards struck him on the arm with his sword -so that he is maimed; and this he offers to prove as a maimed man. And Odo defends it all. And that [Osbert] is maimed is testified by knights sent to see him. Judgment: let [Odo] purge himself by ordeal of iron because of this appeal. 11. Wulward of Wadebridge was burgled. And Odo Hay, Lawrence Smith, Osbert Mediciner, and Benet his son, William Miller, Robert of Frokemere, and Maud his sister, are suspected of the burglary by the
- 60. jurors of the hundred and by the four nearest townships, which are sworn. Let the males purge themselves by water under the Assize, and Maud by ordeal of - - iron. Roger Morand fled for that burglary, and he was living in Bodmin, [which town is] therefore in mercy. 12. Robert, Godfrey's son, appeals Philip, William's son, for that he came on the land of [Robert's] lord Richard Fortescue, and wickedly and in the king's peace and in robbery took eight oxen and a mantle, cape, and sword, and carried them off; and this he offers to prove against him by his body under award of the court. And Philip comes and defends all of it word by word. It is considered that the appeal is null, for the oxen were not Robert's, but - - Richard's. The jurors being asked, say that [Philip] did no robbery to [Richard]. So Richard Fortescue is in mercy for a false appeal, and let Philip be quit. 13. Peter Burel appeals Anketil of Wingely, for that he wickedly in the king's peace assaulted him in the field where he was pasturing his oxen, and beat him, and gave him - - four wounds in the head, and in robbery took from him an ax and a sword; and this he offers to prove against him; but he shows no wound. And Anketil defends. And the county records - - that [Peter] first appealed Roger of Tregadec of the same robbery and of the same wounds. Therefore it is considered that the appeal is null, and let Peter be in mercy for a false appeal. His amercement, a half-mark; pledge for it, Ralph Giffard. 14. The jurors are in mercy for a silly presentment, for they presented an appeal which was made in the hundred [court] and which was not presented in the county [court]. 15. Lucy of Morwinstow appeals Robert de Scaccis and Roland -of Kellio and Peter of Lancarf of robbing her of twenty shillings and
- 61. eight pence, and of a cloak, price a half-mark. And it is testified by the jurors that they did not rob her, and that she is a hireling, and that a man lay with her in a garden, and the boys hooted her, so that she left her cloak, and the boys took it and pawned it for two gallons of wine. It is considered that Robert do give her three pence in respect of the wine and do go quit. And Roland and Peter neither come nor essoin [present an excuse for nonappearance] themselves. And their pledges were Nicholas brother of Alfred of Bodmin and Herbert Reeve of Bodmin, who are therefore in mercy. 16. Osbert Church accused of the death of Roland, son of Reginald of Kennel, on the appeal of the said Reginald, was detained in gaol and defends word by word. And Reginald - - offers proof by the body of a certain freeman, Arkald, who has his [Reginald's] daughter to wife, who is to prove in his stead, since he has passed the age of sixty. Osbert Church defends all of it. The knights of the hundred of Penwith say that they suspect him of the said death. The - - knights of kerrier [hundred] say the same. The knights of Penwith [hundred] say the same. The knights of Pyder [hundred] say the same. Judgment: let him purge himself by water, and Reginald is in mercy, for he does not allege sight and hearing, and because he has withdrawn himself, and put another in his place, who neither saw nor heard and yet - - offered to prove it, and so let both Reginald and Arkald be in mercy. Osbert is purged by the water. Osbert's pledges: Henry Little, Henry of Penant, Ossulf Black, Roger of Trevithow, John of Glin, Ralph of Trelew. 17. Roger of Wick [was] appealed of the death of Brictmer by the appeal of Hawise, Brictmer's wife, and was captured in flight, as say John of Winielton and Ralph of Mertherin, but the flight is not testified by the hundred. Kerier [hundred] says the same. Penwith
- 62. [hundred] says the same. So is considered that he purge himself by water. He is purged. Roger's pledges: Ralph of Trelew, Ogier of Kurnick, Richard, Simon's son, Alfred Malvoisin, Everwin of Lande, John of Kewerion, Warin of Tiwardeni, Baldwin Tirel, Roger of - - Trevithow, John of Glin, William of Dunham, Thomas, Osbert's - - son. 18. Richard, William's son, appealed Luke, Richard's son, and William, the servant of Alan Clerk, of robbery and of binding him. The appellees have not come nor essoined themselves. The county together with the wapentake says that they were appealed, not of the king's peace, but of the sheriff's peace, so that the suit was and is in the county [court], and therefore they were not attached to come before the justices. Therefore the jurors are in mercy for presenting what they ought not to have presented. 19. William, Hawise's son, appeals Richard, son of Robert of Somercotes, for that he came in the king's peace to his house at Somercotes, and broke his house and robbed him of.[an abrasion] shillings, and a cape and surcoat, and twenty-five fowls, and twenty shillings worth of corn [grain], and wounded him in the head with the wound that he shows; and this he offers to prove against him as the court shall consider etc. And Richard comes and defends the breach of the king's peace and the housebreaking, wounding and - robbery, but confesses that he came to a certain house, which William asserts to be his [William's], as to his -[Richard's] own proper house, which escheated into his hand on the death of Roger his villein, and there he took certain chattels which were his villein's and which on his villein's - - death were his [Richard's] own: to wit, five thraves of oats, thirteen sheaves of barley, and twenty-five fowls; and he offers the king twenty shillings for an inquest [to find]
