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Experiencing Intercultural CommunicationAn Introduction6th e.docx

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The document discusses the role of identity in intercultural communication, emphasizing that identity shapes and is shaped by communication interactions. It categorizes various identities including gender, sexual, racial, and personal identities, highlighting the dynamic and fluid nature of identity influenced by culture and societal factors. Additionally, it explores how seniors in China are engaging with information technology, indicating a growing adoption despite a 'gray divide' where seniors generally lag behind other demographics in technology use.

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Experiencing Intercultural Communication An Introduction 6th edition Judith N. Martin & Thomas K. Nakayama ©McGraw-Hill Education. All rights reserved. Authorized only for instructor use in the classroom. No reproduction or further distribution permitted without the prior written consent of McGraw-Hill Education. 1 Chapter 4 Identity and Intercultural Communication ©McGraw-Hill Education. All rights reserved. Authorized only for instructor use in the classroom. No reproduction or further distribution permitted without the prior written consent of McGraw-Hill Education. A Uniform Shop in Venice, Italy - M. Brimo, 2010 2 Identity Identity plays a key role in intercultural communication, serving as a bridge between culture and communication.
©McGraw-Hill Education. Identity Identity plays a key role in intercultural communication, serving as a bridge between culture and communication. Who you are both reflects and affects communication with others. Through communication people express or hide some of their identities from others. ©McGraw-Hill Education. Identity Self- what you are born with Identity is created by the development of the “self” (self- concept is created) ©McGraw-Hill Education. Identities Created through communication Created in spurts Multiple Influenced by society Dynamic Developed in different ways in different cultures
©McGraw-Hill Education. Identities Are Created through Communication Self-concept: the relatively stable set of perceptions you hold of yourself ©McGraw-Hill Education. Identities Are Created through Communication Self-concept: the relatively stable set of perceptions you hold of yourself Biological and social roots of the self Biology and the self Personality ©McGraw-Hill Education. Identities Are Created through Communication Self-concept: the relatively stable set of perceptions you hold of yourself Biological and social roots of the self Biology and the self Personality Socialization and self-concept Reflected appraisal
Significant others Social comparison ©McGraw-Hill Education. Identities Are Created through Communication Identities Emerge when messages are exchanged between persons Negotiated, co-created, reinforced, and challenged through communication Different identities are emphasized depending on whom we are communicating with and what the conversation is about ©McGraw-Hill Education. Identities Are Created in Spurts It’s not a smooth, orderly process ©McGraw-Hill Education. Identities Are Created in Spurts It’s not a smooth, orderly process Certain events help create it (coming to college, major events in life) ©McGraw-Hill Education. Identities Are Created in Spurts It’s not a smooth, orderly process
Certain events help create it (coming to college, major events in life) Interactions with others are crucial to the development of our identity ©McGraw-Hill Education. Identities Are Multiple We belong to various groups We develop multiple identities We highlight our different identities at different times Going to church or temple - Religious identity Going to clubs or bars - Sexual orientation identity Men or women in social groups - Gender identity ©McGraw-Hill Education. Identities Are Influenced by Society Societal forces also have a strong influence on our identity We are all subject to being pigeonholed into identity categories, or contexts, even before we are born (part of an ethnic group, regional group, religious group, etc.) Sometimes these societal influences establish the foundations/basis from which interactions occur ©McGraw-Hill Education. Identities Are Dynamic Social or political forces that create certain or parts of our identity might change What is the identity of a “woman?” Today, there are many different ideas about what being a woman means—from wife and mother to feminist and
professional ©McGraw-Hill Education. Identities Are Developed in Different Ways in Different Cultures Americans value individualism and encourages a strong sense of identity and to be independent and self-reliant Many African and Asian societies emphasize interdependency with others Dominant ideas can make members of some cultural groups (in the United States) feel inferior ©McGraw-Hill Education. Social and Cultural Identities Gender identity Sexual identity Age identity Racial and ethnic identity Religious identity Class identity National identity Regional identity Personal identity ©McGraw-Hill Education. Gender Identity There is a difference between Sex and Gender: Sex biological classification based on reproductive function
Gender social construction that includes the beliefs, attitudes, actions and roles associated with being masculine or feminine This distinction is important in understanding how people’s views on biological sex influence gender identities. ©McGraw-Hill Education. Gender Identity What it means to be a man or a woman in our society is heavily influenced by cultural notions Popular culture affects how people socialize with others We negotiate how we communicate our gender identity to others There are implications for intercultural communication as well. ©McGraw-Hill Education. Sexual Identity Sexual Orientation the sex and gender to whom a person is romantically and sexually attracted Views on sexual identities differ in various cultures Sexual attraction is complex and makes sexual identities even less categorizable Do not assume that your framework for sexual categories is universal Do not assume the ways that sexuality is handled in public is the same around the world
©McGraw-Hill Education. Age Identity Age Identity Cultural notions of how someone their age should act, look, and behave U.S. is an age-conscious society Certain ages have special significance in some cultures Our notions of age often change as we grow older (what was “young” very much changes) Not just how you feel about your age, but how you are treated ©McGraw-Hill Education. Racial and Ethnic Identity Race/racial identities to some extent, based on physical characteristics (skin color, body type, facial structure, hair color, etc.), but they are also constructed in fluid social contexts the way people construct these identities and think about race influences how they communicate with others What race do we identify with **example at beginning of chapter—Rachel Dolezal’s racial identity ©McGraw-Hill Education. Racial and Ethnic Identity Ethnicity/Ethnic identity reflects a set of ideas about one’s own ethnic group membership group of people who identify w/ each other based on common experience (geographics, national origin, ancestry, history,
cultural and social norms, religion, race, language, ideology, food, dress, etc.) Who are hyphenated Americans? ©McGraw-Hill Education. Physical Ability Identity Physical ability identity develops in some because of varying degrees of physical capabilities. Book: “People are all disabled in one way or another—by their height, weight, sex, or age—and they all need to work to overcome these conditions.” ©McGraw-Hill Education. Physical Ability Identity Physical ability changes over a lifetime People with disabilities see themselves as a cultural group (similar perceptions and communication patterns) Their identity involves changing how they see themselves and how others see them ©McGraw-Hill Education. Physical Ability Identity Stages of coming to grips with new disability Focus on rehabilitation and physical changes
Adjust to disability and its effects on relationships Stigma incorporation – Integration of being disabled into one’s own definition of self *People with disabilities struggle to convey a positive identity and to communicate that their physical ability is only one of their many identities ©McGraw-Hill Education. Physical Ability Identity Communication related to issues of identity can be difficult between nondisabled people and those with disabilities ©McGraw-Hill Education. Religious Identity Religious identity can be confused with racial and/or ethnic identity When someone says, “I am Jewish.” or “She has a Jewish last name.”—religious/ethnic/racial identity?? Criterion for religion varies National boundaries Biology Lineage **When one religion is acknowledged over other religions in public places (imposed on others, perhaps) conflicts can arise
©McGraw-Hill Education. Class Identity Class Identity One’s socioeconomic status (upper, upper-middle, middle, working and lower) Class identity influences our perceptions of and communication with others (people sometimes try to figure out what class we’re from) Communication between classes difficult due to lack of understanding of class differences and media stereotypes ©McGraw-Hill Education. National Identity National identity (nationality) refers to one’s legal status in relation to a nation Our view or our nationality influences how we communicate with others People’s views of our nationality (country) influences communication with us May be complicated when a nation’s status is unclear ©McGraw-Hill Education. Regional Identity What is the difference between national identity and regional identity? Regional identity in the U.S. Southerners
Texas (advertised as “a whole other country”) Some regional identities reflect cultural identities that affirm distinctive cuisines, dress, manners, and language ©McGraw-Hill Education. Personal Identity Personal identity this is a lot of what we talked about at the beginning of the chapter Sometimes one’s personal identity is largely defined by outside forces. At other times, how people behave and communicate to others helps construct their personal identity. ©McGraw-Hill Education. Multicultural Identity Multicultural people live “on the border” of two or more cultures Multiracial Global Nomads “Others” ©McGraw-Hill Education. Multiracial People Racial identity development for biracial children is different
from others, since they don’t fit into a neat racial category. May be or feel rejected by both groups Often WANT to embrace and be a part of both groups (may identify with one, both or a new group) Because of this it may cause stress, anxiety, frustration for people in this group *Most do not find it difficult to manage their competing ethnicities or races, and do not feel marginalized ©McGraw-Hill Education. 35 Multiracial People Identity Development Awareness of differentness Struggle for acceptance Self-acceptance and assertion ©McGraw-Hill Education. Global Nomads Known as third-culture kids or TCKs Grow up in many different cultural contexts--parents moved around (missionaries, international business employees, or military families) TCKs have both unique challenges and unique opportunities Like biracial children, TCKs often develop resilience, tolerance, and worldliness, characteristics essential for successful living in an increasingly diverse, global, social, and economic world
©McGraw-Hill Education. Identity and Adaptation “Other” category Long-term romantic relationships with members of another ethnic or racial culture Children of foreign-born immigrants may also develop multicultural identities. People who move to another country just by choice or for work ©McGraw-Hill Education. Identity and Adaptation Process of adaptation: U-curve theory 3 phases in adapting to a new cultural situation First phase - Excitement and anticipation Second phase - Culture shock (A relatively short term feeling of disorientation or discomfort due to the unfamiliarity of surroundings and the lack of familiar cues in the environment) Third phase - Adaptation, in which individuals gradually learn the rules and customs of the new cultural context ©McGraw-Hill Education. Living “On the Border” Positives and Negatives Culture brokers Still feel frustration at times (like we just mentioned) Two types of identities
Encapsulated identity: Person feels torn between different cultural identities, which often creates feelings of ambiguity Tries to assimilate but never feels comfortable Constructive identity: Person thrives on the margins of two cultures Culture broker ©McGraw-Hill Education. Living “On the Border” Intercultural personhood People who live on cultural borders and undergo a gradual process of intercultural evolution Culture brokers who can help others see their blind spots and show a way of being in the world ©McGraw-Hill Education. Post-Ethnicity Identities are very fluid and driven by personal identity preferences People seem to be more willing to interact with and across cultures Individuals are more inclined to shape their own identity by cultural preferences as well (again, not determining their whole identity based on skin color or ethnic heritage) **This is how I interpreted this section. What do you think of this?
