Design Commons Practices Processes And Crossovers Gerhard Bruyns
Design Commons Practices Processes And Crossovers Gerhard Bruyns
Design Commons Practices Processes And Crossovers Gerhard Bruyns
Design Commons Practices Processes And Crossovers Gerhard Bruyns
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6. Design Research Foundations
Series Editors
Ilpo Koskinen, School of Design, University of New South Wales,
Sydney, NSW, Australia
Peter Gall Krogh, Department of Digital Design and Information Studies,
School of Communication and Culture, Aarhus, Denmark
Editorial Board
Katja Battarbee, Mountain View, USA
Lucienne Blessing, Singapore University of Technology and D, Singapore, Singapore
Mieke Boon, Philosophy, University of Twente, Enschede, The Netherlands
Amaresh Chakrabarti, IISc Quarters NE-305, Indian Institute of Science, Bangalore,
Karnataka, India
Lin-Lin Chen, Eindhoven University of Technology, Eindhoven, The Netherlands
Gilbert Cockton, Northumbria University, Newcastle upon Tyne, UK
Nathan Crilly, Department of Engineering, University of Cambridge, Cambridge, UK
Kees Dorst, University of Technology Sydney, Sydney, Australia
Claudia Eckert, Engineering and Innovation, The Open University, Milton Keynes, UK
Per Galle, The Royal Danish Academy of Fine Arts, S, Birkeroed, Denmark
Annie Gentes, Dépt SES, Telecom Paristech, Paris, France
Armand Hatchuel, Mines ParisTech, Paris, France
Paul Hekkert, Delft University of Technology, Delft, The Netherlands
Caroline Hummels, Eindhoven University of Technology, Eindhoven, The Netherlands
Giulio Jacucci, Department of Computer Science, University of Helsinki, Helsinki, Finland
Gesche Joost, Prozessgestaltung, Raum Ein 220, Univ der Künste Berlin, Inst Produkt,
Berlin, Berlin, Germany
Tobie Kerridge, Goldsmiths University of London, London, UK
Anita Kocsis, Swinburne University of Technology, Melbourne, Australia
Peter Gall Krogh, Engineering, Aarhus University, Aarhus, Denmark
Jung-Joo Lee, Division of Industrial Design, National University of Singapore,
Kent Ridge, Singapore
Stefano Maffei, Department of Design, Politecnico di Milano, Milano, Italy
Charles Lenay, COSTECH, University of Technology of Compiègne,
COMPIEGNE CEDEX, France
Tuuli Mattelmäki, Aalto University, Espoo, Finland
Anthonie W. M. Meijers, Department of Philosophy and Ethics,
Eindhoven Univ of Technology, Eindhoven, Noord-Brabant, The Netherlands
Kristina Niedderer, University of Wolverhampton, Wolverhampton, UK
Panos Y. Papalambros, Department of Mechanical Engineering, University of Michigan
Ann Arbor, MI, USA
Johan Redstrom, Umeå University, Umea, Sweden
Yoram Reich, Wolfson - Engineering, 230, Tel Aviv University, Ramat Aviv, Israel
Arne Scheuermann, Kommunikationsdesign, Hochschule der Künste Bern, Bern, Switzerland
Kin Wai Michael Siu, School of Design, The Hong Kong Polytechnic Univ, Kowloon, Hong Kong
Oscar Tomico, Eindhoven University of Technology, Eindhoven, The Netherlands
Pieter E. Vermaas, Department of Philosophy, Delft University of Technology, Delft, The Netherlands
John Zimmerman, Carnegie Mellon University, Pittsburgh, USA
7. Managing Editor
Clementine Thurgood, Faculty of Health, Arts and Design, Swinburne University
of Technology, Melbourne, VIC, Australia
The goal of the series is to provide a platform for publishing state of the art research
on foundational issues in design and its applications in industry and society. Suitable
topics range from methodological issues in design research to philosophical
reflections on the specificities of design rather than actual design work or empirical
cases only. The definition of design behind the series is inclusive. In terms of
disciplines, it ranges from engineering to architecture. In terms of design work, it
ranges from conceptual issues in design through design experiments and prototypes
to evaluative studies of design and its foundations.
Proposals should include:
• A proposal form, as can be found on this page
• A short synopsis of the work or the introduction chapter
• The proposed Table of Contents
• The CV of the lead author(s)
• If available: one sample chapter
We aim to make a first decision within 1 month of submission. In case of a positive
first decision the work will be provisionally contracted: the final decision about
publication will depend upon the result of the anonymous peer review of the
complete manuscript. The series editors aim to have the complete work peer-
reviewed within 3 months of submission.
The series discourages the submission of manuscripts that contain reprints of
previous published material and/or manuscripts that are below 150 pages /
75,000 words.
For inquiries and submission of proposals authors can contact the series editors,
Pieter Vermaas via: p.e.vermaas@tudelft.nl or Ilpo Koskinen via: ilpo.koskinen@
polyu.edu.hk
More information about this series at https://link.springer.com/bookseries/13775
8. Gerhard Bruyns • Stavros Kousoulas
Editors
Design Commons
Practices, Processes and Crossovers
10. v
Acknowledgments
This volume would not have been possible without the generous support of the
School of Design at Hong Kong Polytechnic University and the Department of
Architecture, Faculty of Architecture, TU Delft.
We are indebted to the Design Research Foundations series’ editors Ilpo
Koskinen, (former) Pieter E. Vermaas, and Clementine Thurgood for their recep-
tiveness and enthusiasm for our book project and their valuable comments and
assistance. We are also grateful to Heleen Schröder for her copyediting input and
overall preparation of this volume for publication.
Finally, we are thankful to all the authors in this book for their generous contribu-
tions and excellent cooperation. It would, quite literally, be impossible without them.
11. vii
Contents
1
An Introduction to Design Commons���������������������������������������������������� 1
Gerhard Bruyns and Stavros Kousoulas
Part I
Design, the Commons and the Social
2
Commoning as a Material Engagement of Resistance:
The Struggle to Save the Albanian National Theater �������������������������� 19
Dorina Pllumbi
3 AutoCostruzione-SelbstBau: Design as a Practical Knowledge
Translation Process���������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 45
Maria Reitano and Nikolaus Gartner
4
Scaling Out, Up and Deep Understanding the Sustainment and
Resilience of Urban Commons���������������������������������������������������������������� 57
Chun Zheng
5
Alignments of Architecture and Commoning in Tai O Village
Architecture Critique and Fields of Adversity�������������������������������������� 77
Daniel Elkin, Chi-Yuen Leung, and Xiao Lu Wang
Part II
Design, the Commons and Culture
6
Persistent Modeling of the Built A Collective Experiment
Merging Structural Preservation and Digital Design Between
Academia and Industry�������������������������������������������������������������������������� 101
Frank Bauer and Lasse Sehested Skafte
7
The Commons in African Spatial Production: A Critical
Review of Geographies of Power������������������������������������������������������������ 119
Gert van der Merwe
8
Expressing Urban Commons: Architectural Ambiguity in the
Construction of an Improvisational Future������������������������������������������ 139
Nicholas Frayne
12. viii
Part III
Design, the Commons and Ecology
9
Intriguing Human-Waste Commons: Praxis of Anticipation
in Urban Agroecological Transitions������������������������������������������������������ 161
Markus Wernli
10
The Secondary Use Group: Unlocking Waste as a Common
Pool of Resources in the 1970s���������������������������������������������������������������� 183
Piero Medici
11
Reclaiming the Habitat: Food, Fire and Affordance in
Designing and Living the Urban������������������������������������������������������������ 207
Liana Psarologaki and Stamatis Zografos
Part IV
Design, the Commons and Transdisciplinarity
12 Design and Commons: A Lacanian Approach�������������������������������������� 223
Dora Karadima
13
“Matters of Care” in Spaces of Commoning: Designing In,
Against and Beyond Capitalism������������������������������������������������������������� 239
Katharina Moebus
14
Design as Commoning: Drawing Together with Care�������������������������� 259
Lőrinc Vass, Roy Cloutier, and Nicole Sylvia
Index������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 277
Contents
13. ix
Frank Bauer, as Elsa-Neumann PhD Fellow embedded at the Cluster of Excellence
“Matters of Activity,” inquires into ontological logics of digital modeling and fabri-
cation workflows, with special interest into their operative, instrumental, and sym-
bolic basis. He graduated in architecture from UdK Berlin (MA 2017), with stays at
UIC and IIT Chicago, as well as in social science, art, and cultural history studies
from ALU Freiburg, FU Berlin, and JGU Mainz (MA 2012), respectively. After
positions with the Fondation Vasarely in Aix-en-Provence and KWY Lisbon, he co-
founded Büro Vogel Bauer, a planning agency for contemporary fine arts produc-
tion. In the Department of Digital and Experimental Design at UdK Berlin, he is
currently teaching design studios within the BArch and interdisciplinary MA pro-
gram in design and computation (TU/UdK Berlin).
Gerhard Bruyns is an architect and urbanist. He is an associate professor in the
School of Design at The Hong Kong Polytechnic University. His research deals with
aspects of spatial morphology (morpho.org) and its impact on both the formal
expression of the city and societal conditions that are compressed into an urban
landscape of Asia. He has published on design strategies, spatial commoning, geo-
political issues linked to spatial practices, and urban morphology.
Contingent is a multi-disciplinary research and design collective based in
Vancouver and Tokyo. Current collaborators include Roy Cloutier, Nicole Sylvia,
and Lőrinc Vass. Roy Cloutier and Nicole Sylvia are adjunct professors in the
School of Architecture and Landscape Architecture at the University of British
Columbia, and architectural designers at Patkau Architects in Vancouver. Lőrinc
Vass is an architectural designer and a doctoral candidate in the Department of
Architecture, Tokyo Institute of Technology.
Daniel Elkin is a researcher, designer, and maker with a decade of experience. He
serves asAssistant Professor of Environment and Interior Design in The Hong Kong
Polytechnic University School of Design. Educated at Cranbrook Academy of Art
(MArch, 2015) and the University of Cincinnati, Elkin’s research focuses on spatial
Author Biographies
14. x
agency, collaborative governance, and housing, particularly in non-normative devel-
opment scenarios. His recent work in stilt house communities is published in inter-
national journals and conferences. His spatial activism work with student
collaborators was published in Cubic Journal’s Design Social edition. His analysis
of emergent spatializations was published in Architectural Research Quarterly. He
served as first editor of the upcoming Cubic Journal issue on design making.
Nicholas Frayne is an emerging scholar working at the frontiers of architectural
research and practice. His global background and longstanding interest in interna-
tional development ground his work in an urgent need to address sustainable think-
ing in its cultural, economic, and political dimensions. Having won awards for his
design and research work, he brings experience at architecture firms in New York,
Boston, and Toronto to his understanding of architecture as a force for societal
transformation, critique, and ethical action. With an epistemological philosophy
rooted in experiential learning, his research is focused on sociology, historiography,
and art theory in order to approach architectural praxis from new angles.
Nikolaus Gartner is an architect who graduated from TU Wien (Technical
University of Vienna). In October 2019, he received the Fred Sinowatz Science
Award for his master’s degree thesis “Cutting Reed: Strategy for the Architectural
Handling of Lake Neusiedl Reed Belt.” Since 2019, he has been a member of
ICOMOS Austria, analyzing the impact of architecture on the cultural landscape
and world heritage site Fertő/Neusiedlersee. He was a tutor in the Department of
Design and Design Theory, Institute of Architecture, TU Wien, until 2016, and is
currently practicing as an architect in Vienna. His fields of interest include vernacu-
lar architecture, DIY culture applied to architecture, and local building techniques
and knowledge. Throughout his work, he has been developing architectural strate-
gies dealing with high-quality low-budget designs and sharable languages to coop-
eratively approach a building process. He is currently curator of the exhibition
“Schilf schneiden,” promoted by the Austrian association ArchitekturRaum
Burgenland, to be opened in Spring 2021.
Dora Karadima is a PhD candidate in theArchitectural Department at the National
Technical University of Athens. Her research interests sprawl around design theory,
Lacanian psychoanalysis, and the possible theorization between them. Her interest
lies in understanding the inner core of design processes and practice with a particu-
lar interest in the position of the designer within them. Her work is based mostly in
dismantling design theory and the mode it operates, using Lacanian theory in syn-
ergytothisquest.AtthecoreofthisworkisthenotionofdesireandtheAnthropocene,
which is now, more than ever, in need of re-establishing a discourse on values with
the necessary reflection within.
Stavros Kousoulas is Assistant Professor of Architecture Theory in the Faculty of
Architecture of TU Delft. He has studied architecture at the National Technical
University of Athens and at TU Delft. He received his doctoral title cum laude from
Author Biographies
15. xi
IUAV Venice participating in the Villard d’Honnecourt International Research
Doctorate. He has published and lectured in Europe and abroad. He is a member of
the editorial board of Footprint Delft Architecture Theory Journal since 2014.
Chi-Yuen Leung is a teaching fellow in the Department ofApplied Social Sciences
at Hong Kong Polytechnic University. He teaches social work subjects related to
community development and macro-social work practice. He is also interested in
studying social work education, practicing of community work, hawker markets,
and urban poverty and social marginalization. He is currently engaged in sustain-
able development research in rural areas and older urban areas, including Tai O
village and Sham Shui Po, Hong Kong.
Piero Medici is an architect, currently researcher and lecturer, in the Faculty of
Architecture and the Built Environment, TU Delft, and in the Master ofArchitecture
program at Fontys University of Applied Science, Tilburg. He is a founding partner
of the architectural and urban practice CoPE, and winner of the international com-
petition Europan 14. Piero holds a degree in environmental sciences (BSc in Venice)
and architecture (BSc in Venice, MSc in TU Delft), and a PhD (international PhD in
IUAV, TU Delft, ENSA Paris Belleville). His doctoral thesis focused on European
sustainable housing and neighborhoods during the 1970s. He has 15 years of experi-
ence working as a researcher, lecturer, architect, and environmental scientist at vari-
ous academic institutions and practices, including UCL Bartlett, London; KABK
Royal Academy, The Hague; Ca′ Foscari, Venice; Grimshaw Architects, London;
and Superuse Studios, Rotterdam. Piero is author of several publications, and his
research focuses on architectural approaches concerning sustainability, circular
economy, degrowth, and the commons.
Gert van der Merwe graduated from the University of Pretoria (MProf Arch) in
2014. Following this, he focused on design-build, catalytic social programs, and
low-cost housing. He has taught at the University of Pretoria in undergraduate and
postgraduate courses (2016–2019). His research is focused on anti-gentrification
and resistance tactics, and the rights of creatives and alternative social structures. He
believes in embedded practice and views his praxis as action research and activism.
Katharina Moebus is a feminist designer, organizer, and researcher based in
Berlin who works at the intersection of socio-politically engaged design, radical
pedagogy, and do-it-together (DIT) making. She is co-initiator and co-organizer of
the neighborhood laboratory Common(s)Lab, co-founder and chairwoman of the
transdisciplinary research collective Agents of Alternatives (AoA), and active mem-
ber of the cultural project space top. After her BA in product and communication
design at the Free University of Bolzano (2007), she completed an MA in applied
art and design at Aalto University ARTS Helsinki (2011) and currently pursues a
practice-based PhD at Sheffield University School of Architecture, exploring trans-
formative economies and (spaces of) commoning practices in the urban context.