- 63. whether this be so or no. And William says that Richard says this unjustly, for the said Roger never had that house nor dwelt therein, nor were those chattels Roger's, but he [William] held that house as his own, and the chattels there seized were his. The jurors being questioned whether Roger did thus hold the house of Richard in villeinage, say, Yes. Also the coroners and the whole county testify that [William] never showed any wound until now; and the wound that he now shows is of recent date. Therefore it is considered that the appeal is null, and let Richard go quit, and William be in mercy for his false claim. Pledges for the amercement, Gilbert, Robert's son, and Richard, Haldeng's son. 20. Astin of Wispington appeals Simon of Edlington, for that he wickedly and in the king's peace assaulted him in his meadows and put out his eye, so that he is maimed of that eye; and this he offers to prove etc. Simon comes and defends all of it word by word. And the coroners and the county testify that hitherto the appeal has been duly sued, at first by [Astin's] wife, and then by [Astin himself]. Judgment: let law be made, and let it be in the election of the appellee whether he or Astin shall carry the iron. He has chosen that Astin shall carry it. Astin has waged the law. Simon's pledges, William of Land and his frankpledge and Ralph of Stures. Astin's pledges, Roger Thorpe, Osgot of Wispington, and William, Joel's brother. Afterwards came [the appellor and appellee] and both put themselves in mercy. 21. Gilbert of Willingham appeals Gilbert, Geoffrey's son, for that he in the king's peace and wickedly set fire to his house and burned it, so that after the setting fire [the appellor] went forth and raised hue and cry so that his neighbors and the township of Willingham came thither, and he showed them [the appellee] in flight and
- 64. therefore they pursued him with the cry; and this he offers etc. And the appellee defends all of it word by word etc. And the - - neighbors and the township of Willingham being questioned, say that they never saw him in flight, and that [the appellor] never showed him to them. Likewise the jurors say that in their belief he appeals him out of spite rather than for just cause. Therefore it is considered that the appeal is null, and the appellee is in mercy for a half-mark [7s.]. Pledge for the amercement, Robert Walo. 22. William burel appeals Walter Morcock, for that he in the king's peace so struck and beat Margery, [William's] wife, that he killed the child in her womb, and besides this beat her and drew blood. And William of Manby, the beadle, testifies that he saw the wound while fresh and the blood in the wapentake [court]. And the serjeant of the riding and the coroners and the twelve knights testify that they never saw wound nor blood. And so it is considered that the appeal is null, for one part of the appeal being quashed, it is quashed altogether, and William Burel is in mercy. Let him be in custody. And William Manby is in mercy for false testimony. Pledges for William's amercement, Richard of Bilsby, Elias of Welton. 23. William Marshall fled for the death of Sigerid, Denis' mother, whereof Denis appeals him; and he was in the Prior of Sixhills' frankpledge of Sixhills, which is in mercy, and his chattels were two cows and one bullock. Afterwards came the Prior of Sixhills and undertook to have William to right before the justices. And he came, and then Denis, Sigerid's son, came and appealed him of his mother's death. And it was testified that [Denis] had an elder brother, and that nine years are past since [Sigerid] died, and that she lived almost a year after she was wounded, and that Denis never appealed [William] before now. Therefore it is - - considered
- 65. that the appeal is null and that Denis be in mercy. Pledge for the amercement, his father, Ralph, son of Denis. 24. Alice, wife of Geoffrey of Carlby, appealed William, Roger's son, and William his son and Roger his son of the death of William her brother. And Alice does not prosecute.Therefore let her be in mercy and let her be arrested. To -judgment against the sheriff who did not imprison the said persons who were attached, whereas they are appealed of homicide, and to judgment also as to a writ which he ought to produce. 25. Hawise, Thurstan's daughter, appeals Walter of Croxby -and William Miller of the death of her father and of a wound -given to herself. And she has a husband, Robert Franchenay, - - who will not stir in the matter. Therefore it is considered that the appeal is null, for a woman has no appeal against anyone save for the death of her husband or for rape. And - - let Robert be in mercy on his wife's account, for a half-mark [7s.], and let the appellees be quit. Pledge for Robert's amercement, Richard Dean of Mareham, who has lay property. Wapentake of Aswardhurn. 26. Juliana of Creeton appeals Adam of Merle of battery and robbery. And Adam does not come, but essoins himself as being in the king's service beyond seas. And for that it is not allowed to anyone appealed of the king's peace to leave the land without a warrant before he has been before justices learned in the law, his pledges are in mercy: to wit, Segar of Arceles, Alan of Renington, and Robert of Searby. Adam himself is excused from the plea by the essoin that he has cast. 27. Thomas, Leofwin's son, appeals Alan Harvester, for that he in the king's peace assaulted him as he went on the highway, and with
- 66. his force carried him into Alan's house, and struck him on the arm so that he broke a small bone of his arm, whereby he is maimed, and robbed him of his cape and his knife, and held him while Eimma, [Alan's] wife, cut off one of his testicles and Ralph Pilate the other, and when he was thus dismembered and ill-treated, the said Alan with his force carried him back into the road, whereupon as soon as might be he raised the cry, and the neighbors came to the cry, and saw him thus ill-treated, and then at once he sent to the king's serjeant, who came and found, so [Thomas] says, the robbed things in Alan's house and then as soon as might be [Thomas] went to the wapentake [court] and - - to the county [court] and showed all this. So inquiry is made of the king's sergeant, who testifies that he came to Alan's house and there found the knife and the testicles in a little cup, but found not the cape. Also the whole county testifies that [Thomas] never before now appealed Alan of breaking a bone. And so it is considered that the appeal is null, and that [Thomas] be in mercy, and that the other appellees be quit. Thomas also appeals Emma, Alan's wife, for that she in the peace aforesaid after he was placed in her lord's house cut off one of his testicles. He also appeals Ralph Pilate, for that he cut off the other of his - - testicles. 28. The twelve jurors presented in their verdict that Austin, Rumfar's son, appealed Ralph Gille of the death of his brother, so that [Ralph] fled, and that William, Rumfar's son, appealed Benet Carter of the same death, and Ranulf, Ralph's son, appealed Hugh of Hyckham of the same death and Baldwin of Elsham and Ralph Hoth and Colegrim as accessories. And the coroners by their rolls testify this also. But the county records otherwise, namely, that the said Ralph Gille, Benet, Hugh, Baldwin, Ralph [Hoth] and Gocegrim were all appealed by Ranulf, Ralph's son, and by no one else, so that four of them, to wit, Ralph Gille, Hugh, Benet and Colegrim, were
