Cognition and Mental Abilities7Enduring Issues in Cognit.docx

Cognition and
Mental Abilities7
Enduring Issues in Cognition
and Mental Abilities
Building Blocks of Thought
• Language
• Images
• Concepts
Language, Thought, and
Culture
• Is Language Male Dominated?
Nonhuman Language and
Thought
• The Question of Language
• Animal Cognition
Problem Solving
• Interpreting Problems
• Implementing Strategies and
Evaluating Progress
• Obstacles to Solving
Problems
Decision Making
• Compensatory Decision
Making
• Decision-Making

Heuristics
• Framing
• Explaining Our Decisions
Multitasking
Intelligence and Mental
Abilities
• Theories of Intelligence
• Intelligence Tests
• What Makes a Good
Test?
Heredity, Environment, and
Intelligence
• Heredity
• Environment
• The IQ Debate: A Useful
Model
• Mental Abilities and
Human Diversity: Gender
and Culture
• Extremes of
Intelligence
Creativity
• Intelligence and
Creativity
• Creativity Tests
Answers to Problems in the

Chapter
Answers to Intelligence Test
Questions
O V E R V I E W
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Understanding Psychology, Ninth Edition, by Charles G. Morris
and Albert A. Maisto. Published by Prentice Hall. Copyright ©
2010 by Pearson Education, Inc.
“At the Braefield School for the Deaf, I met Joseph, a boyof 11
who had just entered school for the first time—an11-year-old
with no language whatever. He had been
born deaf, but this had not been realized until he was in his
fourth year. His failure to talk, or understand speech, at the
normal age was put down to ‘retardation,’ then to ‘autism,’ and
these diagnoses had clung to him. When his deafness finally
became apparent he was seen as ‘deaf and dumb,’ dumb not
only literally, but metaphorically, and there was never any
attempt to teach him language.
Joseph longed to communicate, but could not. Neither
speaking nor writing nor signing was available to him, only ges-
tures and pantomimes, and a marked ability to draw. What has
happened to him? I kept asking myself. What is going on inside,
how has he come to such a pass? He looked alive and ani-
mated, but profoundly baffled: His eyes were attracted to
speaking mouths and signing hands—they darted to our

mouths and hands, inquisitively, uncomprehendingly, and, it
seemed to me, yearningly. He perceived that something was
‘going on’ between us, but he could not comprehend what it
was—he had, as yet, almost no idea of symbolic communica-
tion, of what it was to have a symbolic currency, to exchange
meaning. . . .
Joseph was unable, for example, to communicate how he
had spent the weekend. . . . It was not only language that was
217
missing: there was not, it was evident, a clear sense of the past,
of ‘a day ago’ as distinct from ‘a year ago.’ There was a strange
lack of historical sense, the feeling of a life that lacked autobio-
graphical and historical dimension . . .a life that only existed in
the moment, in the present. . . .
Joseph saw, distinguished, categorized, used; he had no
problems with perceptual categorization or generalization, but
he could not, it seemed, go much beyond this, hold abstract
ideas in mind, reflect, play, plan. He seemed completely
literal—unable to juggle images or hypotheses or possibilities,
unable to enter an imaginative or figurative realm. And yet, one
still felt, he was of normal intelligence, despite the manifest
lim-
itations of intellectual functioning. It was not that he lacked a
mind, but that he was not using his mind fully. . . .” (Sacks,
2000,
pp. 32–34)
As Sacks suggests, language and thought are intertwined.
We find it difficult to imagine one without the other, and we
con-
sider both part of what it means to be human. Psychologists use
the term cognition to refer to all the processes that we use to

acquire and apply information. We have already considered the
cognitive processes of perception, learning, and memory. In this
chapter, we focus on three cognitive processes that we think of
as characteristically human: thinking, problem solving, and
decision making. We also discuss two mental abilities that psy-
chologists have tried to measure: intelligence and creativity.
ENDURING ISSUES IN COGNITION
AND MENTAL ABILITIES
The “Enduring Issues” in this chapter are highlighted in four
prominent places. We will
encounter the diversity–universality theme when we explore the
differences and similari-
ties in the way people process information and again when we
discuss exceptional abilities.
We make two additional references to the enduring issues as we
discuss the
stability–change of intelligence test scores over time and again
when we explore how mea-
sures of intelligence and performance sometimes vary as a
function of expectations and
situations (person–situation).
BUILDING BLOCKS OF THOUGHT
What are the three most important building blocks of thought?
When you think about a close friend, you may have in mind
complex statements about her,
such as “I’d like to talk to her soon” or “I wish I could be more
like her.” You may also have
an image of her—probably her face, but perhaps the sound of
her voice as well. Or you may
think of your friend by using various concepts or categories
such as woman, kind, strong,
dynamic, and gentle. When we think, we make use of all these
things—language, images,

and concepts—often simultaneously. These are the three most
important building blocks
of thought.
L E A R N I N G O B J E C T I V E
• Describe the three basic building
blocks of thought and give an example
of each. Explain how phonemes,
morphemes, and grammar (syntax and
semantics) work together to form a
language.
cognition The processes whereby we acquire
and use knowledge.
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218 Chapter 7
Language
What steps do we go through to turn a thought into a statement?
Human language is a flexible system of symbols that enables us
to communicate our ideas,
thoughts, and feelings. Joseph, the deaf boy described at the
beginning of this chapter, had
great difficulty communicating because he knew no languages.
Although all animals com-
municate with each other, language is unique to humans
(MacWhinney, 2005).
One way to understand language is to consider its basic
structure. Spoken language is based
on units of sound called phonemes. The sounds of t, th, and k,
for instance, are all phonemes in
English. By themselves, phonemes are meaningless and seldom
play an important role in help-
ing us to think. But phonemes can be grouped together to form
words, prefixes (such as un- and
pre-), and suffixes (such as -ed and -ing). These meaningful
combinations of phonemes are
known as morphemes—the smallest meaningful units in a
language. Unlike phonemes, mor-
phemes play a key role in human thought. They can represent
important ideas such as “red” or
“calm” or “hot.” The suffix -ed captures the idea of “in the
past” (as in visited or liked). The pre-
fix pre- conveys the idea of “before” or “prior to” (as in
preview or predetermined).
We can combine morphemes to create words that represent quite
complex ideas, such

as pre-exist-ing, un-excell-ed, psycho-logy. In turn, words can
be arranged to form sentences
according to the rules of grammar. The two major components
of grammar are syntax and
semantics. Syntax is the system of rules that governs how we
combine words to form mean-
ingful phrases and sentences. For example, in English and many
other languages, the mean-
ing of a sentence is often determined by word order. “Sally hit
the car” means one thing;
“The car hit Sally” means something quite different; and “Hit
Sally car the” is meaningless.
Semantics describes how we assign meaning to morphemes,
words, phrases, and
sentences—in other words, the content of language. When we
are thinking about
something—say, the ocean—our ideas often consist of phrases
and sentences, such as
“The ocean is unusually calm tonight.” Sentences have both a
surface structure—the partic-
ular words and phrases—and a deep structure—the underlying
meaning. The same deep
structure can be conveyed by different surface structures:
The ocean is unusually calm tonight.
Tonight the ocean is particularly calm.
Compared with most other nights, tonight the ocean is calm.
Alternatively, the same surface structure can convey different
meanings or deep
structures, but a knowledge of language permits one to know
what is meant within a
given context:
Surface Structure Might mean. . .

Or. . .
Flying planes can be dangerous. An airborne plane. . .
The profession of pilot. . .
Visiting relatives can be a nuisance. Relatives who are visiting.
. .
The obligation to visit relatives. . .
The chicken is ready to eat. Food has been cooked sufficiently. .
.
The bird is hungry. . .
Syntax and semantics enable speakers and listeners to perform
what linguist Noam
Chomsky calls transformations between surface structure and
deep structure. According to
Chomsky (1957; Chomsky, Place, & Schoneberger, 2000), when
you want to communicate
an idea, you start with a thought, then choose words and phrases
that will express the idea,
and finally, produce the speech sounds that make up those
words and phrases, as shown by
the left arrow in Figure 7–1. When you want to understand a
sentence, your task is
reversed. You must start with speech sounds and work your way
up to the meaning of those
sounds, as represented by the right arrow in Figure 7–1.
Our remarkable ability to perform these transformations
becomes clear when you attempt
to comprehend the following sentence: when lettres wihtin
wrods are jubmled or trnasposed (as

language A flexible system of communication
that uses sounds, rules, gestures, or symbols to
convey information.
phonemes The basic sounds that make up any
language.
morphemes The smallest meaningful units of
speech, such as simple words, prefixes, and
suffixes.
grammar The language rules that determine
how sounds and words can be combined and
used to communicate meaning within a
language.
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Cognition and Mental Abilities 219
they are in this sentence), raeding speed is redcued,
though not as much as you might expect (approx-
imately 11%–26%). However, it is much more dif-
ficult to extract the meaning of a sentence when
letter substitutions are made (such as “qroblem” or

“problnc”for “problem”) (Rayner,White, Johnson,
& Liversedge, 2006).
Images
What role do images play in thinking?
Using language is not the only way to think about
things. Think for a moment about Abraham
Lincoln. Your thoughts of Lincoln may have
included such phrases as “wrote the Gettysburg
Address” and “president during the Civil War.” But
you probably also had some mental images about
him: bearded face, lanky body, or log cabin. An
image is a mental representation of some sensory
experience, and it can be used to think about
things. We can visualize the Statue of Liberty; we can smell
Thanksgiving dinner; we can hear
Martin Luther King, Jr., saying, “I have a dream!” Images also
allow us to use concrete forms
to represent complex and abstract ideas, as when newspapers
use pie charts and graphs to illus-
trate how people voted in an election (Stylianou, 2002; C. C.
Yang, Chen, & Hong, 2003).
Concepts
How do concepts help us to think more efficiently?
Concepts are mental categories for classifying specific people,
things, or events. Dogs, books,
fast, beautiful, and interesting are all concepts. When you think
about a specific thing—say, Mt.
Everest—you may think of facts, such as that it is 29,029 feet
high or that it is on the border
between Nepal, Tibet, and China. You may also have an image
of it. But you are also likely to
think of the concepts that apply to it, such as mountain, highest,

dangerous, and snow-covered.
Concepts help us to think efficiently about things and how they
relate to one another. They
also give meaning to new experiences and allow us to organize
our experiences. For example,
most children soon develop a concept of fish that allows them to
recognize, think about and
understand new kinds of fish when they see them for the first
time. And over time, we often
find it necessary to modify some of our concepts to better match
our experiences. Thus, as they
grow older, children come to understand that whales and
dolphins are not fish (though, like
fish, they swim in water) and they modify their concepts of fish
and mammals accordingly.
Conversely, for most of us there is no need to understand that
killer whales and pilot whales are
actually dolphins and thus no need to modify our concepts of
dolphins and whales accordingly.
Although it is tempting to think of concepts as simple and clear-
cut, most of the concepts
that we use are rather “fuzzy”: They overlap one another and
are often poorly defined. For
example, most people can tell a mouse from a rat, but listing the
critical differences between
the two would be difficult (Rosch, 1973, 2002). If we cannot
explain the difference between
mouse and rat, how can we use these fuzzy concepts in our
thinking? It turns out that we often
construct a prototype (or model) of a representative mouse and
one of a representative rat,
and then use those prototypes in our thinking (Rosch, 1978,
2002; Voorspoels, Vanpaemel, &
Storms, 2008). For example, when thinking about birds, most of
us have a prototype, in

mind—such as a robin or a sparrow—that captures for us the
essence of bird. When we
encounter new objects, we compare them with this prototype to
determine whether they are,
in fact, birds. And when we think about birds, we usually think
about our prototypical bird.
Concepts, then, like words and images, help us to formulate
thoughts. But human cog-
nition involves more than just passively thinking about things.
It also involves actively
Figure 7–1
The direction of movement in speech
production and comprehension.
Producing a sentence involves movement from
thoughts and ideas to basic sounds; compre-
hending a sentence requires movement from
basic sounds back to the underlying thoughts
and ideas.
Meaning
(thought, idea)
Sentences
(phrases)
Morphemes
(words, prefixes, suffixes)
Phonemes
(basic sounds)
Producing speech
Co

m
pr
eh
en
di
ng
s
pe
ec
h
“Well, you don’t look like an experimental
psychologist to me.”
Source: © The New Yorker Collection, 1994, Sam
Gross from cartoonbank.com. All Rights Reserved.
image A mental representation of a sensory
experience.
concepts Mental categories for classifying
objects, people, or experiences.
prototype (or model) According to Rosch, a
mental model containing the most typical
features of a concept.
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220 Chapter 7
CHECK YOUR UNDERSTANDING
1. ____________, ____________, and ____________ are the
three most important building
blocks of thought.
2. In language, units of sound, called ____________, are
combined to form the smallest units
of meaning, called ____________. These smallest meaningful
units can then be combined
to create words, which in turn can be used to build phrases and
whole ____________.
3. Language rules that specify how sounds and words can be
combined into meaningful
sentences are called rules of ____________.
4. Indicate whether the following statements are true (T) or

false (F).
a. _____ Images help us to think about things because images
use concrete forms to
represent complex ideas.
b. _____ People decide which objects belong to a concept by
comparing the object’s
features to a model or prototype of the concept.
c. _____ Concepts help us give meaning to new experiences.
Pablo Picasso, the great 20th-century artist,
developed a style of painting known as
Cubism. In paintings such as Nude with
Bunch of Irises and Mirror, 1934, shown here,
he re-formed objects into basic geometric
shapes. We recognize the figure in this paint-
ing as a woman because its shapes repre-
sent the “concept” of a female.
Answers:1. language, images, concepts.2. phonemes,
morphemes, sentences.
3. grammar.4. a. (T);b. (T);c. (T).
Answers:1. d.2. a.
APPLY YOUR UNDERSTANDING
1. “I will spend tonight studying.” “Tonight I will be studying.”
These two sentences exhibit
the same
a. surface structure.
b. syntax.
c. phonology.
d. deep structure.