©McGraw-Hill Education. Building Intercultural Skills Chapter 4 - Identity and Intercultural Communication Become more conscious of your own identities and how they relate to your intercultural communication Become more aware of how you assign identities to other people Practice communicating with others in ways that affirm their identities Talk about identities with your friends ©McGraw-Hill Education. Intl. Journal of Human–Computer Interaction, 32: 132–142, 2016 Copyright © Taylor & Francis Group, LLC ISSN: 1044-7318 print / 1532-7590 online DOI: 10.1080/10447318.2015.1067499 Seniors and Information Technology in China Alexander N. Chen1 , James P. Downey2, Ronald E. McGaughey2, and Kan Jin3 1Department of Marketing and Management, University of Central Arkansas, Conway, Arkansas, USA 2Department of Management Information Systems, University of Central Arkansas, Conway, Arkansas, USA 3Academic Affairs Office, Zhejiang Radio and TV University, Zhejiang, P.R. China
Technology, particularly information technology (IT), is chang- ing rapidly and offers many advantages for users. IT has the potential to improve one’s quality of life, but only if used. Research has shown that, in most developed and developing nations, senior use of IT lags behind that of other segments of society. This “gray divide” is a concern for government, business, and others. Concern about senior adoption and use of IT has been the motivation for numerous studies and is the motivation for this study of Chinese seniors. This exploratory study examines urban Chinese seniors’ IT use, computers and mobile phones in particular, but also their attitudes and behaviors as they relate to the use of those devices. More specifically it examines several potential factors that moti- vate or hinder senior’s use of information technology, including self-efficacy, satisfaction, comfort with technology, and both posi- tive and negative attitudes. This study provides some insight into the quantity and diversity of Chinese senior technology use in urban China. Particularly noteworthy, the study found that tech- nology ownership was quite high, and in general the Chinese seniors studied had positive attitudes and beliefs concerning infor- mation technology. This is generally good news for the Chinese government, which must efficiently provide services for the grow- ing population of Chinese seniors, as well as for businesses that wish to capitalize on one of the largest senior populations in the world.
1. INTRODUCTION Anecdotal and empirical evidence shows that information technology (IT) positively impacts the lives of users. One needs only to watch the tech e-zines such as Gizmag to know that the launch of new IT gadgets is a daily occurrence—something smaller, something faster, something smarter, something cooler, or something that does what no gadget has done before, or improves on what another gadget does. This boom in technol- ogy devices should benefit the entire population, but in practice this has not been the case. Address correspondence to Alexander N. Chen, Department of Marketing and Management, College of Business Administration, University of Central Arkansas, Conway, AR 72035. E-mail: [email protected] uca.edu or [email protected] People are living longer than at any other time in recorded history; thus the population of seniors is growing in all of the world’s major economies. As senior numbers grow, businesses, governments, and other institutions seek ways to better serve them, and to do so efficiently. IT holds promise here, but only if seniors use it. The problem is that seniors generally use IT less than other segments of the population; thus, there is a “gray divide.” A gray divide is when accessibility to and use of IT by seniors lags behind that of the overall population. The exis- tence of a gray divide means that seniors are not benefiting from IT to the same extent as other segments of a population. Although research indicates that the broader “digital divide” may be shrinking as it relates to various socioeconomic strata, this may not be the case for the gray divide, at least not in all countries (Eurostat, 2013; McMurtrey, McGaughey, Downey, & Zeltmann, 2013; Rainie, 2013). There are many possible reasons why seniors may be reluc-
tant to adopt and use IT, and those reasons may or may not be common to seniors in all countries (Yu & Chao, 2014; Zhou, Rau, & Salvendy, 2012). Given the changing needs of this seg- ment as life expectancies increase and the potential of IT to improve the quality of seniors’ lives, it is not surprising that it is the subject of numerous studies. The evidence thus far seems to support of existence of a gray divide in countries where it has been studied (Bernadas, Verville, & Burton, 2012; Fernández- Ardèvol & Arroyo, 2012; McMurtrey et al., 2008; Neves & Amaro, 2012). Although there is some research examining the gray divide in China, few studies have addressed the factors influencing Chinese seniors’ adoption and use of IT. China is similar to other industrialized nations in that its citi- zens, both male and female, are living longer (National Institute of Health, 2014). Approximately 13% of China’s population is 60 years of age or older. That segment of the population increased by close to 3% from 2000 to 2010 (National Bureau of Statistics, 2010), and it is projected that by 2025, China’s senior population will account for approximately 25% of China’s total population (Xie, 2004). Not only is China’s senior pop- ulation growing rapidly, it is the largest senior population in the world (Pan & Jordan-Marsh, 2010). This makes Chinese 132 http://orcid.org/0000-0003-3619-6677 mailto:[email protected] mailto:[email protected] mailto:[email protected] SENIORS AND INFORMATION TECHNOLOGY IN CHINA 133
senior well-being particularly important and their attitudes and beliefs about IT and its use a concern for China’s government, businesses, and society as a whole. China’s rapid economic growth, changing demographics, and the Chinese government’s huge investment in Internet band- width make research on senior use of the Internet and other IT important to the Chinese government. It needs to know how its investment is benefiting seniors, because some services that the government provides to seniors could be delivered more effi- ciently with IT as done in the United States and Europe. The research should be of interest to businesses looking for oppor- tunities to market products and services to seniors. Although Chinese seniors’ incomes are generally low, this is not neces- sarily a hindrance to having and using IT. Simply put, there is a need to better understand Chinese seniors’ attitudes toward and behaviors pertaining to IT. To what extent do Chinese seniors actually own and use IT? How, and for what, do they use IT? How do Chinese seniors perceive their technology skills? Do they like IT, and are they comfortable with IT? These questions are worthy of investigation in establishing baseline measures of Chinese seniors’ use of and attitudes toward IT. It is the objec- tive of this exploratory study to start the process of answering these questions. Although the literature provides evidence of a gray divide in China (China Digital Divide Team, 2013), we hope to shed light on if and why Chinese seniors might tend to be light users of IT. We believe it is important to learn more about Chinese seniors’ attitudes and behaviors as they relate to IT. We go beyond existing studies and try to understand not just usage behaviors but also attitudes—attitudes about the technology, as well as attitudes about self that influence adoption and use. More specifically, this study presents the results of an empirical examination of technology behaviors for a variety of applica- tions and devices from a survey of almost 300 retired citizens
(seniors) in Hangzhou City and Changshan County of Zhejiang Province, China. We examine two primary facets of Chinese seniors’ relationship with IT: the current status of IT adoption and use, and existing attitudes and beliefs about IT and its use. A current status provides something of a baseline for future studies and investigates ownership, usage, and usage functions. The beliefs and attitudes provide insight into possible motiva- tors or inhibiters to technology adoption and use. The specific ITs examined were the personal computer (including laptops) and the cell phone. This study thus extends prior research on technology behaviors of Chinese seniors by examining not only adoption and use but also specific psychological factors known to influence adoption and use. The addition of the potential psychological influences on technology adoption and use will provide a better understanding of the “why” behind baseline measures of IT adoption and use among the Chinese senior citi- zens studied. This is perhaps the most important contribution of this study—understanding why. 2. BACKGROUND Extant research has produced considerable evidence from numerous countries of a disparity between the young and old in terms of IT adoption and use (McMurtrey, Downey, McGaughey, & Zeltmann, 2011; Peng, 2010; Plaisant, Clamage, Hutchinson, Bederson, & Druin, 2006; Rainie, 2013). In U.S. studies by McMurtrey, McGaughey, and Downey (2008, 2009; McMurtrey et al., 2013), U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics (i.e., census data) and survey data were used to highlight gaps between the young and old in terms of Internet and computer use. Peng (2010) emphasized that studies and gov- ernment statistics repeatedly show that access to computers and the Internet remains uneven. In a similar vein, another study acknowledged that older adults are subject to the same digital divide in accessibility as the larger population (Plaisant et al., 2006). In a study conducted in the United Kingdom, statis-
tically significant differences were found between the age of respondents and broadband adoption (Dwivedi & Lal, 2007). In another study from the United Kingdom, the authors noted that many seniors simply do not recognize the potential benefits of these technologies because they lack an awareness and under- standing of the digital world (Olphert, Damodaran, & May, 2005). Similar findings were reported in Europe from a study of the reasons for nonuse, and the frequency, intensity, and sociodemographic correlates of Internet use of older citizens in Europe (Peacock & Kunemund, 2007). In China, there is ample evidence that citizens have embraced technology. In a recent study by Microsoft Corporation (2014) that included technology users in a variety of developing and developed countries (China, India, Brazil, Russia, Mexico, Turkey, United States, Germany, Japan, and France), a higher percentage of Chinese citizens (74%) reported that personal computers, tablets, smartphones, and other technology gadgets had improved their quality of life. This percentage in China was quite high; contrast it to other countries with 40% for France, 48% for the United States, 42% for Japan, and 61% for Russia. In addition, 94% of Chinese citizens reported that access to personal computer technology had helped bridge the economic gap in their country (Microsoft Corporation, 2014). According to a new Chinese government report (China Digital Divide Team, 2013), in 2012, Chinese families owned 250 mil- lion computers (about 55.9 computers per 100 families). That same study showed that China had 564 million (42.1% of the population) people accessing the Internet. Of those, 420 million (31.4% of the population) used cell phones for Internet access. In 2012, about 1.11 billion people (82.6% of China population) were using cell phones (though not all were Internet capable— smartphones). The data show that many Chinese use IT in the form of computers, cell phones, and the Internet, but to what extent is this true for Chinese seniors?