- 67. outlawed at the suit of the said Ranulf, and that the said persons were not appealed by anyone other than the said Ranulf. And for that the county could not [be heard to] contradict the coroners and the said jurors who have said their say upon oath, it is considered etc. Thereupon the county forestalled the judgment and before judgment was pronounced made fine with 200 pounds [4,000s.] [to be collected throughout the county], franchises excepted. 29. Hereward, William's son, appeals Walter, Hugh's son, for that he in the king's peace assaulted him and wounded him in -the arm with an iron fork and gave him another wound in the head; and this he offers to prove by his body as the court shall consider. And Walter defends all of it by his body. And it is testified by the coroners and by the whole county that Hereward showed his wounds at the proper time and has made sufficient suit. Therefore it is considered that there be battle. Walter's pledges, Peter of Gosberton church, and Richard Hereward's son. Hereward's pledges, William his father and the Prior of Pinchbeck. Let them come armed in the quindene of St. Swithin at Leicester. 30. William Gering appeals William Cook of imprisonment, to wit, that he with his force in the king's peace and wickedly, while [Gering] was in the service of his lord Guy at the forge, took him and led him to Freiston to the house of William Longchamp, and there kept him in prison so that his lord could not get him replevied; and this he offers to prove as the court shall consider. And William Cook comes and defends the felony and imprisonment, but confesses that whereas he had sent his lord's servants to seize the beasts of the said Guy on account of a certain amercement which [Guy] had incurred in the court of [Cook's] lord [Longchamp], and which though often summoned he had refused to pay, [Gering] came and
- 68. rescued the beasts that had been seized and wounded a servant of [Cook's] lord, who had been sent to seize them, whereupon [Cook] arrested [Gering] until -he should find pledges to stand to right touching both the wounding and the rescue, and when [Gering's] lord [Guy] came -for him, [Cook] offered to let him be replevied, but this [Guy] refused, and afterwards he repeated the offer before the king's serjeant, but even then it was refused, and then [Cook] let [Gering] go without taking security. And Guy says that he puts himself upon the wapentake, whether the imprisonment took place in manner aforesaid, and whether he [Guy] at once showed the matter to the king's serjeant, or no. And William Cook does the same. And the wapentake says that the alleged [imprisonment] took place in Lent, and Guy did not show the matter to the wapentake until a fortnight before St. Botulph's day. And the county together with the coroners says that they never heard the suit in their court. Therefore it is considered that the appeal is null, and Guy is in mercy. And let William and those who are appealed as accessories go quit. 31. The jurors say that Andrew, sureman's son, appealed Peter, Leofwin's son, Thomas Squire and William Oildene of robbery. And he does not prosecute. So he and Stephen Despine and Baldwin Long are in mercy, and the appellees go without day. Afterwards comes Andrew and says that [the appellees] imprisoned him by the order of William Malesoures in the said William's house, so that he sent to the sheriff that the sheriff might deliver him, whereupon the sheriff sent his serjeant and others thither, who on coming there found him imprisoned and delivered him and he produces witnesses, to wit, Nicholas Portehors and Hugh, Thurkill's son, who testify that they found him imprisoned, and he vouches the sheriff to warrant this. And the sheriff, on being questioned, says that in truth he sent
- 69. thither four lawful men with the serjeant on a complaint made by Nicholas Portehors on Andrew's behalf. And those who were sent thither by the sheriff testify that they found him at liberty and disporting himself in William's house. Therefore it is considered that the appeal is null [and Andrew is in mercy] for his false complaint and Nicholas Portehors and Hugh, Thurkill's son, are in mercy for false testimony. Andrew and Hugh are to be in custody until they have found pledges [for their amercement]. 32. The jurors say that Geoffrey Cardun has levied new customs other than he ought and other than have been usual, to wit, in taking from every cart crossing his land at Winwick with eels, one stick of eels, and from a cart with greenfish, one greenfish, and from a cart with salmon, half a salmon, and from a cart with herrings, five herrings, whereas he ought to take no custom for anything save for salt crossing his land, to wit, for a cartload, one bole of salt, and in that case the salter ought to have a loaf in return for the salt, and also if the salter's cart breaks down, the salter's horses ought to have pasture on Geoffrey's land without challenge while he repairs his cart. And Geoffrey comes and confesses that he takes the said customs, and ought to take them, for he and his ancestors have taken them from the conquest of England, and he puts himself on the grand assize of our lord the king, and craves that a recognition be made whether he ought to take those customs or no. And afterwards he offers the king twenty shillings that this action may be put before Sir Geoffrey FitzPeter [the Justiciar]. Pledge for the twenty shillings, Richard of Hinton. 33. The jurors say that Hugh, son of Walter Priest, was outlawed for the death of Roger Rombald at the suit of Robert Rombald, and afterwards returned under the [protection of the] king's writ, and
- 70. afterwards was outlawed for the same death on the appeal of Geoffrey, Thurstan's son. The county therefore is asked by what warrant they outlawed the same man twice for the same death, and says that of a truth in King Richard's time the said Hugh was - - outlawed at the suit of one Lucy, sister of the said Roger, so that for a long time afterwards he hid himself; and at length he came into the county [court] and produced letters of Sir Geoffrey FitzPeter in the form following: "G. FitzPeter etc. to the sheriff of Northamptonshire, greeting, Know thou that the king hath pardoned to Hugh, son of the priest of Grafton, his flight and the outlawry adjudged to him for the death of a certain slain man, and hath signified to us by his letters that we be aiding to the said Hugh in reestablishing the peace between him and the kinsfolk of the slain; wherefore we command thee that thou be aiding to the said Hugh in making the peace aforesaid, and do us to wit by thy letters under seal what thou hast done in this matter, since we are bound to signify the same to the king. In witness etc. by the king's writ from beyond seas." And the said letters being read in full county [court] the county told the said Hugh that he must find pledges that he would be in the king's peace, and he went away to find pledges, and afterwards did not appear. But the kinsfolk of the slain, having heard that Hugh had returned after his outlawry, came to the next county [court] and Robert Rombald produced Geoffrey, Thurstan's son, who said that if he saw the said Hugh he would sue against him the death of the said Roger, who was [his kinsman]. And the county showed him how Hugh had brought the Justiciar's letters pardoning him the flight and outlawry, and that he was to find pledges to stand to the king's peace, but had not returned. Whereupon the king's serjeant was ordered to seek Hugh and bring him to a later county [court]. And at a later county [court] Geoffrey offered himself