2. Harry cannot list the essential differences between dogs and
cats, but he has no trouble
thinking about dogs and cats. This is most likely due to the fact
that he
a. has a prototype of a representative dog and another of a
representative cat.
b. has developed a morpheme for a dog and another morpheme
for a cat.
c. is exhibiting functional fixedness.
d. is using heuristics.
using words, images, and concepts to fashion an understanding
of the world, to solve prob-
lems, and to make decisions. In the next three sections, we see
how this is done.
LANGUAGE, THOUGHT, AND CULTURE
How do language, thought, and culture influence each other?
Diversity–Universality Do We All Think Alike?
For at least 100 years, psychologists and philosophers assumed
the basic processes of
human cognition are universal. They accepted that cultural
differences affect thought—
thus, Masai elders in the Serengeti count their wealth in heads
of cattle, whereas Wall
Street bankers measure theirs in stocks and bonds. But habits of
thought—the ways peo-
ple process information—were assumed to be the same
everywhere. The tendency to cat-
egorize objects and experiences, the ability to reason logically,
and the desire to
understand situations in terms of cause and effect were thought
to be part of human

nature, regardless of cultural setting (Goode, 2000a). In this
section, we will examine the
validity of these viewpoints. ■
• Summarize the evidence for the idea that
people in different cultures perceive and
think about the world in different ways.
Explain what is meant by “linguistic
determinism” and summarize the
evidence for and against it.
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Do people from different cultures perceive and think about
the world in different ways? A series of controlled experi-
ments suggests they do. In one experiment (Nisbett, Peng,
Choi, & Norenzayan, 2001), American and Japanese students
were shown an underwater scene and asked to describe what
they saw. Most Japanese participants described the scene as a
whole, beginning with the background; by contrast, most
American participants described the biggest, brightest,
fastest fish. Nisbett and his colleagues concluded these stud-

ies reflect fundamental, qualitative differences in how East-
erners and Westerners perceive and think about the world.
They also emphasized that the origin of these differences is
cultural rather than genetic, because the cognitive approach
of U.S.-born Asian Americans is indistinguishable from that
of European Americans (Peng & Nisbett, 1999; Nisbett et al.,
2001; Nisbett & Norenzayan, 2002).
As we have seen, language is one of the building blocks
of thought. Can language influence how we think and what
we can think about? Benjamin Whorf (1956) strongly believed
that it does. According to
Whorf ’s linguistic relativity hypothesis, the language we speak
determines the pattern
of our thinking and our view of the world—a position known
more generally as
linguistic determinism. For Whorf, if a language lacks a
particular expression, the corre-
sponding thought will probably not occur to speakers of that
language. For example, the
Hopi of the southwestern United States have only two nouns for
things that fly. One
noun refers to birds; the other is used for everything else. A
plane and a dragonfly, for
instance, are both referred to with the same noun. According to
Whorf, Hopi speakers
would not see as great a difference between planes and
dragonflies as we do, because their
language labels the two similarly.
The linguistic relativity hypothesis has intuitive appeal—it
makes sense to think that
limits of language will produce limits in thinking. However,
research indicates that lan-
guage doesn’t seem to restrict thinking to the extent that some
linguistic determinists

believed. For example, the Dani of New Guinea have only two
words for colors—dark and
light—yet they see and can easily learn to label other basic
colors like red, yellow, and green.
They also judge the similarity of colors much as English-
speaking people do (E. R. Heider
& Oliver, 1972). Thus, the ability to think about colors is quite
similar across cultures, even
when these cultures have quite different color terms in their
languages (Roberson, Davies,
& Davidoff, 2000; P. E. Ross, 2004). Moreover, experience and
thought actually influence
language. For example, the growth of personal computers and
the Internet has inspired a
vocabulary of its own, such as RAM, gigabyte, online, CPU,
and blogs. In short, people cre-
ate new words when they need them.
Psychologists have not dismissed the Whorf hypothesis
altogether, but rather have
softened it, recognizing that language, thought, and culture are
intertwined (Chiu, Leung, &
Kwan, 2007; Bennardo, 2003). Experience shapes language; and
language, in turn, affects sub-
sequent experience (K. Fiedler, 2008). This realization has
caused us to examine our use of
language more carefully, as we will see in the next section.
Is Language Male Dominated?
Does language contribute to gender stereotyping?
The English language has traditionally used masculine terms
such as man and he to refer to
all people—female as well as male. Several studies suggest that
this affects the way English
speakers think. Hyde (1984) discovered that the use of “he” or

“she” to describe a factory
worker affected how children assessed the performance of male
and female workers. Chil-
dren who heard workers described by the masculine pronoun
“he” rated female workers
poorly; those who heard workers identified by the pronoun
“she” judged female workers
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linguistic relativity hypothesis Whorf ’s idea
that patterns of thinking are determined by the
specific language one speaks.
linguistic determinism The belief that
thought and experience are determined by
language.
The Dani of New Guinea can perceive and
remember the many colors of their world just
as readily as you can, even though their lan-
guage has only two color terms—light and
dark. Human thought is not limited to the
words in a person’s language. Language may
indeed influence thought, but it doesn’t seem
to restrict thought to the extent that Whorf
believed.
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222 Chapter 7
most positively; and the ratings of children who heard gender-
neutral descriptions of
workers fell in between those of the two other groups.
More recent research has focused on the unconscious, automatic
nature of gender
stereotyping and language (Palomares, 2004; Parks & Roberton,
2004). In an experiment
requiring men and women to respond rapidly to gender-neutral
and gender-specific pro-
nouns, both sexes responded more quickly to stimuli containing
traditional gender stereo-
types (e.g., nurse/she) than to stimuli containing nontraditional
ones (e.g., nurse/he). This
occurred even among participants who were explicitly opposed
to gender stereotyping
(Banaji & Hardin, 1996).

As we have seen, language, cognition, and culture are
interrelated in a complex fashion,
each contributing to how people communicate, think, and
behave. However, as we noted at
the beginning of this chapter, nonhumans do communicate with
one another. The nature of
communication and cognition in nonhuman animals is a topic to
which we will now turn.
1. According to Whorf’s ____________ ____________
hypothesis, the language we speak
shapes our thinking.
false (F).
a. _____ Many words in our language correspond to concepts.
b. _____ Experience shapes language.
c. _____ Thoughts are limited to the words in the language that
a person speaks.
Answer:1. b.
1. Cross-cultural studies indicate that people from different
cultures with very different
languages nonetheless perceive and are able to think about such
things as colors in very
similar ways even if their language contains no words for these
things. These data
________ Whorf’s theory.
a. support

b. contradict
c. neither support nor contradict
Answers:1. linguistic relativity.2. a. (T);b. (T);c.(F).
NONHUMAN LANGUAGE AND THOUGHT
Can scientists learn what is on an animal’s mind?
The Question of Language
What kind of communication and language do other animals
use?
The forms of animal communication vary widely. Honeybees
enact an intricate waggle dance
that tells their hive mates not only exactly where to find pollen,
but also the quality of that
pollen (Biesmeijer & Seeley, 2005). Humpback whales perform
long, haunting solos ranging
from deep bass rumblings to high soprano squeaks. The
technical term for such messages is
signs, general or global statements about the animal’s current
state. But fixed, stereotyped signs
don’t constitute a language. The distinguishing features of
language are meaningfulness (or
semantics), displacement (talking or thinking about the past or
the future), and productivity
(the ability to produce and understand new and unique words
and expressions such as slang
terms). Using these criteria, as far as we know, no other species
has its own language.
For more than two decades, however, Francine Patterson
(Bonvillian & Patterson,
1997; F. G. Patterson, 1981) used American Sign Language with
a lowland gorilla named
Koko. By age 5, Koko had a working vocabulary of 500 signs—

similar to a 5-year-old deaf
• Summarize research evidence that
supports the statement that “nonhuman
animals have some humanlike
cognitive capacities.” Explain the
following statement: “All animals
communicate, but only humans use
language to communicate.”
signs Stereotyped communications about an
animal’s current state.
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child using sign language, though far lower than a
hearing, speaking child’s vocabulary of 1,000–5,000

words (F. G. Patterson & Cohn, 1990). In her mid-20s,
Koko signed about her own and her companions’
happy, sad, or angry emotions. Most interesting, Koko
referred to the past and the future (displacement).
Using signs before and later, yesterday and tomorrow
appropriately, she mourned the death of her pet kitten
and expressed a desire to become a mother.
Critics suggest that researchers such as Patterson may
be reading meaning and intentions into simple gestures.
To reduce the ambiguity of hand signs, other researchers
have used computer keyboards to teach and record com-
munications with apes (Rumbaugh, 1977; Rumbaugh &
Savage-Rumbaugh, 1978); to document behavior with
and without humans on camera; to use double-blind pro-
cedures; and also to study another ape species, bonobos.
Most impressive—and surprising—was a bonobo named
Kanzi (Savage-Rumbaugh & Lewin, 1994). Initially in the
lab, Kanzi was adopted by an older female who lacked keyboard
skills. Some months later, Kanzi,
who had been accompanying his “mother” to lessons but who
was not receiving formal training,
was learning keyboard symbols and spoken English on his
own—much as children do.
That apes can learn signs without intensive training or rewards
from human trainers is
clear. Whether they can grasp the deep structure of language is
less clear (Blumberg &
Wasserman, 1995). Moreover, at best, apes have reached the
linguistic level of a 2- to 2-1/2-
year-old child. Critics see this as evidence of severe limitations,
whereas others view it as an
extraordinary accomplishment.
Animal Cognition

Do some animals think like humans?
As we have seen, language is only one of the building blocks of
thought. Without language,
can nonhumans nonetheless think? The question is particularly
difficult to answer because
psychologists have only recently developed techniques for
learning how other animals use
their brains and for identifying the similarities and differences
between human and non-
human thought (Bolhuis & Giraldeau, 2005).
Numerous studies indicate that other animals have some
humanlike cognitive capaci-
ties. Parrots, for example, are exceptionally good vocal mimics.
But do parrots know what
they are saying? According to Irene Pepperberg (2000, 2006,
2007), Alex, an African gray
parrot, did. Alex could count to 6; identify more than 50
different objects; and classify
objects according to color, shape, material, and relative size.
Pepperberg contends that
rather than demonstrating simple mimicry, the parrot’s actions
reflected reasoning, choice,
and, to some extent, thinking.
Other researchers have taught dolphins to select which of two
objects is identical to a
sample object—the basis of the concepts same and different
(Harley, Roitblat, & Nachtigall,
1996; Herman, Uyeyama, & Pack, 2008)—and to respond
accurately to numerical concepts
such as more and less (Jaakkola, Fellner, Erb, Rodriguez, &
Guarino, 2005). What’s more,
rhesus and capuchin monkeys can learn the concept of
numeration, or the capacity to use

numbers, and serialization, or the ability to place objects in a
specific order based on a con-
cept (Terrace, Son, & Brannon, 2003; A. A. Wright & Katz,
2007). In short, humans are not
unique in their ability to form concepts.
But do chimps, dolphins, and parrots know what they know? Do
nonhuman animals
have a sense of self (Bard, Todd, Bernier, Love, & Leavens,
2006; Herman, 2002)? George
Gallup (1985, 1998) noticed that after a few days’ exposure,
captive chimpanzees began
making faces in front of a mirror and used it to examine and
groom parts of their bodies
they had never seen before. To test whether the animals
understood that they were seeing
Watch on MyPsychLab
Professor Sue Savage-Rumbaugh and Kanzi.
Savage-Rumbaugh continued Kanzi’s natural-
istic education through social interaction
during walks outside. Kanzi now understands
spoken English and more than 200 keyboard
symbols. He responds to completely new
vocal and keyboard requests and uses the
keyboard to make requests, comment on his
surroundings, state his intentions, and—
sometimes—indicate what he is thinking
about.
Watch Birds and Language at
www.mypsychlab.com
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themselves, Gallup anesthetized them and painted a bright red
mark above the eyebrow
ridge and on the top of one ear. The first time the chimps
looked at the mirror after awaken-
ing, they reached up and touched the red marks, presumably
recognizing themselves.
Since Gallup’s initial study, hundreds of researchers have used
the mirror test and more
recently live video displays with many other animals (Hirata,
2007). Only four nonhuman
species—chimpanzees, bonobos (formerly called “pygmy
chimpanzees”), orangutans, and less
frequently gorillas—show signs of self-awareness (Bard et. al.,
2006; Boysen & Himes, 1999;
Gallup, 1985; Heschl & Burkart, 2006; Vauclair, 1996). For that
matter, even human infants do

not demonstrate mirror-recognition until 18 to 24 months of
age.
If chimpanzees possess self-awareness, do they understand that
others have information,
thoughts, and emotions that may differ from their own?
Observational studies suggest they do
have at least a limited sense of other-awareness (Goodall, 1971;
Parr, 2003; Savage-Rumbaugh
& Fields, 2000). One measure of other-awareness is deception.
For example, if a chimpanzee
discovers a hidden store of food and another chimpanzee
happens along, the first may begin
idly grooming himself. Presumably, the first chimpanzee
recognizes that the second (a) is
equally interested in food, and (b) will interpret the grooming
behavior as meaning there is
nothing interesting nearby. Both in the wild and in captive
colonies, chimpanzees frequently
practice deception in matters of food, receptive females, and
power or dominance.
So far, we have been talking about what humans and nonhumans
think about. As we
will see in the next section, cognitive psychologists are equally
interested in how people use
thinking to solve problems and make decisions.
224 Chapter 7
1. Chimpanzees, orangutans, and bonobos are the only two
nonhuman species to consistently
show

a. self-awareness.
b. problem-solving ability.
c. numeration comprehension.
2. Humans use language to communicate. What is the nonhuman
animal equivalent of
language?
a. grunts
b. squeaks
c. signs
Answer:1. a.
1. When you visit the zoo, you notice a chimpanzee using a
mirror to groom itself. This is a
sign of:
a. self-awareness
b. numeration
c. displacement
Answers:1. a.2. c.
PROBLEM SOLVING
What are three general aspects of the problem-solving process?
Solve the following problems:
PROBLEM 1 You have three measuring spoons. (See Figure 7–
2.) One is filled with 8
teaspoons of salt; the other two are empty, but have a capacity
of 2 teaspoons each. Divide
the salt among the spoons so that only 4 teaspoons of salt

remain in the largest spoon.
Most people find this problem easy. Now try solving a more
complex problem (the
answers to all of the problems are at the end of this chapter).
L E A R N I N G O B J E C T I V E S
• Explain why problem representation is
an important first step in solving
problems. In your explanation include
divergent and convergent thinking,
verbal, mathematical and visual
representation, and problem
categorization.
• Distinguish between trial and error,
information retrieval, algorithms, and
heuristics as ways of solving problems.
Give an example of hill-climbing,
subgoals, means-end analysis, and
working backward. Explain how
“mental sets” can help or hinder
problem solving.
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PROBLEM 2 You have three measuring spoons. (See Figure 7–
3.) One (spoon A) is
filled with 8 teaspoons of salt. The second and third spoons are
both empty. The second
spoon (spoon B) can hold 5 teaspoons, and the third (spoon C)
can hold 3 teaspoons.
Divide the salt among the spoons so that spoon A and spoon B
each have exactly 4 tea-
spoons of salt and spoon C is empty.
Most people find this problem much more difficult than the first
one. Why? The
answer lies in interpretation, strategy, and evaluation. Problem
1 is considered trivial
because interpreting what is needed is easy, the strategies for
solving it are simple, and the
steps required to move closer to a solution can be verified
effortlessly. Problem 2, by con-
trast, requires some thought to interpret what is needed; the
strategies for solving it are not
immediately apparent; and the steps required to see actual
progress toward the goal are
harder to evaluate. These three aspects of problem solving—
interpretation, strategy, and
evaluation—provide a useful framework for investigating this
topic.
Interpreting Problems
Why is representing the problem so important to finding
an effective solution?