Author Biographies
16. xii
Dorina Pllumbi is an architect and a PhD candidate in the Department of
Architecture, TU Delft, Netherland. Her research interest resides in studying prac-
tices of commoning as material and spatial engagement in realities of political tran-
sition. Her particular focus is to understand the role that commoning practices have
played in Albania during the transitional period from a totalitarian state socialist
regime to a recently consolidating neoliberal one. Currently, Dorina is a visiting
scholar at Parsons School of Design in New York City.
Liana Psarologaki is an architect, installation artist, and educator with interest in
meta-philosophy of space, post-humanities, and new pedagogies. She trained at the
National Technical University of Athens and holds one of the first interdisciplinary
PhDs in the creative arts completed at the Centre for Spatial Analysis and
Intervention, UCA Canterbury. She is Associate Professor of Architecture at the
University of Suffolk and the research lead for the built-environment strand at the
Suffolk Sustainability Institute (SSI). In 2018 she received a senior fellowship from
the Higher EducationAcademy in recognition of her leadership in architectural edu-
cation, and in 2020, she was elected Chair of Education for the Royal Institute of
British Architects (RIBA) East Region.
Maria Reitano is an architect and PhD candidate in evaluation and urban planning
in the Department of Architecture (DiARC), University of Naples Federico II. Her
fields of interest include urban regeneration through cooperative decision-making
processes, shared and plural values of urban ecosystems, and urban commoning.
She studies peri-urban territories and their analysis according to a complex system-
thinking perspective. In her research, she is developing methodological approaches
addressed towards the definition of multi-stakeholder spatial decision support sys-
tems (MS-SDSS) and investigating new opportunities deriving from the application
of ICT and crowd-sourcing as digital social innovation tools to be implemented for
the informatization of territories and the activation of sharing knowledge and co-
learning processes. She is currently collaborating within the European research
project HERA Joint Research Program, “Public Spaces: Culture and Integration in
Europe” (PUSH).
Lasse Sehested Skafte, after studies in architecture at the Royal Danish Academy
of Fine Arts in Copenhagen, graduated from the Department of Digital and
Experimental Design at Berlin University of the Arts in 2017. He held positions
with Raumlabor in Berlin, Herzog de Meuron in Basel, and a docent position
with the Eames Foundation in Los Angeles. There, he also worked with the Center
for Land Use Interpretation on perceptual studies of the American Anthropocene
landscape. For his work in theory and design, he received several scholarships,
among them from the Margot and Paul Baumgarten Foundation and the Danish Arts
Foundation. His collaborative practice with the Popticum collective was recently
exhibited at the Maia Biennale for Contemporary Art. As registered architect MAA,
Lasse is an affiliated advisor for Realdanias Underværker program and currently
works and practices in the field of art production in Berlin.
Author Biographies
17. xiii
Xiao Lu Wang is an associate in the Centre for Social Innovation at the Cambridge
Judge Business School and was a former research assistant professor in the
Department of Applied Social Sciences at Hong Kong Polytechnic University. Dr.
Wang is an interdisciplinary researcher: she had PhD and postdoc training in behav-
ioral economics, organizational studies, and political economy. Her research focuses
on the organization of social innovation, particularly on governance and cross-
sector partnership. She has examined the organization of community action and
social innovation for disaster relief, social services, commoning of community
space, and social enterprise ecosystem. Dr. Wang is passionate about extending her
research into innovations that achieve sustainability goals. Besides research, she
also actively works with nonprofit organizations in Hong Kong.
Markus Wernli’s design praxis explores the intricate relationality of human and
nature through the development of more regenerative, ecologically entangled ways
of living and designing. His ongoing research draws connections between food sys-
tems and social, cultural, and local ecosystems to forge better relationships between
what we breathe, eat, expel, wear, and grow. Much of his research might be consid-
ered participatory citizen science or citizen-design interventions that can be gath-
ered under the umbrella of participatory research through design. He specializes in
contextually applied and critical research-through-design, bringing focus to the
social and ecological impact of body-technology pairings and human-biosphere
interactions. Markus is a research assistant professor with the School of Design at
Hong Kong Polytechnic University and has held appointments in the College of
Asia and the Pacific at the Australian National University in Canberra, Zokei
University of Art and Design in Kyoto, and the Multimedia Studies Program at San
Francisco State University.
Chun Zheng is a landscape architect, urban designer, and currently a PhD
researcher in the School of Design at Carnegie Mellon University. Her doctoral
research concerning practices of commoning and urban agriculture in the USA and
China is supported by the China Scholarship Council. Chun is also a Permaculture
Institute of North America (PINA) certified permaculture designer. Most recently,
she co-curated the digital exhibition A dialogue must take place, precisely because
we don’t speak the same language in the context of the Tbilisi Architecture Biennial
and the research fellowship program MAPP (Methods, Affects Practical
Pedagogies) in the School of Commons at Zurich University of the Arts.
Stamatis Zografos is an architect and academic. He is a senior teaching fellow in
architectural history and theory at UCL Bartlett School of Architecture and a visit-
ing lecturer in critical and historical studies at the Royal College of Art. He is also
the founder of Incandescent Square, an interdisciplinary platform for research and
design with interests spanning from architecture and urbanism to critical heritage
and curating. He is the author of Architecture and Fire: A Psychoanalytic Approach
to Conservation, which was published in 2019 by UCL Press.
Author Biographies
19. 2
1 (De)sign Expressions
Examining the etymology of the word “design,” one comes to a startling conclu-
sion: design, simultaneously, refers to a multitude of diverse conditions. As philoso-
pher Vilém Flusser explains, design as a noun can refer to a “purpose,” a “plan,” a
“goal” or a “form”; at the same time, as a verb, to design means to “concoct,” to
“draft,” to “sketch” or to “shape” (Flusser 1995, 50). In any case, and that is signifi-
cant to us, design is derived from the Latin word signum, which literally means a
sign. Therefore, design in its original disegnare can be directly understood as
“expressing a sign.” We will claim that it is of great importance to define design in
its original relation with expression, rather than limiting it to specific practices (such
as drawing, tracing, outlining, or modelling). Design, first and foremost, is the prac-
tice of expressing signs.
Necessarily, this leads us to a broader discussion: how can we understand signs
and their expression? Let us examine them both in brief. One of the most common
mistakes when it comes to signs, is to approach them strictly semantically or syn-
tactically; in other words, to confine them only within the disciplinary boundaries of
linguistics. On the contrary, we will posit that when it comes to design practices,
signs should be placed in a different, third category of information. In this sense,
signs belong to a pragmatic level: how can a sign affect the behavior of both a trans-
mitter and a receiver? Consequently, we can understand signs as “meaning.”
Nonetheless, confusion arises, precisely because once again, the common tendency
is to give to language alone the privilege of producing meaning. As philosopher
Manuel DeLanda claims, our confusion regarding the word “meaning” comes from
the fact that “meaning” has two meanings: signification and significance, one refer-
ring to semantic context, the other to importance and relevance (DeLanda 2006, 22).
It is the second meaning of “meaning” that we have in mind here: How signs are
communicated throughout living systems? How can one find meaning in the actions
of another?
As such, signs (understood as meaning) can be conceptualized as the very feeling
of crossing a threshold. Among an infinite number of actions and perceptions, some
do indeed cross a limit that transform them to something that has a certain signifi-
cance for us. In this manner, we can provide an initial reformulation of the term
design: to express meaningful actions and perceptions. What about the term expres-
sion then? As sociologist Antoine Hennion suggests, it is again interesting to exam-
ine its etymology (Hennion 2016, 84). Initially, it comes from the Latin expressare:
ex, “out,” and pressare, “to press.” Expression then literally means to press out, to
squeeze, to extort: expression is a coming out (Hennion 2016, 84) A coming out of
where however? Moreover, if to express is to press out, then towards where is this
pressure oriented, where does it lead? What is being pressured, to afford something
to come out of it? It would be misleading to conceive expression as a pressure in
extensive terms. In addition, it is equally misleading to conceive it in spatial terms,
where pressure stands merely for the force applied to a surface. Quite the opposite,
pressure is not force on surface: pressure is force acting on force. In other words,
G. Bruyns and S. Kousoulas
20. 3
expression, as the pressure to come out, belongs to the intensive: expression is
always an act on the pressurized limit.
Consequently, we can now come up with a complete reformulation: design is the
effort to discover, manipulate and cross intensive limits that can eventually lead to
the production of meaningful actions and perceptions. Therein lies the focus of this
volume. If discovering, manipulating and crossing limits is what design is about,
then – by definition – design is at once both technological and collective. To be
more precise, it is collective because it is technological and vice versa. To make this
clear, we need to provide a broader and more inclusive definition of technology.
Without exceeding the scope of this introduction, we will briefly indicate one direc-
tion, namely the thought of philosopher Gilbert Simondon. For Simondon, the
dichotomy between culture and technology is based on a fundamental misunder-
standing of technology which, at least in cultural terms, positions it as a foreign
reality (Simondon 2017, 134). For that reason, Simondon proposes the term “tech-
nical culture,” suggesting a way of thinking which surpasses that conflict. The point
of departure for a way of thinking that no longer considers technology and culture
apart, is a shift of focus from the usage and utility of technical objects. Aiming to
provoke an awareness of the modes of existence of technical objects, one should
focus on the genesis of the objects themselves (Simondon 2017, xi).
Simondon does so by developing the concept of technicity. For Simondon, tech-
nicity is fully relational since it necessarily deals with a constant becoming. If one
aims to avoid reductionism, then, Simondon advises us, one should expand the
scope of study beyond the technical objects to the technicity of these objects as a
mode of relation between human and world (Simondon 2017, 162). The autonomy
of each technical object lies in its relational technicity, since “technical objects
result from an objectification of technicity; they are produced by it, but technicity is
not exhausted in objects and is not entirely contained in them” (Simondon 2017,
176). In simple terms, technicity deals with how humans relate to and transform
their environment through technology and how these relations transform all of
them – humans, technology and environment – in turn. In this sense, one could start
examining design in its technicity.
How is it though that design technicities produce collectives? It is by turning to
philosopher Bernard Stiegler that we can provide an answer. Stiegler is categorical
when claiming that technology is responsible for the emergence of any collective
(Stiegler 1998). This is the case because technology has the capacity to potentialize
particular kinds of both memory and intentionality, what Stiegler refers to as a third,
epiphylogenetic kind of retention and protention (Stiegler 1998). Simply put, tech-
nological artefacts inscribe and exteriorize the actions of a collective past while
simultaneously enabling future interventions. A humble table, for example, is the
expression of collective efforts that lasted thousands of years aiming at literally
elevating the ground from the earth, enabling a form of sociality that would not have
been possible otherwise. In addition, the (fundamentally technological) inscription
of plans and ideas on a piece of paper brings people together by exteriorizing the
promise of a future that is not here yet. With these two examples, we can understand
why Simondon suggests that we should use the term transindividual when
1 An Introduction to Design Commons
21. 4
attempting to speak of human subjects and how they evolve: the purely personal and
the wholly social constantly co-transform through technology (Simondon 2020).
Design technicities, from a table to a sketch on a piece of paper, spark transindi-
viduality, enabling the conditions for the production of a collective. Simultaneously,
our design technicities in their forming of a collective also produce novel ways of
thinking, novel ways of reasoning. This is why architectural theorist Sanford
Kwinter claims that design is “a highly advanced form of rationality, perhaps the
highest there currently is” (Kwinter 2007, 17). To this, Kwinter adds that
If design is the dominant form of rationality in our era, it is inseparable from the grand
machinery of secular striving and making identified by Max Weber a century ago; it com-
pounds our economic, spirito-religious and sensual life into a single yarn: it is technique
itself. To say that it is what we are, is not necessarily to celebrate, but to cast a warning and
an admonition that somewhere the control of our destiny was handed to us and we failed to
answer the challenge with either sobriety, ecstasy or thought (Kwinter 2007, 17, emphasis
in original).
Therefore, it is of the greatest importance to examine how our design technicities
produce both the world and us, the subjects that live in it. Furthermore, it is of equal
importance to elaborate on how we, the (self)designed subjects of a (hetero)designed
world, come together and, transindividualy, form collectives. However, and this is
one of this volume’s ambitions, perhaps of greater importance is to speculate on
how we could – through our design technicities – produce new ways of being and
becoming collective, ways that would eventually produce both a new world and a
new people. In this sense, it is imperative to examine design technicities in their
relation to the commons and to practices of commoning, since both have long been
considered the purposeful intentionality behind the formation of any collective body.
2 Commons and Commoning
The word “commoning” derives from the wider concept of the commons, a term
that has deep philosophical and theoretical roots dating back to the ideas of Plato
and Thomas Hobbes. In the contemporary sense, the mechanization of commoning
as an operative concept provides the foundation of an alternative and heterogeneous
socio-economic model within the public sector but beyond the dichotomy between
public and private. Its echoing effect has led to the fusion of the concept with a
variety of design domains as for example game design, spatial design and prod-
uct design.
The commons as a concept relies on an understanding of how natural
recourses –referred to as “common-pool resources” – are co-shared among a
number of individuals and collectives. The very act of producing, managing, shar-
ing and distributing these common resources is what we refer to as the act of com-
moning. It is a concept that transverses social, economic, technological, and scalar
questions. Commoning embeds its functionality within small groups (the users of a
kitchen) or in a wider domain, within the civic (in public spaces and parks).As such,
G. Bruyns and S. Kousoulas
22. 5
it is both local (a village) and global (use of the oceans) and can materialize in a
restricted (a house) or boundless (immigration) format. In other words, and in con-
nection to our entry point regarding a renewed understanding of design, commons
and their commoning refer to all the collective technicities that we deploy in order
to change our environment and ourselves.
Complementing our approach, this volume will build on Elinor Ostrom’s origi-
nal publication Governing the Commons (1990), which questioned the dominant
models of managing and sharing natural as well as human-made resources. With the
revival of the concept in economics (from thinkers such as Ronald Coase or Albert
O. Hirschman) and sociology (one can think of Rosabeth Moss Kanter), Ostrom’s
contribution was a sociologically oriented empirical approach that helped to explain
how some institutional arrangements have helped several communities to manage
their commons and maximize community welfare, in some cases, for centuries.
The commons materialize where the private interests of the individual are set
against the shared interests of a collective. In a historical context, this “individual
versus collective” establishes specific understandings of reciprocity among kin.
Closer examination of social crises has shown the effectiveness of the commons in
addressing moments of uncertainty as a social problem-solving model. Co-operation
in food gathering, child rearing, and defense – in whatever formats – remained co-
dependent on a broader collective action. As Ostrom states, “collective-action prob-
lems pervade international relations, face legislators when devising public budgets,
permeate public bureaucracies, and are at the core of explanations of voting, interest
group formation, and citizen control of governments in a democracy” (Ostrom
1998, 1). The commons, in the more contemporary sense, has reverberated into the
domains of political ecologies, and as such the very nature of political-economic
approaches to territory, governance and types of economies (Ostrom 1998).
Therefore, despite its origins in classic political philosophy, the commons has
become transdisciplinary in application. It has affected discourses around asset
management, environmental ecologies, urban design, geopolitical debates on human
rights, and the production of knowledge. It has relied on rational choice theory,
related to game theory (Ostrom et al. 2008) and the theory of public commodities to
reformulate economic positions away from dominant economies of consumption,
speculation and exchange.
For thinkers such as David Bollier and Silke Helfrich (2015), the structural con-
ditions of the commons has delivered compelling patterns of engagement at three
levels. First, the processes of the commons, its co-action, co-production or co-
operating – either at scales of a high-rise, in an urban village deeply embedded in
rural regions, in artistic communities, research settings, or related to collectives in
cyberspace – remains a universal necessity. Put succinctly, one way or another, we
are all in need of being involved in the very technicities that determine how we
produce and manage our shared resources. Secondly, to this effect, although the
commons may be regarded as a social occurrence derived from outdated principles,
it still retains a modest appreciation in hyper-industrial and modernized societies.