- 71. against Hugh, and Hugh did not appear; whereupon the king's serjeant being questioned said that he had not found him, and the county advised [Geoffrey] to come to another county [court], because if in the meantime Hugh could be found, he would be brought to the county [court]. Then at the third county [court] the said Geoffrey offered himself, and it was testified by the serjeant that Hugh had not yet been found, wherefore the county said that as Hugh would not appear to the king's peace, he must bear the wolf's head as he had done before. To judgment against the coroners and the twelve jurors. 34. Robert of Herthale, arrested for having in self-defense slain Roger, Swein's son, who had slain five men in a fit of madness, is committed to the sheriff that he may be in custody as before, for the king must be consulted about this matter. The chattels of him who killed the five men were worth two shillings, for which Richard [the sheriff must account]. 35. Sibil, Engelard's daughter, appeals Ralph of Sandford, for that he in the king's peace and wickedly and in breach of the peace given to her in the county [court] by the sheriff, came to the house of her lord [or husband] and broke her chests and carried off the chattels, and so treated her that he slew the child that was living in her womb. Afterwards she came and said that they had made a compromise and she withdrew herself, for they have agreed that Ralph shall satisfy her for the loss of the chattels upon the view and by the appraisement of lawful men; and Ralph has assented to this. 36. William Pipin slew William [or John] Guldeneman and fled. He had no chattels. Let him be exacted. And Hugh Fuller was taken for this death and put in gaol because the said John [or William] was
- 72. slain in his house. And Hugh gives to the king his chattels which were taken with him, that he may have an inquest [to find] whether he be guilty thereof or no. The jurors say that he is not guilty, and so let him go quit thereof. And William Picot is in mercy for having sold Hugh's chattels before he was convicted of the death, and for having sold them at an undervalue, for he sold them, as he says, for three shillings, and the jurors - - say that they were worth seventeen shillings, for which William Picot and those who were his fellows ought to account. And William says that the chattels were sold by the advice of his fellows, and his fellows deny this. 37. Robert White slew Walter of Hugeford and fled. The jurors say that he was outlawed for the death, and the county and the coroners say that he was not outlawed, because no one sued against him. And because the jurors cannot [be heard to] contradict the county and the coroners, therefore they are in mercy, and let Robert be exacted. His chattels were [worth] fifteen shillings, for which R. of Ambresleigh, the sheriff, must account. 38. Elyas of Lilleshall fled to church for the death of a woman slain at Lilleshall. He had no chattels. He confessed the death and abjured the realm. Alice Crithecreche and Eva of Lilleshall and Aldith and Mabel, Geoffrey and Robert of Lilleshall, and Peter of Hopton were taken for the death of the said woman slain at Lilleshall. And Alice, at once after the death, fled to the county of Stafford with some of the chattels of the slain, so it is said, and was taken in that county and brought back into Shropshire and there, as the king's serjeant and many knights and lawful men of the county testify, in their presence she said, that at night - - she heard a tumult in the house of the slain; whereupon she came to the door and looked in, and saw through the middle of the doorway four men in the house, and
- 73. they came out and - - caught her, and threatened to kill her unless she would conceal them; and so they gave her the pelf [booty] that she had. And when she came before the [itinerant] justices she denied all this. Therefore she has deserved death, but by way of dispensation [the sentence is mitigated, so] let her -eyes be torn out. The others are not suspected, therefore let them be under pledges. 39. William, John's son, appeals Walter, son of Ralph Hose, for that when [William's] lord Guy of Shawbury and [William] had come from attending the pleas of our lord the king in the county court of Shropshire, there came five men in the forest of Haughmond and there in the king's peace and wickedly assaulted his lord Guy, and so that [Walter], who was the fourth among those five, wounded Guy and was accessory with the others in force as aid so that Guy his lord was killed, and after having wounded his lord he [Walter] came to William and held him so that he could not aid his lord; and this he offers to deraign [determine by - - personal combat] against him as the court shall consider. And Walter comes and defends all of it word by word as the court etc. It is considered that there be battle [combat] between them. The battle [combat] is waged. Day is given them, at Oxford on the morrow of the octave of All Saints, and then let them come armed. And Ralph [Walter's father] gives the king a half-mark that he may have the custody of his son, [for which sum] the pledges are John of Knighton and Reiner of Acton, and he is committed to the custody of Ralph Hose, Reiner of Acton, John of Knighton, Reginald of Leigh, Adam of Mcuklestone, William of Bromley, Stephen of Ackleton, Eudo of Mark. 40. Robert, son of Robert of Ferrers, appeals Ranulf of Tattesworth, for that he came into Robert's garden and wickedly and