The first step in solving a problem is called problem
representation, which means inter-
preting or defining the problem. It is tempting to leap ahead and
try to solve a problem just
as it is presented, but this impulse often leads to poor solutions.
For example, if your busi-
ness is losing money, you might define the problem as
deciphering how to cut costs. But by
defining the problem so narrowly, you have ruled out other
options. A better representa-
tion of this problem would be to figure out ways to boost
profits—by cutting costs, by
increasing income, or both. Problems that have no single correct
solution and that require
a flexible, inventive approach call for divergent thinking—or
thinking that involves gener-
ating many different possible answers. In contrast, convergent
thinking is thinking that
narrows its focus in a particular direction, assuming that there
is only one solution (or at
most a limited number of right solutions).
To see the importance of problem representation, consider the
next two problems.
PROBLEM 3 You have four pieces of chain, each of which is
made up of three links. (See
Figure 7–4.) All links are closed at the beginning of the
problem. It costs 2 cents to open a
link and 3 cents to close a link. How can you join all 12 links
together into a single, contin-
uous circle without paying more than 15 cents?
Problem 3 is difficult because people assume that the best way
to proceed is to open and

close the end links on the pieces of chain. As long as they
persist with this “conceptual block,”
they will be unable to solve the problem. If the problem is
represented differently, the solu-
tion is obvious almost immediately (see Answer Key at the end
of this chapter for solutions).
If you have successfully interpreted Problem 3, give Problem 4
a try.
PROBLEM 4 A monk wishes to get to a retreat at the top of a
mountain. He starts climbing
the mountain at sunrise and arrives at the top at sunset of the
same day. During the course of
his ascent, he travels at various speeds and stops often to rest.
He spends the night engaged in
meditation. The next day, he starts his descent at sunrise,
following the same narrow path that
he used to climb the mountain. As before, he travels at various
speeds and stops often to rest.
Because he takes great care not to trip and fall on the way
down, the descent takes as long as the
ascent, and he does not arrive at the bottom until sunset. Prove
that there is one place on the
path that the monk passes at exactly the same time of day on the
ascent and on the descent.
This problem is extremely difficult to solve if it is represented
verbally or mathemati-
cally. It is considerably easier to solve if it is represented
visually, as you can see from the
explanation that appears at the end of this chapter.
Interestingly, Albert Einstein relied heav-
ily on his powers of visualization to understand phenomena that
he would later describe by
using complex mathematical formulas. This great thinker

believed his extraordinary genius
resulted in part from his skill in representing problems visually
(Kosslyn, 2002).
Figure 7–2
Figure for Problem 1
Figure 7–3
A
B
C
problem representation The first step in
solving a problem; it involves interpreting or
defining the problem.
divergent thinking Thinking that meets the
criteria of originality, inventiveness, and
flexibility.
convergent thinking Thinking that is directed
toward one correct solution to a problem.
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Another aspect of successfully representing a problem is
deciding to which cate-
gory the problem belongs. In fact, gaining expertise in any field
consists primarily of
increasing your ability to represent and categorize problems so
that they can be
solved quickly and effectively (Tanaka, Curran, & Sheinberg,
2005). Star chess play-
ers, for example, can readily categorize a game situation by
comparing it with various
standard situations stored in their long-term memories
(Huffman, Matthews, &
Gagne, 2001; A. J. Waters, Gobet, & Leyden, 2002). This
strategy helps them interpret
the current pattern of chess pieces with greater speed and
precision than a novice
chess player can.
Implementing Strategies and
Evaluating Progress
Why are heuristics usually better for solving problems than is
trial and error?

Once you have properly interpreted a problem, the next steps
are to select a solution strat-
egy and evaluate progress toward your goal. A solution strategy
can be anything from sim-
ple trial and error, to information retrieval based on similar
problems, to a set of
step-by-step procedures guaranteed to work (called an
algorithm), to rule-of-thumb
approaches known as heuristics.
Trial and Error Trial and error is a strategy that works best
when choices are limited.
For example, if you have only three or four keys to choose
from, trial and error is the best
way to find out which one unlocks your friend’s front door. In
most cases, however, trial
and error wastes time because there are many different options
to test.
Information Retrieval One approach is to retrieve information
from long-term
memory about how such a problem was solved in the past.
Information retrieval is an espe-
cially important option when a solution is needed quickly. For
example, pilots simply
memorize the slowest speed at which a particular airplane can
fly before it stalls.
Algorithms Complex problems require complex strategies. An
algorithm is a problem-
solving method that guarantees a solution if it is appropriate for
the problem and is prop-
erly carried out. For example, to calculate the product of 323
and 546, we multiply the

Simulate on MyPsychLab
226 Chapter 7
Figure 7–4
Start Finish
algorithm A step-by-step method of problem
solving that guarantees a correct solution.
Simulation on Intuition
and Discovery in Problem Solving
at www.mypsychlab.com
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numbers according to the rules of multiplication (the
algorithm). If we do it accurately, we
are guaranteed to get the right answer.
Heuristics Because we don’t have algorithms for every kind of
problem, we often turn to
heuristics, or rules of thumb. Heuristics do not guarantee a
solution, but they may bring it

within reach.
A very simple heuristic is hill climbing: We try to move
continually closer to our goal
without going backward. At each step, we evaluate how far “up
the hill” we have come, how
far we still have to go, and precisely what the next step should
be. On a multiple-choice test,
for example, one useful hill-climbing strategy is first to
eliminate the alternatives that are
obviously incorrect.
Another problem-solving heuristic is to create subgoals, which
involves breaking a prob-
lem into smaller, more manageable pieces that are easier to
solve individually than the prob-
lem as a whole (Nunokawa, 2001; S. K. Reed, 2003). Consider
the problem of the Hobbits and
the Orcs.
PROBLEM 5 Three Hobbits and three Orcs are on the bank of a
river. They all want to
get to the other side, but their boat will carry only two creatures
at a time. Moreover, if at
any time the Orcs outnumber the Hobbits, the Orcs will attack
the Hobbits. How can all the
creatures get across the river without danger to the Hobbits?
You can find the solution to this problem by thinking of it in
terms of a series of sub-
goals. What has to be done to get just one or two creatures
across the river safely, temporar-
ily leaving aside the main goal of getting everyone across? We
could first send two of the
Orcs across and have one of them return. That gets one Orc
across the river. Now we can

think about the next trip. It’s clear that we can’t then send a
single Hobbit across with an
Orc, because the Hobbit would be outnumbered as soon as the
boat landed. Therefore, we
have to send either two Hobbits or two Orcs. By working on the
problem in this fashion—
concentrating on subgoals—we can eventually get everyone
across.
Once you have solved Problem 5, try Problem 6, which is
considerably more difficult
(the answers to both problems are at the end of the chapter).
PROBLEM 6 This problem is identical to Problem 5, except that
there are five Hobbits
and five Orcs, and the boat can carry only three creatures at a
time.
Subgoals are often helpful in solving a variety of everyday
problems. For example, a stu-
dent whose goal is to write a term paper might set subgoals by
breaking the project into a
series of separate tasks: choosing a topic, doing research,
writing the first draft, editing, and so
on. Even the subgoals can sometimes be broken down into
separate tasks: Writing the first
draft might break down into the subgoals of writing the
introduction, describing the position
to be taken, supporting the position with evidence, drawing
conclusions, writing a summary,
and writing a bibliography. Subgoals make problem solving
more manageable because they
free us from the burden of having to “get to the other side of the
river” all at once.
One of the most frequently used heuristics, called means-end

analysis, combines hill
climbing and subgoals. Like hill climbing, means-end analysis
involves analyzing the dif-
ference between the current situation and the desired end, and
then doing something to
reduce that difference. But in contrast to hill climbing—which
does not permit detours
away from the final goal in order to solve the problem—means-
end analysis takes into
account the entire problem situation. It formulates subgoals in
such a way as to allow us
temporarily to take a step that appears to be backward in order
to reach our goal in the
end. One example is the pitcher’s strategy in a baseball game
when confronted with the
best batter in the league. The pitcher might opt to walk this
batter intentionally even
though doing so moves away from the major subgoal of keeping
runners off base. Inten-
tional walking might enable the pitcher to keep a run from
scoring and so contribute to
the ultimate goal of winning the game. This flexibility in
thinking is a major benefit of
means-end analysis.
heuristics Rules of thumb that help in
simplifying and solving problems, although they
do not guarantee a correct solution.
hill climbing A heuristic, problem-solving
strategy in which each step moves you
progressively closer to the final goal.
subgoals Intermediate, more manageable goals

used in one heuristic strategy to make it easier
to reach the final goal.
means-end analysis A heuristic strategy that
aims to reduce the discrepancy between the
current situation and the desired goal at a
number of intermediate points.
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But means-end analysis also poses the danger of straying so far
from the end goal that
the goal disappears altogether. One way of avoiding this
situation is to use the heuristic of
working backward. With this strategy, the search for a solution
begins at the goal and works
backward toward the “givens.” Working backward is often used

when the goal has more
information than the givens and when the operations involved
can work in two directions.
For example, if you wanted to spend exactly $100 on clothing,
it would be difficult to reach
that goal simply by buying some items and hoping that they
totaled exactly $100. A better
strategy would be to buy one item, subtract its cost from $100
to determine how much
money you have left, then purchase another item, subtract its
cost, and so on, until you have
spent $100.
Obstacles to Solving Problems
How can a “mental set” both help and hinder problem solving?
Many factors can either help or hinder problem solving. One
factor is a person’s level of
motivation, or emotional arousal. Generally, we must generate a
certain surge of excite-
ment to motivate ourselves to solve a problem, yet too much
arousal can hamper our abil-
ity to find a solution. (See Chapter 8, “Motivation and
Emotion.”)
Another factor that can either help or hinder problem solving is
mental set—our ten-
dency to perceive and to approach problems in certain ways. A
mental set can be helpful if
we have learned operations that can legitimately be applied to
the present situation. In fact,
much of our formal education involves learning useful mental
sets. But sets can also create
obstacles, especially when a novel approach is needed. The
most successful problem solvers
can choose from many different mental sets and can also judge

when to change sets or
when to abandon them entirely.
One type of mental set that can seriously hinder problem
solving is called
functional fixedness. Consider Figure 7–5. Do you see a way to
mount the candle on the
228 Chapter 7
Figure 7–5
To test the effects of functional fixedness, par-
ticipants might be given the items shown on the
table and asked to mount a candle on the wall.
See Figure 7–12 for a solution.
mental set The tendency to perceive and to
approach problems in certain ways.
working backward A heuristic strategy in
which one works backward from the desired
goal to the given conditions.
functional fixedness The tendency to perceive
only a limited number of uses for an object,
thus interfering with the process of problem
solving.
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wall? If not, you are probably stymied by func-
tional fixedness. (The solution to this problem
appears at the end of the chapter.) The more you
use an object in only one way, the harder it is to see
new uses for it and to realize that an object can be
used for an entirely different purpose. See “Applying
Psychology: Becoming a More Skillful Problem
Solver” for techniques that will improve your
problem-solving skills.
Because creative problem solving requires gen-
erating original ideas, deliberate strategies don’t
always help.
Solution
s to many problems rely on
insight, often a seemingly arbitrary flash “out of the
blue.” (See Chapter 5, “Learning.”) Psychologists
have only recently begun to investigate such sponta-
neous problem-solving processes as insight and intu-
ition (Gilhooly & Murphy, 2005; Sinclair & Ashkanasy, 2005),
but research indicates that
such “mental breakthroughs” are likely to occur only when we
widen our scope of atten-
tion from a few obvious but incorrect alternatives to more

diverse possible solutions
(B. Bower, 2008). This conclusion is supported by
neuroimaging, which reveals that
insight is generally preceded by periods of increased electrical
activity in the frontal
regions of the brain involved in suppressing unwanted thoughts
(Kounios et al., 2008;
Qiu, Li, Jou, Wu, & Zhang, 2008).
The value of looking for new ways to represent a difficult
problem cannot be
overstressed. Be open to potential solutions that at first seem
unproductive. The
solution may turn out to be more effective, or it may suggest
related solutions that
will work. This is the rationale behind the technique called
brainstorming: When
solving a problem, generate a lot of ideas before you review and
evaluate them
(Baruah & Paulus, 2008; McGlynn, McGurk, Effland, Johll, &
Harding, 2004; Paulus &
Brown, 2007).

brainstorming A problem-solving strategy in
which an individual or a group produces
numerous ideas and evaluates them only after
all ideas have been collected.
Becoming a More Skillful Problem Solver
Even the best problem solvers occa-sionally get stumped, but
you can dosome things that will help you find a
solution. These tactics encourage you to
discard unproductive approaches and find
strategies that are more effective.
1. Eliminate poor choices. When we are
surer of what won’t work than what
will, the tactic of elimination can be
very helpful. After listing all the pos-
sible solutions you can think of, dis-
card all the solutions that seem to
lead in the wrong direction. Now,
examine the list more closely. Some
solutions that seem to be ineffective
may turn out to be good on closer
examination.

2. Visualize a solution. If you are
stumped by a problem, try using
visual images. For example, in the
Hobbit and Orc problems draw a pic-
ture of the river, and show the Hob-
bits and Orcs at each stage of the
solution as they are ferried across.
Drawing a diagram might help you
grasp what a problem calls for, but
you also can visualize mentally.
3. Develop expertise. We get stumped
on problems because we lack the
knowledge to find a quick solution.
Experts not only know more about a
particular subject but also organize
their information in larger “chunks”
that are extensively interconnected,
much like a cross-referencing system
in a library.
4. Think flexibly. Striving to be more
flexible and creative is an excellent

tactic for becoming a better problem
solver. This will help you avoid
functional fixedness or prevent a
mental set from standing in the way
of solving a problem.
Solving Problems
Think for a moment of the last time you were confronted with a
difficult problem.
1. What types of thinking or reasoning did you use to deal with
that problem?
2. Having read this portion of the chapter, would you respond
differently if you
were faced with a similar problem? If so, what would you do
differently?
3. You are headed for Mount Rushmore, and you can see it from
a distance.
You have no map. What is the best problem-solving strategy
you can use
to get there, and why?
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230 Chapter 7
1. Match each problem-solving strategy with the appropriate

definition.
___ algorithm a. rule-of-thumb approach that helps in
simplifying and
solving problems, although it doesn’t guarantee a
correct solution
___ heuristic b. strategy in which each step moves you closer to
a solution
___ hill climbing c. step-by-step method that guarantees a
solution
___ means-end analysis d. strategy in which one moves from the
goal to the
starting point
___ working backward e. strategy that aims to reduce the
discrepancy between
the current situation and the desired goal at a number
of intermediate points
___ subgoal creation f. breaking down the solution to a larger
problem into a
set of smaller, more manageable steps

2. Match each form of thinking with its definition and the kind
of problems to which it is suited.
___ divergent thinking
___ convergent thinking
a. suited to problems for which there is one correct solution or a
limited number of
solutions
b. thinking that involves generating many different ideas
c. suited to problems that have no one right solution and require
an inventive
approach
d. thinking that limits its focus to a particular direction
Answers:1. Algorithm—c. heuristic—a. hill climbing—b.
means-end analysis—e. working
backward—d. subgoal creation—f.2. divergent thinking—b. and
c. convergent thinking—a. and d.
Answers:1. a.2. d.

1. Your car is not operating correctly. The mechanic opens the
hood and says, “We’ve been
seeing lots of cars recently with fouled plugs or dirty fuel
filters. Let’s start there and see
if that’s your problem, too.” The mechanic is using a(n)
a. heuristic.
b. algorithm.
c. compensatory decision model.
d. noncompensatory decision model.
2. You are at a football game when it begins to rain heavily. As
you get soaked, you see the
people next to you pull folded plastic garbage bags out of their
pockets to use as a
temporary “raincoat.” Your failure to realize that the garbage
bag might also be used as
rain protection is an example of
a. an algorithm.
b. a heuristic.
c. means-end analysis.
d. functional fixedness.

