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5. Essential SharePoint 2007 1st Edition Scott Jamison
Digital Instant Download
Author(s): Scott Jamison, Mauro Cardarelli, Susan Hanley,
ISBN(s): 9780321421746, 0321421744
Edition: 1
File Details: PDF, 8.92 MB
Year: 2007
Language: english
9. ESSENTIAL SHAREPOINT
®
2007
DELIVERING HIGH-IMPACT
COLLABORATION
Scott Jamison
Mauro Cardarelli
with Susan Hanley
Upper Saddle River, NJ • Boston • Indianapolis • San Francisco
New York • Toronto • Montreal • London • Munich • Paris • Madrid
Cape Town • Sydney • Tokyo • Singapore • Mexico City
11. Scott
To my colleagues at Microsoft, who supported me tremendously
during the writing of this book.
Mauro
To my father, Romeo, the man who taught me to work each day as if it
were the one upon which I would be judged.
Susan
To my clients, who have generously shared interesting business challenges that we
were able to solve together using the tools and techniques in this book. And to my
father, who taught me about the importance of client relationships.
17. xi
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
First, I’d like to thank Addison-Wesley for giving me another opportunity
to write a book, with special thanks to Joan Murray, Elizabeth Peterson,
George Nedeff, Sheri Cain, and the rest of the Pearson team for shaping
the book into something great.
I’d also like to acknowledge Mauro Cardarelli for his insightful contri-
butions to this book. His commitment to clients, passion for technology,
and understanding of business needs make him a fantastic consultant and
contributor to a book like this.
Likewise, this book could not have come to fruition without the expert-
ise of Sue Hanley. Her experience and perspective are invaluable to proj-
ects like this; every project team should be lucky enough to have her.
I’d also like to thank our team of early reviewers, including Andy Kawa,
Israel Vega, Arpan Shah, Bob German, Robert Holmes, Shelley Norton,
and Mart Muller. In particular, I’d like to thank Ken Heft for providing the
most insightful feedback I’ve ever seen, and Tom Rizzo for answering
numerous questions, lending his team when needed, and writing the fore-
word for the book.
I’d also like to acknowledge Bob Lincavicks and Jennifer Hefner, who
were instrumental in helping me get up to speed on MOSS 2007. Their
passion shines through every day and is infectious.
Finally, I’d like to extend a special thanks to Joel Oleson for letting us
use his blog posting on file shares versus SharePoint for file storage.
—Scott Jamison
18. FOREWORD
Remembering back to the late nineties, I can still recall when we decided
to start building a product code-named Tahoe. For those of you who don’t
keep up on our code names here at Microsoft, Tahoe was the code name
for SharePoint Portal Server 2001. At the time, I was in the Exchange
Server group, which supplied the underlying storage technology to the
Tahoe team. Many folks, including myself, were nervous about how cus-
tomers and partners would accept the new technology, especially since it
provided portal, enterprise search and document management functional-
ity of which two of the three were completely new categories offered in
Microsoft software.
Fast forward to 2007, and we’ve just released the latest version of
SharePoint: Office SharePoint Server 2007. Three years of development
went into this release. We’ve added three new categories to the product:
enterprise content management, e-forms and workflow, and business intel-
ligence. The product has sold over 85 million licenses in the past 6 years,
making it one of the fastest-growing server products in Microsoft’s history;
tens of thousands of companies depend on SharePoint technologies every
day to achieve business goals. Much of the success of SharePoint has to be
attributed to the early adopters who saw the vision we were painting in the
2001 release and volunteered to help shape and mold that vision and the
product over time.
One of those early adopters is Scott Jamison. I first met Scott ten years
ago when he was doing consulting work and I was on the Exchange Server
team. Scott was a pro at developing Microsoft Office applications that con-
nected to the new set of server technologies Microsoft was introducing.
Scott believed in the collaboration vision in which Microsoft was investing,
and he saw the potential offered by that vision to help his customers
increase their business productivity. In fact, Scott worked with the original
WSS (which back then was the Web Storage System) which was the under-
lying platform technology for SharePoint Portal Server 2001.
xii
19. Any reader of this book will benefit from the history, teachings, and
best practices that Scott has internalized over his many years working with
Microsoft technologies. Scott has also tapped the experienced minds of
Mauro Cardarelli and Susan Hanley, both are industry experts who work
with customers every day to solve business issues through software. This
book will become a mainstay in your SharePoint library. You will find your-
self reaching for it whenever you run into a difficult situation or need extra
guidance on how to use the new SharePoint product set. As I was reading
this book, I was happy to see the breadth of coverage of the new function-
ality in SharePoint without sacrificing depth and expertise.
When you are done reading this book, you will have a better under-
standing of SharePoint and how it can help you achieve new levels of per-
sonal and business productivity. I guarantee that you will have earmarked
many pages where you learned new skills or ideas that sparked your inter-
est for follow-up. Enjoy the book, and enjoy the product. Both are labors
of love.
Tom Rizzo
Director, SharePoint Product Management
Redmond, Washington
March 2007
Foreword xiii
20. xiv
ABOUT THE AUTHORS
Scott Jamison is a world-renowned expert on collaboration and informa-
tion worker technologies, with over 15 years of experience helping cus-
tomers solve business problems through technology solutions, most
recently at Microsoft as an architect. Scott has held numerous leadership
positions at various companies, including Dell, Microsoft, and a number of
smaller companies. Scott has worked with Microsoft teams on local,
regional, and national levels for years, recently participating as an architect
on the Office 2007 developer advisory council, helping design features for
Office SharePoint Server 2007. Scott is a recognized thought leader and
published author with several books, dozens of magazine articles, and reg-
ular speaking engagements at events around the globe. Scott received a
masters in computer science from Boston University.
Mauro Cardarelli is a recognized technology expert in Knowledge
Management and Business Intelligence-based solutions. He has over 18
years of experience in the IT industry, half of which have been spent work-
ing as a Microsoft-focused technology consultant. He has worked with a
number of Fortune 500 companies, and his solutions have been mentioned
in multiple Microsoft case studies. In 2006, he founded Jornata
(www.jornata.com), a business and technology services provider that helps
companies achieve exceptional performance through the effective use of
Microsoft technologies. His primary responsibilities at Jornata include
application architecture and development as well as client-focused
technology evangelism. Mauro is a frequent speaker and author on
Microsoft-related technologies. He received a bachelor of science degree
in electrical engineering from Tufts University.
Susan Hanley is an independent consultant and president of her own
firm, Susan Hanley LLC (www.susanhanley.com), where she specializes
in the design and development of portal solutions and knowledge manage-
ment consulting. Sue has more than 25 years of experience as a technolo-
gy consultant, holding leadership positions at Dell, Plural, and American
Management Systems, Inc. (AMS). Sue served as a member of
21. Microsoft’s Partner Advisory Council for Portals and Collaboration for
more than four years. She is a frequent writer and speaker on the topic of
building communities of practice and measuring the value of knowledge
management. In September 1997, she was recognized by Consultants
News as one of the key “knowledge leaders” at major consulting firms. Sue
has given top-rated presentations at many conferences in the United States
and Europe. Her byline articles have appeared in Knowledge
Management Review, Management Consultant International, DM Review,
Information Week, and The Cutter IT Journal. Sue is also a featured
author in several books on knowledge management. Sue has an MBA
from the University of Maryland at College Park and a BA in psychology
from Johns Hopkins University.
About the Authors xv
22. xvi
PREFACE
Collaboration. Portals. Knowledge Management. Search. Document
Management. These are terms that are thrown around when talking about
Microsoft Office SharePoint Server 2007 (MOSS). But what do they real-
ly mean?
Most books are designed to address the “how” behind SharePoint,
from either an administrative perspective or a programming perspective.
This book complements the typical SharePoint book with some of the
“what” and “why” of MOSS, provides insight into targeting needs with por-
tal and collaboration technologies, and helps you understand how those
needs might be addressed using MOSS.
What Is This Book About?
The Information Worker is central to Microsoft’s strategy to bring produc-
tive computing to the enterprise and beyond. Navigating the various client
and server products can be confusing and daunting. This book will help
you navigate these waters, providing direction and understanding.
Specifically, this is a book about Microsoft’s SharePoint platform, with a
particular focus on three commonly requested topics: end-user features,
proper collaboration strategy, and a business-focused discussion on how to
apply SharePoint’s key features. This book was written because collabora-
tion, knowledge and content management, and Web accessibility are three
of the most sought-after features in a corporate software solution. The key
product that is the basis for most Microsoft-based solutions in this area is
Office SharePoint Server. Because of this functionality, SharePoint is per-
haps one of the most important server products that runs on Windows
Server. If you want to deploy SharePoint in your enterprise or upgrade from
previous versions, or if you need a concise introduction to collaboration
solutions with SharePoint, you’re starting in the right place. This book pro-
vides a great user-level guide to Microsoft’s latest version of SharePoint,
along with usage strategies and some insight into the technologies involved.
This book is intended to be a tutorial as well as a handy reference.
23. This book does not cover methodology or process, nor does it provide
a one-size-fits-all approach to building applications. A central thrust of this
book is a handy introduction to the feature set, deployment, and cus-
tomization approaches that are available for SharePoint. But we also get
into the why of using SharePoint—what is the business need, and does it
get addressed? Because SharePoint supports a number of approaches and
techniques, you’ll want to get familiar with the choices (for example, “Do
I go with a teamsite, a blog, or a wiki?”) before choosing an approach that
fits your specific needs. This book helps you do just that.
What You Will Learn from This Book
To implement a collaborative system effectively, you’ll likely need to con-
sider a number of key questions:
■ Do I need a portal or collaboration strategy? If so, how do I create
one?
■ How do users perform the top activities that they’ll need to do?
■ What do I need to consider when I upgrade from previous versions
of SharePoint?
■ Where are documents stored currently? Where should documents
live?
■ How do users collaborate today?
■ What kind of hardware do I need? How do I deploy the product
properly?
■ How does the Web fit into my collaboration needs? What about
Office and smart client applications? How about Groove, InfoPath,
and Access?
■ Will I share information outside of my organization? Should I?
Who Should Read This Book
If you’re a developer, you probably already own a SharePoint programming
book or MOSS API guide (or are looking for one). This is not a book about
SharePoint programming. However, developers will find this book useful
when building solutions (in conjunction with an API guide) because there
are important business considerations that are critically important to every
MOSS-based solution.
Who Should Read This Book xvii
24. If you’re a project manager, consultant, or business analyst, you’ll find
that this book helps with all of the intangibles of a MOSS rollout. For
example, “What roles should exist to support MOSS?” or “What should my
offline/search/business data strategy be for MOSS?” This book also intro-
duces you to some key technical concepts and provides simple walk-
throughs of the key features that many businesses need to leverage.
How This Book Is Organized
This book is organized into four key sections:
■ The first section, chapters 1 and 2, helps you determine what kinds
of business needs are addressed by portals, collaboration solutions,
and knowledge management systems and how you should think
about SharePoint-based solutions within your organization.