Thirdly, the commons define an “open source” paradigm shift. In this shift, the com-
mons represents a repositioned world view, one that influences both material,
1 An Introduction to Design Commons
23. 6
formal and conceptual conditions as a process: fab labs, hacker spaces, jamming,
the sharing economy, the reformation of the civic, types of governance, the private,
the public and, as such, the urban, are each reframed once placed within the domains
of the commons concept.
In this direction, philosophers Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri (2009) expand
on the Marxist analysis of political-economic systems, setting the commons logics
against the advantages and disadvantages of diverse governance models, economic
systems and social movements. In the field of architecture theory, Hardt and Negri’s
position has been situated within the specifics of public space, linking the commons
to self-organized empowerment struggles (Sohn et al. 2015). The discussion of a
variety of social movements explicates how both publicness and the urban remate-
rialize through the self-organization of social bodies in an attempt to expose latent
possibilities within the civic and urban space in times of crisis. The work draws
strongly on architect Stavros Stavrides (2016), linking urban spaces to the commons
in periods of urban activism.
From another angle, the commons has created a balance between different
domains of knowledge in data culture. Defining knowledge as a specific commons,
the information paradigm has become decentralized in both its production and own-
ership. Intelligences, intellectual property and the civics’ role are tested through
digital information which has, in the conventional sense, always been closed-off and
commodified. For Ostrom, irrespective of whether it is labelled “digital,” “elec-
tronic,” “information,” “virtual,” “communication,” “intellectual,” or “technologi-
cal,” (Ostrom 2008, 5) the information and knowledge domain speaks to the sharing
of a common field where materiality, know-how and data are collective by default.
In this light the common-pool resources become economic as well as legal in nature,
differentiating the “rights to” from the “rights from” in terms of who has access to
information and who can derive rights from each data set.
References to the legalities of common property (Bromley 1998; Ciriacy-
Wantrup and Bishop 1975), transference of rights and the open access of knowl-
edge, in whatever format, remain at the heart of the questions posed in the light of
the knowledge-commons versus knowledge-economies, materialized in the various
licenses to use, distribute or take part in commercial enterprises. In respect to digital
media and popular culture, a range of practices from social media to game modify-
ing communities has long helped to destabilize the traditional idea of centralized
authorship. Media texts or video games are not only remixed and reconfigured,
redefined and deconstructed by “small” actors, but alternative economies and new
ways of doing have emerged on the side. Everything from “participatory media”
and “fandom” to “piracy cultures” and “Kickstarted” design education is in one way
or another linked to a broader idea of the commons.
In parallel, the commons concomitantly expose certain drawbacks. As outlined
by ecologist Garrett Hardin (1968) in what is termed the “tragedy of the commons,”
the imbalance of supply and demand exponentially affects structural as well as long
term effects. Irrespective of its application in a spatial domain, in the eradication of
illnesses, or in its continued advocacy of “the public good,” the complexity of bal-
ancing market-driven needs and resource availability may irreversibly transform all
the conditions of both common good and how various systems are brought together.
G. Bruyns and S. Kousoulas
24. 7
Ostrom et al. (2008) herself mechanizes the praxis of design when postulating prin-
ciples for governing sustainable recourses. Among others, design remains a neces-
sary skill when mechanizing the commons, articulating definable boundaries,
determining the proportional balance between benefits and costs, making collective
choice arrangements, strategizing conflict resolution, and minimally recognizing
the right to organize nested enterprises and even design pedagogies (Freire 2007).
As is obvious from this short overview of the diverse lines of thinking that the
commons generates, little has been done so far in terms of exploring explicitly its
relation with design. We are therefore left to question the “common” thread in this
conceptual field and its specificity to the design setting. Moreover, despite a recent
surge of renewed interest in the social conditions of design, most accounts remain
deeply atheoretical. We will claim that a more focused theoretical and philosophical
foundation will help problematize the link between commoning and design, and in
doing so define the operative theories, concepts and frameworks that influence
design thinking across a series of context and conditions.
In the global climate of population increase and the prevalent reduction of finan-
cial resources, the question and theorization of shared (collective and technological)
capacities will remain part and parcel to the future of design thinking and doing.
This volume therefore exploits the theoretical and philosophical themes related to a
wider field of a commoning design technicities, providing designers better ground-
ing in the diverse contexts of the twenty-first century. As such, the theorization of
design and the commons explores the implicit link through each of the collected
contributions to show how this philosophical construct can be explicated in the con-
text of network collectives and transdisciplinary approaches that currently inform
design practices.
3 Design Commons…
In this context, and from the overwhelming response to our call for contributions,
this book explores four areas of interest. Our selection criteria considered each sub-
mission’s thematic valance, as well as crossovers with other debates. From the range
of articles included in this volume, it has become clear how active spatial practices
have been, and remain to be, in questioning design and the commons. This brings to
question why so few voices are evident within the established domains of product
design or in the emergent domains of service design, experience design, or even
policy design in questioning the commons.
3.1 …and the Social
Reconsidering design, the commons and the social is a natural point of departure,
representing the first thematic cluster. The inclusion of the commons in the social
realm exposes deep rifts in both the use and application of social models, social life
and of being “social.” To this effect, Dorina Pllumbi reflects on the field of power
1 An Introduction to Design Commons
25. 8
relations generated by collective and emancipatory initiatives in Tirana, Albania,
against the developmental pressure of state-led coalitions, questioning perpetual
and long-lasting relations through spatial practices. Plumbi highlights that “collec-
tivities” are still present, active and resistant, despite the corrosion of the notion of
the collective itself after multiple decades of both totalitarian state control and neo-
liberal policies. In addition, Plumbi reminds us that eliminating the traditional bina-
ries that are associated in any discussion of the commons (i.e., public versus private,
individual versus collective) without overcoming them in action, can eventually
cause more damage than good. As such, by referring to the Spinozian conatus (the
driving force of each individuation) Plumbi asks what a political body can do when
faced with the need to organize itself in order to tackle a specific (design) problem.
Maria Reitano and Nikolaus Gartner deepen the discussion of resilient social
systems through co-design, focusing on self-production, co-production and re-
production to situate identity and technical knowledge. Focusing on co-design as a
practice of “doing together,” a renewed understanding of design knowledge is pre-
sented. For Reitano and Gartner, it is a collective “know-how” that matters and not
just the acquisition of a factual “know-that”. This collective “know-how” emerges
through production itself (be it self-, co- or re-production) and by embracing the
contingency of common design practices, binds a collective together. In other
words, for Reitano and Gartner, a praxis communis is always produced and never a
given, brought forth by the intricate experiential bonds of common action and
knowledge production.
The contribution by Chun Zheng directs the discussion towards the commons in
the framework of resilience thinking. For Zheng, the notions of scaling-out, scaling-
up and scaling-deep crystallize a commons triad that unifies regional agendas, social
agency and resilience strategies. By understanding urban commons as something
radically different than natural commons, Zheng highlights the importance of prac-
tices of governance that emerge as the capacity to respond to disturbances and
endure over time. As such, urban commons becomes a matter of sustainment and
resilience, constituting therefore a dynamic social process. It is this complex dyna-
mism that scaling-out, scaling-up and scaling-deep examine. Zheng concludes her
article by underlining that the value of urban commons (and their spaces) is not
merely the value of land and buildings, but, crucially, the value of people and their
collective activities. In doing so, Zheng makes clear that by focusing on the impor-
tance of the collective production of new norms and values, a renewed definition of
commoning can appear: to (re)produce in common.
Finally, Daniel Elkin, Chi-Yuen Leung and Xiao Lu Wang’s contribution chal-
lenges the alignment between commoning practices and architecture’s disciplinary
limits. Their action research work in Tai O Village, Hong Kong, elaborates the role
architectural products play in collaborative governance frameworks. Therefore,
they question the degree to which commoning practices affect architectural design,
understood now as a decision-making process. Elkin, Leung and Wang continue
Zheng’s claims on urban commons by highlighting how architectural design asserts
its conceptual framework, where potential alignments to commoning occur and how
these affect the very foundations of architecture. They do so by placing focus on
G. Bruyns and S. Kousoulas
26. 9
architectural production itself as well as the objects (or better said, the products)
that are usually associated with architecture, successfully introducing a broadened
understanding of design agency.
3.2 …and Culture
The second thematic cluster examines the link between design, commons and cul-
ture. Frank Bauer and Lasse Sehested Skafte, close to the concerns of Elkin, Leung
and Wang, probe a novel understanding of agency and commoning in the digital
age. Their perspective outlines an account whereby design is decoupled from linear
and sequential processes in favor of intertwined and holistic approaches. In doing so
they argue for diverse approaches to the commons that may serve ecologies, econo-
mies and foundations of design more actively. By asking how digital designers can
reassess their stake between individual and collective modes of production, Bauer
and Skafte suggest that a potential transformation in their relation to the commons
might occur, proposing a human/non-human assemblage of diverse design agents.
Their concept of persistent modelling functions as a speculative design and knowl-
edge tool that through abstraction crosses the thresholds between digital and physi-
cal, mediating design knowledge across domains. In other words, the persistent
model is a process of continuous modeling that promotes simultaneously both spec-
ulation and precise interventions.
Gert van der Merwe posits that the commons should be also understood as part
of indigenous systems of spatial production, viewed as an ongoing and relational
process in a geography of external power dynamics. Using South Africa as case in
point, van der Merwe highlights the differences between the commons of the global
North in relation to the global South, where the balance between legitimacy of com-
munity is placed alongside a “socially constructed” commons. The case studies he
examines stand firmly against the categorical taxonomization of mapping that sedi-
ment and immobilize bodies in space, exemplary of the occidental oculocentric rep-
resentational logics and tools that confuse the map for the territory. Those
taxonomies, van der Merwe argues, cannot capture the mobility of pre-colonized
Africa, claiming that our tools for approaching the commons do not easily apply in
the African context, expressing therefore the need for an immanent and locally
bound account of the commons.
Nicholas Frayne’s contribution argues for the utilization of uncertainty as a guid-
ing mechanism for narratives that are generated from the lived environment. Linking
with the work of Van der Merwe, Frayne harnesses the notions of decolonization,
identity and ambiguity to situate a commons where improvisational relationships
establish situational environments that support contradiction, flux and connectivity.
Frayne advocates an architecture that can make one defamiliarize, suggesting there-
fore new ways of living (with each other). As such, he essentially proposes that the
political is not to be conflated with the personal but rather with a process of continu-
ous estrangement. Ambiguity, for Frayne, is both a conceptual framework and a
1 An Introduction to Design Commons
27. 10
social practice that results in the emergence and formation of connections.Therefore,
he provides three distinct analytical modes that deal with ambiguity from different
yet encompassing perspectives: living with, composing, and encountering ambigu-
ity work in tandem to propose a different understanding of architecture, no longer
as a representational practice but rather as the enterprise of forming novel
connections.
3.3 …and Ecology
The third cluster focuses on design, commons and ecology. Markus Wernli’s
approach to the commons is through the lenses of living systems and the bio-context
of human-waste. Wernli discusses the regenerative, life-giving value chains, arguing
for a paradigmatic shift towards bio-economic value creation, a commons distilled
from food pedagogies, human nutrients and compost-friendly infrastructures.
Wernli claims that human-waste commoning permits communities to regain control
over their social reproduction, highlighting the essential biopolitical relations that
substantiate any collective formation. An account of human-waste commons,
according to Wernli, can revere the ecological use-value of land, partner communi-
ties with their non-human counterparts, link collectives with the management of
their resources and challenge established food distribution practices. Through dif-
ferent case studies, Wernli makes clear that the often neglected human-waste com-
mons can bring forth a novel, affirmative account of commoning that focuses on
fostering modes of collective anticipation that move beyond traditional forms of
communal participation and reaction.
In comparison, Piero Medici’s historic lens uses the Secondary Reuse Group
(SUG) as a form of critique against contemporary aspects of circular economies in
light of the commons. Herein, Medici discusses the links between waste as a
resource material and the social in light of the common-pool resources. Waste or the
“material commons” strikes a fine balance with immaterial commons that is depen-
dent on crafting, negotiating and design experimentations. Following a diverse
number of already established accounts on commoning, Medici underlines that
common-pool resources can only turn to a commons when communities can actu-
ally use them and sustain them, broadening therefore the commons to include inher-
ited natural resources, material humanmade resources and intangible cultural
resources. Through the work of SUG, Medici points that the office’s design and
construction processes not only suggest a move from linear to circular economies,
but also manage to bind together all the diverse common-pool resources and effec-
tively turn them to a commons.
Liana Psarologaki and Stamatis Zografos examine ecological and pedagogical
models in relation to the commons, through food, fire and affordances. Their debate
extends beyond the separate roles each element plays in shaping agents within envi-
ronmental assemblages, presenting the ramifications of how design contributes to
the consumption of environmental and material conditions. Psarologaki and
G. Bruyns and S. Kousoulas
28. 11
Zografos approach cooking as humans’ primary technical ability, making food, fire
and the regulation of their relation fundamental in the very definition of what deter-
mines us as species. Opposing the relegation of food and fire to mere infrastructural
or hazard-related concerns, the authors propose that we start discussing and practic-
ing food and fire as actual urban commons, moving beyond a state of illiteracy when
it comes to the ways that those two constitutive processes define the human. As
such, they outline a novel field of urban commons, where food, fire and the design
of rituals of collective feasting can both highlight the historicity of our species and
remind us our duty towards it.
3.4 …and Transdisciplinarity
Finally, the fourth thematic cluster, design, commons and transdisciplinarity
explores the implicit link of commoning and how it can be explicated in the context
of transdisciplinary approaches that currently inform design practices. Dora
Karadima forms crossovers between the social sciences and design theory pertain-
ing to issues of collaboration. Karadima links together three seemingly unconnected
fields – design theory, the commons and psychoanalysis – by virtue of deconstruct-
ing desire, alienation and separation. Focusing on the work of Jacques Lacan,
Karadima uses his psychoanalytical account as an interpretative tool that underlines
the importance of autonomy as a necessary precondition for both design and the
commons to co-exist in an emancipatory potential. By expanding the discussion on
value of the previous thematic clusters, Karadima eventually claims that the com-
mons are determined by the co-production of common values, analyzing this pro-
cess in terms of both design objects, design processes and design agents.
In comparison, Katarina Moebus relates commoning, care and new materialism
within the framework of feminism and Marxist scholarship through situated prac-
tices, drawing conclusions about design’s inherent political economy to emancipate
itself from the coercion driven by market forces. As such, Moebus underlines that
design is not merely a problem-solving enterprise but rather acts as the mediating
infrastructure through which collectives can address matters of care: what one does
to maintain, sustain and repair a common world. Therefore, for Moebus, common-
ing is to be defined as the design and the practice of constant care. Focusing on
examples from her own practice, Moebus makes clear that bringing the commons
together with design essentially entails a rethinking of how a community can repro-
duce itself while ensuring that its common values will not be hijacked by ever loom-
ing logics and practices of monetization.
The final contribution by the Contingent Collective (Lörine Vass, Roy Cloutier
and Nicole Sylvia) brings the concerns of this volume full circle. They seek, in their
argument, to trace the development of the commons in architecture and urbanism to
wider cosmopolitical questions that involve agency and responsibility of design.
The article postulates a reconsideration of the commons on two fronts: the evolution
from a discrete locus (the commons) to a process (commoning), and secondly a shift
1 An Introduction to Design Commons
29. 12
away from the primary human decisions towards a “more-than-human” ensemble.