As with other countries, there is evidence of a gray divide in China. Lam and Lee (2006) found evidence of it in their 134 A. N. CHEN ET AL. longitudinal study of Internet adoption and use by older adults in Hong Kong during a period between 2002 and 2003. Those findings are somewhat dated now, and they were not con- ducted in mainland China, but there are more. Another study focused on the Hebei province of China and revealed that only about 22.8% of the seniors sampled used the Internet, and of those, only 30% of these seniors accessed it daily. Another 15% accessed it two or three times a week. Furthermore, the study found that when most seniors did access the Internet, it was for relatively short periods (Guo, 2012). Wang, Rau, and Salvendy (2011) examined IT device and equipment use by the elderly and found relatively high usage of computers and mobile phones in particular. They also found higher Internet usage by seniors than did Guo (2012), so the findings of even more current studies are mixed. Liu and Zheng (2011) exam- ined cell phone Internet access in China and found a disparity in cell phone Internet access related to gender, employment position, personal income, family income, education, age, and single-child status. They likewise found an interaction between full-time employment and age in their impact on cell phone Internet access—the elderly with no full-time employment (that would typically be retirees) were less inclined to use cell phones for Internet access. They did not examine whether the costs of access was a factor in usage. A 2012 report on Internet trends in China prepared by the China Digital Divide Team (2013) produced evidence of a gray divide in Internet access/use, revealing that 93.6% of Internet users were between age 10 and 49, and only 4.8% were 50 and older. In fact, the gap was
slightly worse than in 2010, largely because of the relative growth of the younger (growing slower) and older (growing faster) segments of China’s population. There are multiple reasons why seniors worldwide have been slow to adopt information technology. One cause is phys- ical; research has shown that the elderly often do not have the dexterity to operate technology (Ellis & Kurniawan, 2009; Fernández-Ardèvol & Arroyo, 2012; McMurtrey et al., 2013; Picking et al., 2012; Zhou et al., 2012). Research has also shown that IT, from computers, to tablets, to mobile phones, is not designed with the elderly in mind (Hwangbo et al., 2013; McGaughey, Zeltmann, & McMurtrey, 2013; McMurtrey, Downey, Zeltmann, & McGaughey, 2012; Picking et al., 2012; Roupa et al., 2010; Yu & Chao, 2014; Zhou, Rau, & Salvendy, 2014). Another important reason for seniors not adopting technol- ogy (or underusing it) may be categorized simply as distaste for change, based on a wide range of negative beliefs and attitudes that might lead to avoidance behavior. One important factor is an individual’s beliefs about his or her technology skills, known to be an important indicator and subsequent motivator for initial and continued use. Technology self-efficiency is an important motivator of both learning and using technology; it influences effort and persistence in the face of adversity (Gist & Mitchell, 1992). Self-efficacy stimulates a motivational component that mobilizes the cognitive effort to accomplish tasks (Bandura, 1997; Yu & Chao, 2014). Another factor is comfort with tech- nology, which is a psychological response to an activity that encourages or discourages use (Hwangbo, Yoon, Jin, Han, & Ji, 2013; Taveira & Choi, 2009). Attitudes have long been recognized as precursors of action. In their theory of reasoned action, Fishbein and Ajzen (1975)
maintained that behavior is predictable and based on attitudes (positive and negative) toward the behavior. An individual who has a positive attitude or less anxiety toward a behavior tends to perform or learn that behavior, whereas a person with neg- ative attitudes tends to avoid the behavior. Our examination of senior attitudes relating to computers and mobile phones is thus grounded in the theory of reasoned action. We exam- ined three attitudes—affect, anxiety, and satisfaction—with cell phone and computer skills. Anxiety is a fear of the domain under examination and usage in that domain, technology in this case. (Loyd & Gressard, 1984). Affect is the feeling of like (positive affect) or dislike (negative affect) toward the domain of interest (Taveira & Choi, 2009). One who likes cell phones (or computers) is more inclined to learn how and to use them than those who have less liking. We measured positive affect in this study. Satisfaction is an affective attitude that has a long research stream in technology and has been demonstrated to increase usage (Doll & Torkzadeh, 1988). 3. METHODOLOGY In this article, we provide insight into IT usage levels and patterns among Chinese seniors while shedding light on psy- chological influences on behaviors contributing to it. Because the purpose is to investigate “retired” seniors, the interest is in Chinese seniors 55 years of age or older. The rationale for using that age stems from how the Chinese government defines seniors. In China, according to the government, men reaching the age of 60 and women at 55, with a minimum of 10 to 15 years of continuous service, should retire. Because the term seniors was originally coined to describe elderly who had retired, and because China has these official retirement ages for men and women, we used age 55 as a cutoff point for seniors in our study. We use the terms senior, senior citizen, and retiree interchangeably in this study.
Data were gathered using a survey methodology. The survey was developed using standard survey development techniques (Churchill, 1979; Nunnally, 1967; Straub, 1989). Previous instruments provided some items used in this study (Eastman & Iyer, 2004; Iyer & Eastman, 2006; Reisenwitz, Iyer, Kuhlmeier, & Eastman, 2007). The primary source of survey items, how- ever, came from the survey used by McMurtrey et al. (2011) to examine technology behaviors among American seniors. Data were gathered for both cell phone and computers on ownership, usage behaviors, functions for use, e-commerce information, beliefs about the technology (self-efficacy and comfort), and attitudes toward the technology (anxiety, affect, and satisfac- tion with skills). For the self-efficacy and attitude scales, we SENIORS AND INFORMATION TECHNOLOGY IN CHINA 135 used previously validated scales. Self-efficacy items came from the global instrument of Hill, Smith, and Mann (1987). Anxiety and affect came from the Computer Attitude Scale of Loyd and Gressard (1984) Comfort and satisfaction were derived from the survey used by McMurtrey et al. (2011). Beliefs and attitudes (positive affect, anxiety, and satisfaction) were assessed for both cell phones and computers. For this study, the English version of the survey was trans- lated into Mandarin Chinese by two individuals fluent in both languages. Before we finalized the Chinese version, we sent the draft to bilingual experts, that is, faculty in the foreign language, education, and psychology departments of the university, for comments. We also used a pilot survey of 10 Chinese students to make sure that translation of the instrument had resulted in
a survey that could be understood by Mandarin-speaking sub- jects. With modifications based on comments from these experts and students, the final survey was completed. The survey was administered at four retirement apartment complexes in two cities in eastern China in 2012. One area was a large city (approximately 7.6 million in size), and the other a much smaller city (with a population size of 400,000). The researchers randomly selected the apartment complexes with the requirement that these complexes house retirees who had different employment backgrounds. The four complexes housed retired government workers (43 total), primary/high school teachers (83), college faculty (69), and staff and workers for a higher education institution (89). Although it is virtually impos- sible to generalize about Chinese seniors, given their sheer number and different cultures and backgrounds, by choosing seniors from different work backgrounds, we hoped to provide some degree of differentiation. A total of 357 surveys were collected. Of these, 73 were dis- carded because of incomplete data. This left 284 usable surveys. The average age of respondent was 70.6 (SD = 8.7), and 55% of respondents were male. In terms of education, 41% had less than a high school education, 27% high school, 11% an asso- ciate’s degree (or equivalent), and 21% a bachelor’s degree or higher. Although respondents were retired, nearly 40% reported they were engaging in some part-time work. Fifty-nine per- cent of respondents reported a monthly income level between $650 and $1,300, with 27% reporting less than $650, 11% between $1,300 and $1,950, and only 3% reporting a monthly income above $1,950. According to a 2013 Bloomberg News report, based on data from the China Health and Retirement Longitudinal Study, the incomes of Chinese seniors are low. Approximately 22.9%, or 42.4 million, of China’s seniors live on an annual income of less than 3,200 Yuan ($520). Our sample comprised a relatively more affluent segment
of Chinese seniors because respondents were city dwellers, and they tend to be more well off financially than rural citizens. 4. RESULTS The study examined technology behaviors of retired Chinese seniors age 55 and older, using the two dominant IT platforms for personal use: cell phones and computers. We collected own- ership and usage information, what respondents did with their computers and cell phones, online purchasing information, and finally beliefs and attitudes toward computers and cell phones (self-efficacy, comfort, anxiety, affect, and satisfaction). The results paint a broad picture of IT usage, skills, availability, behavior, and attitudes among respondents. 4.1. Usage Comparison Between Cell Phones and Computers/Laptops Cell phone technology probably represents the most ubiqui- tous technology worldwide. This was also evident among the Chinese seniors studied. About 96% of all respondents owned a cell phone. Of interest, 77% reported that they also had a house phone (landline). Respondents reported owning a cell phone for 7.7 years (SD = 4.4) and using a cell phone for the same amount of time (7.7 years, SD = 4.3); thus it appears that using and owning occurred simultaneously. Slightly less than half of respondents reported that they owned a desktop computer (49.5%). Only 27% reported owning a laptop. Therefore, between 60% and 70% of the respondents owned one or the other, or both. On average, respondents had owned a computer for slightly over 7 years (SD = 4.1); the range was between 0 (did not own) and 22 years. For those who did own a computer, approximately 25% owned it for 10 years or