- 74. in the king's peace assaulted Robert's man Roger, and beat and wounded him so that his life was despaired of, and robbed him [Roger?] of a cloak, a sword, a bow and arrows: and the said Roger offers to prove this by his body as the court shall consider. And Ranulf comes and defends the whole of it, word by word, and offers the king one mark of silver that he may have an inquest of lawful knights [to say] whether he be guilty thereof or no. Also he says that Roger has never until now appealed him of this, and prays that this be allowed in his favor. [Ranulf's] offering is accepted. The jurors say that in truth there was some quarrel between Robert's gardener, Osmund, and some footboys, but Ranulf was not there, and they do not suspect him of any robbery or any tort done to Robert or to Osmund. Also the county records that the knights who on Robert's complaint were sent to view Osmund's wounds found him unwounded and found no one else complaining, and that Robert in his plaint spoke of Osmund his gardener and never of Roger, and that Roger never came to the county [court] to make this appeal. Therefore it is considered that Ranulf be quit, and Robert and Roger in mercy. Pledge for Ranulf's mark, Philip of Draycot. Pledges for the amercement, Henry of Hungerhill, and Richard Meverell. Pledge for Roger, the said Robert. 41. One L. is suspected by the jurors of being present when Reinild of Hemchurch was slain, and of having aided and counseled her death. And she defends. Therefore let her purge herself by the ordeal of iron; but as she is ill, the ordeal is respited until her recovery. 42. Andrew of Burwarton is suspected by the jurors of the death of one Hervey, for that he concealed himself because of that death. Therefore let him purge himself by ordeal of water.
- 75. 43. Godith, formerly wife of Walter Palmer, appeals Richard of Stonall, for that he in the king's peace wickedly and by night with his force came to her house and bound her and her husband, and afterwards slew the said Walter her husband; and this she offers to prove against him as wife of the slain as the court shall consider. And he defends all of it. And the jurors and the whole neighborhood suspect him of that death. And so it is considered that he purge himself by ordeal of iron for he has elected to bear the iron. 44. The jurors of Oflow hundred say that the bailiffs of Tamworth have unjustly taken toll from the knights of Staffordshire, to wit, for their oxen and other beasts. And the men of Lichfield complain that likewise they have taken toll from them, more especially in Staffordshire. And the bailiffs deny that they take anything from the knights in Staffordshire. And for that they cannot [be heard to] contradict the jurors, the bailiffs are in mercy. As to the men of Lichfield, [the Tamworth bailiffs] say that they ought to have, and in King Henry's time had, toll of them, more especially of the merchants, as well in Staffordshire as in Warwickshire. And the burgesses of Lichfield offer the king a half-mark for an inquest by the county. And the county records that in King Henry's time the men of - - Lichfield did not pay toll in Staffordshire. Therefore the bailiffs are in mercy. Chapter 7 The Times 1215-1272
- 76. Tenures in land were free or not free; the free tenures were (1) military service, (2) grand serjeanty, (3) free socage, and (4) frankalmoin. For military service, in general, every man knows his place, knows how many days he must fight and with what arms. But this institution is becoming unstable. Sometimes a substantial payment called scutage is taken instead. As feudalism became less military and less rough, daughters were permitted to inherit fiefs. It became customary to divide the property of a deceased man without a son equally among his daughters. Lords were receiving homage from all the daughters and thereby acquiring marriage rights over all of them. Also, if a son predeceased his father but left a child, that child would succeed to the father's land in the same way that the deceased would have. The ill, the aged, women, and ecclesiastics could send a substitute to military service. There are certain reliefs, and wardship and marriage fees associated with military tenure. Grand serjeanty was various and included carrying the banner of the king, or his lance, carrying his sword at his coronation, carrying his letters, summoning his barons, conveying his treasure from place to place, being his steward, marshal, chamberlain or constable. Many serjeanties were connected with warfare, such as light horsemen, infantry, bowmen, captains of the national militia, leading the infantry of certain hundreds, military transport, carriage of armour on a horse, munitions of war such as lances, arrows or knives. A man could hold by serjeanty of a mesne lord, such as presiding over the lord's court, riding with the lord or on his errands, feeding his hounds, or supplying bows and arrows. Tenure in free socage may involve a nominal service to a lord, such as the gift every year of a rose, a sparrowhawk, a pair of gloves, a pair of gilt spurs, or a pound of pepper, or of incense or of wax. Tenure in socage may originate by a gift of land to a daughter or younger son, or to some
- 77. dependant for past services, or a purchase with a gross sum. There were no wardship or marriage or other fees associated with a tenure in free socage. Tenure in frankalmoin ["free alms" for the poor to relieve the king of this burden] was land held by ecclesiastics in right of their churches and of God. This service was spiritual, often for saying prayers for the deceased donor so that he could go from purgatory to heaven, and it was an indefinite service. In general, land could be alienated or subinfeudated without the lord's consent and thus come to be held in another tenure. Land escheated [returned] to the lord if there were no heirs, or in case of felony after the king has possessed and taken the profits of the land for year and day. In case of treason, a tenant's lands were all forfeited to the king. The tenure of socage obligated the tenant to fixed agricultural services, for which a nominal payment called a "quit rent" could be substituted. Socage did not entail rights of wardship or marriage. Socage grew at the expense of the other tenures. The unfree tenure was villein tenure. Villeins were tied to a piece of land and were bound to perform for their lord indefinite agricultural services and could be physically recovered in case they left the land. Villeins were subject to a lord's court and were not protected by the king's court. The major types of freemen were: nobles, knights, ecclesiastics, Jews, and women. The nobles were the earls and barons. They did not have noble blood, but were tenants in chief of certain land by the king's will. The king consulted them and they obeyed his summons and gave him counsel. They were entitled to be judged in cases of treason or felony, by their peers, that is, each other. Lower in status are the knights. They were active in royal justice, making thedecisions in the most important cases. Ecclesiatics were bishops; abbots; and monks, nuns, and friars, who had taken vows of poverty