The authors ask us to conceive the commons as the politics of connection between
all the heterogeneous entities that comprise what we call the social. Therefore, com-
moning becomes for them the means and the reason for radically rethinking our
relation to relation. By developing an account of the commons that includes both
common resources, commoning practices and the commoners themselves, the
authors underline the contrasting trajectories of a merely managerial understanding
of the commons while problematizing their (re)production. Through the practice of
drawing together matters of care and drawing together those who have nothing in
common (yet), the authors claim that a relational account of the commons needs
both a radical rethinking of how it enunciates its relation with the future and a how
it can allow for the formation of heterogenous assemblages that can catalyze that
futurity.
4 Designing a World
Apart from the editorial introduction, and the threading together of the various con-
cepts and contributions, what other reflections and implications are evident in our
initial questions – the influence and new interpretations of design and the com-
mons - in the long term? What synopsis is possible on the specifics of design, and
what we outline here as the transmission of new or other design technicities? For
what purpose, can these technicities facilitate design thinking?
Our observations highlight a first problem of how design and the commons
merge. From either side of the divide, reflecting on the design commons raises ques-
tions on how any design – in its domain, disciplinary or material alignment – amal-
gamates with the domain of the commons. From applied research to more abstract
and theoretical, what defines design commons seems to constitute a challenge of
linking design itself to either the ‘project as commons’ or the ‘commons as project’.
The compartmentalization of either belonging to the commons in a conceptual
premise alone or a material strategy that attempts to change engagement or useabil-
ity, appears in many designs as well as design criticism to be a post-materialization
contemplation. The fluidity of the middle ground, of being both a material endeavor
as well as an abstraction within the commoning framework, remains a fluid and
open challenge for design. Our experience on this specific topic over the last years,
has proven that thinking commons versus producing commons will require continu-
ous nurturing and development, as a committed endeavor with meaningful impact,
spanning years if not decades.
Following a similar line, as editors we question if the design commons can rely
on a priori decisions, harnessing predetermined values and processes. The different
polarities between design thinking and actual materialization bring a multitude of
novel transdisciplinary challenges; in how and in what way design actions can com-
bine methods from social sciences (socio-ethnographic), critical theory
(hypothetical-
abductive), data sciences (artificial intelligence, big data) and
G. Bruyns and S. Kousoulas
30. 13
fabrication processes (algorithms, computational protocols)? In this, we foresee the
emergence of both design as well as research challenges that will continue to test
transdisciplinary methodologies by examining how design appropriates suitable
analytic methods to advance design thinking, informed from a variety of angles and
research perspectives.
In the context of the ecological, biological, and technological environmentalism,
the emphasis on robotics, artificial and other forms of intelligences, continues to
place diverse tensions on design capacities and potentials. To address those ten-
sions, we foresee a need to destabilize our human-centered understanding of the
world by opening and relating it to the heterogeneous technicities that produce it.
Positioning technicities first can help in approaching the operative aspects of design-
ing with as well as for the commons. Without falling prey to any form of technologi-
cal determinism or reductionism, design theories need to develop accounts that can
examine the influence of data in design practices, underlining design in its diverse
roles: speculative in the mitigation of transversal concepts, synthetic in the modula-
tion of material forms.
As already implied, limited interest for the commons in disciplines such as game
design, communication design, graphic and product design is quite telling. In com-
parison, specific fields, for example interaction design, seem like obvious routes for
nurturing design commons, yet remain underexplored. The continuous advocacy for
a human-centered world and in this, human-centered design products, shifts design
interest towards the individual rather than the (human and non-human) collective.
Processes meant to generate shared norms, values and intentions, have become
overly homogenized. This might be explained by a fundamental misreading of the
value of the commons in the broader sense, as well as the values that commoning
technicities themselves can produce. Especially at times of social instabilities,
focusing on the individual rather than collective, certainly undermines both the
design questions and the design practices.
Specifically, our observations confirm the ease with which the spatial disciplines
have taken to the challenge of absorbing the commons in their praxis. The direct
link of architecture, urban design, and interior design with the commons demon-
strates socio-spatial sensibilities, as spatial designers appear more prone to negoti-
ate socio-technical challenges, from their problematization to completion. This may
be due to the nature of spatial disciplines, where the design of a single building,
space, or installation, relies on a multitude of parties and processes within negoti-
ated settings, whilst drawing from economy, structural engineering, building tech-
nology and diverse (often conflicting) stakeholders to facilitate the design. We
extend this question onto other design fields, presenting a challenge that hopefully
will show promise over the coming years of design research, in fields as food design,
experience design, transition design and alike.
Naturally, the emergence of design fields with a renewed interest in socio-
technical issues has recently shown promise in embedding a thinking of the com-
mons as part and parcel of their domains. Disciplines such as social design and
service design may provide fruitful grounds from which to further explore the
fusion of commoning and design thinking. The redirection from single to
1 An Introduction to Design Commons
31. 14
multi-
user, not only challenges the premise of product development, perhaps driven
by single-sided objectives, but equally requires new and differentiated pedagogies
in how such technicities are transferred through design knowledge. The premise of
conceptualizing through the commons, coupled to how design groups themselves
gather, share, communicate, or produce different settings, reframes the educational
premise of the design commons completely. In our view, infusing design pedagogy
with the design technicities of the commons will impact the foundations from which
designers conceptualize, share and gain knowledge through research processes, out-
come disseminations, fabrication models, and material prototyping that sets the tone
for long-term thinking in a design community.
Not surprisingly, by questioning the valance of the commons with the spatial
disciplines, our conclusions further highlight their tendency to act as a device con-
cept. The distinctions between design disciplines that choose to work with the com-
mons versus those overlooking it, may be linked to the problem of ownership
associated with design outcomes. Products, as the singular outcomes of product
design, remain for the most part in shifting ownership between (mostly) individuals.
The collective sharing of a product, in its use or as a resource, delivers intricacies of
proprietorship, monetary values and tenure of use. Who takes ownership of a single
product (say a watch or a chair), irrespective of its societal value or aim, remains a
consequence of a product-to-individual and not product-to-collective association.
The same holds true for the opposite process, where design notions, terms and con-
cepts from domains such as graphic design, fashion design or architecture itself, are
often metaphorically adopted from the domain of, for the lack of a better word,
‘common’ culture, that absorbs, dissects, and further places them away from the
original intent. Whereas, surprisingly, other digital media (such as game design)
that do involve multi-user scenarios in the values, engagements, and shared owner-
ships, show greater affinities to the potentials that the commons hold. Irrespective
the reason, we foresee the need for further investigations that examine such links
and design-commons crossovers.
Finally, the co-dependencies between the design fields, individual users, wider
target groups, or their technological appropriation, still places design within a
dilemma of delivering novel outcomes. Novel design proposals by default do not
inscribe to what we define as the commons or its shared values sets. The challenges
presented in the processes of adaptive reuse, recycling, reappropriating, or trans-
forming existing elements, either as products or as material settings, may cause
additional strain on the transformation processes, from one technicity to another.
Added to this, and in particular relevant to reuse and recycling, other factors, such
as heritage, can crystalize competing rationalities along those of the commons,
amplifying the challenges of the same problem. Differentiated technicities required
for the creation of new material settings, versus reprocessing existing material con-
ditions into diverse configurations seem to shift the design approach per concept
and per material scale. The reappropriation of architecture – the enveloping scale of
a building or space, versus the scales of a specific product – presents distinctive
challenges to the commons that demand a complex and transdisciplinary response.
An account of the design commons that wishes to embrace their heterogeneity
G. Bruyns and S. Kousoulas
32. 15
needs to be simultaneously transversal, non-reductionist and provide an adequate
degree of granularity depending on the problem that if focuses. In this, we urge for
the careful consideration of the commons, not as an all-encompassing design man-
tra universally applied, but as a design position that requires careful consideration
per setting, level of complexity and material conditions.
Consequently, what becomes apparent through the ways that the four clusters of
this book complement each other is the vast and diverse disciplinary fields that a
study on design commons can coalesce. In this sense, and even though only the last
cluster is explicitly titled so, the whole volume is an exercise in transdisciplinarity.
As such, all the heterogeneous design technicities that are examined in each chapter
make clear why a transdisciplinary approach is fundamentally necessary to address
the complexities of our current realities. While interdisciplinary research entails the
collaboration of different domains, it does so from a point of integration, where any
of the disciplines involved share methodologies and theoretical frameworks to work
towards a unified – thus, integrated – form of research. On the other hand, transdis-
ciplinary research affords the production of methodological, theoretical and con-
ceptual innovations, novel trajectories that emerge in order to address what binds
each discipline: a shared problem. In other words, transdisciplinarity does not obey
the constraints of any discourse, but, on the contrary, transforms them to productive
opportunities. Examining the commons and their design technicities as a transdisci-
plinary problem underlines its importance beyond the confines of any specific dis-
cipline, focusing not on a world of design but rather on the complex processes,
assumptions and responsibilities of designing a world.
References
Bollier, David, and Silke Helfrich. 2015. Patterns of Commoning. Amherst: Commons
Strategy Group.
Bromley, Daniel W. 1998. Determinants of Cooperation and Management of Local Common
Property Resources: Discussion. American Journal of Agricultural Economics 80 (3): 665–668.
Ciriacy-Wantrup, Siegfried von, and Richard Bishop. 1975. Common Property as a Concept in
Natural Resources Policy. Natural Resources Journal 15 (4): 713–727.
DeLanda, Manuel. 2006. A New Philosophy of Society. London: Continuum.
Flusser, Vilém. 1995. On the Word Design: An Etymological Essay. Design Issues 11 (3): 50–53.
Freire, Paolo. 2007. Pedagogy of the Oppressed. Trans. Donaldo Pereira Macedo. New York:
Continuum.
Hardin, Garrett. 1968. The Tragedy of the Commons. Science 162: 1243–1248.
Hardt, Michael, and Antonio Negri. 2009. Commonwealth. Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of
Harvard University Press.
Hennion, Antoine. 2016. For a Sociology of Maquettes. In Studio Studies: Operations, Topologies
and Displacements, ed. Ignacio Farías and Alex Wilkie, 73–88. New York: Routledge.
Kwinter, Sanford. 2007. Far From Equilibrium. Ed. Cynthia Davidson. Barcelona/NewYork:Actar.
Ostrom, Elinor. 1990. Governing the Commons: The Evolution of Institutions for Collective
Action. Cambridge: University Press.
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———. 1998. A Behavioral Approach to the Rational Choice Theory of Collective Action:
Presidential Address, American Political Science Association, 1997. American Political
Science Review 92 (1): 1–22.
———. 2008. The Challenge of Common-Pool Resources. Environment (Washington, DC) 50
(4): 8–21.
Ostrom, Elinor, Roy Gardner, and James Walker. 2008. Rules, Games, and Common-Pool
Resources. Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press.
Simondon, Gilbert. [1958] 2017. On the Mode of Existence of Technical Objects. Trans.
C. Malaspina and J. Rogove. Minneapolis: Univocal.
———. [2005] 2020. Individuation in Light of Notions of Form and Information. Trans. T. Adkins.
Minneapolis: Univocal.
Sohn, Heidi, Stavros Kousoulas, and Gerhard Bruyns. 2015. Introduction: Commoning as
Differentiated Publicness. Footprint 16 (1): 1–8.
Stavrides, Stavros. 2016. Common Space: The City as Commons. London: Zed Books.
Stiegler, Bernard. [1994] 1998. Technics and Time 1: The Fault of Epimetheus. Trans.
R. Beardsworth and G. Collins. Stanford California: Stanford University Press.
G. Bruyns and S. Kousoulas
36. 20
places that have fragile democracies, these practices of commoning are attacked,
intimidated and even eliminated (Federici 2010; Shiva 2020).
The Albanian reality is one of those labelled as developing, meaning an acceler-
ated version of progress, measured by economic growth; an everlasting pursuit of a
Western abstract vision of newness, cleanness, glossiness. It is one of those realities
with a very particular history in relation to collectiveness, because of the entrenched
legacy of a Stalinist totalitarianism that lasted five decades. This experience cor-
rupted the belief in the power of the collective, and yet, it may offer some lingering
answers regarding the role of the state and the need to keep the collective process
open. An over-control of the collective, as happened during the previous regime in
Albania, would result in the elimination of possibilities and the restriction of free-
dom, therefore, in the destruction of its essence.
This article discusses the struggles of commoning as a material engagement in
Tirana, the capital of Albania, as it transitions from a totalitarian socialist regime to
a currently consolidating neoliberal one. The rupture from the previous regime
shifted the orientation towards individualism, private initiatives, and privatization of
public property, which has created a common belief that collective activities died
with the communist experiment. I aim to point out that these practices are present
and even resistant to the new neoliberal regime, paradoxically with an authoritarian
face, that does not recognize them, and even attacks them.
In particular, I reflect upon relational agencies generated during the collective
resistance to save the National Theater in Tirana, a complex story that is essential in
understanding the struggles of collectivity in Albania. The theater became a place of
collective resistance to a developmentalist project that threatened the existence of
the heritage building and all its material and spatial relations, collective memories
and affiliations. The theater building was demolished in May 2020, amplifying
these affective relations, which eventually turned out to be the most vulnerable.
In the first part I discuss how collectivity as a notion was ideologically contami-
nated in Albania during five decades of totalitarianism, and how this has been a
favorable ground for neoliberal privatizing policies to be implemented. I point out
how, during recent events, it is possible to recognize different forms of collective
resistance against these policies. In the second part, I discuss the dynamics that
unfolded during the commoning resistance for the theater building in Tirana.
1
An Ideologically Contaminated Collectivity
The collective effort to save the theater building is particularly relevant in Albania,
a country that experienced a harsh totalitarian regime, where the perception of col-
lectivity is still vilified. Cooperativism is connected to the memory of the agrarian
reform of 1945, when the peasant-land connection was destroyed through a process
of collectivization of the land in order to control and manage it centrally, resulting
in a failed model that lead to starvation and extreme poverty (Sokoli and Doluschitz
2019). In urban areas, private houses were confiscated, and other than state
D. Pllumbi
37. 21
properties were almost fully eliminated. Cooperatives, collectivism and commonal-
ity are all contaminated words that will take a while to be re-normalized in the
Albanian vocabulary.
Collectivism was presented as the main ideology that would penetrate every
aspect of life, up to the point of eliminating any other belief. The image of the
supreme leader had to supersede that of God.1
The implementation of the commu-
nist ideology did not empower communities, recognize their autonomous character
and freedom to self-organize and self-govern. On the contrary, the authoritarian
state centrally controlled the economy, industry, culture and education of every
community and individual (Woodcock 2007, 2016). The state apparatus appropri-
ated the ideology of collectivity by capturing its relational aspect, therefore alienat-
ing the relation of human-land, human-human, human-matter, by overlaying it with
a controlling and paralyzing gaze. By doing so, the connection of the individual
with the collective and the belief in it was corroded.
In architectural practice it was no different; it was centrally controlled and pres-
surized. Seen as the tool that would enable the materialization of the state ideology
in the built environment, architecture had to express the spirit of socialist realism
that penetrated every cultural aspect. Working under a politically oppressive regime,
the figure of the architect did not have the possibility to be politically committed, to
engage in discourse beyond the ideological party line (Kolevica 1997).2
With the
persecution of well-known architects, the possibility for Albania to have politically
and even theoretically committed architects who would question decisions on plan-
ning and architecture, ended. The figure of the architect was reduced to that of a
technician, and the school, also influenced by schools in the Eastern Bloc, gained a
strong technical character.