DECISION MAKING
How does decision making differ from problem solving?
Decision making is a special kind of problem solving in which
we already know all the pos-
sible solutions or choices. The task is not to come up with new
solutions, but rather to iden-
tify the best available one. This process might sound fairly
simple, but sometimes we have
to juggle a large and complex set of criteria as well as many
possible options. For example,
• Explain how decision making differs
from problem solving. Describe the
process of compensatory decision
making and the use of decision-making
heuristics. Explain how framing can
affect decisions, and how hindsight
bias and counterfactual thinking affect
the way we view our decisions after
the fact.

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suppose that you are looking for an apartment among hundreds
available. A reasonable
rent is important to you, but so are good neighbors, a good
location, a low noise level, and
cleanliness. If you find an inexpensive, noisy apartment with
undesirable neighbors, should
you take it? Is it a better choice than a more expensive, less
noisy apartment in a better loca-
tion? How can you make the best choice?

Compensatory Decision Making
How would you go about making a truly logical decision?
The logical way to make a decision is to rate each of the
available choices on all the crite-
ria you are using, arriving at some overall measure of the extent
to which each choice
matches your criteria. For each choice, the attractive features
can offset or compensate for
the unattractive features. This approach to decision making is
therefore called a
compensatory model.
Table 7–1 illustrates one of the most useful compensatory
models applied to a car-buying
decision. The buyer’s three criteria are weighted in terms of
importance: price (not weighted
heavily), gas mileage, and service record (both weighted more
heavily). Next, each car is rated
from 1 (poor) to 5 (excellent) on each of the criteria. Car 1 has
an excellent price (5) but rela-
tively poor gas mileage (2) and service record (1); and Car 2
has a less desirable price but fairly
good mileage and service record. Each rating is then multiplied

by the weight for that criterion
(e.g., for Car 1, the price rating of 5 is multiplied by the weight
of 4, and the result is put in
parentheses next to the rating). Finally, ratings are totaled for
each car. Clearly, Car 2 is the bet-
ter choice: It is more expensive, but that disadvantage is offset
by its better mileage and service
record and these two criteria are more important than price to
this particular buyer.
Although most people would agree that using such a table is a
good way to decide
which car to buy, at times people will abandon the
compensatory decision-making process
in the face of more vivid anecdotal information. For example, if
a friend had previously
bought Car 2 and found it to be a lemon, many people will
choose Car 1 despite Car 2’s
well-thought out advantages. Moreover, as we will see in the
next section, it is often not
possible or desirable to rate every choice on all criteria. In such
situations people typically
use heuristics that have worked well in the past to simplify
decision making, even though
they may lead to less-than-optimal decision making (Dhami,

2003).
Decision-Making Heuristics
How can heuristic approaches lead us to make bad decisions?
Research has identified a number of common heuristics that
people use to make decisions.
We use the representativeness heuristic whenever we make a
decision on the basis of cer-
tain information that matches our model of the typical member
of a category. For example,
if every time you went shopping you bought the least expensive
items and if all of these
items turned out to be poorly made, you might eventually decide
not to buy anything that
seems typical of the category “very cheap.”
Another common heuristic is availability (E. Greene & Ellis,
2008; Schwarz &
Vaughn, 2002). In the absence of full and accurate information,
we often base decisions on
Table 7–1 COMPENSATORY DECISION TABLE FOR

PURCHASE OF A NEW CAR
Price (weight = 4) Gas mileage (weight = 8) Service record
(weight = 10) Weighted Total
Car 1 5 (20) 2 (16) 1 (10) (46)
Car 2 1 (4) 4 (32) 4 (40) (76)
Ratings: 5 = excellent; 1 = poor
compensatory model A rational decision-
making model in which choices are
systematically evaluated on various criteria.
representativeness A heuristic by which a
new situation is judged on the basis of its
resemblance to a stereotypical model.
availability A heuristic by which a judgment
or decision is based on information that is most
easily retrieved from memory.
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whatever information is most readily available, even though this
information may not be
accurate or complete. A familiar example of the availability
heuristic is the so-called subway
effect (Gilovich, 1991; Gilovich, Griffin, & Kahneman, 2002).
It seems to be a law of nature
that if you are waiting at a subway station, one train after

another will come along headed
in the opposite direction from the direction that you want to go.
The problem here is that
by the time a subway train does come along, we have already
left the scene, so we never get
to see the opposite situation: several subway trains going in our
direction before one comes
the other way. As a result, we tend to assume that those
situations seldom or never occur,
and so we make our decisions accordingly.
Yet another heuristic, closely related to availability, is
confirmation bias—the ten-
dency to notice and remember evidence that supports our beliefs
and to ignore evidence
that contradicts them (Nickerson, 1998; Van Swol, 2007). For
example, individuals who
believe that AIDS is something that happens to “other people”
(homosexual men and
intravenous drug users, not middle-class heterosexuals) are
more likely to remember arti-
cles about rates of HIV infection in these groups or in third-
world countries than articles
about AIDS cases among people like themselves (Fischhoff &
Downs, 1997). Convinced

that HIV is not something that they personally need to worry
about, they ignore evidence
to the contrary.
A related phenomenon is our tendency to see connections or
patterns of cause and effect
where none exist (Kahneman & Tversky, 1996; Rottenstreich &
Tversky, 1997). For exam-
ple, many parents strongly believe that sugar may cause
hyperactivity in children and that
arthritis pain is related to weather—despite research evidence to
the contrary. The list of
commonsense beliefs that persist in the face of contrary
evidence is long (Redelmeier &
Tversky, 2004).
Framing
Does the way information is presented affect decisions?
Numerous studies have shown that subtle changes in the way
information is presented can
dramatically affect the final decision (Hadfield, 2008; L. W.
Jones, Sinclair, & Courneya,
2003; LeBoeuf & Shafir, 2003; T. Mann, Sherman, &
Updegraff, 2004). A classic study

(McNeil, Pauker, Sox, & Tversky, 1982) illustrates how framing
can influence a medical
decision. In this study, experimental participants were asked to
choose between surgery and
radiation therapy to treat lung cancer. However, the framing of
the information they were
provided was manipulated. In the survival frame, participants
were given the statistical out-
comes of both procedures in the form of survival statistics, thus
emphasizing the 1- and
5-year survival rates after treatment. In the mortality frame, the
participants were given the
same information, presented (or framed) according to death
rates after 1 year and after
5 years. Although the actual number of deaths and survivors
associated with each proce-
dure was identical in both the survival and mortality frames, the
percentage of participants
who chose one procedure over another varied dramatically
depending on how the informa-
tion was framed. Probably most surprising was that this framing
effect was found even
when 424 experienced radiologists served as the research
participants!

Explaining Our Decisions
How do we explain to ourselves the decisions we make?
Hindsight Whether a choice is exceptionally good,
extraordinarily foolish, or some-
where in between, most people think about their decisions after
the fact. The term
hindsight bias refers to the tendency to view outcomes as
inevitable and predictable after
we know the outcome, and to believe that we could have
predicted what happened, or per-
haps that we did (Hoffrage & Pohl, 2003; Nestler, Blank, & von
Collani, 2008). For example,
physicians remember being more confident about their
diagnoses when they learn that
they were correct than they were at the time of the actual
diagnoses.
232 Chapter 7
confirmation bias The tendency to look for
evidence in support of a belief and to ignore
evidence that would disprove a belief.
framing The perspective from which we

interpret information before making a decision.
hindsight bias The tendency to see outcomes
as inevitable and predictable after we know the
outcome.
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Psychologists have long viewed the hindsight bias as a
cognitive flaw—a way of
explaining away bad decisions and maintaining our confidence
(Louie, Curren, & Harich,
2000). A team of researchers in Berlin, however, argues that the
hindsight bias serves a use-
ful function (Hoffrage, Hertwig, & Gigerenzer, 2000).

“Correcting” memory is a quick and
efficient way to replace misinformation or faulty assumptions,
so that our future decisions
and judgments will be closer to the mark.
“If Only” At times, everyone imagines alternatives to reality
and mentally plays out
the consequences. Psychologists refer to such thoughts about
things that never
happened as counterfactual thinking—in which thoughts are
counter to the facts
(Roese, 1997; Segura & McCloy, 2003; Walchle & Landman,
2003). Counterfactual
thinking often takes the form of “If only” constructions, in
which we mentally revise
the events or actions that led to a particular outcome: “If only I
had studied harder”; “If
only I had said no”; “If only I had driven straight home.” It is
tempting to think that
such imaginary, after-the-fact thinking, is of no value.
However, research shows that
under some circumstances counterfactual thinking can play a
constructive role helping
one to regulate behavior, learn from mistakes, and improve
future performance

(Epstude & Roese, 2008).
MULTITASKING
With the advent of the digital age, multitasking has become a
way of life. We listen to iPods
while jogging, program our TiVo while watching a movie, e-
mail and surf the Web simulta-
neously, and follow the directions of a GPS while driving and
talking to a passenger in a car.
Fortunately, our brains appear reasonably well equipped for at
least some multitasking.
The prefrontal cortex (Figure 2–8), which as we saw in Chapter
2 (“The Biological Basis of
Behavior”) governs goal-directed behavior and suppresses
impulses, also enables us to
mentally toggle between separate tasks with relative ease
(Jäncke, Brunner, & Esslen, 2008;
Modirrousta & Fellows, 2008).
Is multitasking really efficient? Research indicates that if the
tasks are dissimilar and
the person is an experienced multitasker and is intelligent,
multitasking can be effective up
to a point. But in general, research has shown that multitasking
often slows down thinking,

decreases accuracy, and in some cases increases stress (Bühner,
König, Pick, & Krumm,
2006; Kinney, 2008; Mark, Gudith & Klocke, 2008; J. S.
Rubinstein, Meyer, & Evans, 2001).
Moreover, despite a commonly held belief that young people are
more adept at multitask-
ing than older adults, research that compared 18- to 21-year-
olds to 35- to 39-year-olds
found the negative effects of multitasking were generally more
pronounced in the younger
group (Westwell, 2007).
Perhaps nowhere is the impact of multitasking more important
than when driving a
car. It is estimated that about 8% of drivers at any given
moment are using their cell
phones while driving (Glassbrenner, Carra, & Nichols, 2004).
Numerous studies have
shown that driving performance is adversely affected by
multitasking (Strayer & Drews,
2007). Braking time is slowed and attention to events in the
peripheral visual field is
reduced. Even when the participants in one study were
specifically instructed to give more
attention to driving than the extraneous task, or were well

practiced at multitasking, dri-
ving performance was adversely affected by multitasking (J.
Levy & Pashler, 2008; J. Levy,
Pashler, & Boer, 2006).
Texting while driving is even worse. One British study using
17- to 24-year-old par-
ticipants found that texting while driving reduced braking time
by 35%, which was
much worse than the effect of alcohol or marijuana. Steering
control while texting was
reduced 91%, compared to a 35% reduction under the influence
of marijuana (RAC
Foundation, 2008). Research such as this has prompted
Professor David Meyer, a noted
researcher in the area of multitasking, to conclude that “If
you’re driving while cell-
phoning, then your performance is going to be as poor as if you
were legally drunk”
(NPR, 2008).
counterfactual thinking Thinking about
alternative realities and things that never

happened.
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INTELLIGENCE AND MENTAL ABILITIES
What types of questions are used to measure intelligence?

In many societies, one of the nicest things you can say is
“You’re smart”; and one of the
most insulting is “You’re stupid.” Intelligence is so basic to our
view of human nature that
any characterization of a person that neglects to mention that
person’s intelligence is likely
to be considered incomplete. Although psychologists have
studied intelligence almost since
psychology emerged as a science, they still struggle to
understand this complex and elusive
concept. In the next few sections, you may come to appreciate
the difficulty of their task.
Toward that end, we begin by asking you some questions
intended to measure intelligence:
1. Describe the difference between laziness and idleness.
2. Which direction would you have to face so that your right ear
would be facing north?
3. What does obliterate mean?
4. In what way are an hour and a week alike?
234 Chapter 7

1. Match each decision-making heuristic with the appropriate
definition.
___ representativeness heuristic
___ availability heuristic
___ confirmation bias
a. making judgments on the basis of whatever information can
be most readily
retrieved from memory
b. attending to evidence that supports your existing beliefs and
ignoring other
evidence
c. making decisions on the basis of information that matches
your model of what is
“typical” of a certain category
2. The way a question is framed usually will not affect its
answer. Is this statement true (T) or
false (F)?
3. Julio’s girlfriend gets a speeding ticket, and he blames
himself, saying, “If only I hadn’t let

her borrow my car.” His thinking is an example of
______________________.
4. “Young people are better than older people at multitasking.”
Is this statement true (T) or false (F)?
Answers:1. c.2. d.
Answers:1. representativeness heuristic—c. availability
heuristic—a. confirmation bias— b.
2. (F)3. hindsight bias.4. (F)
1. In deciding where to go on vacation, you decide you want a
place where you can relax, a
place that is warm, and a place that you can reach
inexpensively. But you will not
consider any place that is more than 1,000 miles away. What
kind of decision-making
model are you using?
a. visualization
b. brainstorming
c. noncompensatory
d. compensatory

2. You are driving down the highway at the posted speed limit.
After a while you mention to
your passenger, “It sure looks like everyone is either going
slower or faster than the
speed limit. Hardly anyone seems to be going the same speed as
I am.” In fact, most of
the cars on the highway are also traveling at the speed limit.
Your erroneous conclusion is
most likely due to
a. framing.
b. hindsight bias.
c. mental set.
d. the availability heuristic.
• Compare and contrast the theories of
intelligence put forth by Spearman,
Thurstone, Sternberg, Gardner, and
Goleman.
• Describe the similarities and
differences between the Stanford-Binet

Intelligence Scale and the Wechsler
Intelligence Scales, and explain how
they differ from group tests,
performance tests, and culture-fair
tests of intelligence. Explain what is
meant by test “reliability” and
“validity” and how psychologists
determine whether an intelligence test
is reliable or valid.
• Summarize the criticisms of
intelligence tests and the relationship
between IQ test scores and job
success.
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5. Choose the lettered block that best completes the pattern in
the following figure.
BA C D E
Given pieces
1 2 3 4 5
Complete pieces
1
a b c
d e f

6. If three pencils cost 25 cents, how many pencils can you buy
for 75 cents?
7. Select the lettered pair that best expresses a relationship
similar to that expressed
in the original pair:
Crutch: Locomotion::
a. paddle: canoe
b. hero: worship
c. horse: carriage
d. spectacles: vision
e. statement: contention
8. Decide how the first two items in the following figure are
related to each other.
Then find the one item at the right that goes with the third item
in the same way
that the second item goes with the first.
9. For each item in the following figure, decide whether it can
be completely covered
by using some or all of the given pieces without overlapping
any.
These questions were taken from various tests of intelligence,

or general mental ability.
(The answers appear at the end of the chapter.) We will discuss
intelligence tests later in this
chapter. But first, let’s consider some historical and
contemporary theories of intelligence.
Theories of Intelligence
What are some of the major theories of intelligence?
For more than a century, one of the most basic questions
addressed by psychologists is
whether intelligence is a single, general mental ability or
whether it is composed of many
separate abilities (Lubinski, 2000).
intelligence A general term referring to the
ability or abilities involved in learning and
adaptive behavior.
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Early Theorists Charles Spearman, an early 20th-century British
psycholo-
gist, maintained that intelligence is quite general—that people
who are bright in
one area are usually bright in other areas as well. The American
psychologist L. L.
Thurstone disagreed with Spearman. Thurstone argued that
intelligence is com-
posed of seven distinct kinds of mental abilities (Thurstone,
1938): spatial ability,

memory, perceptual speed, word fluency, numerical ability,
reasoning, and verbal
meaning. Unlike Spearman, Thurstone believed that these
abilities are relatively
independent of one another. Thus, a person with exceptional
spatial ability (the
ability to perceive distance, recognize shapes, and so on) might
lack word fluency.
Contemporary Theorists Contemporary psychologists have
consider-
ably broadened the concept of intelligence and how it can best
be measured
(E. Benson, 2003). For example, Robert Sternberg (1986, 2003)
has proposed
a triarchic theory of intelligence. Sternberg argues that human
intelligence encom-
passes a much broader array of abilities than the limited skills
assessed by traditional
intelligence tests. Analytical intelligence refers to the mental
processes emphasized by
most theories of intelligence, such as the ability to learn how to
do things, acquire new
knowledge, solve problems, and carry out tasks effectively.