more. Respondents reported that on average they used a computer for 7.2 years (SD = 4.8). This is about the same amount of time as they reported owning one. It appears that for these respondents, buying (or receiving) a computer was the start of their usage experience. Not many respondents (only 8%) reported using a computer prior to owning one. This suggests that computer technology usage has developed slowly and more recently, perhaps even after retirement (recall that the average age was just over 70), among Chinese retirees. It may also sug- gest that, in China, the workplace was not likely where most seniors developed computer skills; thus they learned because they wanted to, not because they had to for work. Direct usage was measured two ways—frequency and dura- tion, for both cell phone usage and computer usage. Some 88% reported that they used their cell phones from several times a week to several times a day. Specifically, 38% reported sev- eral times a day, 12% reported once per day, and another 38% reported several times a week. Only 12% reported using their phone once a week or less. Despite this frequency of use, how- ever, these respondents did not use cell phones for very long. A sizable 77% reported that they used their phone less than half 136 A. N. CHEN ET AL. TABLE 1 Computers and Cell Phones Usage in Frequency and Duration Frequency Duration (Per Day) Computers Cell Phones Computers Cell Phones
Never 26% 3% Never 26% 4% Less than once a month 5% 1% 0.5 hr 25% 77% Once a month 1% 1% 0.5–1 hr 14% 9% Once a week 5% 7% 1–1.5 hr 8% 4% Few times a week 30% 38% 1.5– 2 hr 12% 5% Once a day 19% 12% 2–3 hr 8% 1% Several times a day 14% 38% >3 hr 7% < 1% Total 100% 100% 100% 100% an hour per day, 9% reported a half hour to an hour per day, and the rest were scattered. Only one person reported using a phone more than 3 hr per day. Although we did not capture data to check, metered service charges might have encouraged users to economize on cell phone use. Approximately 26% of respondents reported that they never use a computer. The highest percentage, however, reported that they use a computer a few times a week (30%). About 33% reported that they use computers at least daily (once per day to several times per day). In terms of duration per day, most do not use the computer at all or use it less than half an hour per day (with 51% combined); however, the rest (about 49%) use it at least a half hour per day. Usage figures are presented in Table 1. It is interesting to note that the cell phone is generally used for a shorter duration than the computer. That may simply reflect the nature of use—talk versus perform some task—but as noted could be the result of metered service in China. Internet access via a computer is not normally metered in the same way—it is a fixed charge per amount of data per period, for exam- ple, month (China Mobile Communications Corporation, 2015; China Unicom, 2015). 4.2. Reasons and Purposes: Comparison Between
Computers/Laptops and Cell Phones In general, respondents did not use cell phones for a wide variety of tasks besides talking. On a question in which respondents could choose multiple reasons for using their cell phone, 58% of respondents did report using it for texting, 20% of respondents reported using phones for taking pictures, 9% used their phones for social media, and 5% used their phones for other Internet activity. Fewer than 5% reported using their cell phone for games, banking, e-mail, or buying things. The survey specifically asked about E-commerce, or pur- chasing items online using a cell phone. Ninety-three percent reported that they never used a phone to make purchases online, whereas only 6% reported making one to five purchases online in the previous year. It seems the majority of the respondents did not use phones for much more than texting, talking, and taking photos. For senior citizens in China, the cell phone is still per- forming its traditional purpose—interpersonal communications. Although the survey did not specify the type of cell phone, it seems likely that most did not have a smartphone. That is what Zhou et al. (2014) found among a similar sample of Chinese seniors—most use feature phones and not smartphones. It is interesting to note that the findings of Zhou et al. (2014) mir- ror our own also with regard to how Chinese seniors use their mobile phones; they use them primarily for calling, SMS, and taking/viewing pictures. We examined computer-based Internet use. Respondents who reported never using a computer were excluded (typically they left this section blank). Questions revolved around general Internet access and E-commerce: What did users access, and did they engage in online buying? One question asked respon-
dents why they accessed the Internet in the previous year, with 21 choices (respondents could pick as many as applied); see Table 2. The number one reason for using the Internet was to track news and current events (22%). Other common rea- sons included staying in touch with family and friends (18%), watching television or movies (16%), and playing games (12%). More uncommon reasons for using the Internet were other entertainment (8%), investigating health and medical issues (8%), gathering product information (5%) and keeping up with stocks/bonds (4%). There was little or no reported Internet activity for many things, including social media sites, geneal- ogy searches, or banking. Although the purpose of the two studies was somewhat different, our findings here were very similar to the findings of Wang et al. (2011) with regard to the things seniors do or not do on the Internet and their rela- tive importance. For instance, they found that seniors use the Internet for keeping up with the news, playing games, research- ing products, communicating with others, researching various topics, and more. Study findings are not directly comparable because of differences in questions posed, but they are more SENIORS AND INFORMATION TECHNOLOGY IN CHINA 137 TABLE 2 Reasons for Using Computers and Cell Phones Reasons for Using Internet via Computers % Reasons for Using Cell Phones % News and current events 22% Texting 58% Staying touch with family and friends 18% Taking pictures 20% Watching televisions and movies 16% Social networks 9% Playing games 12% Other Internet activity 4%
Other entertainment 8% Games, banking, e-mail, or buying 5% Investigating health and medical information 8% things Gathering product information 5% Keep up with stocks/bonds 4% TABLE 3 Internet Purchasing and Research Behavior Purchasing Research Clothing or apparel 31% Clothing and apparel 22% Hobby-related items 25% Travel 12% Electronics 7% Medical items 10% Travel (air/hotel) 5% Books 8% Groceries 4% Drugs 7% Medical items 4% Groceries 6% similar than different with regard to Chinese senior Internet use. Of interest, E-commerce activities were not common among their subjects or ours, and the use of social networking was almost nonexistent. In terms of e-commerce, a full 84% of respondents reported they bought nothing online using a computer in the past year. Of the remaining 16% (who did buy online), most made between one and five purchases (88%), whereas 12% reported making between six and 10 purchases online. No respondent reported purchasing more than 10 items online. For those who bought online, the two most common types of purchases were clothing or apparel, encompassing 31% of all items purchased online, and hobby-related items, which accounted for another 25% of the total reported purchases (Table 3). Other items made
small contributions to the total, including electronics (7%), travel (such as air/hotel—5%), groceries and medical items (4% each), and music purchases (3%). Despite the majority not actually buying online, many used the Internet to research products. The most researched item was clothing and apparel, comprising 22% of all reported searches. Travel packages (airlines or hotel or similar) were second at 12%, and medical care research was third at 10%. Other items researched, accounting for between 5% and 8% of the total, included books, drugs, groceries, jobs, and electronics. 4.3. Beliefs and Attitudes Toward Cell Phones and Computers/Laptops In addition to usage behavior and functions, we also exam- ined beliefs and attitudes toward both cell phone and computer technology, including self-efficacy, comfort, affect, anxiety, and satisfaction. We believe this to be a unique contribution of our study—examination of attitudes and behaviors toward tech- nology, which can influence adoption and use (Ajzen, 1991; Fishbein & Ajzen, 1975). Furthermore, they can be a conse- quence of use and impact future adoption and use. Whereas comfort and satisfaction were measured with single items, the other three included three to four items. A factor analysis was conducted of the multi-item constructs, with each item load- ing on its appropriate construct. In addition, reliability was examined using Cronbach’s alpha; each construct exhibited sat- isfactory internal reliability. Internal reliability and correlations are provided in Table 4; means, standard deviations, and com- parisons between computer and cell phone beliefs/attitudes are provided in Table 5. We captured cell phone self-efficacy from respondents, using a scale that ranged from 0 (no confidence in cell phone abil-
ity) to 10 (totally confident). In this study, respondents aver- aged 5.48, indicating that they felt reasonably confident in their phone skill level (slightly above the center anchor of 5). 138 A. N. CHEN ET AL. TABLE 4 Alpha Statistics and Correlations of Beliefs and Attitudes No. of Items α 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 1. Computer self-efficacy 3 .980 1.0 2. Cell self-efficacy 3 .975 .82∗ ∗ 1.0 3. Computer comfort 1 n/a .29∗ ∗ .10 1.0 4. Cell comfort 1 n/a .38∗ ∗ −.02 .56∗ ∗ 1.0 5. Computer anxiety 3 .967 −.35∗ ∗ −.20 −.62∗ ∗ −.60∗ ∗ 1.0 6. Cell anxiety 3 .954 −.09 .22∗ ∗ −.17 −.44∗ ∗ .55∗ ∗ 1.0 7. Computer affect 4 .967 .60∗ ∗ .50∗ ∗ .25∗ ∗ .19 −.07 .18 1.0 8. Cell affect 4 .868 .69∗ ∗ .81∗ ∗ .11 .11 −.15 .28∗ ∗ .75∗ ∗ 1.0 9. Computer
satisfaction 1 n/a .32∗ ∗ .18∗ .76∗ ∗ .38∗ ∗ −.57∗ ∗ −.19∗ .18 .09 1.0 10. Cell satisfaction 1 n/a .29∗ ∗ .08 .41∗ ∗ .60∗ ∗ −.45∗ ∗ −.33∗ ∗ .18 .16∗ .50∗ ∗ ∗ p < .05. ∗ ∗ p < .01. TABLE 5 Descriptive Statistics and Comparisons Between Computers and Cell Phones Comparison Computers M (SD) Cell Phones M t p Beliefs Self-efficacy 5.04 (3.47) 5.48 (3.49) 2.11 < .05 Comfort 4.85 (2.25) 5.79 (1.80) 6.22 < .01 Attitudes Satisfaction 4.14 (1.63) 4.38 (1.14) 1.92 < .10 Anxiety 2.03 (1.74) 1.91 (1.62) .74 ns Affect 3.92 (2.15) 4.00 (2.15) .46 ns Comfort with cell phones was examined, measured on a scale of 1 to 7, with 7 being very comfortable. For comfort, respon- dents averaged 5.79, indicating they also felt very comfortable using cell phones. We examined three attitudes—anxiety, positive affect, and satisfaction with cell phone skills. Anxiety was measured on a scale of 1 to 7, with 1 indicating low phone anxiety and 7 indi- cating high anxiety. Respondents averaged 1.91, which suggests that they were not very anxious about using cell phones. For affect, also measured on a scale of 1 to 7 (with 7 indicating a
great liking for cell phones), respondents scored 4.00, indicating that they had above the median (of 3.5) liking for cell phones. In this study, satisfaction was measured on a scale ranging from 1 (very dissatisfied) to 7 (very satisfied). Respondents averaged 4.38, again above the median of 3.5. As with cell phones, beliefs and attitudes concerning com- puters were examined. Computer self-efficacy, comfort, anxiety, affect, and satisfaction were included. The computer self- efficacy mean was 5.04, which placed this group in the middle of the scale (moderately confident). The comfort mean was 4.85, indicating a moderate amount of comfort with comput- ers. For computer anxiety, measured on a 1–7 scale, respondents averaged 2.03, which suggests that respondents were not partic- ularly anxious about computing (1 is low anxiety). For computer affect, also measured on a 1–7 scale, respondents averaged 3.92, indicating a relatively high affect level—they more generally liked computers. Overall, the results are rather interesting; despite relatively low usage, respondents displayed mostly positive beliefs and attitudes toward cell phones and computers. They were com- fortable with both computers and cell phones, were mostly satisfied with their skills, had moderate self-efficacy, had rel- atively low anxiety, and had above-average affect or liking of the two technologies. SENIORS AND INFORMATION TECHNOLOGY IN CHINA 139 This study compared beliefs and attitudes for the two domains of cell phones and computers. For all five beliefs