■ The second section, chapters 3 and 4, is a great introduction to the
MOSS feature set and architecture.
■ The third section, chapters 5–7, helps you evaluate and plan your
information architecture, upgrade strategy, and disaster discovery
needs.
■ The forth section, chapters 8–13, provides great information on spe-
cific MOSS feature sets along with guidance, recommendations, and
examples.
Appendix A provides a list of the top SharePoint user tasks, while Appendix
B is available for download at www.awprofessional.com/title/0321421744
and provides a summary of how SharePoint behaves with various operat-
ing systems, browsers, and Office versions.
Key Points
At each chapter’s conclusion is a section called Key Points, which summa-
rizes the key facts, best practices, and other items that were covered in the
chapter.
Thank You
Thank you for reading this book. Our goal was to write the most concise
yet useful business-centric guide to Microsoft Office SharePoint Server
2007. Enjoy!
xviii Preface
25. 1
C H A P T E R 1
YOUR COLLABORATION STRATEGY:
ENSURING SUCCESS
You’ve decided to make an investment in Microsoft Office SharePoint
Server (MOSS) 2007. Congratulations—you have a powerful software plat-
form in your hands, capable of delivering high-impact collaboration solu-
tions. Now how do you make it work optimally? MOSS is simple to set up
and use but difficult to get right, mainly due to its sheer power.
If you’re a developer, you probably already own a SharePoint pro-
gramming book or MOSS API guide (or are looking for one). This is not a
book about SharePoint programming. However, this book is the ideal com-
panion to your development guide. It will give you some of the “why” of
MOSS and help you understand your organization’s business needs and
how they might be addressed using MOSS. Developers will find this book
useful when building solutions (in conjunction with an API guide) because
there are important business considerations that are critically important to
every MOSS-based solution.
If you’re a project manager, consultant, or business analyst, you’ll find
that this book helps with all the intangibles of a MOSS rollout. For exam-
ple, “What roles should exist to support MOSS?” or “What should my
offline/search/business data strategy be for MOSS?” This book also intro-
duces you to some key technical concepts and provides simple walk-
throughs of the key features that many businesses need to leverage.
Specifically, this chapter provides a critical foundation for your MOSS-
based solution and lays the groundwork for the rest of the book. It includes
a comprehensive overview of the fundamentals of the Office SharePoint
Server 2007 architecture; a discussion of strategies for moving from the
current version of SharePoint Portal Server (2003) to the new 2007 ver-
sion; a review of information architecture best practices; and explanations
of how to optimally leverage MOSS’s collaboration, offline, search, busi-
ness process, content management, and business intelligence features.
27. 3. We have dwelt on this point because it is intimately related to the organization and government of
the Territories, and to the provision made for the increase of States. It was important that they should
be in harmony with the original ones, and there were no means of securing this and providing against
the future growth of governments, differing from those of the original States, but by giving the central
power a general control over them. The Constitution conferred it on Congress. Ohio, and all the territory
north of the Ohio river, was obliged to wait till this point was settled, before it could be opened to the
entrance of emigrants. This region was early erected into a separate government, by Congress, called
the Northwest Territory. The region south of the river was treated in the same manner a little later. In
1800 the Mississippi Territory was organized; thus covering all the ground originally belonging to the
New Republic. These were, as population increased, divided into sections, of convenient size for the
purpose of local self government, and states created as fast as the requisite number of citizens had
collected within such limits; and the remainder continued under the preliminary territorial rule.
4. In 1802, the vast region west of the Mississippi was bought of the French government. This
extended the National Domain from the mouth to the head waters of this river, and westward, north of
the Spanish possessions, to the Pacific ocean. Many new States and Territories have been formed from
it. The process of multiplication has not yet ceased in this region. In 1819 Florida was purchased; a part
of Mexico was obtained in 1848, and again in 1853; and the increase of territory continued by the
acquisition of Alaska in 1867. This policy has become, in a manner, traditional, and it is not unlikely that
it may be continued to some extent in the future.
5. The government of the territories is established by act of Congress; the President nominates and
the Senate confirms the Governor, Secretary, and Judges of the courts; and Congress passes all the
general laws for the government of the inhabitants. A Territorial Legislature is elected by the
inhabitants, which takes charge of all the local interests of the Territory. All these laws and organizations
are temporary, and pass away when a State government is founded. Commonly, an act of Congress
authorizes the election of Delegates to a Convention for framing a State Constitution; though the
Territorial Government sometimes takes the initiative. This constitution is then submitted to the popular
vote of the citizens in the Territory; and if they favor it, presented to Congress for its approval. If it is in
harmony with our usages, and republican principles, Congress accepts it, and, if the President does not
see cause to veto it, a new State has come into existence. In this manner the number of the States has
become nearly three times as numerous as at the beginning.
CHAPTER LXIX.
THE INDIVIDUAL TERRITORIES.
The territories are here arranged in the order of seniority, the one which first received a territorial
government taking the lead. The District of Columbia is older than any of them as acknowledged
National property, the Louisiana Purchase having been made since it was ceded to the general
Government; but it was the last to receive a territorial organization, Congress governing it directly
without giving it representation until 1871. It is placed last for that reason.
NEW MEXICO
Was visited at an early period by Spaniards, who, excited by the success of the followers of Cortez
and Pizarro in discovering rich mines of gold and silver, sought the wealth in the dangers and hardships
of travel which is more often, if more slowly, found as the reward of patient toil. An expedition from
Florida made the formidable overland journey to New Mexico, in 1537; and another from Mexico, after
visiting the Gila River, passed eastward beyond the Rio Grande in 1540. In 1581 its mineral wealth
became known and a mission was attempted; but no settlement was made until 1600, when formal
possession was taken by an adequate army. The missions now became very successful and the mines
were worked. Many of the natives were considerably advanced in some of the arts of civilization. In
28. 1680 the natives revolted, from the severe servitude to which they were subjected, and drove the
Spaniards out of the country. They only recovered it in 1698. It was never very numerously peopled by
whites. In 1846 it was conquered by General Kearney, and in 1848 ceded to the United States by the
treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo. The difficulties of transportation and the wild and lawless character of the
inhabitants has prevented any extensive emigration to it by Americans. It is an elevated table-land,
nearly 7,000 feet above the surface of the sea, crossed by several ranges of mountains sometimes rising
10,000 feet above the general surface of the country. The atmosphere is dry; little rain falls; and
agriculture is usually successful only with irrigation. In the valleys, where this is employed, the fertility
of the soil is marvelous. Often two crops are raised, on the same land, in the year. Wheat and other
grains are raised in great perfection. Cotton is successful in some parts, fruit can be raised in
abundance, and the soil is said to be specially favorable to the grape, the wine rivaling that of France.
Gold and silver abound, but the mines have never been effectively worked for want of transportation
and the requisite capital. Stock raising is a profitable occupation in this Territory. Much of the land unfit
for cultivation produces grass which cures in drying during the hot months, and preserves all its
nutritious qualities. Sheep and mules are extensively raised. When the Pacific railroad shall open the
country to immigration, and order, industry, and capital make the most of its resources, it will be ranked
among the favored parts of the Union.
It has many natural curiosities, and much wild and beautiful scenery. The length of the Rio Grande, in
its windings in the Territory, is about 1200 miles; and its valley from one to twelve miles wide. Its
Territorial government was organized in 1850. The population, in 1870, was 91,878. Many tribes of
Indians roam over the territory and through Texas, Arizona, and northern Mexico. Most of the people
are Roman Catholics. It includes an area of about 100,000 square miles. Every free white male
inhabitant living in the territory at the time of its organization had the right of suffrage, that right being
regulated in other respects by its legislative Assembly.
UTAH
Was formerly a part of the Mexican territory of Upper California, and was acquired by the United
States in 1848, by the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo. It was too distant, desolate, and dangerous a region
for much settlement by Mexicans, and has little known history anterior to the explorations of Fremont
between 1843 and 1846.
The first American settlement was made by the Mormons, in July, 1847, and was supposed by them
to be out of the territory of the United States, and beyond the reach of possible interference. Here, in
the depths of the desert, they determined to build up a peculiar religious society embracing customs
abhorrent to the views and institutions of modern civilized States. Their success was a surprise to the
world, and probably to themselves; the capacity of the depths of the Great American Desert, as it was
called, for cultivation, exceeding all previous expectation. But the war with Mexico, then in progress,
threw this, before inaccessible, desert into the limits of the American Union; and the discovery of gold in
the neighboring territory of California, throwing them almost midway between the old western
settlements and the new Eldorado, subjected them to contact with, and interference by, the tide of
modern civilization, as it flowed toward the setting sun; and in ten years from their first appearance in
the Great Central Basin of the continent, they came again into hostile conflict with the established
authorities they thought to have finally escaped. Though their conflict with the United States
government, imbued with the habits and prejudices with which they antagonized, was deferred by the
troubles which precipitated the Civil War, and their institutions remained substantially intact until that
was past; the Pacific Railroad was then built through their territory, and, if they are no longer
persecuted, and their peculiarities opposed by deadly force, the moral influence and dissolving power
introduced by numbers is more surely wasting away the foundations of their political and religious
edifice.
Utah was organized as a territory by act of Congress Sept. 9th, 1850. Brigham Young, the head of the
Mormon church, became the first governor. In 1854 it was vainly attempted to remove him; and in 1857
an army was sent to enforce Federal authority. A final conflict was avoided by compromise. In 1862 the
29. Mormons attempted to get admission into the Union as a State, with their “peculiar institutions,” but
failed. A Territorial Government exists, but has little force, or vitality, while the Mormons are large in
numbers. According to the habits of our people, conflict is avoided so far as possible, to await the more
peaceable and natural solution of the difficulty by moral forces.
Utah is unique in one respect; though lying nearly a mile above the surface of the sea, and having a
complete system of lakes and rivers, there is no visible connection of these with the ocean. It is a
continent embosomed within the depths of a continent. The Great Salt Lake is 100 miles long by 50
broad, and its waters are very salt—three parts of the water producing one of pure salt. No fish can live
in it. It receives the contents of many considerable streams. Whether they are kept in subjection by
evaporation alone, or have a concealed outlet to the ocean is unknown. The soil, though in its natural
state an apparent desert, is extremely fertile when irrigated, and produces wheat and other cereals in
great profusion. Its mountains are believed to be rich in silver and gold; but the Mormons have
discouraged mining, and very little has been done in that direction.
Cotton is highly successful in the southern settlements, and experiments with flax and silk culture
have been very favorable. The climate is mild and healthy.
Utah is a highly promising section of our national domain. Its population in 1870 was 86,786; its area
about 87,500 square miles.
WASHINGTON TERRITORY
Was organized in 1853, and then contained a much larger area. It was at first a part of Oregon, and
its meagre early history was the same. The Straits of San Juan de Fuca were visited and named by a
Spanish navigator in 1775. The English government claimed the territory north of the Columbia and for
some years there was a joint occupation by both nations by special agreement. The difficulties
concerning this boundary came near involving the two nations in war, but it was settled in 1846, giving
the United States the territory to the 49th parallel of latitude. Vancouver Island was assigned to Great
Britain.