According to Sternberg,
this is the aspect of intelligence assessed by most intelligence
tests. Creative intelligence
is the ability to adjust to new tasks, use new concepts, respond
effectively in new situ-
ations, gain insight, and adapt creatively. Practical intelligence
is the ability to find
solutions to practical and personal problems.
Another contemporary theory of intelligence is the theory of
multiple intelligences
advanced by Howard Gardner and his associates at Harvard (J.-
Q. Chen & Gardner, 2005;
Gardner, 1983, 2004). Gardner, like Thurstone, believes that
intelligence is made up of sev-
eral distinct abilities, each of which is relatively independent of
the others. Precisely how
many separate abilities might exist is difficult to determine, but
Gardner lists eight:
logical–mathematical, linguistic, spatial, musical, bodily-
kinesthetic, interpersonal,
intrapersonal, and naturalistic. The first four are self-
explanatory. Bodily-kinesthetic intelli-
gence is the ability to manipulate one’s body in space; a skilled
athlete shows high levels of

this kind of intelligence. People who are extraordinarily
talented at understanding and
communicating with others, such as exceptional teachers and
parents, have strong inter-
personal intelligence. People who understand themselves and
who use this knowledge
effectively to attain their goals rank high in intraper-
sonal intelligence. Finally, naturalistic intelligence
reflects an individual’s ability to understand, relate to,
and interact with the world of nature.
Finally, Daniel Goleman (1997) has proposed a
theory of emotional intelligence, which refers to how
effectively people perceive and understand their own
emotions and the emotions of others and can manage
their emotional behavior. Five traits are generally rec-
ognized as contributing to emotional intelligence
(Goleman, 1997; Goleman, Boyatzis, & McKee, 2002).
• Knowing one’s own emotions. The ability to moni-
tor and recognize our own feelings. This is of cen-
tral importance to self-awareness and all other
dimensions of emotional intelligence.

• Managing one’s emotions. The ability to control
impulses, to cope effectively with sadness, depres-
sion, and minor setbacks, as well as to control how
long emotions last.
• Using emotions to motivate oneself. The capacity
to marshal emotions toward achieving personal
goals.
236 Chapter 7
triarchic theory of intelligence Sternberg’s
theory that intelligence involves mental skills
(analytical intelligence), insight and creative
adaptability (creative intelligence), and
environmental responsiveness (practical
intelligence).
theory of multiple intelligences Howard
Gardner’s theory that there is not one
intelligence, but rather many intelligences, each
of which is relatively independent of the others.
emotional intelligence According to
Goleman, a form of intelligence that refers to

how effectively people perceive and understand
their own emotions and the emotions of others,
and can regulate and manage their emotional
behavior.
These dancers possess an abundance of what
Howard Gardner calls bodily-kinesthetic
intelligence.
Multiple Intelligences
Gardner’s theory clearly includes abilities not normally
included under theheading of intelligence.
1. We earlier defined intelligence as general intellectual or
mental ability.
Do you agree that all of Gardner’s facets of intelligence fit that
definition?
Should some be excluded? Or should the definition of
intelligence per-
haps be modified to include them? What might such a modified
definition
look like?
2. Some people have excellent “color sense”—they seem to

know which
colors go well together. Should this ability be included as one
aspect of
intelligence? What about rhyming ability?
3. In answering the first two questions, what criteria did you
use for decid-
ing which abilities to include as aspects of intelligence and
which to
exclude? Do other people share your viewpoint, or do their
criteria differ?
How might you go about deciding which viewpoints have most
merit?
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• Recognizing the emotions of other people. The ability to read
subtle, nonverbal cues
that reveal what other people really want and need.
• Managing relationships. The ability to accurately acknowledge
and display one’s
own emotions, as well as being sensitive to the emotions of
others.
The “Summary Table” reviews the contemporary theories
described here. These theo-
ries shape the content of intelligence tests and other measures
that evaluate the abilities of
millions of people. We consider these next.
Intelligence Tests
What kinds of intelligence tests are in use today?
The Stanford–Binet Intelligence Scale The first test developed
to measure
intelligence was designed by two Frenchmen, Alfred Binet and
Théodore Simon. The
test, first used in Paris in 1905, was designed to identify
children who might have diffi-

culty in school.
The first Binet–Simon Scale consisted of 30 tests arranged in
order of increasing diffi-
culty. With each child, the examiner started with the easiest
tests and worked down the list
until the child could no longer answer questions. A well-known
adaptation of the
Binet–Simon Scale, the Stanford–Binet Intelligence Scale, was
prepared at Stanford Univer-
sity by L. M. Terman, first published in 1916 and updated
repeatedly since then. The cur-
rent Stanford–Binet Intelligence Scale is designed to measure
four virtually universal
abilities related to traditional views of intelligence: verbal
reasoning, abstract/visual reason-
ing, quantitative reasoning, and short-term memory. The
Stanford–Binet is best suited for
children, adolescents, and very young adults. Questions 1 and 2
on page 234 were drawn
from an early version of the Stanford-Binet.
Terman also introduced the now famous term intelligence
quotient (IQ) to establish a
numerical value of intelligence, setting the score of 100 for a

person of average intelligence.
Figure 7–6 shows an approximate distribution of IQ scores in
the population.
The Wechsler Intelligence Scales The most commonly used
individual test of intelli-
gence for adults is the Wechsler Adult Intelligence Scale—
Third Edition (WAIS-III), originally
developed in the late 1930s by psychologist David Wechsler.
The Stanford–Binet emphasizes
Watch on MyPsychLab
COMPARING GARDNER’S, STERNBERG’S, AND
GOLEMAN’S
THEORIES OF INTELLIGENCE
Gardner’s multiple intelligences Sternberg’s triarchic
intelligence Goleman’s emotional intelligence
Logical-mathematical Analytical
Linguistic

Spatial
Musical Creative
Bodily-kinesthetic
Interpersonal Recognizing emotions in others and managing
relationships
Practical
Intrapersonal Knowing yourself and motivating yourself with
emotions
Naturalistic
intelligence quotient (IQ) A numerical value
given to intelligence that is determined from the
scores on an intelligence test on the basis of a
score of 100 for average intelligence.
Wechsler Adult Intelligence Scale—Third
Edition (WAIS-III) An individual intelligence
test developed especially for adults; measures
both verbal and performance abilities.
Watch Are Intelligence

Tests Valid? Robert Guthrie at
www.mypsychlab.com
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verbal skills, but Wechsler believed adult intelligence

consists more of the ability to handle life situations
than to solve verbal and abstract problems.
The WAIS-III is divided into two parts, one
stressing verbal skills, the other performance
skills. The verbal scale includes tests of informa-
tion, simple arithmetic, and comprehension. The
performance scale measures routine tasks such as
asking people to “find the missing part” (button-
holes in a coat, for example), to copy patterns,
and to arrange three to five pictures so that they
tell a story.
Although the content of the WAIS-III is
somewhat more sophisticated than that of the
Stanford–Binet, Wechsler’s chief innovation was in
scoring. His test gives separate verbal and perfor-
mance scores as well as an overall IQ score. Moreover, on some
items one or two extra
points can be earned, depending on the complexity of the
answer given. This unique scor-
ing system gives credit for the reflective qualities that we
expect to find in intelligent adults.
Finally, on some questions both speed and accuracy affect the

score. Questions 3 and 4 on
page 234 resemble questions on the WAIS III.
Wechsler also developed a similar intelligence test for use with
school-age
children. Like the WAIS-III, the Wechsler Intelligence Scale for
Children–Third
Edition (WISC-III) yields separate verbal and performance
scores as well as an
overall IQ score.
Group Tests With the Stanford–Binet, the WAIS-III, and the
WISC-III, an exam-
iner takes a single person to an isolated room, spreads the
materials on a table, and
spends from 30 to 90 minutes administering the test. The
examiner may then take
another hour or so to score the test according to detailed
instructions in a manual.
This is a time-consuming, costly operation. Moreover, under
some circumstances the
examiner’s behavior can influence the score. For these reasons,
test makers have
devised group tests, which a single examiner can administer to
many people at once.

Instead of sitting across the table from a person who asks you
questions, you receive a
test booklet that contains questions for you to answer in writing
within a certain
amount of time.
Group tests have some distinct advantages over individualized
tests. They eliminate
bias on the part of the examiner, answer sheets can be scored
quickly and objectively, and it
is possible to collect data from large numbers of test takers. But
group tests also have some
distinct disadvantages. The examiner is less likely to notice
whether a person is tired, ill, or
confused by the directions. People who are not used to being
tested tend to do less well on
group tests than on individual tests. Questions 5 through 9 on
page 235 are drawn from
group tests.
Performance and Culture-Fair Tests To perform well on the
intelligence tests that
we have discussed, people must be proficient in the language in
which the test is given.
How, then, can we test non-native English speakers in English-

speaking countries? Psychol-
ogists have designed two general forms of tests for such
situations: performance tests and
culture-fair tests.
Performance tests consist of problems that minimize or
eliminate the use of words.
One of the earliest performance tests, the Seguin Form Board, is
essentially a puzzle. The
examiner removes specifically designed cutouts, stacks them in
a predetermined order, and
asks the person to replace them as quickly as possible. A more
recent performance test, the
Porteus Maze, consists of a series of increasingly difficult
printed mazes. People trace their
238 Chapter 7
Figure 7–6
The approximate distribution of IQ
scores in the population.
Note that the greatest percentage of scores fall
around 100. Very low percentages of people
score at the two extremes of the curve.

4
25
–3
4
Pe
rc
en
t
IQ Scores
35
–4
4
45
–5
4

55
–6
4
65
–7
4
75
–8
4
85
–9
4
95
–1
04

1
05
–1
14
11
5–
12
4
12
5–
13
4
13
5–
14
4

14
5–
15
4
15
5–
16
4
16
5–
17
4
8
12
16

20
24
Wechsler Intelligence Scale for Children—
Third Edition (WISC-III) An individual
intelligence test developed especially for school-
aged children; measures verbal and performance
abilities and also yields an overall IQ score.
The Wechsler Intelligence Scales, developed
by David Wechsler, are individual intelligence
tests administered to one person at a time.
There are versions of the Wechsler Scales
for both adults and children. Here, a child is
being asked to copy a pattern using blocks.
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way through the maze without lifting the pencil from the paper.
Such tests require the test
taker to pay close attention to a task for an extended period and
continuously to plan ahead
in order to make the correct choices.
Culture-fair tests, like performance tests, minimize or eliminate
the use of lan-
guage (Ortiz & Dynda, 2005). But they also try to downplay
skills and values—such as
the need for speed—that vary from culture to culture. In the
Goodenough–Harris
Drawing Test, for example, people are asked to draw the best
picture of a person that
they can. Drawings are scored for proportions, correct and
complete representation of
the parts of the body, detail in clothing, and so on. An example
of a culture-fair item
from the Progressive Matrices is Question 5 on page 235. This
test consists of 60
designs, each with a missing part. The person is given six to

eight possible choices to
replace the part.
Biological Measures of Intelligence Thus far we have
considered psychological
measures of intelligence. However, numerous efforts have been
made to assess intelligence
using biological measures (Haier, 2003; W. Johnson, Jung,
Colom, & Haier, 2008). Begin-
ning early in the 20th century, psychologists attempted to
correlate brain size with intelli-
gence. The correlations were very weak but always positive,
suggesting a slight relation
between the two. More recently, investigators have compared
the sizes and metabolic func-
tioning of such brain structures as the cerebellum and
hippocampus, revealing small but
significant differences among the brains of people with
different forms of mental retarda-
tion (Lawrence, Lott, & Haier, 2005). Other researchers have
found modest relationships
between intelligence and the electrical response of brain cells to
stimulation (Stelmack,
Knott, & Beauchamp, 2003).

To date, no known biological measure of intelligence
approaches the accuracy of psy-
chological tests, but findings such as these suggest that
measures of intelligence may some-
day involve a biological component.
What Makes a Good Test?
What are some important characteristics of a good test?
How can we tell whether intelligence tests will produce
consistent results no matter when
they are given? And how can we tell whether they really
measure what they claim to mea-
sure? Psychologists address these questions by referring to a
test’s reliability and validity.
Issues of reliability and validity apply equally to all
psychological tests, not just to tests of
mental abilities. In Chapter 10, for example, we reexamine
these issues as they apply to per-
sonality assessment.
Reliability By reliability, psychologists mean the dependability
and consistency of the
scores that a test yields. How do we know whether a test is
reliable? The simplest way to find

out is to give the test to a group and then, after a short time, to
give the same people the
same test again. If they obtain similar scores each time, the test
is said to have high test-
retest reliability. For example, Table 7–2 shows the IQ scores of
eight people tested 1 year
apart using the same test. Although the scores did change
slightly, none changed by more
than six points.
How do we know that people have not simply remembered the
answers from the first
testing and repeated them the second time around? To avoid this
possibility, psychologists
prefer to give two equivalent tests, both designed to measure the
same thing. If people score
the same on both forms, the tests are considered reliable. One
way to create alternate forms
is to split a single test into two parts—for example, to assign
odd-numbered items to one
part and even-numbered items to the other. If scores on the two
halves agree, the test has
split-half reliability.