While design was performed within centrally controlled bureaus, construction
had to meet economical optimization in times of scarcity, quite a challenge for a
small country that in the last decade of state-socialism isolated itself from the
entire world. The so-called aksione (community volunteering activities) were cen-
trally organized forced volunteering days of working to construct the homeland, be
it infrastructure, housing, or cultural buildings. Most citizens, regardless of their
status, class or gender, and even young ages, were forced to perform this type of
unpaid work, while the living conditions were precarious (Mëhilli 2017; fig. 26).
1
Freedom of religious practice was banned by law and Albania was declared an Atheist country by
Constitution on 1976. Churches were substituted with Pallate te Kultures (Cultural Palaces) as
places of propaganda art. The aim was to replace religious ideology to the political state-socialist
ideology. On the relations of Albania with other countries of the Eastern Bloc see Mëhilli (2017).
2
This pressure was reinforced during the mid-70s with the persecution, and even incarceration, of
dissident architects that dared to experiment with form. Their work was judged as being influenced
by Western modernism in architecture, which was prohibited as it represented the Western imperi-
alist capitalist world. Meanwhile in Albania, like in other totalitarian states, the party line was
persistent in the aim to create a nationalist style that would highlight national identities. The incar-
ceration of the architect Maks Velo in 1978 marks the most vicious aggression of the regime to
architecture as a profession.
2 Commoning as a Material Engagement of Resistance: The Struggle to…
38. 22
This is a still fresh and entrenched memory associated with the notion of
collectivity.
Thinking with Hannah Arendt, we understand that totalitarianism eliminates the
division between private and public spheres. While her concern is mainly the elimi-
nation of the public sphere, Arendt sees the public and the private as crucial to each
other’s existence. The private for her is the home of the public; it is the place for the
individual to retreat in self-reflection, to then be able to appear in public again
(Arendt 1998). The myth of the supreme leader had penetrated even into Albanian
homes, where having a framed picture of the dictator, along with other family por-
traits, became a common practice. Arendt explains:
Totalitarian government, like all tyrannies, certainly could not exist without destroying the
public realm of life, that is, without destroying, by isolating men, their political capacities.
But totalitarian domination as a form of government … destroys private life as well. It bases
itself on loneliness, on the experience of not belonging to the world at all, which is among
the most radical and desperate experiences of man. (Arendt 1973, 475)
Here she explains how terror paralyzes our relations and abilities to act in common,
to be politically active and courageous, while at the same time damaging our need
to retreat in private. She understands the public and private as existing in a dichoto-
mous relationship. The public realm for Arendt is the common that keeps us con-
nected. At the same time, while staying in this classic binary explanation of
public-private realms (she also refers to classic examples like Rome and Athens),
she does not identify a separate category for the commons. Nevertheless, when
speaking about the importance of acting in public, she keeps in the background
those near to us, like friends and family, and certainly those belonging to a com-
munity (Brennan 2017). It was an orchestrated collectivism that forcibly replaced
this public-private dichotomy in Albania during the totalitarian regime, while
destroying collectiveness by seizing it.
When addressing a contemporary revival of interest towards commons, Stavros
Stavrides speaks about them as a third category of space, beyond public and private:
“various levels and forms of proximity” can be recognized to act as agents for set-
ting up the production of the commons (Stavrides 2016, 260). This approach under-
stands commoning as having a transversal character, giving room to the individual
and the collective, while operating at different scales and distances, going beyond
dualisms of private/public, object/subject, individual/collective, nature/culture. The
Albanian experience teaches us that an elimination of these dualisms without over-
coming them can be damaging. The overlapping of a totalitarian form of one
supreme power puts at risk the existence of commoning and the potential it has to
emancipate. According to Silvia Federici, this is a continuous struggle for resis-
tance. She argues that communalism comes as a necessity of coming together to
resist forces of capitalism, but also as a reaction to the lack of the possibility to fully
rely on the state itself. Therefore she identifies a need to re-enchant the world
through the politics of the commons (Federici 2019). The attempt to capture, enclose
and regulate from the outside of the commoning practices results in the suffocation
D. Pllumbi
39. 23
of the common space and loss of its capacity to be both productive and to pro-
duce itself.
After five decades of centralized collectivism that over-controlled every single
practice of daily life, like in other post-socialist countries, with the fall of the regime,
a tendency in the complete opposite direction has been an understandable counter-
reaction. Everything had to be redefined: the role of the state, the individual and the
collective. The orientation towards individualism right after the fall of the regime
has created a general idea of a total lack of commoning practices in city-making.
There is a need to understand and delineate the difference between the state-
communism experiment during the previous regime, and the extra-state commoning
practices that manifested with the fall of the regime and that currently occur as a
form of resistance against a new regime that is being established.
During this transitional period, from 1991 to the present, different forms of com-
moning can be recognized as playing a role in the city formation. Self-building, as
a tradition but also inherited as an embodied capacity from the times of forced vol-
unteering has been a commonplace after the 1990s. This time, free from the control
of a supreme power, it is used, instead, for the immediate self-interest of the indi-
vidual or one’s close circle. Although commonly considered informal and chaotic,
these construction practices point to a material claim towards an architecture of the
city by the common people, a reaction against the long-lasting oppression of an
anomalous totalitarian state.
The year 2006 marked the end of a laissez-faire period with the state initiating
the legalization process of self-built structures and regaining control of the territo-
ry.3
The last decade has seen a new neoliberal state consolidating its hold. Albania
is now going through the installment of a new regime, a combination of first-stage
capitalism in the milieu of consecutive corrupt administrations, with a weak, almost
nonexistent social welfare, a growing gap of inequality, and total lack of entities to
represent the interest of the powerless categories in the society. As a reaction to the
pressure of the oligarchic concentration of power and capital and the pairing of the
state with this power, the last decade has seen several instances of civil unrest as the
society has started to wake up from its political apathy. In 2018, the new law for the
higher education that would favor private universities and the commodification of
the public ones triggered massive student protests that sparked hope in society at
large. It gave another status to the protest as a possible instrument that can now be
utilized in the public interest (Qori 2019). Different forms of activism for the pres-
ervation of cultural and environmental heritage under threat have taken place, such
as reactions against public-private-partnership management of archeological sites
like Butrinti, activism for the economic rights of mine and oil workers, against
planned hydroelectric power plants to be built over several wild rivers in Albania,
feminist activism, and so on. All these are forms of commoning that are temporal
3
More on the legalization process in Potsiou, Chryssy A. 2010. Informal Urban Development in
Europe – Experiences from Albania and Greece. United Nations Human Settlements Programme
(UN-HABITAT), Nairobi: United Nations Printshop.
2 Commoning as a Material Engagement of Resistance: The Struggle to…
40. 24
but consistent, commoning with nature and culture, a constitution of human and
non-human relations.
2 The Albanian Theater
The replacing of the old theater with a brand new one would be part of a PPP
(public-private-partnership) where a private developer would invest in a new theater
while using two thirds of the public land to construct their private high-rise build-
ings (Fig. 2.1). In this case, one third of the public land would be used for a new
theater. The masterplan was designed by the architectural firm BIG, commissioned
by the state-private coalition. Bjarke Ingels was in Tirana to present the project and
was introduced as the most successful contemporary star-architect in the world.4
When the debate about the theater started to intensify in 2018, a group of artists and
citizens started a civil resistance campaign which has unfolded in multiple forms of
action. The group is named “Alliance for the Protection of the Theater”; I will refer
to it as Aleanca. This triggered the creation of a community that started to take care
of the building, practicing all sort of maintenance rituals and populating it with
artistic activities. They guarded over the building day and night, even during the
pandemic, until it was brutally demolished.5
4
Commissioning star architects is a strategy used for various projects in Albania. From the local
architects this is seen as a way to silence the public debate on these projects. For more on the
engagement of BIG in the Theater story see this open response letter published initially as Pllumbi
(2020a).
English version: Pllumbi, Dorina. 2020. Is Bjarke Ingels deeply naïf or a liar? Arkitekteza.
http://www.arkitekteza.com/SQ/response-to-the-article-of-bjarke-ingels-published-in-politiken/.
Accessed October 2020.
5
More on the history and the chronology of the resistance can be found here. Alliance for the
Restoration of Cultural Heritage (2020).
Fig. 2.1 Diagram produced by the author based on masterplan of BIG presented to the Albanian
public and on the graphic interpretation that Aleanca did to this masterplan. (Source: Author)
D. Pllumbi
41. 25
2.1
An Agential Material-Human Formation
The picture I draw here is rooted in subjectivities generated by my own relation to
the place and the collective struggle to save it. Its material condition, its cultural
embodiment and the ecology of the practice of resistance that has unfolded in all its
vulnerability, is emblematic of the character of commoning practices in a saturated
reality like that of Albania (Fig. 2.2). My own relationship to the theater building
and the resistance to save it has different levels. The building itself had always had
an attractive force. As an undergrad in Tirana, like every architecture student who
sharpens the senses on the material reality that surrounds them, the theater building
was one of those artifacts with which I had a special encounter. Later, during my
years of teaching at the Faculty of Architecture of the Polytechnic University of
Tirana, with students and colleagues, we had a yearly ritual of starting the second
semester with a visit to several cultural buildings in Tirana, one of which was the
National Theater.6
We would analyze the functionality of the place, the foyer, the
seating area, the stage, the dressing rooms, and so on. No lecture in class could
compare to the level of knowledge that the theater building would provide us. It was
an open, welcoming and generous book, a simple and humble one.
6
Pllumbi (2020b).
Fig. 2.2 After a clash with the police, Aleanca manages to occupy the Theater on July 24, 2019.
From that moment on the building has been safeguarded around the clock by the activists for 10
months until its demolition. The whole resistance lasted 27 months. (Source: Gert Izeti)
2 Commoning as a Material Engagement of Resistance: The Struggle to…
42. 26
When listening to grieving voices for the loss of the theater, the details of these
repeated encounters would come back to me with the same intensity. I heard people
speaking about the scent of the building. In architecture school we never spoke
about it. In the architecture history books no one speaks about the scent. How did
we miss mentioning it? Furthermore, the red velvet of the theater hall, the stage that
accommodated the freed word during the resistance, the breeze in the courtyard;
how sweet and painful these sensations sound verbalized by the people close to the
theater! I never thought that I would revisit these sensations in such times of shock
when the building would be gone.
As one of many people living far from Albania who at the same time were pres-
ent at the theater building during the resistance, never before have I experienced the
unique position of being so intensively in a place, although physically far from it.
The theater was one of the places where I studied the commons in Tirana, the loud-
est one compared to the other unnoticed places in the marginal areas of the city.
Before the Covid-19 outbreak, I conducted visits and conversations with many of
the citizens involved in the resistance. The intensive round-the-clock resistance was
broadcast daily on social media, mainly Facebook, reaching out to every citizen,
near and far, to those that could not join, for several reasons, and especially to those
that did not have the courage to show up.7
Every single event was important, every
single decision was communicated. My architect colleagues, including my former
classmates, were doing activism in full force. Unfortunately, not all, but lots of
architects were raising their voice against the demolition of the building. Finally,
there was an opportunity to understand what acting collectively means in poststate-
socialist Albania, and whether it still make sense to talk about collective acting.
The discourse went beyond that of a building. We were speaking about a collec-
tive formation of matter and human bodies. This formation was not only material; it
was not only human. Never before has Tirana seen human bodies attached so affec-
tionately to an edifice. It was so hard to detach these human beings from the build-
ing that thousands of armed police bodies were required to do the job. The authorities
seized the opportunity created by the global pandemic and struck in the early hours
of the morning, thus avoiding the crowds.8
It was difficult to distinguish where
boundaries of the material ended and where human flesh began. What kind of cona-
tus is this that pushes human bodies to cling to the roof when looking at bulldozers
approaching and armed troops forcibly bringing out other bodies from the building?9
7
Political parties in Albania have adopted an opportunistic approach to recruit membership by
providing jobs to the party members in exchange of their blindly adherence to the political line.
This is a tactic used by all the political parties, and widely spread in all fields, corrupting this way
the freedom of political engagement of the citizens. Professional and even academic jobs, includ-
ing those from the architectural field, are not immune to this phenomenon.
8
Van Gerven Oei (2020) and Di Liscia (2020).
9
In his prominent book Ethics, Spinoza refers to conatus as the driving force that is present within
humans and things. It is this conatus that makes them act within their capacities and desires.
The demolition started while there were people inside and at the rooftop of the building.
Activists were forcibly brought out by armed troops without identification number, something
confirmed by the Minister of the Interior Affairs. Time 02:55 of the video cited below shows actors
D. Pllumbi
43. 27
It was something strongly relational, an affectionate entanglement with some
rare agency.
The material-human formation was generated by a mutual love between artists
and theater that has gone on for decades. When endangered, this relation provoked
the immediate attachment of more bodies in solidarity, caring and loving bodies,
intelligent bodies, human and more-than-human bodies (in association with techno-
logical equipment). We witnessed more than 2 years of resistance in the name of
love, in the name of care, of freedom, of emancipation, of feeling alive. We met the
spirits of our ancestors and the voices of our future grandchildren. We felt pieces
tearing down from our souls when the theater was ripped apart.10
The debate on the fate of the building was characterized by all kinds of fluctua-
tions. The politicians in power tried to denigrate it, to annihilate it. They tried to
identify it as a one thing, but they knew it was more than one.11
The collective
material-human formation kept on reconfiguring itself. “Unë jam Teatri” – “I am the
theater” – was the motto of the initial campaign that attracted numerous citizens to
identify themselves with the theater, with its struggle and its power; a resistance that
transversally made room for the individual and the collective. Political parties,
agents, and other organizations infiltrated to make use of the moment for their own
political interest.12
Despite persistent attempts to annex it, the marvelous entangle-
ment remained a multi, fairly autonomous, without converging into a one (Hardt
and Negri 2004). It demonstrated a rising belief in the power of self-organization,
while becoming an emblem of the struggles that organizing has in society as such.
This made this material-human formation a multitude, with its strengths and weak-
nesses. Without a strong and confined identity, as politically queer as it can be, it
became a place of multiple affiliations: born as fascist, appropriated by the com-
munists, a temporary colonial elitist entity, claimed and taken over by the people,
the first house of Albanology, the womb of Albanian art, a theater of the people, an
open door for all coming from the street, a place of retreat, used and abused, loved
Juliana Emiri and Neritan Liçaj shouting out from the roof that this is an installation of a
dictatorship.
Komani and Musai (2020).
10
Mehdi Malkaj, well-known actor: “The theater was not demolished, it was ripped apart!”
Report TV. 2020. I përlotur aktori Mehdi Malkaj: Populli është në gjumë, hienat e shembën
Teatrin[cited2020October12].Availablefromhttps://www.youtube.com/watch?v=PNjzK0SXEdk
11
The attempt to identify the protest as pertaining to the opposition party, was with the purpose of
reducing the discourse into a polarized discussion of position-opposition. The opposition parties
did support the resistance, and they took extensive room for their own rhetoric, but the resistance
still remained plural, multiple, compound of a varied political spectrum.
12
Romeo Kodra, Albanian artist, expresses in his blog the frustration of participating in these pro-
tests, like the one for the theater, because of the penetration of these forces that try to absorb the
movement imposing their own political agenda, attempting to give it a one identity-profile, there-
fore limiting the potential of these emancipatory moments to contribute for the democratization of
the society.
Kodra (2020).
2 Commoning as a Material Engagement of Resistance: The Struggle to…
44. 28
Fig. 2.3 Handwritten sign
“Cultural Monument,
Safeguarded by the
People” that later was
transformed into a big
banner. Picture of the main
entrance of the Theater.