Washington is estimated to contain, west of the Columbia river, where it flows down from British
America, 22,000 square miles of arable land. There is much that is adapted only to grazing, and vast
quantities covered with forests in the wild mountain regions of the eastern part of the territory.
It has an almost inexhaustible supply of coal, and more or less of the precious metals. The great
distinction of Washington territory is its forests. The warm ocean currents from the Indian ocean, after
traversing the eastern coasts of Asia, are thrown across the North Pacific against the western shores of
North America, and effect an important modification in the severity and humidity of the temperature of
our Pacific slope. The climate is much milder and more equable than in the same latitude east of the
mountains, and the moisture is highly favorable to forest growth. It is the best ship building timber in
the world. The trees are immense, often reaching a height of 300 feet with a diameter of 8 to 12 feet.
The portion of Washington territory lying west of the Cascade mountains is rich farming land, heavily
timbered; while east of the Cascades the country is open prairie, well watered, with small and thinly
wooded valleys. The land immediately about Puget Sound is sandy, not valuable for farming though
producing timber, but a little way back is unrivaled in richness.
Corn does not thrive well, but wheat, oats, potatoes, &c., are very prolific. Large quantities of butter,
cheese, and wool are produced. There is little snow in the winter and that soon melts away, except far
up in the mountains. Washington shares with Oregon the possession and use of the Columbia river.
There are fine fisheries on the coast and excellent oysters, and these produce a considerable trade.
Immense quantities of lumber are exported to all parts of the Pacific coast of both North and South
America, and even to Buenos Ayres on the South Atlantic. The French come here for their best and
cheapest masts and spars. Thus we see that this corner of the Republic brings to the common stock of
national treasures some of its best and most valuable material of wealth, and is prepared to whiten the
Pacific with the sails of the unlimited commerce which is already beginning to grow up between us and
30. the Asiatics. Puget Sound can float with ease the navies of the world on its peaceful bosom. The
Northern Pacific railroad will originate here, probably, another great commercial emporium. Washington
will, in due time, become a great and wealthy State.
Its area is about 70,000 square miles; and the population in 1870 was 23,901.
DACOTAH.
This territory received an organization and government in 1861. It contains 240,000 square miles;
and is greater in extent than all New England together with the great and wealthy States of New York
and Pennsylvania; and possesses some peculiar advantages.
The Missouri River passes from southeast to northwest diagonally through it, navigable for its whole
length, a distance of more than a thousand miles; the Red River of the North skirts its eastern line, its
valley being unrivalled for its richness, and adaptation to the growth of wheat. Except the extreme
northern part it is said to have the dry, pure, and healthy climate of Southern Minnesota, with the soil of
Central Illinois.
It is free from the damp, raw, and chilly weather prevailing in Iowa and Illinois, and from the
embarrassments to agriculture often experienced in these States from excessive spring rains; while, in
late spring and early summer, copious showers supply sufficient moisture to promote a rapid vegetable
growth. The surface east and north of the Missouri is an undulating prairie, free from marsh, swamp,
and slough, traversed by many streams and dotted with innumerable lakes, of various sizes, whose
woody and rocky shores and gravel bottoms supply the purest water, and lend the enchantment of
extreme beauty to the landscape.
It has all the conditions of climate, soil, and transportation, for the most profitable production of the
two great staples of American agriculture, wheat and corn. West of the Missouri the country becomes
more rolling, then broken and hilly, until the lofty chain of the Rocky Mountains is reached. These
mountains cross the southwestern section. A most desirable stock raising region is furnished here, and
mining will flourish in the mountains. In 1870 it had a population of 14,181. Yankton is the capital.
ARIZONA.
The Spaniards visited the valley of the Colorado at an early day; but the distance from Mexico, and
the warlike character of the Indians, did not favor settlement beyond what was gathered about the few
missions that were constructed so as to answer for fortresses.
The part of this territory lying between Sonora, (of which it formed part,) and California was acquired
to the United States by the Gadsden treaty, made with Mexico Dec. 30th, 1853. The American
government paid $10,000,000 for it. A Territorial government was organized Feb. 24th, 1863, and
embraced part of New Mexico, containing, altogether, an area of 121,000 square miles, or 77,440,000
acres.
Efforts had been made previously to settle the country and develop its mines; and an overland mail
stage route was established. This proved a success; but the fierce hostility of the Apache Indians, and
the desperate character of such whites as had gathered there, fleeing from justice in California and
Sonora, discouraged the immigration of law-abiding citizens; and the breaking out of the Civil War
withdrew the soldiers in garrison there for the protection of the country. After the war the main stream
of emigration followed the line of the newly opened Pacific railroad. The development of the mines
required capital and machinery and, though they are thought to be the richest in the world, nothing
could be extracted from them by individuals without means. So the population has increased slowly, the
census of 1870 giving 9,658.
It is a strange and somewhat fearful land; in great part a region of desolate mountains and deep
canons. There are many sections susceptible of cultivation that would produce immense returns under
irrigation, but most of the efforts in this direction have miscarried from the desolating ravages of the
31. Indians. The rainless season reduces the whole country to the semblance of a desert. It is, however,
declared to have more arable land in proportion to its surface than New Mexico, or California; and will
probably, in time, have a large and prosperous farming community. Cotton is easily cultivated, and sugar
cane, in the lower parts, produces abundantly. Grains, vegetables, and melons are produced in the
greatest possible perfection, and mature in an incredibly short space of time.
When the Apaches are subdued, and society is reduced to order, it will become a favorite resort of the
thrifty farmers of the older States, and the diligent German and other foreign immigrants.
It contains many traces of a race that has disappeared; some of their dwellings yet remaining in a
partially ruinous state. They were probably Aztecs, the race that ruled Mexico before the conquest by
Cortez, or are more ancient still. Hideous idols are found, and various indications of a barbarous
worship.
The completion of the Southern Pacific railway will introduce the hum of industry among its desolate
mountains and along its numerous fertile valleys, and the acquisition of the mouth of the Colorado, a
large river opening into the head of the Gulf of California, will give it a profitable commerce. Arizona lies
south of Utah, to which it is superior in the number and size of its streams, its larger quantity of timber,
and the amount of rain-fall in some parts, which is deemed, in some sections, sufficient to dispense
with the necessity of irrigation.
IDAHO.
This territory was organized March 3rd, 1863. It originally embraced a vast territory lying on both
sides of the main chain of the Rocky Mountains; but the eastern portion has since been erected into the
territory of Montana. It has about 90,000 square miles of territory, and had, in 1870, 14,998
inhabitants.
Idaho has very little history prior to the organization of its Territorial government. Its chief attraction
to settlers lies in its mines, as yet, and the population is floating, and, in large part, rough and
sometimes disorderly. The difficulty of reaching it has prevented its rapid growth. It is exceedingly rich
in the precious metals and this will, in time, attract a large population. The eastern and northern parts
are very mountainous, abounding in wild and striking scenery and in natural curiosities. The soil in the
southern, central, and western parts, is fertile, producing wheat and other small grain, and vegetables
very successfully, but is unfavorable for corn from the late frosts of spring and the early cold of autumn.
Snow falls to a great depth in the mountains; but the streams are numerous, and there is much choice
farming land, which may, ultimately, serve to support its mining population.
It runs from the northern boundary of Utah to the south line of British America; Washington Territory
and Oregon, lying west. When railroads shall render it accessible, and open the way for its treasures to
a market, it will be filled with an industrious and hardy population who will find all the elements of a
prosperity as great as any section of the Union enjoys. It has three beautiful lakes—the Coeur d’Aline,
the Pen d’Oreille, and the Boatman—of some size, and navigable for steamers. Boisé City is the capital.
MONTANA TERRITORY
Was organized May 26th, 1864. It lies among the Rocky Mountains, in part on the western slope, but
extending into the eastern valleys; and contains the sources of the streams forming the Missouri river;
while Idaho lies west among the Blue mountains where the tributaries of the Columbia rise.
Montana abounds in mines of gold and silver; and these are said to be much richer than those of
California. The average yield of ores in the latter State is $20 per ton, but the average in Montana is
stated to be four times that amount. Great as is the yield of gold mines here it is declared that the ease
with which silver is separated from its combinations in the ore will make that branch of mining more
profitable. Copper also abounds. This territory has several eminent advantages over other mining
districts. It is reached by steamboats on the Missouri river, from St. Louis, without transhipment:
32. navigation being free to Ft. Benton, in the heart of Montana. The river voyage from St. Louis to Ft.
Benton, is made in 28 days.
There is a large and constant supply of water, a point of great difficulty in most of the other mining
regions; and the country everywhere furnishes easy natural roads, the principal range of the Rocky
Mountains not presenting the broken and rugged character of most other ranges. Associated with this
point is the important fact of great agricultural capability. It is one of the best grazing regions west of
the Mississippi. Small grain and fruit are grown with the greatest ease, as also the more important
vegetables. There is abundance of timber for all purposes of home consumption.
The area is stated at 153,800 square miles. The population in 1870 was 20,594.
ALASKA TERRITORY
Was acquired to the United States by treaty with Russia in the year 1867, for $7,200,000. It is a vast
region containing 394,000 square miles, with 24,000 inhabitants.
It was first explored by command of Peter the Great of Russia in 1728. A government was first
established on Kodiak island in 1790. In 1799 the Russian American fur company was chartered by the
Emperor Paul.
The northern portion is a tolerably compact body of mainly level country about 600 miles square, and
a line of coast runs south for a long distance, including many islands. The Aleutian group of islands is
included. The principal value of the region to Russia was the fur trade. The annual export of these
amounted to only a few hundred thousand dollars. American thrift will probably make much more of it.
The country is much warmer than its high latitude would seem to imply—Sitka in the southern part
having about the same mean temperature, by the thermometer, as Washington! It is, however,
extremely damp. In one year there were counted only 66 entire days without rain or snow. The coast is
broken with mountains. The peninsula of Alaska has some very high mountains—Mt. St. Elias and Mt.
Fairweather being estimated at 15,000 to 18,000 feet above the sea. The islands of the Aleutian group
are volcanic in origin. There are several rivers, the largest, the Yukon, or Kwickpak being 2,000 miles
long, and navigable for 1,500 miles. There are vast supplies of timber, much being pine, found nowhere
else on the Pacific coast. Vegetables, and some grains, may be raised without difficulty, and the soil, in
parts, is rich. Abundant supplies of coal are believed to exist. The precious metals and iron, it is
thought, are to be found there, but the country has been very imperfectly explored.
In the lively and extensive trade that is likely to grow up with Japan, China, and the East Indies, it will
no doubt be found of great value, and its resources contribute to the wealth of our country.