group tests Written intelligence tests
administered by one examiner to many people
at one time.
performance tests Intelligence tests that
minimize the use of language.
culture-fair tests Intelligence tests designed to
eliminate cultural bias by minimizing skills and
values that vary from one culture to another.
reliability Ability of a test to produce
consistent and stable scores.
split-half reliability A method of determining
test reliability by dividing the test into two parts
and checking the agreement of scores on both
parts.
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These methods of testing reliability can be very effective. But
psychological science
demands more precise descriptions than “very reliable” or
“fairly reliable.” Psychologists
express reliability in terms of correlation coefficients, which
measure the relation between
two sets of scores (see Appendix A for a discussion of
correlation coefficients). If test scores
on one occasion are absolutely consistent with those on another

occasion, the correlation
coefficient is 1.0. If there is no relationship between the scores,
the correlation coefficient is
zero. In Table 7–2, where there is a very close, but not perfect,
relationship between the two
sets of scores, the correlation coefficient is .96.
How reliable are intelligence tests? In general, people’s IQ
scores on most intelligence
tests are quite stable (Meyer et al., 2001). Performance and
culture-fair tests are somewhat
less reliable. However, as we’ve discussed, scores on even the
best tests vary somewhat from
one day to another.
Validity Do intelligence tests really measure “intelligence”?
When psychologists ask this
question, they are concerned with test validity. Validity refers
to a test’s ability to measure
what it has been designed to measure. How do we know whether
a given test actually
measures what it claims to measure?
One measure of validity is known as content validity—whether
the test contains

an adequate sample of the skills or knowledge that it is
supposed to measure. Most
widely used intelligence tests seem to measure at least some of
the mental abilities
240 Chapter 7
Table 7–2 IQ SCORES ON THE SAME TEST GIVEN 1 YEAR
APART
Person First Testing Second Testing
À 130 127
B 123 127
C 121 119
D 116 122
E 109 108
F 107 112
G 95 93
H 89 94
Stability–Change Test Reliability and Changes in Intelligence
If a person takes an intelligence test on Monday and obtains an
IQ score of 90, and then
retakes the test on Tuesday and scores 130, clearly something is

amiss. But what? People
vary from moment to moment and day to day. Changes in health
and motivation can affect
test results even with the most reliable tests. And although IQ
scores tend to be remarkably
stable after the age of 5 or 6, intellectual ability does sometimes
change dramatically—for
better or worse. One person’s mental ability may decline
substantially after a mild head
injury; another person’s scores on intelligence tests may rise
after years of diligent intellec-
tual study.
Since scores on even the best tests vary somewhat from one day
to the next, many test-
ing services now report a person’s score along with a range of
scores that allows for varia-
tions. For example, a score of 110 might be reported with a
range of 104–116. This implies
that the true score is most likely within a few points of 110, but
almost certainly does not
fall lower than 104 or higher than 116. ■
correlation coefficients Statistical measures
of the degree of association between two

variables.
validity Ability of a test to measure what it has
been designed to measure.
content validity Refers to a test’s having an
adequate sample of questions measuring the
skills or knowledge it is supposed to measure.
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that we think of as part of intelligence. These include planning,
memory, under-
standing, reasoning, concentration, and the use of language.
Although they may not

adequately sample all aspects of intelligence equally well, they
at least seem to have
some content validity.
Another way to measure a test’s validity is to see whether a
person’s score on that test
closely matches his or her score on another test designed to
measure the same thing. The two
different scores should be very similar if they are both measures
of the same ability. Most
intelligence tests do this well: Despite differences in test
content, people who score high on
one test tend to score high on others. However, this outcome
doesn’t necessarily mean that
the two tests actually measure intelligence. Conceivably, they
could both be measuring the
same thing, but that thing might not be intelligence. To
demonstrate that the tests are valid
measures of intelligence, we need an independent measure of
intelligence against which to
compare test scores. Determining test validity in this way is
called criterion-related validity.
Ever since Binet invented the intelligence test, the main
criterion against which intelligence
test scores have been compared has been school achievement.

Even the strongest critics agree
that IQ tests predict school achievement very well (Aiken &
Groth-Marnat, 2005; Anastasi &
Urbina, 1997).
Criticisms of IQ Tests What is it about IQ tests, then, that
makes them controversial?
As you might guess from our earlier discussion of theories of
intelligence, one source of
disagreement and criticism concerns their content. Since
psychologists disagree on the
very nature of intelligence, it follows that they will disagree on
the merits of particular
tests of intelligence.
That said, there is general agreement among psychologists that
at the least, intelligence
tests measure the ability to take tests. This fact could explain
why people who do well on
one IQ test also tend to do well on other tests. And it could also
explain why intelligence test
scores correlate so closely with school performance: Academic
grades also depend heavily
on test-taking ability.

Apart from predicting academic grades, how useful are
intelligence tests? IQ tests also
tend to predict success after people finish their schooling.
People with high IQ scores tend
to enter high-status occupations: Physicians and lawyers tend to
have higher IQs than truck
drivers and janitors. Critics point out, however, that this pattern
can be explained in vari-
ous ways. For one thing, because people with higher IQs tend to
do better in school, they
stay in school longer and earn advanced degrees, thereby
opening the door to high-status
jobs. Moreover, children from wealthy families generally grow
up in environments that
encourage academic success and reward good performance on
tests (Blum, 1979; Ceci &
Williams, 1997). In addition, they are more likely to have
financial resources for postgrad-
uate education or advanced occupational training, as well as
family connections that pave
the way to occupational success. Still, higher grades and
intelligence test scores do predict
occupational success and performance on the job (Kuncel,
Hezlett, & Ones, 2004;
Mcquillan, 2007; Ree & Earles, 1992).

Goleman’s concept of emotional intelligence is specifically
intended to predict success
in the real world. Since this is a relatively new concept,
researchers have only begun to
evaluate it (Austin, Saklofske, Huang, & McKenney, 2004;
Matthews, Zeidner, & Roberts,
2002; Mayer, Salovey, & Caruso, 2008). However, some studies
have shown promising
results (Bar-On, Handley, & Fund, 2006). For example, one
study found that students with
higher emotional intelligence scores adapted better socially and
academically at school
(Mestre, Guil, Lopes, Salovey, & Gil-Olarte, 2006). As you
might expect, the ability to man-
age and regulate one’s emotions is also important to success in
the workplace (Cherniss &
Goleman, 2001; Druskat, Sala, & Mount, 2006).
Though some investigators argue that emotional intelligence is
no different from
traits that are already assessed by more traditional measures of
intelligence and person-
ality (M. Davies, Stankov, & Roberts, 1998; Waterhouse, 2006),
the theory of emotional

intelligence continues to gain support from psychological
research (Mayer, Salovey, &
Caruso, 2008). It has captured the attention of managers and
others responsible for
criterion-related validity Validity of a test as
measured by a comparison of the test score and
independent measures of what the test is
designed to measure.
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hiring, promoting, and predicting the performance of people in
the workplace (Salovey,
2006; Yu & Yuan, 2008). In addition, recent research on
emotional intelligence is
advancing our understanding of the factors that contribute to the
development of some
forms of mental illness (Malterer, Glass, & Newman, 2008).
(See Chapter 12, “Psycho-
logical Disorders.”)
Another major criticism of intelligence tests is that their content
and administra-
tion do not take into account cultural variations and, in fact,
discriminate against
minorities. High scores on most IQ tests require considerable
mastery of standard Eng-
lish, thus biasing the tests in favor of middle- and upper-class

White people (Ortiz &
Dynda, 2005). Moreover, White middle-class examiners may not
be familiar with the
speech patterns of lower income African American children or
children from homes in
which English is not the primary language, a complication that
may hamper good test
performance (Sattler, 2005). In addition, certain questions may
have very different
meanings for children of different social classes. The WISC-III,
for instance, asks, “What
are you supposed to do if a child younger than you hits you?”
The “correct” answer is
“Walk away.” But for a child who lives in an environment
where survival depends on
being tough, the “correct” answer might be “Hit him back.” This
answer, however,
receives zero credit. Explore on MyPsychLab
242 Chapter 7
Person–Situation Tracking the Future
Tracking, the practice of assigning students who “test low”to
special classes for slow learners, can
work to the student’s disadvantage if the test results do not

reflect the student’s true abilities.
However, the opposite mistake may sometimes work to the
student’s advantage: A student of
mediocre ability who is identified early on as above average
may receive special attention, encour-
agement, and tutoring that would otherwise have been
considered “wasted effort” on the part of
teachers. Thus, intelligence test scores can set up a self-
fulfilling prophecy, so that students
defined as slow become slow, and those defined as quick
become quick. In this way, intelligence
tests may not only predict achievement but also help determine
it (R. Rosenthal, 2002). ■
Although some investigators argue that the most widely used
and thoroughly studied
intelligence tests are not unfairly biased against minorities
(Damas, 2002; Gottfredson,
2009; Herrnstein & Murray, 1994), others contend that a proper
study of cultural bias has
yet to be made (E. Hunt & Carlson, 2007). The issue of whether
tests are unfair to minori-
ties will be with us for some time (N. Brody, 2007).

false (F).
a. ___ Intelligence is synonymous with problem-solving ability.
b. ___ The early American psychologist L. L. Thurstone
maintained that intelligence
was quite general and should not be thought of as several
distinct abilities.
c. ___ Intrapersonal intelligence reflects the adage, “Know
thyself.”
d. ___ Sternberg’s and Gardner’s theories of intelligence both
emphasize practical
abilities.
2. In 1916, the Stanford psychologist L. M. Terman introduced
the term ___________
___________, or _____________, and set the score of
__________ for a person of
average intelligence.
3. _________ tests eliminate or minimize the use of words in
assessing mental abilities. Like
these tests, ____________-____________ tests minimize the

use of language, but they
also include questions that minimize skills and values that vary
across cultures.
Answers:a. (F).b. (F).c. (T).d. (T).2. intelligence quotient, I.Q.,
100.3. Performance, culture-fair.
Explore Think: Intelligence and IQ
Testing: Controversy and Consensus at
www.mypsychlab.com
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HEREDITY, ENVIRONMENT, AND
INTELLIGENCE
What determines individual differences in intelligence?
Is intelligence inherited, or is it the product of the environment?
Sorting out the impor-
tance of each factor as it contributes to intelligence is a
complex task.
Heredity
Why are twin studies useful in studying intelligence?
As we saw in Chapter 2, “The Biological Basis of Behavior,”
scientists can use studies of
identical twins to measure the effects of heredity in humans.
Twin studies of intelligence
begin by comparing the IQ scores of identical twins who have
been raised together. As
Figure 7–7 shows, the correlation between their IQ scores is
very high. In addition to
identical genes, however, these twins grew up in very similar
environments: They shared

parents, home, teachers, vacations, and probably friends, too.
These common experi-
ences could explain their similar IQ scores. To check this
possibility, researchers have
tested identical twins who were separated early in life—
generally before they were 6
months old—and raised in different families. As Figure 7–7
shows, even when identical
twins are raised in different families, they tend to have very
similar test scores; in fact,
the similarity is much greater than that between non-twin
siblings who grow up in the
same environment.
These findings make a strong case for the heritability of
intelligence, though as
we pointed out in Chapter 2 twin studies do not constitute “final
proof.” However,
other evidence also demonstrates the role of heredity. For
example, adopted children
have been found to have IQ scores that are more similar to those
of their biological
mothers than to those of the mothers who are raising them. Do
psychologists, then,
conclude that intelligence is an inherited trait and that

environment plays little, if
any, role?
Answers:1. b.2. b.
1. Margaret is trying to create a 10-item intelligence test. She
compares scores from her
test to scores on the Stanford–Binet test in an attempt to
determine her test’s
a. reliability.
b. validity.
c. standard scores.
d. standard deviation.
2. A friend of yours says, “Everyone has different talents and
abilities. Some people are
really good at math but just kind of average at everything else.
Other people are really
good at music or athletics or dancing but can’t add two numbers
to save their lives.

Because you have an ability in one area doesn’t mean you’re
talented at other things.”
Your friend’s view of abilities most closely matches which of
the following theorists
discussed in this section of the chapter?
a. Spearman
b. Gardner
c. Thurstone
d. Binet
• Summarize the evidence that both
heredity and environment (including
intervention programs) affect
intelligence.
• What is the “Flynn Effect”? What are
some of the explanations that have
been offered for it?
• Summarize the evidence regarding
gender differences and cultural
differences in mental abilities.

• Explain what is required for a diagnosis
of mental retardation and summarize
what is known about its causes.
Describe what is meant by “inclusion”
and whether it has been shown to be
beneficial.
• Explain what is meant by saying a
person is “gifted.” Explain the pros and
cons of special programs for gifted
children.
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Environment
What have we learned from early
intervention programs about the influence
of the environment on intellectual
development?
Probably no psychologist denies that genes play a role
in determining intelligence, but most believe that
genes provide only a base or starting point (Garlick,
2003). Each of us inherits a certain body build from
our parents, but our actual weight is greatly deter-
mined by what we eat and how much we exercise.
Similarly, although we inherit certain mental capaci-
ties, their development depends on what we see
around us as infants, how our parents respond to our
first attempts to talk, what schools we attend, which

books we read, which television programs we
watch—even what we eat (Sternberg & Grigorenko,
2001). Moreover, recent evidence indicates that the
role of heredity varies with social economic status: In
impoverished families, it appears to have little or no
bearing on intelligence; in affluent families, its influ-
ence appears to be stronger (Turkheimer, Haley, Wal-
dron, D’Onofrio, & Gottesman, 2003).
Environment affects children even before birth,
such as through prenatal nutrition (M. D. Sigman, 2000). During
infancy, malnutrition can
lower IQ scores by an average of 20 points (Stock & Smythe,
1963). Conversely, vitamin sup-
plements can increase young children’s IQ scores, possibly even
among well-nourished chil-
dren (D. Benton & Roberts, 1988; Schoenthaler, Amos,
Eysenck, Peritz, & Yudkin, 1991).
Quite by chance, psychologist H. M. Skeels found evidence in
the 1930s that IQ scores
among children also depend on environmental stimulation.
While investigating orphan-
ages for the state of Iowa, Skeels observed that the children
lived in very overcrowded wards

and that the few adults there had almost no time to play with the
children, to talk to them,
or to read them stories. Many of these children were classified
as “subnormal” in intelli-
gence. Skeels followed the cases of two girls who, after 18
months in an orphanage, were
sent to a ward for women with severe retardation. Originally,
the girls’ IQs were in the
range of retardation, but after a year on the adult ward, as if by
magic, their IQs had risen
to normal (Skeels, 1938). Skeels regarded this fact as quite
remarkable—after all, the
women with whom the girls had lived were themselves severely
retarded. When he placed
13 other “slow” children as houseguests in such adult wards,
within 18 months their mean
IQ rose from 64 to 92 (within the normal range)—all apparently
because they had had
someone (even someone of below-normal intelligence) to play
with them, to read to them,
to cheer them on when they took their first steps, and to
encourage them to talk (Skeels,
1942). During the same period, the mean IQ of a group of
children who had been left in
orphanages dropped from 86 to 61. Thirty years later, Skeels

found that all 13 of the chil-
dren raised on adult wards were self-supporting, their
occupations ranging from waiting
on tables to real-estate sales. Of the contrasting group, half
were unemployed, four were
still in institutions, and all of those who had jobs were
dishwashers (Skeels, 1966). Later
studies have reinforced Skeels’s findings on the importance of
intellectually stimulating
surroundings as well as the importance of good nutrition
(Capron & Duyme, 1989).
Intervention Programs: How Much Can We Boost IQ? In 1961,
the Milwau-
kee Project set out to learn whether intervening in a child’s
family life could offset the neg-
ative effects of cultural and socioeconomic deprivation on IQ
scores (Garber & Heber,
1982; Heber, Garber, Harrington, & Hoffman, 1972). The
average score of the 40 pregnant
244 Chapter 7
Figure 7–7
Correlations of IQ scores and family

relationships.
Identical twins who grow up in the same house-
hold have IQ scores that are almost identical to
each other. Even when they are reared apart,
their scores are highly correlated.
Source: Reprinted from “Genetics and intelligence:
A review,” by L. Erienmeyer-Kimling and L. F. Jarvik,
Science, 142 (1963), pp. 1477–79. Copyright © 1963
by the American Association for the Advancement
of Science. Reprinted by permission of Copyright
Clearance Center on behalf of AAAS.
.10 .20 .30 .40 .50 .60 .70 .80 .90 1.00
Unrelated persons,
reared apart
Unrelated persons,
reared together
Foster parent
and child
Parent and child
living together