and attitudes, respondents reported higher self-efficacy, com- fort, satisfaction and affect, and lower anxiety for cell phones, but the difference between the two technologies was generally not significant (see Table 5). In fact, the difference was signifi- cant (at the .05 level) only for the two beliefs of self-efficacy and comfort. Respondents reported significantly higher self-efficacy and comfort for cell phones than for computers. One possible reason is that most of the Chinese seniors studied may have used regular cell phones rather than smartphones. A regular cell phone is considerably less complicated than a smartphone or a computer. The differences in attitudes between cell phones and computers, however, were not significant. Respondents had nonsignificant differences between computers and cell phones for liking (affect), anxiety, and satisfaction (note that the differ- ence in satisfaction might be considered marginally significant: p < .10). 5. DISCUSSION, LIMITATIONS, AND DIRECTIONS FOR FUTURE RESEARCH 5.1. Discussion Overall, our findings indicate that most of the Chinese seniors in this study owned, liked, and were comfortable with computers and mobile phones but that they are for the most part light users of both. Particularly relevant findings are summa- rized next. Chinese retirees use IT. There is compelling evidence that this population is not averse to using IT. Almost all reported owning and using a cell phone (96%); an additional 60% to 70% owned and used a personal computer, findings similar to those of Wang et al. (2011), who studied a similar group of Chinese seniors (similar age distribution and above-average education and affluence). The evidence suggests that the major-
ity of respondents have not only been exposed to IT but also participated in its use. Cell phone use far exceeded computer use. Cell phone ubiquity is probably not surprising; this is a global phenomenon. For phones, although frequency is rela- tively high (88% reported using it at least a few times a week), duration of use is relatively low. Some 77% reported using it less than 30 min per day. Only 25% use it for at least 30 min a day. The data suggest that Chinese seniors own technology but are relatively light users. Variety is not a common characteristic. When they did use technology, most respondents displayed little variety in its use, similar to the findings of Guo (2012). Besides talking, seniors used their cell phones primarily for texting (58%) and taking pictures (20%), with the next highest percentage (9%) for social networking. Less than 5% used their phone for other Internet- related uses like games, e-mail, paying bills, or banking. These Chinese seniors used a computer for a wider variety of applica- tions than they did their cell phones, most involving the Internet, with 22% reporting that they used their computer to keep up with news, 18% to stay in touch with family and friends, 16% to watch TV or movies, and 12% to play games. Although the variety of applications is greater for computers, the percentages are still rather low. For these Chinese seniors, there is relatively little application variety. Social networking and e-commerce are rare. Chinese seniors use technology very little for social networking (Facebook is currently blocked in China) and e-commerce (or mobile-commerce). In fact, the numbers for each are simi- lar. Further, when asked if they intended to buy online in the future, they responded strongly that it was unlikely. Only 16% of seniors use computers to buy online. Among this small pro- portion of e-commerce users, it was found that they were more
likely to purchase clothing, hobby-related goods, travel, and medical products. E-commerce was still relatively rare at the time we conducted the survey. This may suggests a significant area of opportunity for Chinese businesses. Attitudes and beliefs toward technology are surprisingly pos- itive. Given the lack of variety and the relatively low number of years of technology use, Chinese senior attitudes and beliefs were surprisingly robust for both cell phones and computers. The studied seniors generally felt comfortable with and com- petent with both computers and cell phones, and they generally liked and were satisfied with both. Cell phones fared better on almost all measures, but not by significant margins. This may be because cell phones are generally easier to use than computers, particularly if they are simply feature phones (not smartphones), which we think may be the case for cell phones owned by these seniors based on what they did with them. This study found that respondents have a positive belief in their own perceived skills, which is a motivator to learn and use technology. For comfort, satisfaction, affect, and anxiety, scores were above the midpoint (or below in the case of anxiety), suggesting that users had positive beliefs and attitudes concerning the two technologies. What is the state of senior IT use and adoption in China?. We examined IT usage behaviors, beliefs, and attitudes among Chinese seniors to establish baseline measures of their use and acceptance of IT. The findings of this study, consid- ered in conjunction with other recent studies of the broader Chinese population (Guo, 2012; Liu & Zheng, 2011; Microsoft Corporation, 2014), do seem to suggest a digital divide between Chinese seniors and other segments of the population—a gray divide. However, given the significant numbers of the stud- ied Chinese urban seniors owning and using cell phones and computers (96% and about 65%, respectively), and similar num- bers reported by Wang et al. (2011), this divide may not be as
sharp as perhaps expected given previous studies, at least not among all Chinese seniors; recall that these two studies focused on more educated and affluent Chinese seniors than average. Still, the quantity and quality of such usage lags behind usage reported for other Chinese age groups (Microsoft Corporation, 2014); Chinese retirees use phones infrequently, generally for a short duration, and task variety is low. Similar patterns were observed in their computer use. 140 A. N. CHEN ET AL. There are some other positive findings, however, among this sample of seniors. In general, their belief in their ability to learn and use technology is above average, which is a powerful moti- vating factor in changing actual technology behaviors (Bandura, 1997). They are fairly comfortable with technology and satisfied with its potential, also important indicators of future potential. In addition, their attitudes remain positive with high liking of technology and low anxiety levels about using technology, espe- cially cell phone technology. These factors make catching up to the rest of their countrymen and other seniors worldwide a real possibility in the future, at least for urban Chinese seniors like those studied herein. 5.2. Limitations of This Study There were some obvious limitations to this study. The biggest limitation is generalizability; the population and diver- sity of China’s retirees is vast, and making comparisons between this study population and other groups of retirees is almost impossible. We sampled only two cities; according to the Chinese census and related studies, there are significant dif-
ferences among socioeconomic factors between coastal areas and the interior of mainland China (Zhang, 2007). There is a documented digital divide between rural and urban China (China Digital Divide Team, 2013), suggesting that rural seniors may exhibit different technology behaviors; this study did not examine rural seniors. In addition, the sample was drawn from retirement apart- ments that housed mostly government and professional retirees. Government retirees tend to be financially better off than many Chinese seniors who may or may not be better educated and have good pensions. It is noteworthy, however, that our find- ings are generally consistent with the Chinese government DDI report (China Digital Divide Team, 2013) and other large-scale survey research (Liu & Zheng, 2011) in showing that seniors are relatively light users of IT. Clearly, generalizability to other seniors in China must be approached with caution. Another limitation is that all data were self-reported. Although some data must be self-reported (e.g., attitudes and perceptions), other data are more meaningful if gathered objec- tively, like usage statistics from mobile service providers and hard sales data for online purchases. Finally, we gathered data only from seniors and so did not directly compare this group with the more general population in China. Therefore, evidence of a gray divide comes only from comparing the respondents in this study to groups from the general population in other citations and references. 5.3. Directions for Future Research Our sample of Chinese seniors exhibited relatively light IT use, like seniors in other countries (Bernadas et al., 2012; Fernández-Ardèvol & Arroyo, 2011; McMurtrey et al., 2013; Neves & Amaro, 2012). Respondents in this study do not use
technology for very long and do not use it for a wide variety of tasks. Noteworthy for business organizations is that seniors are generally not buying online. Given that this population con- sisted of relatively well-off retirees (at least compared to rural seniors), the actual magnitude of any gray divide may be under- stated in this study. Despite these findings, however, there is much that is positive about seniors’ interactions with technol- ogy. For the most part, respondents owned cell phones and computers and used them, even if not for long periods. They had positive beliefs about technology, including their self-perceived ability to use the technology (self-efficacy), and were comfort- able using it. Such beliefs can be motivators for learning and using technology in the future. They also had positive attitudes toward technology, including a positive liking (affect), satisfac- tion with technology, and low anxiety about using it. Like the beliefs of self-efficacy and comfort, attitudes serve as predictors of future adoption and use. The findings of this study, therefore, reveal that these Chinese seniors have not really embraced IT but that they seem open to the possibilities. Further research is needed. Seniors from other areas within China’s sprawling population should be studied. Because other researchers, such as Wang et al. (2011) and Zhou et al. (2012), studied groups similar to our own sample (more educated and affluent than average), it may highlight the difficulty of study- ing a cross-section of all Chinese seniors. Those living in rural areas, and there are many, would seem to be particularly dif- ficult to include in studies such as our own. There likely are significant differences among divisions of Chinese senior popu- lations based on geography, community size, education level, and socioeconomic status. Although it may be impossible to fully map this population, other studies could help triangulate the status of technology adoption and use by seniors in China.