WYOMING TERRITORY
Was organized by act of Congress July 25th, 1868, and is the youngest of the territories. Its area is
stated at 100,500 square miles, and it had a population, in 1870, of 9,118.
The Pacific railroad passes through it, to which its settlement is probably mainly due. Montana lies on
the north; Dacotah and Nebraska on the east; Colorado and Utah on the south, with the northern part
of Utah and Idaho on the west.
The main chain of the Rocky Mountains crosses it from northwest to southeast which maintain here
the same general characteristic as in Montana, viz.: that of a rolling upland. Its outlying ranges are
more broken. Most of the country is good arable, or grazing land, sufficiently fertile to give excellent
returns for labor, though, in large part, requiring irrigation. A few regions are remarkably sterile, but
they are limited in comparison with the fertile lands.
Gold mining has been successful, to a considerable extent; coal is extremely abundant and accessible;
the supplies for the Pacific railroad being obtained in this territory. Iron has been found in considerable
quantities, together with lead and copper ores. Oil and salt springs promise to be productive.
33. Thus without, as yet, developing any eminent specialty, the resources of this Territory seem to
promise all the requisites of prosperity to a large population; while the climate is mild and extremely
healthy, and the great thoroughfare between the east and the west furnishes all necessary facilities for
transporting its supplies to the best markets. More intimate knowledge of its mineral deposits may
perhaps give it a higher rank as a mining State.
THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA.
The first Congress convened under the new Constitution in 1789, held its session in New York. The
seat of government was then removed to Philadelphia. There was much dissension as to where it
should be permanently located. The North and the South, were each equally obstinate in their desire to
locate it in their own section, and the quarrel threatened a rupture of the confederacy. The great
political question of the time was the debts of the States contracted in carrying on the War of
Independence. The South, disliking a strong central-government, opposed giving the charge of the
finances of the country into its hands; while the North, strongly approved the plan of clothing it with
authority to concentrate the strength of the nation to a reasonable extent, so that it might be able to
act with vigor, and make the country formidable to its enemies. The reservation of as much power as
possible to the individual States was a vital question with the South, since it wished to maintain Slavery,
and it was always foreseen that the north must preponderate, ultimately, in the general government;
and the north was unfriendly to slavery. The Constitution could make its way in the South only by
compromise as to slavery.
The question was a very difficult and delicate one to adjust, but with much tact Jefferson and
Hamilton, usually antagonists in politics, united to urge a compromise; the North conceding the location
of the national capital, and the South the assumption, by the general government, of the State debts.
This was accomplished in 1790, and Washington selected the site on his own Potomac, Virginia and
Maryland uniting to give a tract ten miles square, extending to both sides of the river. A new city was
laid out, and buildings erected which were occupied for the first time in 1800. This small territory, the
government and control of which was lodged wholly in Congress, was called “Columbia.” This
possession of its own capital was considered important in order to avoid a possible conflict of Federal
and State authority.
The capital city was located on the Maryland side, and called Washington. The territory on the
Virginia side was, in 1846, re-ceded to Virginia. On Feb. 21st, 1871, the District was made a territory,
with a legislature for its internal government, and the right to be represented by one member in the
House of Representatives.
The population in 1870 was 131,706. Washington is adorned with many immense buildings erected
for the various departments of the government, and the capitol itself is one of the largest in the world,
and cost $5,000,000. It is worthy of the great nation represented in its halls.
CHAPTER LXX.
THE ANNEXATION POLICY.
1. The original States of the American Union were all on the Atlantic seaboard. The central States
were separated from the fertile valleys and plains of the Mississippi and its tributaries by mountains,
while those lying at the northern and southern extreme found, in the vast forests filled with fierce and
hostile savages, a still greater barrier against settlement westward. The “Old Thirteen” found their
hands and thoughts sufficiently occupied with the establishment of their liberties, and the ultimate
western boundaries of the country were left to be settled in future years. Fortunately for us England
was too much occupied with the immense debt the useless American war had cost her to make
difficulties over the cession of the western regions to us; and, at the peace, we were in possession of
34. the whole region from the Atlantic ocean to the Mississippi river. That was enough and more for the
present; but the people were enterprising. We offered a home, freedom, and great opportunities to the
oppressed and poor of other lands, and that region was soon sufficiently peopled to show what other
regions were required to secure the prosperity of all.
2. It soon became clear that the development of the Western States east of the Mississippi required
the possession of the lower part of the river and the territory on its western bank. Circumstances were
favorable to its acquisition, and Louisiana, extending from the mouth of the river far up toward its head
waters, including several hundred thousand square miles of as valuable land as was to be found on the
continent, was purchased. It entered into the vindictive policy of Napoleon Bonaparte to injure England
by strengthening America, and it was obtained for the comparatively insignificant sum of fifteen million
dollars. This annexation was altogether essential to the security and development of the larger part of
the original territory.
3. Florida was discovered and settled by the Spaniards, who claimed the coast along the Gulf of
Mexico to the Mississippi river. Though it was not commercially or agriculturally important to us, it
became in the hands of a power not very friendly, the support and refuge of the barbarous and
resolutely hostile Indians of our southern border. It was necessary to nearly exterminate them to obtain
peace, but no absolute security could be assured while the Spanish territory protected them in their
retreat before our armies. Peace, security against the Indians, and freedom from the intermeddling of a
European Power required the acquisition of that peninsula and the Gulf Coast. After twenty years of
occasional negotiation it was purchased for five millions of dollars. This was the most convenient way,
also, of settling an account for spoliations on our commerce which we held against Spain, and the only
means she then possessed of making payment. Thus another annexation was made under the pressure
of circumstances.
4. By this time a sufficient degree of expansion and strength had been acquired by the New Nation to
inspire in it great confidence in itself and grand views of its future, and the “Monroe Doctrine,” that the
United States would refrain from all meddling with the politics of Europe, but would resolutely oppose
the meddling of any European power with the politics of this continent, was adopted. This doctrine did
not propose any interference with other governments already established here, but America was to be
left to its present possessors, and European ambition was to look elsewhere for kingdoms to conquer or
found. A tacit protectorate over all America was assumed, in order to prevent the entrance of any other
element that might build up a system hostile to our interests and progress. It was a legitimate
conclusion from the principles and necessities that had led to the inauguration of the annexation policy.
The nation claimed that it had a right to keep the ground clear from obstacles to its natural
development. It was a system of growth and protection involving no ideas of conquest by force, and no
menace to governments already established.
5. The third addition to our territorial area took place under circumstances which all true Americans
will ever regret. If stated by our enemies it would be said that, after encouraging the settlement of the
territory of a neighbor by our own citizens, and giving them covert support in withdrawing that territory
from its proper owners, we took possession of it, and when they naturally undertook to protect, or
recover it, we made a war of invasion on them, employed our superior skill and vigor to disarm their
State, and took as much more of their territory as suited our purposes; in short, that we picked a
quarrel, and being the strongest bound and robbed them.
6. It cannot be agreeable to lovers of justice and defenders of equal rights, that there should be so
much of truth in this statement as to render it impossible to clearly and distinctly prove the contrary.
There was, however, an element of the necessary and unavoidable, even in this, that was more in
harmony with the previous system of acquisition than appeared on the surface. Texas presented,
perhaps, the finest climate and the greatest facilities for money-making on the continent. The Mexicans
inherited the religion and hatred of protestants with the haughty, repelling spirit of the Spaniards, and
wished to preserve the old Spanish policy of separating themselves from us by a broad barrier of desert
and wilderness. They did not wish to settle Texas themselves, nor feel willing that any one else should.
It is inevitable that enterprise and strength, impelled by self-interest, will disregard such wishes.
35. Americans are neither perfect nor magnanimous enough to stand on ceremony when their interests are
concerned. The best that can be said of them is that they are more moderate and self-contained than
any other people. The necessities of the institution of slavery required more territory to balance the
rapid increase of free States, and this precipitated the movement that was inevitable sooner or later
from other causes. Indeed the first patent of territory obtained in Texas, from the Mexican government,
was by a native of Connecticut. The rapid growth of commerce in the Pacific ocean, the agreeable
climate and fertile soil of California, and the unsettled, wilderness state of that region, caused the
commercial nations of Europe to look at it with longing eyes. The Monroe doctrine was in danger of
being violated. England had fully prepared to plant a colony there when it was taken possession of by
the American forces.
7. Thus the enterprise and energy of the nation, which had still further developed its instinct, or
anticipations and plans, of future greatness, required to use the vast resources of the Gulf region, and
to extend settlements to the Pacific Slope in order to develop the mineral resources of that region and
prepare to build up its commerce with Eastern Asia. The northern parts of Mexico were useless to her,
since she had neither population to occupy them, nor strength to subdue the Indians who roamed over
them in scattered bands. There is a justice and propriety which has the force of Natural Law in allowing
the active and vigorous to take possession of the natural resources that others can not or will not
develop. The earth was made for mankind as a whole, and what cannot benefit one race, another, that
is able to employ it for its own and the general good, has some show of right in entering upon. That, at
least, must be the justification of our ancestors in intruding themselves upon the lands and hunting
grounds of the aboriginal inhabitants of America, and our only excuse for making war with the Indians,
forcing them to part with their lands, confining them to reservations, and denying to King Philip,
Powhattan, and Tecumseh the admiration and esteem we give to the patriotic defenders of our native
land and natural rights.
8. It is to be regretted that the vast and valuable territory acquired from Mexico should be the spoil of
conquest rather than the fruit of peaceful negotiation; but the eagerness of the speculator, the
unreasonable pride and selfishness of the Mexican, and the peculiar requirements of our internal conflict
over slavery put to silence, for a time, the voice of moderation and equity, and we annexed near
1,000,000 square miles of territory by force. The payment of $18,500,000, when we might have taken it
without, was an indication that our ordinary sense of justice was not altogether quenched.
9. We may reasonably consider that this was exceptional, and that the confusion of judgment and the
disorder consequent on the life and death struggle of the institution of slavery, which were in a few
years to produce the most terrible civil war known to history, led us into the comparatively moderate
aggression and violence that marked this annexation to our territorial area. Our traditional policy is to
acquire peaceably, and with a satisfactory remuneration, such territory as the national progress and
development demand. It is contrary to the spirit of our institutions to oblige the majority of the
inhabitants of any region not within our boundaries to form a part of the Republic.
10. Two annexations have been made since the Mexican war. Arizona was obtained by treaty and
purchase from Mexico, in 1854, and Alaska by treaty and purchase from Russia, in 1867. The first is
valuable for its mineral treasures. It was useless to Mexico, though we gave $10,000,000 for it. It will
ultimately be worth to us hundreds of millions, and its ruins of an ancient people will be replaced by a
thriving population of intelligent freemen. Alaska is specially valuable in relation to our future commerce
with Asia, and for its fisheries and fur trade. Its internal resources are, as yet, scarcely known.