Siblings,
reared apart
Siblings,
reared together
Correlations of IQs
Fraternal twins,
opposite sex
Fraternal twins,
same sex
Identical twins,
reared apart
Identical twins,
reared together
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women in the study was less than 75 on the Wechsler scale.
Women in the control
group received no special education or training; those in the
experimental group were
sent to school, given job training, and instructed in child care,
household manage-
ment, and personal relationships.
After the babies were born, the research team shifted their focus
to them. For 6
years, the children whose mothers received special training
spent most of each day in
an infant-education center, where they were fed, taught, and
cared for by paraprofes-
sionals. The children whose mothers received no special

training did not attend the
center. Ultimately the children in the experimental group
achieved an average IQ
score of 126, 51 points higher than their mothers’ average
scores. In contrast, the aver-
age score of the children in the control group was 94. Thus, this
landmark study sup-
ported the notion that intervention may indeed counter the
negative effects of
cultural and socioeconomic deprivation on IQ scores.
Head Start, the nation’s largest intervention program, began in
1965. Since its inception,
Head Start has provided comprehensive services to more than
25 million children and their
families through child care, education, health, nutrition, and
family support (National Head
Start Association, 2008). Focusing on preschoolers between the
ages of 3 and 5 from low-
income families, the program has two key goals: to provide
children with educational and
social skills before they go to school, and to provide
information about nutrition and health
to both the children and their families. Head Start involves
parents in all its aspects, from

daily activities to administration of the program itself. This
parental involvement has been
crucial to Head Start’s success (Cronan, Walen, & Cruz, 1994;
Mendez-Baldwin, 2001).
Several studies evaluating the long-term effects of Head Start
have found that it boosts
cognitive and language abilities (W. S. Barnett, 1998; Wasik,
Bond, & Hindman, 2006; Zhai,
2008; Zigler & Styfco, 2008). Studies following Head Start
graduates until age 27 revealed
higher academic achievement and lower delinquency level.
Graduates also tended to stay in
school longer and were more likely to graduate from college.
Thus, Head Start seems to
provide long-term, practical benefits (Zigler, 2003; Zigler &
Styfco, 2008).
Overall, the effectiveness of early intervention appears to
depend on the quality of the
particular program (S. L. Ramey, 1999; C. T. Ramey & Ramey,
2007; Zigler & Styfco, 1993).
Intervention programs that have clearly defined goals; that
explicitly teach such basic skills
as counting, naming colors, and writing the alphabet; and that

take into account the broad
context of human development, including health care and other
social services, achieve the
biggest and most durable gains.
The IQ Debate: A Useful Model
How can the study of plants help us to understand the
relationship
between heredity and environment?
Both heredity and environment have important effects on
individual differences in intelli-
gence, but is one of these factors more important than the other?
A useful analogy comes
from studies of plants (Turkheimer, 1991). Suppose that you
grow one group of randomly
assigned plants in enriched soil, and another group in poor soil.
The enriched group will
grow to be taller and stronger than the nonenriched group; the
difference between the two
groups in this case is due entirely to differences in their
environment. Within each group of
plants, however, differences among individual plants are likely
to be primarily due to genet-
ics, because all plants in the same group share essentially the

same environment. Thus, the
height and strength of any single plant reflects both heredity
and environment.
Similarly, group differences in IQ scores might be due to
environmental factors, but
differences among people within groups could be due primarily
to genetics. At the same
time, the IQ scores of particular people would reflect the effects
of both heredity and envi-
ronment. Robert Plomin, an influential researcher in the field of
human intelligence, con-
cludes that “the world’s literature suggests that about half of the
total variance in IQ scores
can be accounted for by genetic variance” (Plomin, 1997, p.
89). This finding means that
environment accounts for the other half.
Individual differences in intelligence can be
partly explained by differences in environ-
mental stimulation and encouragement. The
specific forms of stimulation given vary from
culture to culture. Because our culture
assigns importance to developing academic
skills, the stimulation of reading and exploring

information in books can give children an
edge over those who are not so encouraged.
Head Start is a program designed to do just
what its name implies: to give children from
disadvantaged environments a head start in
acquiring the skills and attitudes needed for
success in school. Although researchers
debate whether Head Start produces signifi-
cant and lasting boosts in IQ, it does have
many school-related benefits for those who
participate in it.
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The Flynn Effect An interesting side note to this
discussion is the fact that IQ scores have gone up in
the population as a whole (Daley, Whaley, Sigman,
Espinosa, & Neumann, 2003; Flynn, 2007). Because
James Flynn (Flynn, 1984, 1987) of the University of
Otago in New Zealand was the first to report this
finding, it is often called the Flynn Effect. In his origi-
nal research, Professor Flynn gathered evidence show-
ing that, between 1932 and 1978, intelligence test
scores rose about three points per decade. More
recently, by pulling together data from five nations
(Britain, Netherlands, Israel, Norway, and Belgium)
Flynn (1999) has shown that the average increase in
IQ may be as high as six points per decade. Consistent
with this result is a finding by Flieller (1999) that chil-
dren today between the ages of 10 and 15 years dis-

play significant cognitive advancement compared
with children of the same age tested 20 and 30 years
ago. And, as Neisser (1998) points out, accompanying this
general increase in IQ scores is a
decrease in the difference in intelligence scores between Blacks
and Whites.
Although the Flynn Effect has many possible explanations, none
of them seem to
account entirely for the magnitude of the effect (Flynn, 1999;
D. C. Rowe & Rodgers, 2002;
Sundet, Borren, & Tambs, 2008). Rather than getting smarter,
maybe people are simply get-
ting better at taking tests. Environmental factors, such as
improved nutrition and health
care, may also contribute to this trend (Teasdale & Owen,
2005). Some psychologists have
suggested that the sheer complexity of the modern world is
responsible (Schooler, 1998).
For example, the proliferation of televisions, computers, and
video games could be con-
tributing to the rise in IQ scores (Greenfield, 1998; Neisser,
1998).

Mental Abilities and Human Diversity:
Gender and Culture
Do culture and gender influence mental abilities?
Gender In 1974, psychologists Eleanor Maccoby and Carol
Jacklin published a review of
psychological research on gender differences. They found no
differences at all between
males and females in most of the studies they examined.
However, a few differences did
appear in cognitive abilities: Girls tended to display greater
verbal ability, and boys tended
to exhibit stronger spatial and mathematical abilities.
Largely as a result of this research, gender differences in ver-
bal, spatial, and mathematical abilities became so widely
accepted that they were often cited as one of the established
facts of psychological research (Hyde, Fennema, & Lamon,
1990; Hyde & Linn, 1988).
A closer examination of the research literature, includ-
ing more recent work, indicates that while gender differ-
ences in some math and verbal skills exist, they are relatively
small and often concentrated in very specific skills. For
example, while girls do appear to display stronger verbal

skills than boys, female superiority is generally only found
when the assessment of verbal skill includes writing. Con-
versely, boys tend to outperform girls primarily on measures
of visual-spatial skill, which appears to account for most of
the gender-related differences revealed on standardized
math tests (Halpern et al., 2007). Interestingly, the advantage
246 Chapter 7
The Flynn Effect
Flynn and others have found that IQ scores are rising, but what
does thisreally mean? As Flynn (1999) points out, it is hard to
see how genes couldaccount for so rapid an increase in IQ.
Clearly, some aspect of the environ-
ment must account for most or all of the increase in IQ scores.
1. Of the possible explanations mentioned in the text, which
seem to you to
be most likely? Why? How might you go about determining
whether one
explanation is better than another?
2. Do you think IQ scores will continue to rise? Is your position
on that ques-

tion related to your answer to the first question?
3. Does a rise in IQ test scores necessarily mean that there has
been a
comparable increase in intelligence? Why or why not?
Research shows there are only negligible dif-
ferences between men and women in mathe-
matical ability.
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males have over females in visual-spatial ability has been
detected in infants as young as 3–5
months (J. Choi & Silverman, 2003; Halpern, 1997; D. S. Moore

& Johnson, 2008; Quinn &
Liben, 2008). Men also differ from women in another way: They
are much more likely than
women to fall at the extremes of the intelligence range (N.
Brody, 2000; Halpern et al.,
2007). In one review of several large studies, Hedges and
Nowell (1995) found that males
accounted for seven out of eight people with extremely high IQ
scores. These authors also
reported that males represented an almost equally large
proportion of the IQ scores within
the range of mental retardation.
What should we conclude from these findings? First, cognitive
differences between
males and females appear to be restricted to specific cognitive
skills (Stumpf & Stanley,
1998). Scores on tests such as the Stanford–Binet or the WAIS
reveal no gender differences
in general intelligence (Halpern, 1992). Second, gender
differences typically are small
(Skaalvik & Rankin, 1994). Third, we do not know whether the
differences that do exist are
a result of biological or cultural factors (Hyde & Mezulis,
2002). Finally one extensive

review of the literature concluded that “There is no single factor
by itself that has been
shown to determine sex differences in science and math. Early
experience, biological con-
straints, educational policy, and cultural context each have
effects, and these effects add and
interact in complex and sometimes unpredictable ways”
(Halpern et al., 2007, p. 41).
Culture For years, U.S. media have been reporting an
achievement gap, especially in
math, between American and Asian students. Recent media
reports suggest even broader
differences.
Psychological research tells us something about the causes of
these achievement gaps.
Two decades ago, a team of researchers led by the late Harold
Stevenson (1924–2005) began
to study the performance of first- and fifth-grade children in
American, Chinese, and
Japanese elementary schools (Stevenson, Lee, & Stigler, 1986).
At that time, the American
students at both grade levels lagged far behind the other two
countries in math and came in

second in reading. A decade later, when the study was repeated
with a new group of fifth-
graders, the researchers discovered that the American students
performed even worse than
they had earlier. In 1990, the research team also studied the
original first-graders from all
three cultures, now in the eleventh grade. The result? The
American students retained their
low standing in mathematics compared with the Asian students
(Stevenson, 1992, 1993;
Stevenson, Chen, & Lee, 1993).
The next question was, Why? Stevenson’s team wondered
whether cultural attitudes
toward ability and effort might, in part, explain the differences.
To test this hypothesis, the
researchers asked students, their parents, and their teachers in
all three countries whether
they thought effort or ability had a greater impact on academic
performance. From first
through eleventh grade, American students on the whole
disagreed with the statement that
“everyone in my class has about the same natural ability in
math.” In other words, the
Americans thought that “studying hard” has little to do with

performance. Their responses
appear to reflect a belief that mathematical skill is primarily a
function of innate ability.
American mothers expressed a similar view. Moreover, 41% of
the American eleventh-
grade teachers thought “innate intelligence” is the most
important factor in mathematics
performance. By contrast, Asian students, parents, and teachers
believed that effort and
“studying hard” determine success in math.
Such culturally influenced views of the relative importance of
effort and innate ability
may have profound consequences for the way that children,
their parents, and their teach-
ers approach the task of learning. Students who believe that
learning is based on natural
ability see little value in working hard to learn a difficult
subject. By contrast, students who
believe that academic success comes from studying are more
likely to work hard. Indeed,
even the brightest students will not get far without making an
effort. Although many
Americans no doubt believe in the value of effort and hard
work, our widespread percep-

tion that innate ability is the key to academic success may be
affecting the performance of
U.S. students (Stevenson, Lee, & Mu, 2000).
In short, while Stevenson’s research confirms the existence of
significant differences in
student performance across various cultures, the evidence
suggests that these differences
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reflect cultural attitudes toward the importance of
ability and effort, rather than an underlying differ-
ence in intelligence across the cultures.
Extremes of Intelligence
What do psychologists know about the two
extremes of human intelligence: very high
and very low?
The average IQ score on intelligence tests is 100.
Nearly 70% of all people have IQs between 85 and
115, and all but 5% of the population have IQs
between 70 and 130. In this section, we focus on peo-

ple who score at the two extremes of intelligence—
those with mental retardation and those who are
intellectually gifted.
Mental Retardation Mental retardation encom-
passes a vast array of mental deficits with a wide variety of
causes, treatments, and out-
comes. The American Psychiatric Association (1994) defines
mental retardation as
“significantly subaverage general intellectual functioning . . .
that is accompanied by signif-
icant limitations in adaptive functioning” and that appears
before the age of 21 (p. 39).
There are also various degrees of mental retardation. Mild
retardation corresponds to
Stanford–Binet IQ scores ranging from a high of about 70 to a
low near 50. Moderate retar-
dation corresponds to IQ scores from the low 50s to the middle
30s. People with IQ scores
between the middle 30s and 20 are considered severely retarded,
and the profoundly
retarded are those whose scores are below 20. (See Table 7–3.)
But a low IQ is not in itself sufficient for diagnosing mental
retardation. The person

must also be unable to perform the daily tasks needed to
function independently (Rust &
Wallace, 2004). A person who is able to live independently, for
example, is not considered to
have mental retardation even if his or her IQ may be extremely
low. To fully assess individ-
uals and to place them in appropriate treatment and educational
programs, mental health
professionals need information on physical health and on
emotional and social adjustment
(Borthwick-Duffy, 2007).
Some people with mental handicaps exhibit remarkable abilities
in highly specialized
areas, such as numerical computation, memory, art, or music
(Pring, Woolf, & Tadic, 2008;
Treffert & Wallace, 2002). Probably the most dramatic and
intriguing examples involve
savant performance (Boelte, Uhlig, & Poustka, 2002; L. K.
Miller, 2005). Savant performances
248 Chapter 7
International Comparisons of School Achievement

1. Do you agree or disagree with the conclusions of Stevenson
and his col-
leagues that cultural attitudes may account for some of the
academic
performance differences between American students and
students from
other countries? What additional evidence might provide
support for your
position?
2. If you were to research this topic today, would you do things
differently
than Stevenson’s team did? Are there any other factors that
might
account for the differences in achievement that you would
investigate?
What specific questions would you ask of the parents, students,
and
teachers? What additional information about the school systems
would
you collect?
3. Given the results of this research, what specific steps would
you take to
improve the academic performance of American children?

Table 7–3 LEVELS OF MENTAL RETARDATION
Type of Retardation IQ Range Attainable Skill Level
Mild retardation Low 50s to low 70s People may be able to
function adequately in society and learn skills comparable to a
sixth-
grader, but they need special help at times of unusual stress.
Moderate retardation Mid-30s to low 50s People profit from
vocational training and may be able to travel alone. They learn
on a
second-grade level and perform skilled work in a sheltered
workshop under supervision.
Severe retardation Low 20s to mid-30s People do not learn to
talk or to practice basic hygiene until after age 6. They cannot
learn
vocational skills but can perform simple tasks under
supervision.
Profound retardation Below 20 or 25 Constant care is needed.
Usually, people have a diagnosed neurological disorder.

Source: Based on APA, DSM-IV, 1994.
mental retardation Condition of significantly
subaverage intelligence combined with
deficiencies in adaptive behavior.
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include mentally calculating large numbers almost instantly,
determining the day of the
week for any date over many centuries, and playing back a long
musical composition after
hearing it played only once.
What causes mental retardation? In most cases, the causes are

unknown (Beirne-
Smith, Patton, & Ittenbach, 1994; Glidden, 2004)—especially in
cases of mild retardation,
which account for nearly 90% of all retardation. When causes
can be identified, most often
they stem from a wide variety of genetic, environmental, social,
nutritional, and other risk
factors (A. A. Baumeister & Baumeister, 2000; Moser, 2004).
About 25% of cases—especially the more severe forms of
retardation—appear to
involve genetic or biological disorders. Scientists have
identified more than 100 forms of
mental retardation caused by single defective genes (Plomin,
1997). One is the genetically
based disease phenylketonuria, or PKU, which occurs in about
one person out of 25,000. In
people suffering from PKU, the liver fails to produce an enzyme
necessary for early brain
development. Fortunately, placing a PKU baby on a special diet
can prevent mental retar-
dation from developing (Merrick, Aspler, & Schwarz, 2005). In
the disorder known as
Down syndrome, which affects 1 in 600 newborns, an extra 21st
chromosome is the cause.