- 78. and obedience; and clergy. The difference between a monk and a friar was a cloistered life versus an active life. Jews came to England after the Conquest and were under the special protection of the king. All they had belonged to the king. A Jew could lend money for interest, which was disallowed for Christians. Jews were subject to the courts of justice, but could also settle their disputes by their own Hebrew law, They were expelled in 1290. Women could hold land, even by military tenure, own chattels typically beasts and coins], make a will, make a contract, and could sue and be sued. They could give evidence in court, but could not be jurors or judges. Women who had husbands had to defer to them in certain property matters. Nobles, doctors, and attorneys wore tunics to the ankle and an over-tunic almost as long, which was lined with fur and had long sleeves. A hood was attached to it. A man's hair was short and curled, with bangs on the forehead. The tunic of merchants and middle class men reached to the calf. The laborer wore a tunic that reached to the knee, cloth stockings, and shoes of heavy felt, cloth, or perhaps leather. Ladies wore a full-length tunic with moderate fullness in the skirt, and a low belt, and tight sleeves. A lady's hair was concealed by a round hat tied on the top of her head. Over her tunic, she wore a cloak. Monks and nuns wore long black robes with hoods. Baron landholders' semi-fortified stone manor houses were improved and extended. Many had been licensed to be embattled or crenelated [wall indented at top with shooting spaces]. They were usually quadrangular around a central courtyard. The central and largest room was the hall, where people ate and slept. The hall had a hearth for fire in the center of the room if the hall was one story
- 79. high. Sometimes the lord had a room with a sleeping loft above it. If the hall was more than one story high, it had a fireplace at one end so that the smoke could go up and out the roof. Other rooms each had a fireplace. There were small windows around the top story and on the inside of the courtyard. They were usually covered with oiled paper. Windows of large houses were of opaque glass supplied by a glassmaking craft. The glass was thick, uneven, distorted, and greenish in color. The walls were plastered. The floor was wood with some carpets. Roofs were timbered with horizontal beams. Many roofs had tiles supplied by the tile craft, which baked the tiles in kilns or over an open fire. Because of the hazard of fire, the kitchen was often a separate building, with a covered way connecting it to the hall. It had one or two open fires in fireplaces, and ovens. Sometimes there was a separate room for a dairy. Furniture included heavy wood armchairs for the lord and lady, stools, benches, trestle tables, chests, and cupboards. Outside was an enclosed garden with cabbages, peas, beans, beetroots, onions, garlic, leeks, lettuce, watercress, hops, herbs, nut trees for oil, some flowers, and a fish pond and well. Bees were kept for their honey. The barons now managed and developed their estates to be as productive as possible, often using the successful management techniques of church estates. They kept records of their fields, tenants, and services owed by each tenant, and duties of the manor officers, such as supervision of the ploughing and harrowing. Annually, the manor's profit or loss for the year was calculated. Most manors were self-supporting except that iron for tools and horseshoes and salt for curing usually had to be obtained elsewhere. Wine, tar, canvas and millstones were imports from other countries and bought at fairs, as was fish, furs, spices, and silks. Sheep were
- 80. kept in such large numbers that they were susceptible to a new disease "scab". Every great household was bound to give alms. Manors averaged about ten miles distance between each other, the land in between being unused and called "wasteland". Statutes after a period of civil war proscribing the retaking of land discouraged the enclosure of waste land. Husbandry land held in villeinage was inherited according to the custom of its manor as administered in the lord's manorial court. (The royal courts had jurisdiction of land held in socage. i.e. free tenure.) The heir could be the oldest son, the youngest son, a son chosen by the father to succeed him, or divided among the sons. If there were no sons, one of the daughters inherited the land or it was divided among all the daughters. If there were no heirs, the land went back to the lord. Land could not be sold or alienated so that the heir did not inherit, without the consent of the lord. Manorial custom also determined the manner of descent of goods and chattels. A common custom for a villein was that his best beast go to his lord as heriot and his second best beast go to the parish priest as mortuary. Then, after debts and burial expenses had been paid, a number of tools and utensils needed for husbandry and housekeeping went with the land to its heir. These were the "heirlooms", `loom" in old English meaning tool. This usually included, for a holding of more than 5 acres, a coulter, a plowshare, a yoke, a cart, an axe, a cauldron, a pan, a dish, and a cask. Finally, the remaining goods and chattels went one-third to the widow, one- third to his children except for the heir to the land, and one-third according to the deceased's last will and testament. A son might take his share before the death of his father in order to go out into the world and seek his fortune, for instance in the church or military,
- 81. upon which event the father had to pay his lord a fine for his son permanently leaving the manor. Many country boys became bound apprentices in nearby boroughs or farm laborers. Others married heiresses of land. By the custom of "curtesy of the nation", he held this land for his lifetime if he had a child born of the marriage, even if his wife predeceased him. If a man remained on the family land, he had no right to marry. Often, there were agreements over land holdings that were recorded in the manor books. For instance, it was common for a father or mother to hand his or her holding over to the heir in exchange for sustenance in old age. An heir usually did not marry until after receiving his land. Manorial custom determined whether a father's consent was necessary for a son or daughter to marry, the nature of any agreement ("trothplight") between the families as to lands and goods brought to the marriage, the amount of her marriage portion, and the son's endowment (her "dower") of lands and goods promised to the bride at the church door that would provide for her support after his death. If dower was not specified, it was understood to be one-third of all lands and tenements. At the next hallmote, if manorial custom required it, the son would pay a fine to his lord for entry onto the land and for license to marry. From 1246, priests taught that betrothal and consummation constituted irrevocable marriage. Some villeins bought out their servitude by paying a substitute to do his service or paying his lord a firm (from hence, the words farm and farmer) sum to hire an agricultural laborer in his place. This made it possible for a farm laborer to till one continuous piece of land instead of scattered strips. Looms were now mounted with two bars. Women did embroidery. The clothing of most people was made at home, even sandals. The