11. The superior stability of American institutions and the love of law and order of the American
people may make annexation desirable and profitable to the more volatile and unsteady Southern
States of America, but it is probable that no labored efforts to induce annexation will be tolerated by the
mass of the people. We may fairly judge that we have reached our natural boundaries; that the
advancement of neighboring governments in order and intelligence will suffice to give protection to the
comparatively small numbers who may find a better field for their energies without than within the
Union; and that if any future annexations are made it will be by the purchase of uninhabited regions
that may be more valuable to us than to their owners; or that, if any inhabited regions are incorporated
36. into the Union, it will be at the instance and desire of its own inhabitants rather than of our people. We
are the special champions of popular and all other rights, and shall never be likely to forget ourselves
again so far as to repeat the Mexican war, however pressing our desires.
CHAPTER LXXI.
CENSUS STATISTICS.
Population of the United States and Territories from 1790 to 1870.
Transcriber’s Note: Some of the figures in this table are unreadable and are represented by X. Several copies of the book were
checked and all have the same printing error. Later editions use different figures in that column and can’t be relied on to fill in the
missing data.
States. Where Settled. 1790 1800 1810 1820 1830 1840 1850
Alabama Mobile —— —— —— 127901 309527 590756 771623 9
Arkansas Arkansas Post —— —— —— 14255 30388 97574 209897 4
California Monterey —— —— —— —— —— —— 92597 3
Connecticut Windsor 238141 251202 262042 275102 297675 309978 370792 4
Delaware Cape Henlopen 59096 64273 72674 72749 76748 78085 91532 1
Florida St. Augustine —— —— —— —— 34730 54477 87445 1
Georgia Savannah 82548 162101 252433 340983 516823 691392 906185 10
Illinois Kaskaskia —— —— 12282 55102 157445 476183 851470 17
Indiana Vincennes —— 4875 24520 147178 343031 685866 988416 13
Iowa Dubuque —— —— —— —— —— 43112 192214 6
Kansas Fort Leavenworth —— —— —— —— —— —— —— 1
Kentucky Boonesboro 73077 220955 406511 564135 687917 779828 982405 11
Louisiana Iberville —— —— 76556 152923 215739 352411 517762 7
Maine York 96540 151719 228705 98269 399455 501793 583169 6
Maryland St. Marys 319728 341584 380546 407350 447040 470019 583034 6
Massachusetts Plymouth 378718 423245 472040 523159 610408 737699 994514 12
Michigan Detroit —— —— 4762 8765 31639 212267 397654 7
Minnesota Fort Snelling —— —— —— —— —— —— 6077 1
Mississippi Natchez —— 8850 40352 75448 136621 375651 606526 7
Missouri St. Genevieve —— —— 20845 66577 140455 383702 682044 11
Nebraska —— —— —— —— —— —— —— ——
Nevada —— —— —— —— —— —— —— ——
New Hampshire Dover 141899 183762 214360 244022 269328 284574 317976 3
New Jersey Bergen 184139 211949 245555 277426 320823 373306 489555 6
New York Albany 340120 586756 959049 1372111 1918608 2428921 3097394 38
North Carolina Roanoke River 393751 478103 555500 638829 737987 753419 869039 9
Ohio Marietta —— 45365 230760 581295 937903 1519467 1980329 23
Oregon Astoria —— —— —— —— —— —— 13294
Pennsylvania Delaware Co. 434373 602361 810091 1047507 1348233 1724033 2311786 29
Rhode Island Providence 69110 69122 77031 83015 97199 108830 147545 1
South Carolina Port Royal 249073 245591 415115 402741 581185 594398 668507 7
37. Tennessee Fort Loudon 35791 105602 261727 422761 681904 829210 1002717 11
Texas Matagorda —— —— —— —— —— —— 212592 6
Vermont Brattleboro 85416 154465 217713 235749 280652 291948 314120 3
Virginia Jamestown 748308 880200 974622 1065129 1211405 1239797 1421661 12
West Virginia —— —— —— —— —— —— —— —— 3
Wisconsin Pr. du Chien —— —— —— —— —— 30945 305391 7
Territories.
Arizona —— —— —— —— —— —— —— ——
Colorado —— —— —— —— —— —— —— —— 3
Dakota —— —— —— —— —— —— —— ——
Idaho —— —— —— —— —— —— —— ——
Montana —— —— —— —— —— —— —— ——
New Mexico —— —— —— —— —— —— —— 61,547 8
Utah —— —— —— —— —— —— —— 11,380 4
Washington —— —— —— —— —— —— —— —— 1
Wyoming —— —— —— —— —— —— —— ——
Dist. of Columbia —— —— 14,093 24,023 33,039 39,834 43,712 51,687 7
Total population in 1790 3,929,827
” 1800 5,305,937
” 1810 7,239,814
” 1820 9,638,131
” 1830 12,866,020
” 1840 17,069,453
” 1850 23,191,876
” 1860 31,747,514
” 1870 38,538,180
To which add Indians and
others in Indian territory,
not included in Census
304,192
Grand total in 1870 38,842,372
Note.—Returns of the colored population of the United States received at the Census Office show a
total in all the States and Territories of 4,857,000, being an increase of 9.35-100 per cent. since 1860.
The State of Georgia has the largest colored population; Virginia, Alabama, Mississippi, South Carolina,
North Carolina and Louisiana follow next in order.
As shown in the last census (1870), the seven leading States rank, according to population, as
follows: (1) New York; (2) Pennsylvania; (3) Ohio; (4) Illinois; (5) Missouri; (6) Indiana; (7)
Massachusetts. Thus four out of the seven most populous States are “new States;” that is, they were
not included in the original “thirteen.” In 1789, the four States at the head of the list were: (1) Virginia;
(2) Pennsylvania; (3) North Carolina; (4) Massachusetts. At present, Virginia (if the State had not been
divided) would have ranked in the seventh place, or next after Indiana. In absolute increase of
inhabitants, Pennsylvania heads the list of the old States in the last decade: and the total population of
said State is about equal to that of the thirteen States of Connecticut, Arkansas, West Virginia,
Minnesota, Kansas, Vermont, New Hampshire, Rhode Island, Florida, Delaware, Nebraska, Oregon and
Nevada. The aggregate population of the six New England States of Massachusetts, Maine, Connecticut,
New Hampshire, Vermont and Rhode Island falls considerably short of that of Pennsylvania. The States
west of the Mississippi, including the Pacific States, have about one-sixth of the whole population of the
United States.
38. The ratio of increase in population from 1790 to 1800 was 35.02 per cent.; from 1800 to 1810, 36.45
per cent.; from 1810 to 1820, 33.13 per cent.; from 1820 to 1830, 33.49 per cent.; from 1830 to 1840,
32.67 per cent.; from 1840 to 1850, 38.57 per cent.; from 1850 to 1860, 37.75 per cent.; from 1860 to
1870, 22.34 per cent. Supposing the increase during this decade (since 1870) to be 30 per cent. there
would be in 1875 nearly 45,000,000 inhabitants. We have reason to suppose it to be at least 35 per
cent. This, in 1880, would give 52,437,192.
39. PART THIRD.
THE PEOPLE AND THE GOVERNMENT.
1. All government is professedly for the good of the people; but in point of fact, nearly every
government that has ever been instituted has been in the interest of an individual, a family, or a class.
American statesmen, in forming our government, admitted the superior rights of no man or class of
men. It was carefully organized to exclude all claims or pretenses of that kind, with a single exception,
at first, which afterward disappeared in the tempest of a civil war. The executive, the various members
of the government, and the law makers depend on the people for their elevation. At first they possessed
only the dignity, privileges, and rights of the people at large, and, their term of office expired, they
return to the same level, honored, indeed, if they have been faithful servants; if not, carrying to their
dishonored graves the reproaches and contempt of their fellow-citizens, but retaining, in neither case, a
vestige of the power and exaltation over others that clothed them when in office, the contrary of which
so often makes an unworthy man respectable in a different form of government.
2. That the masses of the people would be able to exercise a true sovereignty without abusing it was
always doubted until the trial was made in this country. A very respectable class of statesmen in the
early days of the Republic, sympathized in this doubt, and it even crept into the Constitution in the form
of electors who were to choose the President; intimating a distrust of the wisdom and sound discretion
of the voters in the choice of the Chief Magistrate. The liberty allowed to the Legislatures of the States
to determine the manner in which electors should be chosen, while it recognized State authority on one
side, on the other implied a hesitation to trust so important a matter directly to the people; and for a
long time they were only indirectly consulted as to the choice of a President.
3. It was not, however, caused by a desire to keep power from them, but rather to avoid the unhappy
effect of popular heat and rashness, so often observed in popular governments before attempted. This
distrustful party first took control of the government, retained it during three presidential terms, and for
many years afterwards formed an influential minority whose criticisms were of importance in
establishing a traditional policy for the government. This party—the Federalists, headed by Washington
and Hamilton—sought to found a strong and stable government that should be able to fully protect the
country from foreign interference and domestic discord. Their control over the administration was
somewhat abruptly closed by acts considered arbitrary, interfering with full freedom of speech and of
the press—the “Sedition Laws” as they were called. Jefferson and the Republican party demanded the
largest popular freedom, and had the conduct of the government for twenty-four years, impressing on
its habits and policy the respect for the opinions of the people at large that has ever since characterized
it. The people gradually gained control of presidential elections and practically set the electors aside,
making and enforcing their own choice in general elections.
4. The exercise of popular sovereignty has gradually been enlarged, no qualification but that of age
and nativity being now generally required, and the government may fairly be considered to represent
the views of a majority of the people, and not only of the native, but also of the foreign born; since the
great mass of the latter are, by naturalization, absorbed into the mass of citizens. They come to make a
permanent home with us, from a preference, as it is fair to assume, for republican institutions; and it is
considered right that they should have a voice in the conduct of them. Nor have the American people
seen cause to regret their liberality in this respect. Citizens of foreign birth have usually proved as
thoughtful and wise as the rest of the population, and as worthy of citizenship. They bring to us wealth
in their labor if not in their purses, and soon become thoroughly American in their habits and
sympathies. The government and the people cordially welcome them, and find themselves the stronger
and richer by so doing.
5. It must not be forgotten that the strongest fears of popular influence on the government, the
stability of our institutions, and the maintenance of the good order necessary to the security of property
40. and the general prosperity, were entertained at the first; that the prophecies of the foreseers of evil
have been almost uniformly false during its whole course; and that the relation between the people and
the general government has constantly grown closer, to the great advantage of both. The first war into
which the country was plunged after the Revolution—that of 1812—was comparatively a failure, in its
earlier part, for want of this mutual confidence. Later the people and the government have been more
closely allied, and the government has been strong while the people have seen their cherished ends
gained.
There has been continual advance in liberality of administration, in efficiency of organization, and in
the completeness of social order. We have no reason to suppose that a tendency, continued through a
hundred years and favored by so many circumstances that are common to all nations in our generation
to a degree never before known, will be changed. Rather we may confidently expect that with increased
intelligence, experience, and prosperity that tendency will be strengthened.
CHAPTER I.