This study examined adoption and use of two relatively broad categories of IT, cell phones, and computers. Other studies could further segment IT to conduct a more detailed analysis of IT adoption and use. For example, cell phones could be divided into smartphones and feature phones (plain cell phones), and those with and those without a data services. Likewise, computers include now more categories than just laptops and desktops. The basis for charges for mobile device airtime and data, as well as Internet access, should be examined in addition to the magnitude of said charges. Although studies based on the tech- nology acceptance model, or variations of the technology accep- tance model such as the senior technology acceptance model, address many factors that influence technology acceptance, and they have proven useful, they do not generally address eco- nomic factors that likely influence adoption and use, such as the cost of products and services. That is because the technol- ogy acceptance model was originally developed for application in work settings—acceptance of technology in the workplace. Economic realities often outweigh people’s wants, particularly when they live on fixed incomes as do many seniors, and every choice means giving up something else. For seniors, that which is forgone could be something like needed medication, or food, SENIORS AND INFORMATION TECHNOLOGY IN CHINA 141 which translate into high opportunity costs. Yang (2013) found that costs inhibited phone app adoption among young American college students, even though attitude and intent may have been favorable toward adoption. Seniors, like those college stu- dents, often have limited budgets, so it is reasonable that the costs associated with acquiring and using information technol-
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http://www.nia.nih.gov/sites/default/files/global_ health_and_aging.pdf http://www.bloomberg.com/news/2013-05-31/china-s-growing- ranks-of-elderly-beset-by-depression-study-says.html http://www.bloomberg.com/news/2013-05-31/china-s-growing- ranks-of-elderly-beset-by-depression-study-says.html http://www.10086.cn/bj/index_100_100.html http://www.10086.cn/bj/index_100_100.html http://baike.baidu.com/link?url=T1r2xFyXgFZqpN6eDrkaJeJT3 3Sov4xbPEbxKUschjkDLJqSTPdBhwvazulmfX0kukHxlXwICy9 j12ClYXpdZ_ http://baike.baidu.com/link?url=T1r2xFyXgFZqpN6eDrkaJeJT3 3Sov4xbPEbxKUschjkDLJqSTPdBhwvazulmfX0kukHxlXwICy9 j12ClYXpdZ_ http://baike.baidu.com/link?url=T1r2xFyXgFZqpN6eDrkaJeJT3 3Sov4xbPEbxKUschjkDLJqSTPdBhwvazulmfX0kukHxlXwICy9 j12ClYXpdZ_ http://epp.eurostat.ec.europa.eu/tgm/refreshTableAction.do?tab =table&plugin=1&pcode=tin00092&language=en http://epp.eurostat.ec.europa.eu/tgm/refreshTableAction.do?tab =table&plugin=1&pcode=tin00092&language=en http://epp.eurostat.ec.europa.eu/tgm/refreshTableAction.do?tab =table&plugin=1&pcode=tin00092&language=en http://wi.hexagram.ca/?p=66 https://news.microsoft.com/2014/01/24/microsoft-releases- global-survey-revealing-widespread-belief-in-developing-and- developed-nations-that-personal-technology-is-transforming- lives-for-the-better/ https://news.microsoft.com/2014/01/24/microsoft-releases- global-survey-revealing-widespread-belief-in-developing-and- developed-nations-that-personal-technology-is-transforming- lives-for-the-better/ https://news.microsoft.com/2014/01/24/microsoft-releases- global-survey-revealing-widespread-belief-in-developing-and- developed-nations-that-personal-technology-is-transforming-
lives-for-the-better/ http://www.nia.nih.gov/sites/default/files/global_health_and_agi ng.pdf http://www.nia.nih.gov/sites/default/files/global_health_and_agi ng.pdf http://www.thefreelibrary.com/Seniors+and+information+techno logy%3A+a+MIS-fit%3F-a033507086 http://www.thefreelibrary.com/Seniors+and+information+techno logy%3A+a+MIS-fit%3F-a033507086 http://www.thefreelibrary.com/Seniors+and+information+techno logy%3A+a+MIS-fit%3F-a033507086 142 A. N. CHEN ET AL. Neves, B., & Amaro, F. (2012). Too old for technology? How the elderly of Lisbon use and perceive ICT. The Journal of Community Informatics, 8(1). Retrieved from http://ci- journal.net/index.php/ciej/article/view/800/904 Nunnally, J. C. (1967). Psychometric theory. New York, NY: McGraw-Hill. Olphert, C., Damodaran, L., & May, A. (2005, August). Towards digital inclu- sion – Engaging older people in the “Digital World.” Paper presented at the Accessible Design in the Digital World Conference 2, eWIC, Dundee, Scotland. Pan, S., & Jordan-Marsh, M. (2010). Internet use intention and adoption among Chinese older adults: From the expanded technology acceptance
model perspective. Computers in Human Behavior, 26, 1111–1119. Peacock, S., & Kunemund, H. (2007). Senior citizens and Internet technol- ogy: Reasons and correlates of access versus non-access in a European comparative perspective. European Journal of Aging, 4, 191– 200. Peng, G. (2010). Critical mass, diffusion channels, and digital divide. Journal of Computer Information Systems, 50(3), 63–71. Picking, R., Robinet, A., McGinn, J., Grout, V., Casas, R., & Blasco, R. (2012). The Easyline+ project: Evaluation of a user interface developed to enhance independent living of elderly and disabled people. Universal Access in the Information Society, 11, 99–112. Plaisant, C., Clamage, A., Hutchinson, H., Bederson, B., & Druin, A. (2006). Shared family calendars: Promoting symmetry and accessibility. ACM Transactions on Computer–Human Interaction, 13, 313–346. Rainie, L. (2013). The state of digital divides. Pew Internet & American Life Project. Retrieved from http://www.pewInternet.org/Presentations/ 2013/Nov/The-State-of-Digital-Divides.aspx Reisenwitz, T., Iyer, R., Kuhlmeier, D., & Eastman, J. (2007). The elderly’s
Internet usage: An updated look. Journal of Consumer Marketing, 24, 406–418. Rogers, E. M. (1995). Diffusion of innovation (4th ed.). New York, NY: Etats- Unis Free Press. Roupa, Z., Nikas, M., Gerasimou, E., Zafeiri, V., Giasyrani, L., Kazitori, E., & Sotiropoulou, P. (2010). The use of technology by the elderly. Health Sciences Journal, 4, 118–126. Straub, D. (1989). Validating instruments in MIS research. MIS Quarterly, 10, 147–169. Taveira, A. D., & Choi, S. D. (2009). Review study of computer input devices and older users. International Journal of Human–Computer Interaction, 25, 455–474. Taylor, S., & Todd, P. A. (1995). Understanding information technology usage: A test of competing models. Information Systems Research, 6, 144–176. Wang, L., Rau, P. P., & Salvendy G. (2011). Older adults’ acceptance of information technology. Educational Gerontology, 37, 1081– 1099. Xie, A. (2004). Current status, trends, and characteristics of Chinese aging
population [Chinese]. Statistics Research, 8, 50–52. Yang, H. (2013). Bon Appétit for apps: Young American consumers acceptance of mobile applications. Journal of Computer Information Systems, 53(3), 85–96. Yu, T., & Chao, C. (2014). Assessing older adults’ information technology ability: The development of a multiple item scale. International Journal of Human–Computer Interaction, 30, 434–445. Zhang, X. (2007). Chinese digital divide report [Chinese]. E- Government, 11. Zhou, J., Rau, P. P., & Salvendy, G. (2012). Use and design of handheld com- puters for older adults: A review and appraisal. International Journal of Human–Computer Interaction, 28, 799–826. Zhou, J., Rau, P. P., & Salvendy, G. (2014). Older adults’ use of smart phones: An investigation of the factors influencing the acceptance of new functions. Behaviour & Information Technology, 33, 552–560. ABOUT THE AUTHORS Alexander N. Chen (PhD, Penn State University) is a professor of Management at the University of Central Arkansas. He has previously taught at Penn State Altoona, University of North Carolina at Pembroke, and Macau University of Science and Technology. He published in the areas of end users satisfaction, international business, and human resources.