- 82. village tanner and bootmaker supplied long pieces of soft leather for more protection than sandals. Tanning mills replaced some hand labor. The professional hunter of wolves, lynx, or otters supplied head coverings. Every village had a smith and possibly a carpenter for construction of ploughs and carts. The smith obtained coal from coal fields for heating the metal he worked. Horse harnesses were homemade from hair and hemp. There were watermills and/or windmills for grinding grain, for malt, and/or for fulling cloth. The position of the sails of the windmills was changed by manual labor when the direction of the wind changed. Most men wore a knife because of the prevalence of murder and robbery. It was an every day event for a murderer to flee to sanctuary in a church, which would then be surrounded by his pursuers while the coroner was summoned. Usually, the fugitive would confess, pay compensation, and agree to leave the nation permanently. County courts were the center of decision-making regarding judicial, fiscal, military, and general administrative matters. The writs for the conservation of the peace, directing the taking of the oath, the pursuit of malefactors, and the observance of watch and ward, were proclaimed in full county court; attachments were made in obedience to them in the county court. The county offices were: sheriff, coroner, escheator, and constable or bailiff. There were 28 sheriffs for 38 counties. The sheriff was usually a substantial landholder and a knight who had been prominent in the local court. He usually had a castle in which he kept persons he arrested. He no longer bought his office and collected certain rents for himself, but was a salaried political appointee of the King. He employed a deputy or undersheriff, who was an attorney, and clerks. If there was civil
- 83. commotion or contempt of royal authority, the sheriff of the county had power to raise a posse of armed men to restore order. The coroner watched the interests of the crown and had duties in sudden deaths, treasure trove, and shipwreck cases. There were about five coroners per county and they served for a number of years. They were chosen by the county court. The escheator was appointed annually by the Treasurer to administer the Crown's rights in feudal land, which until 1242 had been the responsibility of the sheriff. He was usually chosen from the local gentry. The constable and bailiff operated at the hundred and parish [the geographical area of a church's members] level to detect crime and keep the peace. They assisted sheriffs and Justices of the Peace, organized watches for criminals and vagrants at the village level, and raised the hue and cry along the highway and from village to village in pursuit of offenders who had committed felony or robbery. The constables also kept the royal castles; they recruited, fed, and commanded the castle garrison. County knights served sheriffs, coroners, escheators, and justices on special royal commissions of gaol-delivery. They sat in judgment in the county court at its monthly meetings, attended the two great annual assemblies when the lord, knights and freeholders of the county gathered to meet the itinerant justices who came escorted by the sheriff and weapon bearers. They served on the committees which reviewed the presentments of the hundreds and village, and carried the record of the county court to Westminster when summoned there by the kings' justices. They served on the grand assize. As elected representatives of their fellow knights of the county, they assessed any taxes due from each hundred. Election might be by nomination by the sheriff from a fixed list, by choice, or in rotation. They investigated and reported on local abuses and
- 84. grievances. The King's justices and council often called on them to answer questions put to them on oath. In the villages, humbler freeholders and sokemen were elected to assess the village taxes. Six villeins answered for the village's offenses before the royal itinerant justice. Reading and writing in the English language was taught. The use of English ceased to be a mark of vulgarity. In 1258 the first governmental document was issued in English as well as in Latin and French, and later Latin started falling into disuse. Boys of noblemen were taught reading, writing, Latin, a musical instrument, athletics, riding, and gentlemanly conduct. Girls were taught reading, writing, music, dancing, and perhaps household nursing and first aid, spinning, embroidery, and gardening. Girls of high social position were also taught riding and hawking. Grammar schools taught, in Latin, grammar, dialectic (ascertaining word meaning by looking at its origin, its sound (e.g. soft or harsh), its power (e.g. robust and strong sound), its inflection, and its order; and avoiding obscurity and ambiguity in statements), and rhetoric [art of public speaking, oratory, and debate]. The teacher possessed the only complete copy of the Latin text, and most of the school work was done orally. Though books were few and precious, the students read several Latin works. Girls and boys of high social position usually had private teachers for grammar school, while boys of lower classes were sponsored at grammar schools such as those at Oxford. Discipline was maintained by the birch or rod. There was no examination for admission as an undergraduate to Oxford, but a knowledge of Latin with some skill in speaking Latin was a necessary background. The students came from all backgrounds. Some had their expenses paid by their parents, while