SUFFRAGE AND CITIZENSHIP.
1. The right pertaining to citizenship, to vote for such officers as are elected by the people, is called
suffrage. When that right is acquired with respect to one class of officers it always extends to the
whole, from petty town or city officials, to high officers of the State and United States government—all,
in short, who obtain office directly from the people.
2. The Constitution defines who shall be regarded as citizens of the United States, and all such are
declared by it to be also citizens of the State in which they reside. It declares “all persons, born, or
naturalized in the United States, and subject to its jurisdiction” to be citizens. Indian tribes are mostly
regarded as foreign nations, and have such rights as treaties give them, but are not taxed and do not
vote; therefore they are not regarded as citizens.
3. Yet suffrage does not belong to all citizens. The special regulation of the voting prerogative was not
assumed by the Constitution, nor delegated to Congress, and it is generally conceded that it belongs to
the State governments. The regulations in the States are not uniform, but in no State do women or
minors vote. This cuts off a large part of the citizens, nearly three-fourths belonging to these classes.
Minors are supposed, however, to be represented, as to their interests, by their guardians, and females
by husbands or brothers. Some of the States make minor restrictions as to length of residence in the
State, and require a certain amount of property to constitute a voter, and in some naturalization is not
required—so that the range of the right of suffrage varies within small limits, in different States.
Whatever rule is adopted by the States has been accepted as the basis of suffrage for that State by the
general government, when members of Congress and President and Vice-President are voted for.
4. It seems to be a loose point in the regulations, otherwise so admirable, since it may work a
considerable inequality under given circumstances; and, in some cases, might change the policy of the
government. It is a question worthy of consideration whether there should not be an amendment to the
Constitution establishing uniformity of suffrage in all the States. This point has caused much discussion
in the State governments and various changes have been, from time to time, made in many of them.
These have been, usually, in the direction of liberality—tending to enlarge the scope of suffrage. The
property qualification, quite common in earlier times, is now rare. The fifteenth amendment, recently
adopted, has largely increased the number of voters.
5. The experience of the Republic, thus far, has been in favor of the doctrine that it is safe to trust the
people with their own interests, and that the responsibilities of self-government, when they are laid on
them under the favorable circumstances that exist among us, tend to improvement instead of
disorganization. Whether this will always be the case it may not be safe to assume, and a prudent
regard to possibilities should not be neglected; but we should not forget that those who founded
41. American liberty ran great risks of anarchy in the eyes of their contemporaries. We ought to be able
safely to continue a policy of suffrage which they introduced with results so fortunate.
6. Education needs to be encouraged, and this has always received much attention. It is probable
that but for the very liberal provision made in this respect, the fate of our government would have been
very different. Many foreigners who had no early education, have been naturalized, and the colored
people born in the country have been made citizens. If the remainder of the people had not been
intelligent, it would no doubt have been extremely dangerous. It has led to some serious local
interruptions of order and prosperity, but they have been, so far, temporary; and the general effect has
been to awaken ambition for education; the children of new-made citizens have enjoyed the same
facilities as others to acquire intelligence necessary to a citizen; and the right of suffrage, when
extended to the ignorant and degraded has seemed to produce the general effect of destroying a
dangerous class by raising them gradually to intelligence and self-respect and respect for the laws, by
making them the political equals of those who are socially and intellectually far above them.
7. As we grow in numbers all influences like this take a wider range, and acquire more power, and
sometimes produce different results, when they become extensive, from what was the case when more
limited, from the difference of influence in modifying causes; and there has always been fear of trouble
from the extension of suffrage to too many ignorant persons. It is well to be cautious; but we ought to
venture as far as possible for the sake of improving and elevating all classes of our people.
8. It is also a question worthy of attention if women who own property that is taxed ought not to
possess the right of suffrage. The war that made us a Nation was begun because we refused to be
taxed unless we could be represented, and have a vote in the body laying the taxes. The principle
appears to be precisely the same; and what we fought for then should not be denied now.
CHAPTER II.
OUR CITIZENS OF FOREIGN BIRTH.
Whatever fault we may sometimes find with the conduct of our government; however much self-
seeking to the neglect of the public good there may be among officials; however many weaknesses,
errors, and violations of law may call for our severest reprobation, and, in moments of depression, lead
us to look gloomily and doubtfully toward the future; yet it is not to be denied that the Home of real
Freedom is with us. Mismanagement is but temporary, or limited, and easily admits of remedy, with time
and care; our advantages are permanent and extensive. In eighty years the population has become
nearly twelve times as numerous as at the beginning of that period, and this rapid growth in numbers
has been made up largely from the disposition of foreigners to make a permanent home among us.
Those who are oppressed, who suffer restraint in their interests or belief, or wish for a wider career for
themselves or their families—who want a free field for business enterprise, for mental and moral
development, or full play for their abilities to influence their fellow men, come to us. Here they find fair
opportunity for what may be lacking elsewhere. They come here by millions; the poor, by industry,
become rich; the oppressed leave persecutions and galling burdens behind them; and genius finds full
play for its aspirations in whatever direction its energies may be turned.
At the time of the last Census there were 5,566,546 persons in the Union, and forming part of our
population, of foreign birth. A large part of these have become citizens by Naturalization. The
remainder, or their descendants, if they remain here, will become citizens by that process, or by lapse of
time.
After they have become familiar with our institution, ideas, and habits, they are incorporated with the
body of our citizens and are a part of the Nation. The naturalized citizen may become, in time, a State
officer, or member of Congress, if he can make himself acceptable to his fellow citizens; or he may
possibly live to see his son President of the United States.
42. Congress alone has power, under the Constitution, to enact naturalization laws. Suffrage, or the right
of voting, is left to the regulation of the States, within certain limits; but every citizen, made such by
law of the General Government, is also a citizen of the State in which he resides, and will acquire, within
such times as State regulations shall determine, the right to vote.
State laws regarding suffrage vary. Some States even admit aliens who are not citizens of the United
States to the right of suffrage and to other privileges; and most require any citizen to reside a
prescribed length of time in the State before he can vote. A uniform regulation in all the States would
be desirable.
HOW TO BECOME A CITIZEN.
Any alien, having arrived in the United States after the age of eighteen years, may be admitted to the
rights of citizenship, after a declaration, upon his part, or oath or affirmation, before the Supreme,
Superior, District, or Circuit Court of, or any court of record having common law jurisdiction in, any of
the United States, or of the territories thereto belonging, or before a Circuit or District Court of the
United States, or the Clerk or Prothonotary of any of the aforesaid courts, two years at least before his
admission, that it is his bona fide intention to become a citizen of the United States, and to renounce
forever all allegiance and fidelity to any foreign prince, potentate, State or sovereignty whatever, and
particularly by name, the prince, potentate, State, or sovereignty, whereof such alien may at any time
have been a citizen or subject; if such alien has borne any hereditary title, or been of any of the orders
of nobility in the kingdom or State from which he came, he must, moreover, expressly renounce his title
or order of nobility, in the court in which his application is made, which renunciation is to be recorded in
such county; and the court admitting such alien must also be satisfied that he has continuously resided
in the United States for five years, at least, immediately preceding his naturalization, and also within the
State or Territory wherein such court is at the time held, at least one year immediately previous to such
naturalization; and that during such five years he has been of good moral character, attached to the
principles of the Constitution of the United States, and well disposed to the good order and happiness of
the same; the oath of at least two citizens of the United States is requisite to prove the fact of such
residence; and, at the time of his application to be admitted to citizenship, he must make, upon oath or
affirmation, the same declaration of renunciation and abjuration of allegiance to any foreign power, and
also make oath or affirmation to support the Constitution of the United States; all of which proceedings
are to be recorded by the Clerk or Prothonotary of the proper court.
If any alien, having legally filed his declaration of intention to become a citizen and taken the
necessary oath or affirmation, die before he is actually naturalized, his widow and children are entitled
to all the rights and privileges of citizens, upon taking the required oaths or affirmations.
Any alien arriving in the United States under the age of eighteen years, and continuously residing
therein until the time of his application for citizenship, may, after reaching the age of twenty-one years,
and having been a resident within the United States for five years, including the three years of his
minority, be admitted a citizen, without making the formal declaration of intention required in other
cases; but at the time of his admission he must make such declaration, and further satisfy the court,
upon oath or affirmation, that, for the three years immediately preceding, it had been his bona fide
intention to become such citizen, and in all other respects must comply with the naturalization laws of
the United States.
Severe penalties for counterfeiting any evidence of citizenship, or disposing of a certificate of
naturalization to any person other than the one for whom it was issued, are imposed by act of
Congress.
CHAPTER III.
ELECTIONS.
43. 1. A pure democracy is a government in which all the people who have the proper qualifications for
voting personally take part—or have the right to do so—in the discussion of public measures, and
enactment of the laws. This is not practicable unless the State consist of a small number of persons;
and a representative democracy is substituted, in which the masses of the people exercise the voting
and ruling prerogative by appointing a small number of substitutes to act in their place and represent
them. This appointment of representatives is for the most part the only direct way in which the people
of this country are able to take part in the government. Though the theory is that the people alone are
sovereign, this is the only way in which sovereignty can exert itself. Even if present in a legislative
assembly, they cannot discuss or vote unless they are Representatives, duly elected.
2. Elections, then, are of the highest importance. If a citizen would exert his sovereign authority, as
one of the depositaries of power, he must take part in them. Representatives elected to make laws are
expected to express the will of the majority of the people whom they represent. They are pledged,
expressly or tacitly, to do so. If they disobey the will of their constituents, there is no immediate
redress. They can be displaced only at the close of the term for which they were elected. There is some
inconvenience and danger attending this method; though the fear of the displeasure of their
constituents is usually sufficient to secure faithfulness. Where the people are numerous, (there are now
more than 135,000 persons to each representative,) it becomes a matter of much interest to know what
is their will. It is ascertained by the elections. The people vote for a candidate, or nominee, known to
hold certain political principles. As men do not often see or think alike there is generally more than one
principle, or system of views, regarding public measures, involved in every election, and therefore more
than one candidate. The result of the vote shows the will of the majority. The same question generally
occupies the attention of the whole country, and the elections to Congress determine the policy of the
government, so far as legislation is concerned.
3. The same remarks apply to the election of the President and the members of the State
governments. The choice of men for the State legislatures determines the policy and political principles
of the State government, and as the majority in State legislatures appoint the Senators, the character of
Congress and its measures are influenced by State elections. The choice of the President is not, in
theory, made directly, since Electors are chosen, who afterwards vote for the President; but it is
understood that they will vote for a certain man; and it has been so invariably their custom to do so,
that the result is considered as settled by the direct vote of the people. Should the Electors do
otherwise the people would be very much surprised and displeased, and those Electors would have little
prospect of appointment to office again. Very few men in office are willing to seriously offend their
constituents, so that practically, the people vote directly for the President and Vice-President they prefer.