(Source: author, site visit
on October 31, 2019)
Fig. 2.4 Banner installed at the entrance of the courtyard stating “Cultural Monument, Safeguarded
by the People.” (Source: author, site visit on November 1, 2019)
D. Pllumbi
45. 29
and despised. A cultural monument, safeguarded by the people (Figs. 2.3 and 2.4).13
That explains how horrified the politicians in power were by its agency. That
explains the urgency they had to kill it, to finish with its ever-growing power as soon
as possible, in such a cowardly manner (Fig. 2.5).14
At the end, all we are left with
is the Spinozist fascination of what a body (bodily formation) can do (Fig. 2.6).
13
The theater was built by an Albanian government affiliated with the Italian government at
1938–39, right before the occupation of Albania by the Italian fascist state. After the Second World
War, at the very start of the installation of a new Albanian Republic of the People (that later turned
out to be a State-Socialist Regime), while still in the spirit of the Anti-Fascist War, there was an
appropriation of the theater by amateur theater groups of Çeta (GuerrillaAlbanian partisan groups),
to then establish the Theater of the People. Later, in 1991, the institution was named as the National
Theater.
14
The theater building had a light structure of a combination of concrete columns, prefabricated
wood roof and an infill with composite material. If they really had to, it could have been possible
technically to dismantle the structure, showing this way some respect for its history. The act of
bulldozing was a clear act of brutality against the building and what it stands for.
Fig. 2.5 Bird’s-eye view picture taken during the early hours of May 17, 2020. The demolition
had started on 4:30. (Picture taken by drone. Source: Behaudin Dobi)
2 Commoning as a Material Engagement of Resistance: The Struggle to…
46. 30
2.2
Survival Struggles of an Ecology of Practice
In the process of learning with the agent-actors involved in resistance commoning,
I have been speaking and sharing thoughts constantly with my colleagues involved
in the process, but also others that were part of the resistance group. With that, this
contribution on the discourse remains a partial perspective that does not claim to tell
absolute truths.15
Both Doriana Musai, architect and urban designer, and Kreshnik
Merxhani, architect and heritage specialist, have been actively involved in the pro-
cess of resistance. The adrenaline of activism has been a significant component that
has affected our connections and actions. In October–November 2019 I visited the
theater intensively for several days. It was a time when a Festival for Saving the
Theater had already started. An open microphone was active every evening from the
start of the resistance. The urban configuration of the theater site played a role in the
spontaneous positioning of the microphone, which had started as a moving one. The
U-shaped building had a central courtyard where the microphone was located. The
15
I have entered in conversation with some of the key figures of the group like the artists Neritan
Liçaj, Edmond Budina, Juliana Emiri, and more. They always stressed that there is no leading
group, but that this is a horizontal organization.
Fig. 2.6 Picture taken during the early hours of May 17, 2020, taken by drone, showing citizens
gathered in protest against the demolition. Several were beaten and arrested. (Source:
Behaudin Dobi)
D. Pllumbi
47. 31
microclimate of the court was very favorable for the gatherings, with the presence
of pine trees and a pool; it was a pleasant place to be in summer. While it was open
to another square and pedestrian area, at the same time, it had a kind of intimacy
(Fig. 2.7). Keeping the microphone in working order was a struggle in a situation
when the electricity had been cut off. It was the initiative of an individual to volun-
tarily bring all the phonic equipment, two power generators, and maintain them to
make sure that the microphone was on every single evening during the whole period,
rain or shine.16
The microphone became “the thermometer of the day, the real voice
of the protest in Albania, beyond what is shown in the media, which is all filtered,”
says Ervin Goci, an activist and lecturer at the Department of Journalism and
Communications at the University of Tirana.17
This microphone became the place of
convergence of all the protests, from the students to the inhabitants of a displaced
community (at the Unaza e re neighborhood, known as Astiri), to personal individ-
ual indignations. Many had found psychological support at this microphone. It
became a form of collective therapy (Fig. 2.8).
16
Doriana Musai in conversation with the author and Ervin Goci, 8 November 2019 at the Theater
site in Tirana.
17
Ervin Goci in conversation with the author and Doriana Musai, 8 November 2019 at the Theater
site in Tirana.
Fig. 2.7 The intimacy of the courtyard. (Source: author; site visit on November 17, 2019)
2 Commoning as a Material Engagement of Resistance: The Struggle to…
48. 32
Aleanca included intellectuals and professionals of different fields, who worked
intra-dimensionally, where the roles were not fixed within their professional bound-
aries. There were several clusters to be recognized within the group, specialized in
law, journalism, architecture and engineering, sociology, and so on. Independent
researchers outside of Aleanca like historians were also involved in shaping the
public debate. The front line of artists conducted the resistance through art perfor-
mances, exhibitions, and speeches. This kind of convergence from different fields is
something quite exemplary for the Albanian reality. And then, there were the citi-
zens, among whom the most prominent group was a number of retirees, who took
care of the building and the activists, showing their love and resistance through
cleaning and cooking. Edmond Budina, a well-known artist, speaks passionately
about how physical work, cleaning and maintenance formed a moment of connec-
tion for him and the group, to perceive the place as their own, feel a sense of belong-
ing (Fig. 2.9).18
The clusters of volunteers shared ways of working, creating a common situated
knowledge that grew in the everyday practice of the resistance. Doriana Musai, for
example, explains how the involvement within the community gave her the oppor-
tunity to experiment in other mediums beyond her field of expertise. She was able
18
Edmond Budina in conversation with the author, 16 November 2019 at the Theater site, Tirana.
Fig. 2.8 Gathering around the microphone continued every evening throughout the 27 months of
the resistance. (Source: author, site visit on October 31, 2019)
D. Pllumbi
49. 33
to explore new tools and roles, not only as an architect, but also became one of the
curators of the Festival for Saving the Theater, taking care of several aspects of the
artistic performances, visual exhibitions, and so on (Fig. 2.10). In collaboration with
a geodetic engineer she conducted a laser scan of the building that provided a highly
detailed virtual model of its physicality. Doriana has been one of the most active
agents that have given voice to the material conditions of the building through pho-
tography. “The more I stay with the building, the more I discover parts of it that have
particularities worth capturing,” she stated.19
She was inside the building at the
moment of the attack and broadcast it live on social media, which enabled a plain
transmission of the moment of shock to the wider public, which otherwise would
not have been aware of the brutal level of intervention of the police forces.
The architect and heritage specialist Kreshnik Merxhani shares how a group of
architects and architecture students were involved in the process. He is an activist-
architect who constantly fights for heritage causes in Albania. At the theater he
explains how at the very beginning they conducted a detailed survey of the building.
He compared the impact that two survey techniques used – laser scan and hand
drawing – had on the connection with the material conditions of the building. For
19
Doriana Musai in conversation with the author and Ervin Goci, 8 November 2019, at the Theater
site, Tirana.
Fig. 2.9 Side entrance of the theater, a niche where the activists were stationed. (Source: author,
site visit on November 17, 2019)
2 Commoning as a Material Engagement of Resistance: The Struggle to…
50. 34
him, the hand drawn survey was a thrilling experience and a very special moment of
encounter with the building. It played a role in the resistance engagement:
We needed to get in touch with the building. When some officials show up and want to
destroy it you can ask them: ‘Have you ever been inside? Because I have. Have you been at
the roof? Have you seen the authentic trusses?’ You have to go up there, to feel the magic
of the space under the roof, just like in Gjirokaster. It is a magical feeling in itself. It is only
a thin wooden skin that divides you from the world, but it has created a whole other world
inside. The way the light comes in, that cut on the roof, the wood, the sound of your steps,
the smell. That’s architecture. That’s how you experience architecture.20
Kreshnik recognizes that it is this atmosphere that one senses, that makes us the
greatest defender of the theater, doing the outmost to save it. “How can they remove
these feelings from you? How can you allow them to erase in you the sensations that
this building provokes? Not another building, but this one.”21
20
Kreshnik Merxhani in conversation with the author, 12 November 2019, at the Theater site.
Gjirokaster is a city in the south of Albania, and its old town is a UNESCO World Heritage. The
architect has the experience of working for several years with projects for the preservation of its
monuments, an affective experience of care for the past, present and the future. He describes this
as the most influential experience of his life, which has brewed in him the love for authentic archi-
tecture and the inner will to fight for it when in danger.
21
Ibid.
Fig. 2.10 Many performances were organized for the Festival for Saving the Theater, like plays,
monologues, exhibitions, and so on. Pictured on stage areAdi Krasta and Eldon Luarasi, son of Edi
and Mihal Luarasi, actor icons of the Albanian Theater. (Source: Gert Izeti)
D. Pllumbi
51. 35
The detailed laser scan of the building gave the community a reassurance that
even if the worst were to happen and the building would be gone, they would at least
have its virtual model. After the demolition, renderings coming out of this scan
would become visual material for the group to articulate the demand for justice,
asking that the building be rebuilt as it was, where it was.22
The architects saw an opportunity to apply for the Europa Nostra yearly program
“7 Most Endangered” heritage sites, an application proved successful as the build-
ing was selected as a European heritage site at risk.23
Kreshnik shares how the pro-
cess of finding financial opportunities for the project, other than waiting for what
politics decides, has demonstrated that alternative ways are possible, meaning that
architects can see the profession as a mission instead of just a service to a client and
politicians in power. Recently, in Albania, architects have been heavily criticized as
being tools in the hands of politics and capital. Different ways of engagement in
public causes would help restore belief in the profession.
Understandably, the debate for the theater has triggered an ethical discourse
regarding the role of the architect in the society. Many architects have been vocal in
their support for the building and the resistance community, while some others in
administrative and political positions enabled the demolition through their signa-
tures. Some well-known architects who initially were against the demolition have
experienced pressure from political powers. Two of the main architectural associa-
tions, the Albanian Association of Architects and Albanian Union of Architects and
Urban Planners, gave declarations against the demolition of the theater at the begin-
ning of the discussion and, more likely, the first one was pressured to keep silent
afterwards. This shows how vulnerable the position of the architect is in these situ-
ations, how limited and manipulated their professional freedom is when confronted
to oppressive economic and political interests. The power struggle that can be rec-
ognized is not only in terms of material violence to the city but also limitation of the
possibilities of professional engagement with minor voices, other than those
in power.
The erasure of the theater, apart from protests, triggered both domestic and inter-
national reactions that occupied television broadcasts, written and social media. The
prime minister attempted to soothe the shock effect caused by the brutal act of
demolition. That morning, while the demolition was in progress, he published on
his Facebook page renderings of the theater designed by BIG and declared in parlia-
ment that the demolition was not a big deal as they may replicate the historical
building at some other site in the city, as a museum for children. He even used a
purist language of rebuilding it as per its initial design by the architect Giulio Bertè,
22
Will return to this discussion later in the article.
23
EuropaNostra (2020).
Several other organizations for the heritage showed their support for the saving of the building.
SIRA and Do.Co.Mo.Mo. had also appealed for the saving of the building.
DoCoMoMo (2018, 2020).
2 Commoning as a Material Engagement of Resistance: The Struggle to…
52. 36
eliminating the changes made to it over time.24
On the other side, the community
that resisted for 27 months against the demolition articulated the demand to rebuild
the theater where it was and how it was. The public debate on the future of the site
is currently reduced to this binary discussion of two camps, those demanding the
rebuilding of the theater, and those in power pushing the initial plan that enabled its
demolition and the public land grab by private developers.25
Unfortunately, the the-
ater building has become a political trophy, the victim of a transitional moment of a
society that aspires to democratize itself but struggles to achieve it in its integrity. At
this point, the demolished theater demands justice and dignity, just like those bodies
that affectionately attached to it. With the loss of the theater building, the different
constituent parts of Aleanca followed different reaction paths. The building enabled
the convergence of people with different affiliations. The elimination of the building
exerting disproportionate force of the state lead to the un-powering of the collective
formation, although several new activist figures entered the political public debate.
2.3
Politically and Emotionally Loaded Matter
In 1938–39 when Albania had a close connection to Italy – which later transformed
to the occupation of Albania by the fascist Italian state – prefabricated pieces of the
theater building were transported from Italy to be mounted in Tirana, as if they were
installing pieces of Italian colonialism, planting modernism, giving a western face
to the ottoman city of the time. A building of this kind served a new Albanian elite
and the Italian invaders. And yet, the less mentioned feature of the history of the
theater was that of the re-appropriation by “the people” during the very first years
after Second World War, as Romeo Kodra puts it, beautifully “evidencing its funda-
mental value, … the power of the poorest to convert a symbolic building of coloni-
zation in a symbolic building of culture.”26
Edmond Budina, when asked why he is
such a passionate defender of the theater, explained how this theater is a place that
has the potential to emancipate the society, to be a model of autonomy and direct
democracy, become the theater that people feel as theirs, that cultivates a sense of
common ownership. He explains how during the resistance, they have encouraged
those activist-amateurs who wanted to achieve their life’s dream of performing in
24
Exit.al. https://exit.al/en/2020/05/21/prime-minister-says-government-will-rebuild-albanias-
national-theater-for-kids-to-visit/. Accessed October 2020.
25
The media, which is also a reflection of the political power influences, has its contribution to
reduce the discourse in these two binaries and the association of them with the two political major
formations, position VS opposition.
26
Kodra (2020).
The historical building is the material witness of important moments in the Albanian history. A
dark one, but important to be witnessed, is the 1945 occurrence of special trials that condemned
with death important figures that were against the installation of the totalitarian regime of the dicta-
tor Enver Hoxha.
D. Pllumbi
53. 37
front of a public, to experiment with acting on the stage themselves. The theater
became their place of becoming and entanglement with others and the building.27
Beyond the physicality of the building, its aesthetics, its form, there is an array
of historical practices, techniques, research, debates, exchanges, transportations,
labor, and power relations that are embedded in its materiality (Thomas 2007). The
recognition of these social and material practices that have made the building come
to life, to then be appropriated and transformed, is substantial to avoid its fetishiza-
tion. Matter is loaded with memory and at the same time has knowledge embodied
in it. Crucial to the discourse is the need to read stories that matter has to tell, and to
craft a new material language.
The theater building came to life in the times of Italian autarky, when there was
a heated debate and experimentation on the techniques and materials to be used to
glorify the image of the Italian Fascist era and at the same time to satisfy the ambi-
tion for self-sufficiency (Avilés 2009; Menghini 2013). The theater is one of a series
of buildings erected at the same period in Tirana, while it simultaneously was differ-
ent from its coevals because of its experimental construction technique and lack of
monumentality. The Italian presence in giving a modern Western face to Tirana has
been extensively discussed (Gismondi 2012). The monumental buildings were
adopted during the post-war socialist regime, although they represented the oppo-
site ideology. Both regimes, fascist and state-socialist, had monumentality and self-
sufficiency as their central concern (Mëhilli 2017). The struggle to find construction
techniques that would respond to these ambitions is also a common characteristic.
Populit, an ecological and acoustic material which was used as the infill of the struc-
tural frame of the theater building, seems to have been an attraction even for the
socialist technicians that were trying to adopt low-cost, high-quality techniques as
part of their attempt to master fabrication and standardization:
[Populit] was a high-resistance composite made of wood shavings bound with cement,
which could be pressed to obtain relatively lightweight slabs providing durability and insu-
lation. Populit seems to have arrived in Albania from the Italians before the Second World
War, though the details are obscure. Some accounts mention the involvement of an Italian
engineer by the name of Dario Pater, known to Mussolini’s wife, and a fixture at Villa
Torlonia, Il Duce’s residence. The Fascist regime reveled in material innovations that
showed Italian ingenuity and self-reliance, so populit fit into an obsession with giving
autarky material form. (Mëhilli 2017, 179)
Interestingly enough, as pointed out by Kreshnik Merxhani, celenit, a new contem-
porary patented ecological material, with similar composition, is used nowadays in
the newly renovated Opera and Ballet Theater in Tirana which is promoted as one
of the successful projects of the current administration.28
Here it is possible to dis-
tinguish the double standard of the language, when principally the same material is
27
Edmond Budina in conversation with the author, 16 November 2019, at the Theater site.