Down syndrome, named for the physician who first described its
symptoms, is marked by
moderate to severe mental retardation.
Biologically caused mental retardation can be moderated
through education and
training (C. T. Ramey, Ramey, & Lanzi, 2001). The prognosis
for those with no underlying
physical causes is even better. People whose retardation is due
to a history of social and
educational deprivation can respond dramatically to appropriate
interventions. Today, the
majority of children with physical or mental disabilities are
educated in local school sys-
tems (Doré, Wagner, Doré, & Brunet, 2002), in inclusion
arrangements (Kavale, 2002) (pre-
viously known as mainstreaming), which help these students to
socialize with their
nondisabled peers. The principle of mainstreaming has also
been applied successfully to
adults with mental retardation, by taking them out of large,
impersonal institutions and
placing them in smaller community homes that provide more
normal life experiences
(I. Brown, Buell, Birkan, & Percy, 2007).

Giftedness At the other extreme of the intelligence scale are
“the gifted”—those with
exceptional mental abilities, as measured by scores on standard
intelligence tests. As with
mental retardation, the causes of giftedness are largely
unknown.
The first and now-classic study of giftedness was begun by
Lewis Terman and his col-
leagues in the early 1920s. They defined giftedness in terms of
academic talent and mea-
sured it by an IQ score in the top 2 percentile (Terman, 1925).
More recently, some experts
have sought to broaden the definition of giftedness beyond that
of simply high IQ (L. J.
Coleman & Cross, 2001; Csikszentmihalyi, Rathunde, &
Whalen, 1993; Subotnik &
Arnold, 1994). One view is that giftedness is often an
interaction of above-average general
intelligence, exceptional creativity, and high levels of
commitment (Renzulli, 1978). Vari-
ous criteria can identify gifted students, including scores on
intelligence tests, teacher rec-
ommendations, and achievement test results. School systems

generally use diagnostic
testing, interviews, and evaluation of academic and creative
work (Sattler, 1992). These
selection methods can identify students with a broad range of
talent, but they can miss
students with specific abilities, such as a talent for mathematics
or music (Cramond &
Kim, 2008). This is an important factor because research
suggests that most gifted indi-
viduals display special abilities in only a few areas. “Globally”
gifted people are rare
(Achter, Lubinski, & Benbow, 1996; Lubinski & Benbow, 2000;
Olzewski-Kubilius, 2003;
Winner, 1998, 2000).
A common view of gifted people is that they have poor social
skills and are emotion-
ally maladjusted. However, research does not support this
stereotype (J. Richards, Encel, &
Shute, 2003; Robinson & Clinkenbeard, 1998). Indeed, one
review (Janos & Robinson,
1985) concluded that “being intellectually gifted, at least at
moderate levels of ability, is
clearly an asset in terms of psychosocial adjustment in most
situations” (p. 181). Neverthe-

less, children who are exceptionally gifted sometimes do
experience difficulty “fitting in”
with their peers.
giftedness Refers to superior IQ combined
with demonstrated or potential ability in such
areas as academic aptitude, creativity, and
leadership.
Down syndrome is a common biological
cause of mental retardation, affecting one in
600 newborns. The prognosis for Down syn-
drome children today is much better than it
was in the past. With adequate support, many
children with the affliction can participate in
regular classrooms and other childhood
activities.
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Any discussion of giftedness inevitably leads to the topic of
creativity. The two topics
are, indeed, closely related, as we shall see in the next section.
250 Chapter 7

false (F):
a. ___ When identical twins are raised apart, their IQ scores are
not highly correlated.
b. ___ Environmental stimulation has little, if any, effect on IQ.
c. ___ Head Start graduates are more likely than their peers to
graduate from college.
2. As psychologists learn more about giftedness, the definition
of it has become
(broader/narrower) _______.
Diversity–Universality Not Everyone Wants to Be Special
Because gifted children sometimes become bored and socially
isolated in regular classrooms,
some experts recommend that they be offered special programs
(Olzewski-Kubilius, 2003).
Special classes for the gifted would seem to be something the
gifted themselves would want,
but this is not always the case. Special classes and special
schools can separate gifted students
from their friends and neighbors. And stereotypes about the
gifted can mean that, once
identified as gifted, the student is less likely to be invited to
participate in certain school
activities, such as dances, plays, and sports. Gifted students

also sometimes object to being
set apart, labeled “brains,” and pressured to perform beyond the
ordinary. Many but not all
gifted students welcome the opportunities offered by special
programs. ■
Answers:1. a.2. b.
1. Imagine that an adoption agency separates identical twins at
birth and places them
randomly in very different kinds of homes. Thirty years later, a
researcher discovers that
the pairs of twins have almost identical scores on IQ tests.
Which of the following
conclusions is most consistent with that finding?
a. Heredity has a significant effect on intelligence.
b. Environment has a significant effect on intelligence.
c. Heredity provides a starting point, but environment
determines our ultimate
intelligence.
d. Because the twins were placed in very different

environments, it’s not possible to
draw any conclusions.
2. Ten-year-old John has an IQ score of 60 on the Wechsler
Intelligence Scale for Children.
Which of the following would you need to know before you
could determine whether
John is mildly retarded?
a. whether his score on the Stanford–Binet Intelligence Scale is
also below 70
b. whether he can perform the daily tasks needed to function
independently
c. whether he has a genetic defect in the X chromosome
d. whether he suffered from malnutrition before birth
Answers:a. (F).b. (F).c. (T).2. broader.
CREATIVITY
What is creativity?
Creativity is the ability to produce novel and socially valued
ideas or objects ranging
from philosophy to painting, from music to mousetraps

(Mumford & Gustafson,
1988; Runco, 2004; Sternberg, 2001). Sternberg included
creativity and insight as
• Describe the relationship between
creativity and intelligence, and the ways
in which creativity has been measured.
creativity The ability to produce novel and
socially valued ideas or objects.
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important elements in human intelligence. Most IQ tests,
however, do not measure
creativity, and many researchers would argue that intelligence
and creativity are not
the same thing.
Intelligence and Creativity
How is creativity related to intelligence?
Early studies typically found little or no relationship between
creativity and intelligence (for
example, Getzels & Jackson, 1962; Wing, 1969), but these
studies were concerned only with
bright students. Perhaps creativity and intelligence are indeed
linked, but only until IQ
reaches a certain threshold level, after which higher intelligence
isn’t associated with higher
creativity. There is some evidence for this threshold theory
(Barron, 1963; Yamamoto & Chim-
bidis, 1966). However, other studies have failed to provide

support (Preckel, Holling, & Wiese,
2006) finding instead that the relationship between intelligence
and creativity is best
understood only when the individual facets of intelligence (such
as crystal versus fluid) and
creativity (such as musical or artistic) are considered (K. H.
Kim, 2008; Sligh, Conners, &
Roskos-Ewoldsen, 2005).
Creative people are often perceived as being more intelligent
than less creative people
who have equivalent IQ scores. But this may be the result of
other characteristics that cre-
ative people share. For instance, research has shown that
creative people also tend to score
high on measures of extraversion—a personality trait reflecting
gregariousness, assertive-
ness and excitement seeking (Furnham & Bachtiar, 2008;
Furnham, Batey, Anand, &
Manfield, 2008). (See Chapter 10, “Personality.”)
In general, creative people are problem finders as well as
problem solvers. The more cre-
ative people are, the more they like to work on problems that
they have set for themselves.

Creative scientists (such as Charles Darwin and Albert Einstein)
often work for years on a
problem that has sprung from their own curiosity (Gruber &
Wallace, 2001). Also, “great-
ness” rests not just on “talent” or “genius”; such people also
have intense dedication, ambi-
tion, and perseverance (Stokes, 2006).
Creativity Tests
Can creativity be measured?
Measuring creativity poses special problems (Cramond & Kim,
2008; Naglieri & Kaufman,
2001; Runco, 2008). Because creativity involves original
responses to situations, questions
that can be answered true or false or a or b are not good
measures. More open-ended tests
are better. Instead of asking for one predetermined answer to a
problem, the examiner asks
the test takers to let their imaginations run free. Scores are
based on the originality of a per-
son’s answers and often on the number of responses as well.
In one such test, the Torrance Test of Creative Thinking, people
must explain what is

happening in a picture, how the scene came about, and what its
consequences are likely
to be. In the Christensen–Guilford Test, they are to list as many
words containing a given
letter as possible, to name things belonging to a certain
category (such as “liquids that
will burn”), and to write four-word sentences beginning with
the letters RDLS—
“Rainy days look sad, Red dogs like soup, Renaissance dramas
lack symmetry.” One of
the most widely used creativity tests, S. A. Mednick’s (1962)
Remote Associates Test
(RAT), asks people to relate three apparently unrelated words.
For example, a test taker
might relate the stimulus words poke, go, and molasses using
the word slow: “Slowpoke,
go slow, slow as molasses.” In the newer Wallach and Kogan
Creative Battery, people
form associative groupings. For instance, children are asked to
“name all the round
things you can think of ” and to find similarities between
objects, such as between a
potato and a carrot.
Although people who do not have high IQs can score well on

the Wallach and
Kogan test, the Torrance test seems to require a reasonably high
IQ for adequate
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ANSWERS TO PROBLEMS IN THE CHAPTER
PROBLEM 1 Fill each of the smaller spoons with salt from the
larger spoon. That step
will require 4 teaspoons of salt, leaving exactly 4 teaspoons of
salt in the larger spoon.
252 Chapter 7
1. The ability to produce novel and unique ideas or objects,
ranging from philosophy to painting,
from music to mousetraps, is termed ____________.
2. Two important features of creative people are that they
a. take risks and like to work on problems that they invent
themselves.

b. are perceived as less intelligent and more irresponsible than
other people.
c. excel at art but are poor at science.
3. ____________-____________ tests are the best type for
measuring creativity.
Answers:1. creativity.2. a.3. Open-ended.
Answers:1. c.
1. You are discussing creativity and intelligence with a friend
who says, “Those are two
different things. There’s no relationship between being
intelligent and being creative.”
Based on what you have learned in this chapter, which of the
following would be the most
accurate reply?
a. “You’re right. There is no evidence of a relationship between
creativity and
intelligence.”

b. “You’re wrong. There is a relationship between intelligence
and creativity but it is
complex and is understood only when the individual facets of
intelligence and
creativity are taken into account.”
c. “That’s apparently true only among very bright people. For
most people, creativity
and intelligence tend to go together.”
d. “That’s true for people with IQ scores below about 100, but
above that point,
intelligence and creativity tend to go together.”
A(8) B(5) C(3)
A to C5
3
5
3
2
33

2
15
7
10
7
01
4
31
4
4
C to B
A to C
C to B
B to A
C to B

A to C
C to B
Goal:
Figure 7–8
Answer to Problem 2. Step 1: cut one piece of chain
into three open links
Step 2: use three links to join three
remaining pieces of chain
Figure 7–9
Answer to Problem 3.
performance. This finding raises the question of which of these
tests is a valid measure
of creativity. In general, current tests of creativity do not show
a high degree of validity
(Baer, 2008; Clapham, 2004), so measurements derived from
them must be interpreted
with caution.
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PROBLEM 2 As shown in Figure 7–8, fill spoon C with the salt
from
spoon A (now A has 5 teaspoons of salt and C has 3). Pour the
salt from
spoon C into spoon B (now A has 5 teaspoons of salt, and B has
3). Again fill
spoon C with the salt from spoon A. (This leaves A with only 2
teaspoons of
salt, while B and C each have 3.) Fill spoon B with the salt from
spoon C.
(This step leaves 1 teaspoon of salt in spoon C, while B has 5
teaspoons, and
A has only 2.) Pour all of the salt from spoon B into spoon A.
(Now A has 7
teaspoons of salt, and C has 1.) Pour all of the salt from spoon

C into spoon
B, and then fill spoon C from spoon A. (This step leaves 4
teaspoons of salt in
A, 1 teaspoon in B, and 3 teaspoons in C.) Finally, pour all of
the salt from
spoon C into spoon B. (This step leaves 4 teaspoons of salt in
spoons A and
B, which is the solution.)
PROBLEM 3 Take one of the short pieces of chain shown in
Figure 7–9,
and open all three links. (This step costs 6 cents.) Use those
three links to
connect the remaining three pieces of chain. (Hence, closing the
three links
costs 9 cents.)
PROBLEM 4 One way to solve this problem is to draw a
diagram of the
ascent and the descent, as in Figure 7–10. From this drawing,
you can see that
indeed there is a point that the monk passes at exactly the same
time on both
days. Another way to approach this problem is to imagine that
there are two

monks on the mountain; one starts ascending at 7 A.M., while
the other starts
descending at 7 A.M. on the same day. Clearly, sometime
during the day the
monks must meet somewhere along the route.
PROBLEM 5 This problem has four possible solutions, one of
which is
shown in Figure 7–11.
Time of day
Sunrise
Bottom
Top
Ascending
Descending
Sunset
Po

si
ti
on
o
n
m
ou
nt
ai
n
Figure 7–10
H
O
H
O

H
O
H
O
H H
H
O
H H
H H H
H H H
H
O
H
O
O

H
O
H
O
H
O
O O
O O
H H
H H
O O
O O
H O
O

O
O
O
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.

10.
11.
Key
Hobbit H
Orc O
Start
Finish
Figure 7–11
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PROBLEM 6 There are 15 possible solutions to this problem, of
which this is one: First,
one Hobbit and one Orc cross the river in the boat; the Orc
remains on the opposite side
while the Hobbit rows back. Next, three Orcs cross the river;
two of those Orcs remain on
the other side (making a total of three Orcs on the opposite
bank) while one Orc rows back.
Now three Hobbits and one Orc row the boat back. Again, three
Hobbits row across the
river, at which point all five Hobbits are on the opposite bank
with only two Orcs. Then,
one of the Orcs rows back and forth across the river twice to

transport the remaining Orcs
to the opposite side.
ANSWERS TO INTELLIGENCE TEST
QUESTIONS
1. Idleness refers to the state of being inactive, not busy,
unoccupied; laziness means
an unwillingness or a reluctance to work. Laziness is one
possible cause of idleness,
but not the only cause.
2. If you face west, your right ear will face north.
3. Obliterate means to erase or destroy something completely.
4. Both an hour and a week are measures of time.
5. Alternative (f) is the correct pattern.
6. Seventy-five cents will buy nine pencils.
7. Alternative (d) is correct. A crutch is used to help someone
who has difficulty
with locomotion; spectacles are used to help someone who has
difficulty
with vision.
8. Alternative D is correct. The second figure is the same shape

and size but with
diagonal cross-hatching from upper left to lower right.
9. Figures 3, 4, and 5 can all be completely covered by using
some or all of the
given pieces.
254 Chapter 7
Figure 7–12

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