James P. Downey (PhD, Auburn University) is an associate professor and Chair of the MIS Department at the University of Central Arkansas. He spent 25 years as a naval officer, includ- ing a tour at the U.S. Naval Academy. He has presented his research at international conferences and is published in many journals. Ronald E. McGaughey (PhD, Auburn University) is the Acxiom Professor of MIS at the University of Central Arkansas. His research appears in many journals, including the European Journal of Operational Research, and he serves on numerous editorial boards. He has management experience in the textile, construction, and logging industries. Kan Jin graduated from the University of Central Arkansas MBA program in July 2013. He was a research assistant for A. Chen. Currently he works for the Academic Affairs Office of Zhejiang Radio and TV University, Hangzhou, Zhejiang Province, People’s Republic of China. http://ci-journal.net/index.php/ciej/article/view/800/904 http://www.pewInternet.org/Presentations/2013/Nov/The-State- of-Digital-Divides.aspx http://www.pewInternet.org/Presentations/2013/Nov/The-State- of-Digital-Divides.aspx Copyright of International Journal of Human-Computer Interaction is the property of Taylor & Francis Ltd and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. ABSTRACT1. INTRODUCTION2.
BACKGROUNDBACKGROUND[]pdfmark=/DEST,linktype=an chor,View=/XYZ H.V,DestAnchor=S00023. METHODOLOGYMETHODOLOGY[]pdfmark=/DEST,linktype =anchor,View=/XYZ H.V,DestAnchor=S00034. RESULTSRESULTS[]pdfmark=/DEST,linktype=anchor,View=/ XYZ H.V,DestAnchor=S00044.1. Usage Comparison Between Cell Phones and Computers/LaptopsUsage Comparison Between Cell Phones and Computers/Laptops[]pdfmark=/DEST,linktype=anchor,View=/X YZ H.V,DestAnchor=S20014.2. Reasons and Purposes: Comparison Between Computers/Laptops and Cell PhonesReasons and Purposes: Comparison Between Computers/Laptops and Cell Phones[]pdfmark=/DEST,linktype=anchor,View=/XYZ H.V,DestAnchor=S20024.3. Beliefs and Attitudes Toward Cell Phones and Computers/LaptopsBeliefs and Attitudes Toward Cell Phones and Computers/Laptops[]pdfmark=/DEST,linktype=anchor,View=/X YZ H.V,DestAnchor=S20035. DISCUSSION, LIMITATIONS, AND DIRECTIONS FOR FUTURE RESEARCHDISCUSSION, LIMITATIONS, AND DIRECTIONS FOR FUTURE RESEARCH[]pdfmark=/DEST,linktype=anchor,View=/XYZ H.V,DestAnchor=S00055.1. DiscussionDiscussion[]pdfmark=/DEST,linktype=anchor,View= /XYZ H.V,DestAnchor=S20045.2. Limitations of This StudyLimitations of This Study[]pdfmark=/DEST,linktype=anchor,View=/XYZ H.V,DestAnchor=S20055.3. Directions for Future ResearchDirections for Future Research[]pdfmark=/DEST,linktype=anchor,View=/XYZ H.V,DestAnchor=S2006ORCIDORCID[]pdfmark=/DEST,linkty pe=anchor,View=/XYZ H.V,DestAnchor=S0006REFERENCESABOUT THE AUTHORS Intercultural Interview (75points)
For this paper, you will be interviewing someone who you feel is culturally different from you. When choosing which culture/cultural differences to focus on, you should look at the various ways people construct their identities that are influenced by society and culture (see Chapter Four-Identity and Intercultural Communication). In your analysis, you should focus on these areas: • First, how does this person feel their self- concept/identity was developed on a more personal level (i.e. the beginning of Ch. 4)? How did reflected appraisal, significant others, and/or social comparison influence their self- concept/identity? • Second, how has their self-concept/identity been influenced by societal and/or cultural influences (the second part of Ch. 4)? Which of the identities we discussed do they feel they relate to the most? Why? Be specific/give examples. (Identities to consider: Gender, Sexual, Age, Racial/Ethnic, Physical Ability, Religious, Class, National, Regional. You are also welcome to discuss the ideas of minority/majority identity development, multiracial identity, global nomads and my “other” category in helping you to explain their point of view.) • Finally, how does this affect their worldview and/or communication with others? (Think back to how you answered this on your “Who Do You Think You Are?” paper to aid you in asking them about THEIR worldview and/or communication with others.) Be sure to make a clear link between what we have learned from class and how it relates to your analysis, using terms and concepts from the text, class lecture and class discussions. Each paper should have an appropriate introductory paragraph with a central idea expressed. The paper should also have an
appropriate conclusion that sums up the paper. Finally, the paper should be free of errors, use correct grammar and spelling and be college level quality. Format: The paper should be a full 4-5 pages (1000-1250 words) (no shorter than 4 full pages/1000 words), double- spaced, 12-point font (Times New Roman, Cambria, Book Antiqua, Arial, or Calibri), and 1-inch margins, please. I do not need a cover page. If your only references are the book, I do not need a reference page. If you do use other sources, you should use APA format when citing in the text of the paper and on a reference page. Sloppy proofreading can cause you to receive a lower grade. Paper #2 Intercultural Interview (75 points) _______ 1. The paper is double-spaced, 12-point font (Times New Roman, Cambria, Book Antiqua, Arial, or Calibri), and 1-inch margins. (5 points) _______ 2. Punctuation, grammar and spelling are correct and reflect college-level writing skills. (5 points)
_______ 3. The paper should be a full 4-5 pages (1000-1250 words) (no shorter than 4 full pages/1000 words), not including the reference page (if sources other than the book were used). (5 points) _______ 4. Quoted and/or paraphrased material is cited in APA format both in the text of the paper and on the Reference List (if applicable). (5 points) _______ 5. The paper contains a clear introduction (that previews what will be covered in the paper), a body that addresses the topic of the paper, and a conclusion that clearly summarizes the paper. (11 points) _______ 6. The paper is easy to follow, flows well and the ideas/assertions are discernible and tie together. The reader does not have to work to figure out the point of the paper or what the writer is trying to communicate. (14 points) _______ 7. The paper includes and elaborates on the concepts discussed in the textbook as it relates to the identity, worldview and communication behavior of the interviewee. Personal examples from the interviewee are elaborated on and there is a clear link to the concepts and terms we have discussed in class.(15 points)
_______ 8. The concepts are defined correctly and used correctly in the context of the paper, exemplifying the student’s understanding of the coursework and how it applies to other contexts (i.e. what we’ve talked about throughout the chapter(s) can be applied to this and other everyday situations). (15 points) ___________/75

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Experiencing Intercultural CommunicationAn Introduction6th e.docx

  • 1. Experiencing Intercultural Communication An Introduction 6th edition Judith N. Martin & Thomas K. Nakayama ©McGraw-Hill Education. All rights reserved. Authorized only for instructor use in the classroom. No reproduction or further distribution permitted without the prior written consent of McGraw-Hill Education. 1 Chapter 4 Identity and Intercultural Communication ©McGraw-Hill Education. All rights reserved. Authorized only for instructor use in the classroom. No reproduction or further distribution permitted without the prior written consent of McGraw-Hill Education. A Uniform Shop in Venice, Italy - M. Brimo, 2010 2 Identity Identity plays a key role in intercultural communication, serving as a bridge between culture and communication.