28
Merxhani, Kreshnik. 2019. “Kjo është serioze”, arkitekti Merxhani: Me pupulit po restaurohet
dhe Opera, është i mirë a helmues.
Dosja.al. https://dosja.al/kjo-eshte-serioze-arkitekti-merxhani-me-pupulit-po-restaurohet-dhe-
opera-eshte-i-mire-a-helmues/. Accessed October 2020.
2 Commoning as a Material Engagement of Resistance: The Struggle to…
54. 38
denigrated in the case of the theater building, and praised in the case of a project
brought about by the administration itself. The forefront of the rhetoric to devaluate
the theater building was extensively sustained by the allegedly degraded material
condition, a result of the decay intentionally left to happen due to the lack of main-
tenance. Populit was constantly denigrated, being labelled as tallash (sawdust),
implying that it was weak, had no good bearing properties and posed a risk to the
health of users, because of the presence of mold and probably asbestos (Fig. 2.11).29
The presence of asbestos was never proven by any technical report, although the
sickness of some actors was speculatively blamed on the material. Even if asbestos
were found, we known that it is not a reason to demolish a building, when its
removal is a commonly known practice. The intentionally offensive language used
towards the material was associated with a derogatory depiction of the defenders of
the building as being emotional, non-rational artists who romanticize everything
old. They were accused of stopping progress and hating everything new. The more
the building and its matter was attacked with this populist language, the more capa-
cious the agency of the material-human formation became throughout its resistance.
29
Several politicians debunked the material in videos or reactions on Facebook. Deputy major of
Tirana, Arbjan Mazniku, appeared propagating the bad properties of the material, holing and
refracting it when speaking, min 1:00. Video appeared on the Facebook page of the Prime Minister.
https://www.facebook.com/edirama.al/videos/985013495163240
The day after the demolition the Mayor of Tirana, Erion Veliaj, continued to carry Populit in an
interview in the popular TV show Opinion:
RTV Klan. 2020. Opinion – Erion Veliaj: Shembja e teatrit! (18 maj 2020). [cited 2020 October
12]. Available from https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Y297-McaHHUt=2077s
Fig. 2.11 The mayor of Tirana, Erion Veliaj, appeared in several television studious holding the
material populit in his hands, alleging that it was tallash (sawdust). Here he is on the TV Show
Opinion of May 18, 2020, on the national television station RTV Klan. (Source: YouTube https://
www.youtube.com/watch?v=Y297-McaHHUt=2077s)
D. Pllumbi
56. a precipice on the other. As we mounted slowly and cautiously up
the path, every nerve was at tension and every sense on the alert.
Now and then, as the Persian drivers shouted and urged the
frightened horses with voice and whip to face the slippery rising
ground, one of the animals would slip, and for a second or two one's
heart was in one's mouth. In spite of every effort we lost three pack-
horses before we won the summit. A slip on the glassy surface, a
couple of frightened plunges in the loose snow near the edge, and
then the unfortunate creatures disappeared over the side, falling
upon a lower spur four hundred feet beneath us. One of the horses
that we lost in this way was loaded with my personal effects. The
presents that I was taking back to my friends, some beautiful
turquoises from the Tiflis mines, as well as the Russian furs, the
Russian leather cigar-cases, and the other keepsakes that the warm-
hearted officers in Erzeroum had given me, all vanished with that
hapless pack-horse into some inaccessible ravine far below the
Kopdagh peak. However, all the Persian drivers came through safely,
and there were no missing faces in our party when we reached the
summit, nine thousand feet above the level of the sea. The widow
was still with us, numbed with the cold, exhausted with fatigue, and
half shaken to death on her pack-saddle, but voluble as ever, and,
like the person in the Greek play, full of groans and not devoid of
tears.
Just as we neared the summit I saw a Turkish woman climbing
slowly and painfully up the track; but when we got to the shelter-
house erected on the crest of the mountain, I lost sight of her. As we
resumed our march, I noticed tracks in the snow in front of us, and
drew the attention of Williams the dragoman to the impressions
which had evidently been made by a woman. The dragoman
disappeared for ten minutes on a tour of exploration, and when he
returned he brought back a strange piece of intelligence. A Turkish
baby had been born in a shed near the shelter-house while we were
there, and the mother, whom we had seen climbing the pass, was
already walking off with her newborn infant to her own village five
57. miles away across the snow. Surely the cares of maternity lie lightly
on those hardy Turkish mothers in the mountains of Asia Minor.
As may be guessed, we found a good deal of difficulty in
replenishing our commissariat during this eventful journey. The
Turkish troops had pretty well swept the board; and if the villagers
had not hidden away some of their scanty stock from the foraging
parties, we should have come off very badly. We managed to get
eggs occasionally en route, and onions were also obtainable. I used
to stuff my pockets with these delicacies and munch them raw. I
found them very sustaining, and I have no doubt that my
companions when they ventured near me could testify that my diet
was strong. When we reached the village at the foot of the Kopdagh
where we were to camp for the night, we were all ravenously
hungry, and as I shot a keen glance round the village in search of
supplies I espied a kid. It was a very nice-looking kid, and it frisked
and gambolled most alluringly. I slipped off my pack-horse, and
approached the kid in a friendly manner that disarmed suspicion.
Then I grabbed it by the ear, drew my big clasp knife, and cut its
throat on the spot. I skinned it and cleaned it with my own
experienced hands, and Williams the dragoman made an excellent
ragoût. I gave the owner of the kid a Turkish lira as compensation
for his loss, which was truly our gain, for the kid was a succulent
little creature, and tasted very much like venison.
We could not have travelled fast under the most favourable
conditions, and hampered as we were by the Spanish widow our
progress became very slow indeed. It was not an easy task, even for
one accustomed to riding, to remain on the wooden pack-saddle
when a rough horse was plunging about in the snow; but for the
Spanish widow it was literally impossible—a fact which she
demonstrated by falling off five times during the journey over the
Kop. It always happened in the same way. The hind legs of her pack-
horse would slip down in the loose snow up to the hocks, while the
fore feet remained steady for just one second on a harder patch, so
that the animal's back described an angle of forty-five degrees with
the surface of the ground. During that one second the widow seized
58. the opportunity of slipping off backwards over the horse's tail; and
so quickly did she accomplish the feat that the watchful Williams,
whom I specially told off, much to his disgust, to look after her, only
arrived in time to pick her up. The sight of that middle-aged, sallow-
faced Spanish person, in short skirts and blue goggles, sitting
helplessly in the snow while Williams patiently collected her once
more, would have made us laugh heartily were it not for the
damnable iteration of the occurrence.
The presence of the widow caused us much annoyance whenever
we camped for the night, because sleeping accommodation was
usually scanty, and we always had to find a room for the lady before
we turned in ourselves. Once, when we reached the village where
we were going to camp for the night, we found that there were only
two sleeping-rooms available for the whole party, so that we had to
give one to the widow, and camp—all five of us—in the other. First
we showed the lady to her apartment, and then we went to look at
our own. It was not a cosy bedroom, with French bedsteads, dimity
curtains on the windows, and roses creeping up the walls outside.
On the contrary, it was a small, square room, that would have made
an excellent dog-kennel. The floor was of mud, and in a corner there
was a heap of dirty straw, on which lay two dead Turkish soldiers
who had died of confluent small-pox. We put the bodies outside the
house, and Denniston, Stoker, Morisot, and myself, with Williams the
dragoman, all went to sleep on the straw.
As we travelled along day after day the glare on the snow was very
trying to the eyes; and though we all wore blue goggles, we suffered
a good deal of inconvenience, while our faces were dreadfully
blistered by the sun. The Persian headman was always wanting to
stop and rest his horses; so that what with perpetually working at
him to keep him up to the mark, pacifying the Spanish widow, and
foraging for our daily bread, we had plenty of occupation en route.
All our drivers of course were eager to rob us whenever the
opportunity offered; and in addition to the furs and turquoises which
I had already lost through a pack-horse going over the precipice, I
was also deprived of two very fine cats from the province of Van. I
59. had purchased these creatures, which were very much like Persian
cats, in Erzeroum, and I had hired a pack-horse specially to carry
them. They were transported in a wooden box fixed to the pack-
saddle, and Williams fed them with milk whenever we halted at a
village. A couple of days before we reached Trebizond, however, my
beautiful cats disappeared; and the only consolation that was
vouchsafed me for my bereavement was the vague lie of a Persian
driver, who averred that they had escaped from their box during the
night. Of course he had planted them somewhere for subsequent
conversion into ill gotten piastres.
When we commenced to get down towards Trebizond, we left the
snow behind us on the mountains, and entered a tract of well
timbered country, which was looking its best in the first flush of the
early spring. The sides of the hills were gorgeous with pink
cyclamen, and with a beautiful blue bulb which I could not identify.
At last we entered the avenue of pear trees which were laden with
juicy fruit when I passed up to Erzeroum six months previously.
When I retraced my steps to Trebizond with new companions, I
found the pear trees in full bloom. Since I had seen them bending
under the burden of the ripening fruitage, fire and sword and frost
and fever had brought many hundreds of men to death before my
eyes, and I myself had been down to the very borders of the Valley
of the Shadow. But now the war was over, the winter was done, and
the scent of the white pear blossoms that filled all the valley blended
with the first faint fragrance of the breezes from the ever nearing
waters of the Black Sea.
Trebizond at last!
60. CHAPTER XVI.
CONCLUSION.
We fly from the Widow—Arrival at Constantinople—English
Philanthropy—The Baroness Burdett-Coutts—First Acquaintance
with a well known Actress—Osman Pasha back again—The
Turkish Skobeleff—A much perforated Paletot—Captain Morisot's
Career—A Romantic Escape—On Board the Gamboge—We reach
Smyrna—Mr. and Mrs. Zohrab—A Sympathetic Englishwoman—
Zara Dilber Effendi—Back in London—Patriotic Ditties—An
Incredulous Music-hall Proprietor—Non é Vero—Bowling out a
Story-teller.
We had time to call on Mr. Biliotti again, and to thank him for all his
kindness; and then we went on board the Simois, which was ready
to cast off her moorings and head out for Constantinople. Our
Spanish widow was consistent to the last. The real hardships of the
journey had not improved her temper; and when we resolutely
declined to pay her passage to Constantinople in the steamer, she
cursed us up and down Trebizond, each and severally, with the
comprehensive particularity that was devoted to the historic cursing
of the Jackdaw of Rheims. She was indeed that rare—or somewhat
rare—phenomenon, an ungrateful woman.
When we reached Constantinople the whole place was full of
excitement, for the Russian army was at San Stefano, only a few
miles away, and Pera was almost like a Russian town. Every day
hundreds of Russians might be seen clanking up and down the
streets in full uniform, when they came in on leave from San
Stefano.
61. English philanthropy was displayed as generously at this stage as it
had been throughout the entire course of the war, and English gold
was freely spent on the relief of starving and fever-stricken refugees
from the Turkish provinces as well as on the sick and wounded
troops. We got into touch with the philanthropic scheme undertaken
by the Baroness Burdett-Coutts, who had sent out a large sum of
money for the relief of the refugees; and we also met Mr. William
Ashmead-Bartlett, the administrator of the fund, who afterwards
married the baroness. He was ill with typhoid fever contracted from
some of the refugees, and was under treatment at the English
hospital, where his brother (now Sir Ellis Ashmead-Bartlett) was
looking after him. Denniston, Stoker, and I paid a visit of inspection
to the temporary hospitals established with the money supplied by
the Baroness Burdett-Coutts, and furnished a report upon them.
It is to Sir Ellis Ashmead-Bartlett that I owe my first introduction to a
very charming American lady, who has since become known to a
wide circle through her career on the stage. When I first met her she
was an extraordinarily pretty woman, and she and her husband were
on their honeymoon trip. He was a very gentlemanly man, with a
rather retiring disposition; while she was about twenty years of age,
and a perfect model of youthful womanhood. Every glance of her
brightly flashing eyes and every line of her finely moulded figure told
of bounding life and vivacity. Sir Ellis Ashmead-Bartlett and I saw a
good deal of her and her husband for a week or two. We had lunch
together often, and took part in several picnics up the Bosphorus, in
that spring-time nineteen years ago, when the blue waters of the
strait and the bright eyes of La belle Americaine laughed in harmony,
while Europe was waiting with beating heart for the verdict—peace
or war. I met the B—— P——s again on board the steamer which
took me away from Constantinople. Then our paths in life divided,
and I had almost forgotten the vivacious American lady, when one
evening a year or two ago I dropped into the Princess's Theatre in
Melbourne to see Sardou's great play La Tosca. In the actress who
was playing the name part I recognized my acquaintance of the
stirring times of the war. It was Mrs. B—— P——.
62. Osman Pasha, who had been a prisoner of war in Russia, had been
sent back into Turkey at the cessation of hostilities, and I went up to
call on him at the Seraskierat. He was never a very communicative
man, and the mental strain which the magnificent defence of Plevna
and ultimately the tragic fall of the town imposed upon him seemed
to have deepened his natural reserve. However, he gave me a hearty
welcome, and appeared to be much interested in my account of our
doings in Erzeroum. I told him that if war broke out again on a
larger scale than before, I would return to my old comrades; and I
said that if I ever came back to Constantinople, I would like to bring
him a little present from England. When I asked him what he would
choose, he said that there was nothing which he would like so much
as a real English saddle and bridle. Osman Pasha was a thorough
soldier in his love for a first-class equipment, and I was sorry that I
never had the opportunity of seeing him again to make him the
present.
Dear old Hassib Bey, the principal medical officer in Plevna, was
quite affected when he saw me again, and we had a great chat over
old times.
Tewfik Pasha, who was the Skobeleff of the Turkish army, was living
in a house at Galata, and I went to call on him there. When I
entered the room, he was deeply moved, and embraced me warmly.
Tewfik was always in the forefront of the battle while I was in
Plevna; and when the memorable attack was delivered in which he
recaptured the Krishin redoubts from Skobeleff, it was Tewfik who
headed the column of assault and cheered the Turks on to victory.
He seemed to bear a charmed life; for in spite of all the hot fighting
that he had done, he had come through the campaign without a
scratch. When I mentioned that he had been extraordinarily lucky in
all his fighting, he motioned to his soldier servant who was in the
room to take down a big military paletot which hung on the wall.
The man took down the overcoat which was the garment that Tewfik
Pasha had worn all through the siege. It was fastened down the
front with frogs instead of buttons, and was provided with ample
skirts that would blow about in the wind when the coat was not
63. fastened securely. At Tewfik's request I examined it, and counted no
fewer than eleven different bullet-holes through the cloth. In some
cases no doubt one bullet had made two holes; but it was evident
that on a good many different occasions the gallant soldier who
wore the garment was literally within an inch of death.
Captain Morisot and I were invited to go to dinner one day at San
Stefano with a party of Russian officers; but, much to my
disappointment, something interfered with the engagement, and I
missed the only chance I ever had of meeting the famous Skobeleff,
who was then quartered at the little port on the Dardanelles. I found
Morisot a delightful companion; and now that we were not
oppressed with hospital duties, I had plenty of time to enjoy his
society. His career indeed was a most romantic and interesting one.