- 85. others had the patronage of a churchman, a religious house, or a wealthy layman. They studied the "liberal arts", which derived its name from "liber" or free, because they were for the free men of Rome rather than for the economic purposes of those who had to work. The works of Greek authors such as Aristotle were now available; the European monk Thomas Aquinas had edited Aristotle's works to reconcile them to church doctrine. He opined that man's intellectual use of reason did not conflict with the religious belief that revelation came only from God, because reason was given to man by God. He shared Aristotle's belief that the earth was a sphere, and that the celestial bodies moved around it in perfect circles. Latin learning had already been absorbed without detriment to the church. A student at Oxford would become a master after graduating from a seven year course of study of the seven liberal arts: [grammar, rhetoric (the source of law), Aristotelian logic (which differentiates the true from the false), arithmetic, including fractions and ratios, (the foundation of order), geometry, including methods of finding the length of lines, the area of surfaces, and the volume of solids, (the science of measurement), astronomy (the most noble of the sciences because it is connected with divinity and theology), music and also Aristotle's philosophy of physics, metaphysics, and ethics; and then lecturing and leading disputations for two years. He also had to write a thesis on some chosen subject and defend it against the faculty. A Master's degree gave one the right to teach. Further study for four years led to a doctorate in one of the professions: theology and canon or civil law. There were about 1,500 students in Oxford. They drank, played dice, quarreled a lot and begged at street corners. There were mob fights between students from the north and students from the south
- 86. and between students and townsmen. But when the mayor of Oxford hanged two students accused of being involved in the killing of a townswoman, many masters and students left for Cambridge. In 1214, a charter created the office of Chancellor of the university at Oxford. He was responsible for law and order and, through his court, could fine, imprison, and excommunicate offenders and expel undesirables such as prostitutes from the town. He had authority over all crimes involving scholars, except murder and mayhem. The Chancellor summoned and presided over meetings of the masters and came to be elected by indirect vote by the masters who had schools, usually no more than a room or hall with a central hearth which was hired for lectures. Students paid for meals there. Corners of the room were often partitioned off for private study. At night, some students slept on the straw on the floor. Six hours of sleep were considered sufficient. In 1231, the king ordered that every student must have his name on the roll of a master and the masters had to keep a list of those attending his lectures. In 1221 the friars established their chief school at Oxford. They were bound by oaths of poverty, obedience, and chastity, but were not confined within the walls of a monastery. They walked barefoot from place to lace preaching. They begged for their food and lodgings. They replaced monks, who had become self-indulgent, as the most vital spiritual force among the people. The first college was founded in 1264 by Walter de Merton, former Chancellor to the King, at Oxford. A college had the living arrangements of a Hall, with the addition of monastic-type rules. A warden and about 30 scholars lived and ate meals together in the college buildings. Merton College's founding documents provided that: [1] "The house shall be called the House of the Scholars of
- 87. Merton, and it shall be the residence of the Scholars forever. [2] There shall be a constant succession of scholars devoted to the study of letters, who shall be bound to employ themselves in the study of Arts or Philosophy, the Canons or Theology. Let there also be one member of the collegiate body, who shall be a grammarian, and must entirely devote himself to the study of grammar; let him have the care of the students in grammar, and to him also let the more advanced have recourse without a blush, when doubts arise in their faculty. [3] There is to be one person in every chamber, where Scholars are resident, of more mature age than the others, who is to make his report of their morals and advancement in learning to the Warden [4] The Scholars who are appointed to the duty of studying in the House are to have a common table, and a dress as nearly alike as possible. [5] The members of the College must all be present together, as far as their leisure serves, at the canonical hours and celebration of masses on holy and other days. [6] The Scholars are to have a reader at meals, and in eating together they are to observe silence, and to listen to what is read. In their chambers, they must abstain from noise and interruption of their fellows; and when they speak they must use the Latin language. [7] A Scrutiny shall be held in the House by the Warden and the Seniors, and all the Scholars there present, three times a year; a diligent inquiry is to be instituted into the life, conduct, morals, and progress in learning, of each and all; and what requires correction then is to be corrected, and excesses are to be visited with condign punishment. . ." Educated men (and those of the 1200s through the 1500s), believed that the earth was the center of the universe and that it was surrounded by a giant spherical dome on which the stars were placed. The sun and moon and planets were each on a sphere
- 88. around the earth that was responsible for their movements. The origin of the word "planet" meant "wanderer" because the motion of the planets changed in direction and speed. Astrology explained how the position of the stars and planets influenced man and other earthly things. For instance, the position of the stars at a person's birth determined his character. The angle and therefore potency of the sun's rays influenced climate, temperament, and changes of mortal life such as disease and revolutions. Unusual events such as the proximity of two planets, a comet, an eclipse, a meteor, or a nova were of great significance. A star often was thought to presage the birth of a great man or a hero. There was a propitious time to have a marriage, go on a journey, make war, and take herbal medicine or be bled by leeches, the latter of which was accompanied by religious ceremony. Cure was by God, with medical practitioners only relieving suffering. But there were medical interventions such as pressure and binding were applied to bleeding. Arrow and sword wounds to the skin or to any protruding intestine were washed with warm water and sewn up with needle and silk thread. Ribs were spread apart by a wedge to remove arrow heads. Fractured bones were splinted or encased in plaster. Dislocations were remedied. Hernias were trussed. Bladder stones blocking urination were pushed back into the bladder or removed through an artificial opening in the bladder. Surgery was performed by butchers, blacksmiths, and barbers. Roger Bacon, an Oxford master, began the science of physics. He read Arab writers on the source of light rays being from the object seen, the nature of refraction and reflection of light, and the properties of lenses. He studied the radiation of light and heat. He studied angles of reflection in plane, spherical, cylindrical, and conical mirrors, in both their concave and convex aspects. He did
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