4. Of all our elections none is considered of so much importance as the Presidential. These come
every four years, because the Constitution provides that the term for which a President is chosen, shall
be four years. Our elections, both for the general and State governments, are by ballot, instead of viva
voce, (the living voice,) as in some countries.
The ballot is a small piece of paper, with the name of the candidate or candidates printed or written
upon it, and then folded in such a manner as to hide them, so that no one but the voter can tell what
names are on his ballot. A vote by viva voce, is when the voter, in the presence of the inspectors of the
election, audibly and clearly calls out the name of the candidate for whom he votes, and thus proclaims
in the hearing of all present how he votes. But the ballot enables the voter to vote secretly if he
chooses to do so.
CHAPTER IV.
RATIO OF REPRESENTATION.
1. The ratio of representation simply means the ratio between the whole population of the United
States, and the whole number of their Representatives in Congress; and this of course includes the ratio
44. between the people of any individual State, and the Representatives it is entitled to; both being
estimated upon the same basis, and determined by the same rule.
2. The distinctive characteristic of our government is, that it is a popular government. Its power is
vested in the people. They elect their rulers, who are the servants of the people, and these rulers are
expected to carry out the people’s wishes. Upon such a system, it is a matter of the first importance, to
distribute this power equally among all the people, and after having fixed upon the ratio between the
whole population and the whole number of Representatives; or, in other words, after having determined
how many members shall compose the lower House of Congress, the next step is to apportion these
members among all the States in the ratio of their population. If one State has twice the number of
inhabitants that another has, it will be entitled to twice the number of Representatives in Congress. If
one has ten times the inhabitants that another has, it will be entitled to ten times the number of
Representatives, and so on; with this one exception, which is, that by a provision in the Constitution,
every State, without regard to its population, is entitled to one Representative in the lower House.
3. The adjustment of this matter is all provided for in the Constitution, that is, in its general features;
but it devolves upon Congress in every tenth year to re-adjust and re-apportion the Representatives
among the several States, according to the population of each State as shown by the last census, which
is taken every tenth year; and when the apportionment is once made, it remains the same for the next
ten years, when the census is taken again, and a new apportionment is made.
4. Up to the present time (1874,) this has been done nine times. It was done the first time by the
convention which formed the Constitution. That apportionment is found in the Constitution, and is as
follows:
To New Hampshire, 3
Massachusetts, 8
Pennsylvania, 8
Delaware, 1
Rhode Island, 1
Connecticut, 5
New York, 6
New Jersey, 4
Maryland, 6
Virginia, 10
North Carolina, 5
South Carolina, 5
Georgia, 3
By this it will be seen that the first Congress consisted of but 65 members.
The Constitution also provided that Representatives should not exceed one to every 30,000 people.
The next year after the government went into operation, (1790,) the first census was taken, and as
soon as the result was known, a new apportionment was made. This was done in 1792, and was made
upon the ratio of one Representative to every 33,000 of representative[4] population.
45. [4] The Representative population includes all free persons,
white or black; to which (according to the provisions of the
Constitution), three-fifths of all the slaves were to be added. But
this proviso, now that slavery is abolished, has become a nullity.
5. In 1800, the second census was taken; and when Congress
made the apportionment, which was done in 1803, it did not change
the ratio, but left it at one Representative to every 33,000 of the
representative population.
In 1810, the third census was taken, and in 1811 the ratio was
fixed at one Representative for every 35,000 of the population.
In 1820, the fourth census was taken, and in 1822 Congress fixed
the ratio at one Representative for every 47,000 of the population.
In 1830, the fifth census was taken, and in 1832 the ratio was
fixed at one Representative to every 47,000 of the population.
In 1840, the sixth census was taken, and in 1842 Congress again
declared that the ratio should be one Representative to every 70,000
of the population.
6. In 1850, the seventh census was taken, and in conformity with
the law passed this year, the number of members was for the first
time limited; the limit being 233; and the Secretary of the Interior
was ordered to take the census returns, and divide the whole
representative population by the number 233, and to make the
quotient the ratio between the Representatives and the people.
7. We have never seen the result of the Secretary’s estimate, but,
taking the population of 1850 and dividing it by 233, would produce
a quotient of nearly 94,000; and this we take as the ratio, after the
time when it was done, 1852; that is, one Representative to every
94,000 of the population.
8. The eighth census was taken in 1860, and on it an
apportionment was based, which allowed one Representative for
every 127,000 of the population.
46. In 1850 Congress adopted the principle of permanently fixing the
number of members of Congress, to save the trouble of doing it as
heretofore, every ten years. An act was passed limiting it to 233; but
notwithstanding this limitation, it was provided that if any new State
came in, it should have its member, which would add to the number.
But this increase was to continue no longer than until the next
apportionment, when the number was to fall back again to the old
figure.
In 1862 the law was modified to make the whole number of
members consist of 241 after the 3d of March, 1863. In 1870 the
ninth census was taken, and in 1872 Congress decided that after
March 3d, 1873, the Representatives should comprise 292 members,
being one Representative for every 135,239 of the population and
apportioned them among the several States as follows:
Alabama, 8
Arkansas, 4
California, 4
Connecticut, 4
Delaware, 1
Florida, 2
Georgia, 9
Mississippi, 6
Missouri, 13
Nebraska, 1
Nevada, 1
New Hampshire, 3
New Jersey, 7
New York, 33
North Carolina, 8
Ohio, 20
Illinois, 19
Indiana, 13
Iowa, 9
47. Kansas, 3
Kentucky, 10
Louisiana, 6
Maine, 5
Maryland, 6
Massachusetts, 11
Michigan, 9
Minnesota, 3
Oregon, 1
Pennsylvania, 27
Rhode Island, 2
South Carolina, 5
Tennessee, 10
Texas, 6
Vermont, 3
Virginia, 9
West Virginia, 3
Wisconsin, 8
9. But it must be borne in mind that Congress has the power to
alter all this, and to enact that Congress shall consist of any other
number of members, although it is not probable that this will be
done soon.
10. The foregoing statements will show the general plan upon
which the House of Representatives is constituted, and how the
several States are constantly changing the number of their
Representatives, and their relative power and influence in Congress.
This can be readily understood by remembering the fact that new
States come into the Union every few years, and that the population
increases much more rapidly in the Western States than in the
Eastern, and that, consequently, the West is rapidly gaining power in
Congress, while the Atlantic States are losing it.
48. 11. In the apportionment no regard is had to the Territories or to
their population. In this adjustment, the States and their population
only are regarded, and the number of members is all given to the
States. Every Representative from a Territory is an addition to that
number, but it must be remembered that a Territorial member has
no right to vote on any question, but has only the right to debate;
and for this reason he is not, in the fullest sense, a member, and is
not counted in adjusting the number of which the House is made to
consist.
CHAPTER V.
OATHS AND BONDS.
1. An oath is an appeal to God, by him who makes it, that what he
has said, or what he shall say, is the truth. It is the most solemn
form under which one can assert or pronounce anything. To utter a
falsehood while under oath is perjury, a crime of the darkest hue.
One which God has declared he will punish, and one which is made
infamous, and punishable by fine and imprisonment by the laws of
the land.
2. The Constitution (Art. 6, Sec. 3) requires that Senators and
Representatives, and members of the several State Legislatures, and
all executive and judicial officers, both of the United States, and of
the several States, shall be bound by oath or affirmation to support
the Constitution. Then in the second article, section eight, the form
of the oath required of the President before he enters upon his
duties, is given in these words:
“I do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will faithfully execute the
office of President of the United States, and will to the best of my
ability preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United
States.”
49. 3. This is all the Constitution says about oaths; but it is enough to
show that no man (unless he commit perjury,) can accept office,
either under the United States or any State government, unless he in
good faith will support the Constitution.
But in the laws enacted by Congress, we find that not only official
oaths are required; but in a great variety of other cases, men who
transact business with the government are required to verify their
accounts and statements with an oath. This is particularly the case
with those who do business with the custom house; such as
merchants, shipowners, and masters of vessels. Many oaths must be
put in the form of affidavits; that is, the oath must be written and
signed by the deponent, that the statements made may be
preserved.
4. The form of official oaths varies according to the nature of the
duties to be performed by the deponent. The oath must be taken
before the officer enters upon his duties. Should he neglect or refuse
to do this, his acts will be illegal, and he would make himself liable
to punishment.
After the late civil war broke out, Congress for the purpose of
preventing those who had voluntarily taken part in the rebellion,
from holding thereafter any office under the government, passed an
act requiring every one before he could accept any office, either in
the civil, military, or naval departments, to take an oath in the
following form:
5. “I, A. B., do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I have never
voluntarily borne arms against the United States, since I have been
a citizen thereof; that I have voluntarily given no aid, countenance,
counsel or encouragement to persons engaged in armed hostility
thereto; that I have neither sought, nor accepted, nor attempted to
exercise the functions of any office whatever, under any authority or
pretended authority in hostility to the United States; that I have not
yielded a voluntary support to any pretended government, authority,
power or Constitution, within the United States, hostile or inimical
thereto. And I do further swear (or affirm) that to the best of my
50. knowledge and ability, I will support and defend the Constitution of
the United States, against all enemies, foreign and domestic; that I
will bear true faith and allegiance to the same; that I take this
obligation freely, without any mental reservation or purpose of
evasion, and that I will well and faithfully discharge the duties of the
office on which I am about to enter. So help me God.”
So strong and comprehensive an oath as this was never before
required from any officer of the government. It answers the
requirements of the Constitution, and substantially comprehends all
contained in any other forms heretofore used. It is at once an oath
of allegiance, an oath of support of the Constitution, and an oath to
discharge faithfully the duties of the office taken. This goes by the
name of the Test oath, and frequently “The Iron-clad Oath.”
6. The object of the test oath was, during the Civil War, to prevent
the entrance into any office of a person who might be secretly
unfriendly to the government, and use his position to the advantage
of its enemies. So comprehensive and minute an oath would allow
no chance of mental evasion to a conscientious person, and would
lay the offender under the liability of severe punishment. It is
evidently proper to bind all officers of the general and State
governments under the strongest and most solemn obligation to a
faithful and honest discharge of their duties.
7. Whoever receives an office in the United States, which is
connected with the revenue in any way, so that public money passes
through his hands, is required to give a bond as security for such
money. These bonds give the government a claim on their property
if the money is not accounted for according to the directions of the
law. They are signed by one or more persons who must show that
they have the means to pay the amount for which they become
security. The amount of security required depends on the sums of
money that are to pass through the hands of the official, or which is
likely at any time to accumulate in his possession. The government
takes all the care it can that there shall be no risk of loss of the
51. public property, and the bond is designed to afford adequate security
for all that any officer may have charge of.
8. By this means two important ends are gained. No person can
get an office who has no friends and no reputation for uprightness
sufficient to induce those that know him to risk their own property
on his honesty and faithfulness. It was designed to be a sure means
for the government of finding out who were to be trusted. If he has
not property himself, so that he can secure his bondsmen to their
satisfaction, he must have so high a character for integrity that they
are willing to risk their money in his hands, or he cannot obtain an
office. Security for public funds, and a high degree of personal worth
are both expected to be gained by this requirement.