He had been shut up in Metz with Bazaine during the Franco-
Prussian war, seven years earlier; and when the much criticised
marshal capitulated, Morisot became a prisoner of war with the rest
of the garrison, and was sent away to Stettin on the Baltic. Though
the prisoners were carefully watched, Morisot, who spoke English
like an Englishman, managed to arrange a plan of escape; and one
dark night he and another French officer eluded the guards, and
pulled out in a dingy to a small Scottish schooner, trading between
Glasgow and Stettin. The skipper, who was a braw mon fra
Glasgie, and hated the Prooshians with a deep and deadly hatred,
received Morisot and his companion with enthusiasm, and landed
them after a fair passage at Copenhagen, where they were given
quite an ovation. The Schleswig-Holstein affair was still fresh in the
minds of the Danes, and they were delighted at the opportunity of
doing honour to men who had drawn the sword against Germany.
Morisot afterwards went to England; and when the Russo-Turkish
campaign broke out, he hurried to Constantinople in search of
further adventures. Animated as he was by the true spirit of a soldier
of fortune, Morisot found a scope for his energies afterwards in the
ideal field of military adventure. Ex Africa semper aliquid novi,
wrote an old historian; and the dashing young Frenchman,
64. recognizing the truth of the remark even in these days, went to the
Cape.
A feeling was creeping over me that it was high time I had a rest
after all the storm and stress of battle; and when a letter came to
me one day from my mother, who was in England, I packed up my
things on a sudden impulse and stepped on board the Messageries
steamer Gamboge. Among my fellow passengers were Mr. and Mrs.
B—— P——, who were bound on a trip through the Holy Land, and
left us at Smyrna. I also met again Admiral Sir William Hewitt, who
had entertained us on board his ship the Achilles before I went to
Erzeroum. He and I occupied the same cabin on the voyage.
At Smyrna I found our old friend Mr. Zohrab with his wife. Mrs.
Zohrab was a dear, kind, motherly Englishwoman; and when she saw
me, the thought of the sufferings that we had all gone through in
Erzeroum and the fate which had fallen upon so many of the people
whom she knew quite overcame her. She flung her arms round my
neck, and burst into tears. Of course Mr. Zohrab was very anxious to
hear all that had happened to us since he left Erzeroum, and
whether we were comfortable in the house that he was obliged to
desert. I told him that we did full justice to his provisions and his
wines; and the expression of his face was quite pathetic when I
described the delightful little dinner parties that we gave to the
Russian officers out of his ample stores. Poor old Zohrab! He listened
with much the same feelings that Ulysses might have had when the
island princes, over-bold, were feasting on his substance and the
steam of the roasting beef (which the poet avers is dear to the
gods) rose up in his lordly halls.
Recollections of Osman Pasha's ball at Widdin came back to me
when I met at Smyrna Zara Dilber Effendi, the skilful entertainer who
arranged all the details of that never to be forgotten function. He
and I spent the afternoon together, and had much to tell each other.
The sight of this polished and dignified gentleman carried me back
to my first experiences in Turkey, and his face was almost the last
that I saw before I went on board ship again, and said good-bye for
65. ever to that strange empire where the glow of romance and chivalry
and the pure flame of passionate patriotism shone among the
gathering shadows that have since almost obscured the light of
other days.
When I reached London, I found all England ringing with the tidings
of the fighting, and there were plenty of evidences of the interest
taken in the political situation. The music-halls, where one may
touch the pulse of popular feeling, were crowded every night with
audiences who tumultuously applauded the patriotic ditties that were
encored over and over again, especially the famous song which set
forth that The Russians shall not have Constantino-o-ple.
I happened one night to stroll into the newly built Canterbury
Theatre of Varieties, which, by means of the novelty of a sliding
roof, combined with a programme illustrating scenes in the campaign
which was just concluded, drew big crowds nightly. One of the items
on the programme was a realistic scene depicting the taking of the
Grivitza redoubt by the Russians, and I watched the gallant supers
with mingled feelings as they charged home upon the cardboard
bayonets. The scene was capitally done, and there was a prodigious
expenditure of ammunition, which the audience applauded mightily.
After the performance I sent my card round to Mr. Villiers, who was
the proprietor of the show, intimating that I would like to see him. A
tall, rather good-looking man, in the elaborate evening dress of a
prosperous theatrical manager, and wearing an enormous diamond
in his shirt front, made his appearance, and listened quietly while I
complimented him upon the realism of the entertainment. I told him
that it was really a very creditable show, but that there were one or
two points in which it might be improved, and that, as I was the only
Englishman in Plevna during the attack, I could give him some hints
which would make the representation more accurate historically,
while at the same time not impairing the spectacular effect. Mr.
Villiers, who, by the way, was the uncle of my friend Fred Villiers, the
war correspondent, did not seem very enthusiastic. In fact, his
demeanour was distinctly discouraging. I felt that he had something
to say, and waited anxiously for his answer. Well, sir, he remarked,
66. looking me straight in the face while he twiddled his heavy gold
watch-chain, I am not going to say that I don't believe you; but you
are the eleventh man who has come round here with exactly the
same story. I was crushed, and bowed myself out from the
presence of the potentate, almost wondering whether I really ever
had been to Plevna.
That there were plenty of impostors about, and that Mr. Villiers had
ample ground for being suspicious of casual strangers professing to
have Turkish military experience, I soon discovered for myself. I
happened to be travelling up to Scotland a couple of days
afterwards, when a gentlemanly looking individual got into the
smoking carriage with me, and we fell to chatting upon the current
topics of the day. The stranger began to interest me vastly, when he
turned the conversation dexterously into a discussion of the Russo-
Turkish campaign, and informed me that, though an Englishman, he
had served in the artillery under Osman Pasha, and had been
present in Plevna during the siege. I let him go on for fully a quarter
of an hour recounting his apocryphal exploits, and then I thought it
was time to speak. Well, sir, I said, it is a most extraordinary thing
to think that you could have told that story to any other man in
England except myself, and he might have believed you. I gave him
my name, and told him that I knew all the artillery officers in Plevna,
and that he certainly was not one of them. Never was an
unfortunate raconteur so non-plussed. He threw up the sponge at
once, and admitted that his story was a fabrication suggested to him
by the fact that he had once made a holiday trip in Turkey.
And now the close of the book is reached; but before the last word
is written, I should like to express my profound admiration for the
soldierly qualities of the rank and file of the Turkish army, with whom
I lived on terms of intimate companionship for nearly two years.
Courageous in misfortune, uncomplaining under the most awful
suffering, good-humoured in every situation, the Turkish troops,
both officers and men, showed throughout all the campaign the
temper of true heroes. I need hardly say that for me it is deeply
painful to think that the men whom I almost idealized, the men with
67. whom I fought and suffered, with whom I tasted the glory of victory
and the bitterness of defeat, should lie under the accusation of the
atrocities which we must believe have been committed in 1896, not
only in Armenia, but also in Constantinople. Yet through the black
cloud that hangs over the Turkish Empire to-day I can still discern
the distant stars; for I can look back with honest pride to the high
sense of honour, the dauntless courage, the loyalty and true
patriotism of those who were my comrades in arms in the earlier and
brighter days.
69. Abdul Kerim Pasha, 49, 99.
Achilles, 309, 420.
Adil Pasha, 60, 183.
Adrianople, 301.
Ahmed Pasha, 106.
Ahmet, 22, 185, 189, 256, 258;
his return to the ranks, 297.
Ahmet Bey, 48;
captures a Servian, 49.
Ak Palanka, 30.
Alexandra, 309.
Alexinatz, 30, 34.
Alix, Colonel, 308.
Alouf Pasha, 113.
Anisimoff, Captain, 378.
Arab regiment, cases of malingering, 145;
remedy, 147.
Ararat, Mount, 365.
Archæological curiosities, 365.
70. Archbishop, Catholic Armenian, of Erzeroum, 364.
Armenians, sickness of, 364, 374.
Artzar village, 103.
Ashkaleh, 363.
Ashmead-Bartlett, Sir E., 415, 416.
Ashmead-Bartlett, Mr. W., 415.
Austin, Charles, special correspondent for the Times, 370.
Baiburt, 320, 334, 362, 374.
Baker Pasha, 50, 308.
Baltic, 419.
Bash Tabiya redoubt, 237, 255, 265.
Basilio, Father, 354.
Batavia, 38.
Bavaria, 4.
Bazaine, 419.
Bazias, 9.
Beaconsfield, Lord, 372.
Belgrade, 9.
71. Beresford, Dr., 392.
Bergan, General, 308;
rifle bullet, 132.
Berlin Congress, 372.
Besika Bay, 372.
Bey, Fano, 301.
Bey, Temple, 300.
Biliotti, Sir A., English consul at Trebizond, 316, 361, 414.
Bingen, 9.
Black, Dr., 61;
his habits, 62;
arrested, 64;
sent from Widdin, 65.
Black Sea, 11, 14, 315.
Blantyre, Lord, 324;
his hospital, 326;
generosity, 334.
Bonn, 3, 9.
Bosphorus, 11, 14.
Bouchon, Captain, 65.
Bourbaki, 85.
72. Brestovitz village, 225.
Brisbane, 36.
Briscoe, 308.
Buckle, Dr., 324, 368.
Buda-Pesth, 3, 9.
Bukova redoubts, 220;
village, 115, 127, 137.
Bulgareni road, 170.
Bulgarians, characteristic, 23;
fondness for bright colours, 41;
folk-songs, 42.
Burdett-Coutts, Baroness, her fund for the relief of the refugees,
415.
Busch, Dr., 68;
Mdme., 68.
Busch, Prof., 3.
Butler, Dr., 11.
Byron, Lord, extract from The Siege of Corinth, 350.
C——, Senhor Garcia, 4.
Cambridge, Duke of, 43.
73. Camp life, routine of, 263.
Canterbury Theatre, 422.
Carlo, Monte, 36.
Carlos, Don, 85.
Casson, Dr., 324, 368.
Chefket Pasha, 194;
his relief column, 283.
Christmas dinner, 52, 342-345;
mixing the plum pudding, 343.
Circassians, their bravery and rapacity, 94;
raid on Roumanian cattle, 95;
private forays, 98;
looting the dead, 148, 150.
Coblenz, 9.
Cole, Rev. Mr., 351, 352.
Colghassi, or major, 14.
Cologne, 9.
Commerell, Vice-Admiral Sir Edward, 363.
Constantinople, 12, 16, 303, 415;
number of Sundays, 17;
adventurers, 305.
75. Dugald, Lieut., 223.
Duhoffskoy, Gen., 395, 397, 400.
Duhoffskoy, Princess, 398-400.
Eccles, Dr. Simon, 10.
Eden, Garden of, legendary site of the, 316, 323.
Edhim Effendi, 30.
Edim Pasha, 217.
Edinburgh, 3.
Egyptian troops, compared with the Turkish allies, 66.
Ehrenbreitstein, 9.
Emin Bey, 109, 206.
Eolia-tepe, 368.
Epsom salts, method of giving, 76.
Erzeroum, 323;
condition of the Turkish garrison at, 312, 314;
first impression of, 325;
population, 326;
interior of the gaol, 336;
mortality, 348;
burial of the dead, 349;
horrors of, 359;
76. occupied by the Russians, 367;
last week in, 396;
departure from, 403.
Erzinghan, 374;
expedition to, 341.
Eski-Zagra, 166.
Euphrates river, 323.
Faizi, 34, 203, 258.
Fetherstonhaugh, Charles, 324, 326, 331;
attacked by fever, 335.
FitzGeorge, Colonel, 43.
Fitzgerald, war correspondent of the Standard, 66.
Flemington, race meeting at, 38.
Foley, 44.
Forbes, Archibald, 245.
Forbes, Dr., 8.
Forbes, Litton, 30, 31.
Francis, Mr. J. E., 8.
Franco-Prussian war, 419.
French, difficulties in talking, 368.
77. Frostbite, cases of, 333, 336.
Galata, 12, 417.
Galicia, 33, 35.
Gamboge, 420.
Gay, Drew, war correspondent to the Daily Telegraph, 217, 244;
succeeds in getting to Sofia, 245-247.
Gebhardt, 242.
Geneva, 192.
Geoffrey, 8.
Ghumish Khané, 319, 362.
Gill, Dr., 301.
Giorgione, Captain, 80, 81.
Glasgow, 419.
Goar, St., 9.
Golden Horn, 17.
Gordon, General, 84.
Gorny Dübnik, 313.
Gourko, General, 106, 166.
78. Green Hills, 115, 229.
Grivitza redoubt, 185, 220, 221, 225, 228, 235;
village, 114, 121, 127, 137, 169;
attack on, 171.
Gunner, death of a, 124.
Gunshot wounds, variety of, 130.
Guppy, Dr., 324, 351.
Hain-Bogan, 106.
Hainkioj, 106.
Hakem bashi, 29.
Hakki Bey, 351, 375, 385, 396.
Hakki Pasha, 262, 300.
Hamdi Bey, 217.
Harris, his scheme for blowing up a bridge, 306.
Harvey, Mr., 285, 315, 316, 326, 331.
Hassan Hairi Pasha, 99.
Hassan Labri Pasha, 79, 157, 174, 206, 213.
Hassan Pasha, 106.
79. Hassan, Prince, 66.
Hassib Bey, head of the hospital, 63, 89, 101, 125, 136, 157, 159,
198, 294, 417;
his interview with Dr. Mackellar, 288.
Herbert, Lieut. V., Defence of
Plevna, 101 note.
Hewitt, Admiral Sir William, 309, 420.
Heymann, General, his wish to inhabit the Consulate, 384;
death, 387.
Hobart, 231.
Hornby, Admiral, 309.
Hospital, number of cases, 272;
horrors of the, 272-279;
condition, 273;
gangrene, 278, 334.
Huon river, 321.
Hussein Effendi, 375.
Ibrahim Bey, Colonel, 222;
redoubt, 222, 226.
Ichtiman village, 23, 301.
Ilidja village, 363, 405.
Irving, Sir Henry, 10.
81. Kalafat, 60, 81;
bombardment from, 90.
Kanli Tabiya, 237.
Kars, attack on, 332;
march of the wounded prisoners from, 333.
Kavanlik redoubt, 242.
Keen, Howard, 46.
Kemball, Sir Arnold, 316, 323.
Kennett, Mr. V. Barrington, 289, 312, 314.
Khartoum, 84.
Kischeneff, 89.
Klapka, General, 33.
Komaroff, General, 381.
Konak, or townhall, 58.
Kop village, 362.
Kopdagh Pass, 323, 362, 406;
crossing the, 407.
Krenke rifle, 132.
Krishin redoubt, 220, 225.
82. Krivodol, 105, 107.
Kronberg, Dr., 68;
Mdme., 68.
Kronberg, Dr., 242, 265, 269;
his hatred of the Bulgarians, 270.
Krüdener, General, 106, 166.
Kurd Ismael Pasha, 340, 367.
Kustler, Dr., 102, 146, 242.
Kyrchehir Regiment, 18;
ordered to Sofia, 50;
to Orkhanieh, 53;
to Widdin, 55.
Lady patient, the first, 27.
Lalor, Sir Peter, 83.
Lauri, Victor, 35, 217, 226, 243, 246, 265;
his portrait of the Khedive, 217;
German sausage, 248.
Lazistan, 317;
men, 318;
dogs, 318.
Leader, Nicholas, war correspondent of the Daily Telegraph, 84;
his adventurous career, 85;
death, 86.
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