On the whole, this works very well indeed, in both respects, but
there seems no security, that is quite infallible, against roguery,
unless it be in the extreme care of the people, and their constant
watchfulness over all the affairs of the country and all the men who
represent them. It is difficult to make a house so strong that a thief
cannot get into it by force or stratagem, and rogues who wish to
steal from the public funds may band together and help one another
to get into office and then divide what spoil they can secure; or
unforeseen events may bring more money than was properly
secured into an officer’s hands, or those whose duty it is to see that
he disburses the funds at the right times may be careless or
dishonest.
9. The only sure way is to take care that none but men of proved
integrity get into office, and to take all pains to cultivate honesty in
the community at large. The money lost by the government is
probably much less in proportion than in the private business of the
country. Great watchfulness is really exercised, and when such a
case occurs it is immediately known through the whole country. Not
many men are willing to run so much risk of punishment and public
reprobation. Too much care, however, cannot be taken to prevent
corruption in public life. It destroys the purity and soundness of
52. character on which our institutions are founded. A republic cannot
exist without a high standard of virtue.
10. Every official is required to take an oath, or make a solemn
affirmation to discharge the duties of his office faithfully. Though we
cannot expect to be quite secure against the trickery and insincerity
of false and corrupt men, yet we have reason, on the whole, to
congratulate ourselves on the general security of public property,
and the watchfulness of the people over their servants in places of
trust.
CHAPTER VI.
GOVERNMENT PRISONS.
1. The United States government has always endeavored to
continue, as it commenced, to rule with vigor, and to preserve a
wholesome respect for its own authority and the rights of all its
citizens, while it has, beyond all other governments, probably, that
have ever existed sought to avoid arbitrariness and severity; keeping
in mind the principle lying at the foundation of its institutions that it
exists, not for itself, but for the good of the people. It has assumed
that the people generally would not require coercion to submit to its
regulations, and has not, therefore, made that ample provision for
punishment and intimidation that is usual among governments.
In confirmation of this we call attention to the fact that the
general government does not own, and has never built, prisons for
the confinement of offenders against its laws. Imprisonment, as the
mildest form of punishment, has, indeed, very often been inflicted,
more often than any other form of punishment. How does this occur
when they own no prisons? The answer is that they use the prisons
of the States wherever they will allow it. This arrangement between
the general and State governments has been made in nearly if not
53. all the States; the United States paying for the support of their
prisoners.
2. But in case any State should refuse to make such an
agreement, the United States marshal of any district where a
prisoner is to be confined, is authorized to procure some building
where the prisoners may be safely confined in the district where
they have been tried and convicted, or where they have been
arrested and are held for trial.
This is a far more economical plan than it would be for the United
States to build prisons all over the country, and then to employ
keepers of them. It exemplifies the friendly relations existing
between the States and the general government.
CHAPTER VII.
PROCLAMATIONS.
1. A Proclamation is an official notice published by one high in
authority, for the purpose of giving reliable and authoritative
information to the people that something has been done, or will
soon be done, which is important for them to know, that they may
act, or refrain from acting according to the information contained in
the proclamation. These proclamations are made known to the
country through the most extensive channels of information that can
be used for conveying intelligence to everybody in the Republic. In
our day, and in our country, the newspapers are the best means that
can be used for this purpose. But in ancient times, and before the
art of printing was known, swift riders or runners were dispatched to
every part of the kingdom or country over which the proclamation
was to be made known. These messengers carried it with them, and
proclaimed it in the ears of all the people.
54. 2. These documents are official acts brought before the people in
due form and solemnity. Sometimes they are only recommendations;
at others they have all the force of organic law, or the acts of
Congress.
It has, for some years, been the custom of the Executive to
designate some day toward the close of the year as a day of
thanksgiving, recommending the day to be observed in a religious
manner. Important changes in the commercial affairs between us
and some foreign country are made known by the same method.
3. A memorable proclamation was made by President Lincoln, in
1862, by which he made known to the country, and especially to the
Southern States, that if they continued their war against the United
States for one hundred days after its issuance, he would then, in
virtue of his authority as commander-in-chief of the army and navy,
liberate the slaves in all the seceded States. At the expiration of the
time, which was on the first of January, 1863, he issued another
proclamation, in and by which he did emancipate all the slaves in
every State which had warred against the United States government.
The blockading of our ports at the commencement of the civil war,
and the imposition of an embargo upon our shipping, previous to the
last war with England, were both subjects which brought out
proclamations from the President who then filled the Executive chair.
4. The above examples show the character of the cases which
cause proclamations to be issued. In some instances they have the
authority of law; in others they are merely recommendations; and in
others only communicate important intelligence in regard to our
public affairs at home or abroad.
CHAPTER VIII.
COMMISSIONERS.
55. 1. As it is one purpose of this work to give a clear and complete
account of the mode of conducting the affairs of the general
government, we have thought it best to call attention to the class of
officers named at the head of this chapter; and especially since
persons acting under this title are assigned to a variety of duties,
sometimes permanent and sometimes temporary. In the first place,
they act as heads of bureaus in the various departments. These
commissioners are permanent officials of the government,
established and provided for by law; such are the commissioners of
the land office, patent office, pension office, &c.
2. Another class of commissioners can hardly be considered
officers, but rather temporary or special agents. In the multifarious
duties devolving upon Congress, the President, and all the
departments, it not unfrequently happens that it is impracticable for
them to do certain things necessary to be done. The business to be
transacted may be at a great distance from the capital, even in a
foreign country. In these cases commissioners are appointed to do
such business. They have been appointed to negotiate a peace, to
make treaties of various kinds between us and other powers, and to
negotiate with the Indians for the purchase of their lands. The
United States courts appoint them to take bail, or to take testimony
to be used on trials, and do various other things necessary in trials
and proceedings before them.
3. Congress frequently appoints commissioners to obtain
information, or to investigate some matter on which they expect to
legislate. In all cases they must report their proceedings, either to
Congress, to the President, or to the head of the department under
whose instruction they act. Permanent commissioners report once a
year, or oftener if required, that Congress may know the condition of
affairs in their respective bureaus. Special commissioners, after they
have performed the work assigned, make their report; after which
their duties cease, and their commission comes to an end.
4. The lowest grade of diplomatic agents are called
commissioners. We are thus represented at the present time in the
56. Republics of Hayti and Liberia.
5. By recent acts of Congress, the powers of commissioners in
some cases have been enlarged. They now examine persons
charged with crimes against the laws of the United States; hold
them to bail, discharge them, or commit them to prison; and do
other magisterial acts, preliminary to the trial of the accused. When
acting in such cases, they are clothed with some of the powers of a
court.
CHAPTER IX.
OFFICIAL REGISTER.
1. Congress, in 1816, passed an act authorizing and requiring the
Secretary of State, once in two years, to print and publish a book
called “the official register,” in which he was ordered to register the
name of every officer and agent of the government, in the civil,
military and naval departments, including cadets and midshipmen,
together with the compensation received by each; the names of the
State and county where born; and the name of the place where
employed, whether at home or abroad.
To the list of persons employed in the Navy Department, the
Secretary of the Navy is required to subjoin the names, force and
condition of all the ships and vessels belonging to the United States,
and when and where built.
This work has been published and distributed, as the law directs,
ever since the passage of the act, and is sometimes denominated
“the blue book.” It is a very convenient and useful publication, as it
shows in compact form the whole official force of the government in
each department, together with the cost of maintaining it.
As it contains only names and dates and facts relating to persons,
comparatively few would take the pains to read it, and but a small
57. number is published. It can be found in the Congressional library at
Washington, where twenty-five copies of each edition are deposited.
CHAPTER X.
THE STARS AND STRIPES.
A nation’s Flag represents its sovereignty. It is adopted by its
supreme authority as a symbol or sign of itself, and wherever it
waves the fact of the substantial control of that authority, at that
point, is thereby asserted. If there is a struggle between two powers
for control, the presence of the flag proves that the authority it
represents still maintains itself, and its subjugation is declared by
lowering its flag and by the substitution of another in its place.
The flag is, therefore, an expression to the eye of the condition of
things; and attracts the sympathies and antipathies, the joys and
sorrows, the hopes and fears of those interested in the sovereignty it
represents. It is the rallying point of sentiment and of energy. The
affection and reverence bestowed on our country will light up into a
patriotic flame at sight of its flag. It is associated with all the heroic
deeds and achievements that adorn our national history, and with
the loss of all those we honored and loved who followed and fought
for it, and gave their lives in its defense. Our “Star Spangled Banner”
has been a thousand times baptized in blood dearer to us than our
own, and the sight of it recalls all these sacrifices so cheerfully made
to establish or to preserve our institutions. The flag of the United
States may well call forth more enthusiastic affection, pride, and
hope than any other in the world; for it symbolizes not only home,
country, and associations dear to Americans, but the justice, liberty,
and right of self government that are dear to all mankind. Humanity
at large has a deep interest in it.
Its history is this: Soon after the Declaration of Independence the
Continental Congress appointed a committee to confer with Gen.
58. Washington and “design a suitable flag for the nation.” After the
painful and depressing defeat on Long Island, the retreat through
the Jerseys and across the Delaware, when everything seemed lost
for the new government, Washington suddenly struck the vigorous
blows at Trenton and Princeton that confounded the enemy and
drove him back to Staten Island. Congress and the country were
cheered with a hope and a resolution that never afterwards failed
them; for in the next campaign occurred the capture of Burgoyne,
followed by the treaty with France; and the close of the war in our
favor was henceforth only a question of time.
In the month of May or early June, 1777, following the staggering
blow Washington had given the British army in Jersey, the
committee referred to above, and Washington, completed the design
for a flag. This was accomplished and the first flag made at the
house of a Mrs. Ross, in Arch St., Philadelphia. The house is still
standing—No. 239. She had a shop where she followed the
“upholder” trade, as it was then called—the same as our
upholstering. One day the Commander-in-chief, Hon. Geo. Ross, a
relative of hers, and certain members of Congress, called on her,
with a design for a flag—thirteen red and white stripes, alternate
with thirteen six pointed stars—and requested her to make the flag.
She consented but suggested that the stars would be more
symmetrical and more pleasing to the eye if made with five points,
and folded a sheet of paper and produced the pattern by a single
cut. This was approved and she finished a flag the next day. Mrs.
Ross was given the position of manufacturer of flags for the
government, which descended to her children.
This was the flag that led our armies to victory during the
remainder of the war, waved over the crestfallen soldiers of
Burgoyne and Cornwallis, and at the mast head of John Paul Jones
on the English coast. In 1794 this flag was changed, though its chief
features were retained. Congress then ordered that the flag should
consist of fifteen stripes, alternate red and white, and fifteen stars,
white on a blue field. There were then fifteen States. The stars and
stripes were equal, and a stripe and a star were added with the
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