  • 2. ©McGraw-Hill Education. Identity Identity plays a key role in intercultural communication, serving as a bridge between culture and communication. Who you are both reflects and affects communication with others. Through communication people express or hide some of their identities from others. ©McGraw-Hill Education. Identity Self- what you are born with Identity is created by the development of the “self” (self- concept is created) ©McGraw-Hill Education. Identities Created through communication Created in spurts Multiple Influenced by society Dynamic Developed in different ways in different cultures
  • 3. ©McGraw-Hill Education. Identities Are Created through Communication Self-concept: the relatively stable set of perceptions you hold of yourself ©McGraw-Hill Education. Identities Are Created through Communication Self-concept: the relatively stable set of perceptions you hold of yourself Biological and social roots of the self Biology and the self Personality ©McGraw-Hill Education. Identities Are Created through Communication Self-concept: the relatively stable set of perceptions you hold of yourself Biological and social roots of the self Biology and the self Personality Socialization and self-concept Reflected appraisal
  • 4. Significant others Social comparison ©McGraw-Hill Education. Identities Are Created through Communication Identities Emerge when messages are exchanged between persons Negotiated, co-created, reinforced, and challenged through communication Different identities are emphasized depending on whom we are communicating with and what the conversation is about ©McGraw-Hill Education. Identities Are Created in Spurts It’s not a smooth, orderly process ©McGraw-Hill Education. Identities Are Created in Spurts It’s not a smooth, orderly process Certain events help create it (coming to college, major events in life) ©McGraw-Hill Education. Identities Are Created in Spurts It’s not a smooth, orderly process
  • 5. Certain events help create it (coming to college, major events in life) Interactions with others are crucial to the development of our identity ©McGraw-Hill Education. Identities Are Multiple We belong to various groups We develop multiple identities We highlight our different identities at different times Going to church or temple - Religious identity Going to clubs or bars - Sexual orientation identity Men or women in social groups - Gender identity ©McGraw-Hill Education. Identities Are Influenced by Society Societal forces also have a strong influence on our identity We are all subject to being pigeonholed into identity categories, or contexts, even before we are born (part of an ethnic group, regional group, religious group, etc.) Sometimes these societal influences establish the foundations/basis from which interactions occur ©McGraw-Hill Education. Identities Are Dynamic Social or political forces that create certain or parts of our identity might change What is the identity of a “woman?” Today, there are many different ideas about what being a woman means—from wife and mother to feminist and
  • 6. professional ©McGraw-Hill Education. Identities Are Developed in Different Ways in Different Cultures Americans value individualism and encourages a strong sense of identity and to be independent and self-reliant Many African and Asian societies emphasize interdependency with others Dominant ideas can make members of some cultural groups (in the United States) feel inferior ©McGraw-Hill Education. Social and Cultural Identities Gender identity Sexual identity Age identity Racial and ethnic identity Religious identity Class identity National identity Regional identity Personal identity ©McGraw-Hill Education. Gender Identity There is a difference between Sex and Gender: Sex biological classification based on reproductive function
  • 7. Gender social construction that includes the beliefs, attitudes, actions and roles associated with being masculine or feminine This distinction is important in understanding how people’s views on biological sex influence gender identities. ©McGraw-Hill Education. Gender Identity What it means to be a man or a woman in our society is heavily influenced by cultural notions Popular culture affects how people socialize with others We negotiate how we communicate our gender identity to others There are implications for intercultural communication as well. ©McGraw-Hill Education. Sexual Identity Sexual Orientation the sex and gender to whom a person is romantically and sexually attracted Views on sexual identities differ in various cultures Sexual attraction is complex and makes sexual identities even less categorizable Do not assume that your framework for sexual categories is universal Do not assume the ways that sexuality is handled in public is the same around the world
  • 8. ©McGraw-Hill Education. Age Identity Age Identity Cultural notions of how someone their age should act, look, and behave U.S. is an age-conscious society Certain ages have special significance in some cultures Our notions of age often change as we grow older (what was “young” very much changes) Not just how you feel about your age, but how you are treated ©McGraw-Hill Education. Racial and Ethnic Identity Race/racial identities to some extent, based on physical characteristics (skin color, body type, facial structure, hair color, etc.), but they are also constructed in fluid social contexts the way people construct these identities and think about race influences how they communicate with others What race do we identify with **example at beginning of chapter—Rachel Dolezal’s racial identity ©McGraw-Hill Education. Racial and Ethnic Identity Ethnicity/Ethnic identity reflects a set of ideas about one’s own ethnic group membership group of people who identify w/ each other based on common experience (geographics, national origin, ancestry, history,
  • 9. cultural and social norms, religion, race, language, ideology, food, dress, etc.) Who are hyphenated Americans? ©McGraw-Hill Education. Physical Ability Identity Physical ability identity develops in some because of varying degrees of physical capabilities. Book: “People are all disabled in one way or another—by their height, weight, sex, or age—and they all need to work to overcome these conditions.” ©McGraw-Hill Education. Physical Ability Identity Physical ability changes over a lifetime People with disabilities see themselves as a cultural group (similar perceptions and communication patterns) Their identity involves changing how they see themselves and how others see them ©McGraw-Hill Education. Physical Ability Identity Stages of coming to grips with new disability Focus on rehabilitation and physical changes
  • 10. Adjust to disability and its effects on relationships Stigma incorporation – Integration of being disabled into one’s own definition of self *People with disabilities struggle to convey a positive identity and to communicate that their physical ability is only one of their many identities ©McGraw-Hill Education. Physical Ability Identity Communication related to issues of identity can be difficult between nondisabled people and those with disabilities ©McGraw-Hill Education. Religious Identity Religious identity can be confused with racial and/or ethnic identity When someone says, “I am Jewish.” or “She has a Jewish last name.”—religious/ethnic/racial identity?? Criterion for religion varies National boundaries Biology Lineage **When one religion is acknowledged over other religions in public places (imposed on others, perhaps) conflicts can arise
  • 11. ©McGraw-Hill Education. Class Identity Class Identity One’s socioeconomic status (upper, upper-middle, middle, working and lower) Class identity influences our perceptions of and communication with others (people sometimes try to figure out what class we’re from) Communication between classes difficult due to lack of understanding of class differences and media stereotypes ©McGraw-Hill Education. National Identity National identity (nationality) refers to one’s legal status in relation to a nation Our view or our nationality influences how we communicate with others People’s views of our nationality (country) influences communication with us May be complicated when a nation’s status is unclear ©McGraw-Hill Education. Regional Identity What is the difference between national identity and regional identity? Regional identity in the U.S. Southerners
  • 12. Texas (advertised as “a whole other country”) Some regional identities reflect cultural identities that affirm distinctive cuisines, dress, manners, and language ©McGraw-Hill Education. Personal Identity Personal identity this is a lot of what we talked about at the beginning of the chapter Sometimes one’s personal identity is largely defined by outside forces. At other times, how people behave and communicate to others helps construct their personal identity. ©McGraw-Hill Education. Multicultural Identity Multicultural people live “on the border” of two or more cultures Multiracial Global Nomads “Others” ©McGraw-Hill Education. Multiracial People Racial identity development for biracial children is different
  • 13. from others, since they don’t fit into a neat racial category. May be or feel rejected by both groups Often WANT to embrace and be a part of both groups (may identify with one, both or a new group) Because of this it may cause stress, anxiety, frustration for people in this group *Most do not find it difficult to manage their competing ethnicities or races, and do not feel marginalized ©McGraw-Hill Education. 35 Multiracial People Identity Development Awareness of differentness Struggle for acceptance Self-acceptance and assertion ©McGraw-Hill Education. Global Nomads Known as third-culture kids or TCKs Grow up in many different cultural contexts--parents moved around (missionaries, international business employees, or military families) TCKs have both unique challenges and unique opportunities Like biracial children, TCKs often develop resilience, tolerance, and worldliness, characteristics essential for successful living in an increasingly diverse, global, social, and economic world
  • 14. ©McGraw-Hill Education. Identity and Adaptation “Other” category Long-term romantic relationships with members of another ethnic or racial culture Children of foreign-born immigrants may also develop multicultural identities. People who move to another country just by choice or for work ©McGraw-Hill Education. Identity and Adaptation Process of adaptation: U-curve theory 3 phases in adapting to a new cultural situation First phase - Excitement and anticipation Second phase - Culture shock (A relatively short term feeling of disorientation or discomfort due to the unfamiliarity of surroundings and the lack of familiar cues in the environment) Third phase - Adaptation, in which individuals gradually learn the rules and customs of the new cultural context ©McGraw-Hill Education. Living “On the Border” Positives and Negatives Culture brokers Still feel frustration at times (like we just mentioned) Two types of identities
  • 15. Encapsulated identity: Person feels torn between different cultural identities, which often creates feelings of ambiguity Tries to assimilate but never feels comfortable Constructive identity: Person thrives on the margins of two cultures Culture broker ©McGraw-Hill Education. Living “On the Border” Intercultural personhood People who live on cultural borders and undergo a gradual process of intercultural evolution Culture brokers who can help others see their blind spots and show a way of being in the world ©McGraw-Hill Education. Post-Ethnicity Identities are very fluid and driven by personal identity preferences People seem to be more willing to interact with and across cultures Individuals are more inclined to shape their own identity by cultural preferences as well (again, not determining their whole identity based on skin color or ethnic heritage) **This is how I interpreted this section. What do you think of this?
  • 16. ©McGraw-Hill Education. Building Intercultural Skills Chapter 4 - Identity and Intercultural Communication Become more conscious of your own identities and how they relate to your intercultural communication Become more aware of how you assign identities to other people Practice communicating with others in ways that affirm their identities Talk about identities with your friends ©McGraw-Hill Education. Intl. Journal of Human–Computer Interaction, 32: 132–142, 2016 Copyright © Taylor & Francis Group, LLC ISSN: 1044-7318 print / 1532-7590 online DOI: 10.1080/10447318.2015.1067499 Seniors and Information Technology in China Alexander N. Chen1 , James P. Downey2, Ronald E. McGaughey2, and Kan Jin3 1Department of Marketing and Management, University of Central Arkansas, Conway, Arkansas, USA 2Department of Management Information Systems, University of Central Arkansas, Conway, Arkansas, USA 3Academic Affairs Office, Zhejiang Radio and TV University, Zhejiang, P.R. China
  • 17. Technology, particularly information technology (IT), is chang- ing rapidly and offers many advantages for users. IT has the potential to improve one’s quality of life, but only if used. Research has shown that, in most developed and developing nations, senior use of IT lags behind that of other segments of society. This “gray divide” is a concern for government, business, and others. Concern about senior adoption and use of IT has been the motivation for numerous studies and is the motivation for this study of Chinese seniors. This exploratory study examines urban Chinese seniors’ IT use, computers and mobile phones in particular, but also their attitudes and behaviors as they relate to the use of those devices. More specifically it examines several potential factors that moti- vate or hinder senior’s use of information technology, including self-efficacy, satisfaction, comfort with technology, and both posi- tive and negative attitudes. This study provides some insight into the quantity and diversity of Chinese senior technology use in urban China. Particularly noteworthy, the study found that tech- nology ownership was quite high, and in general the Chinese seniors studied had positive attitudes and beliefs concerning infor- mation technology. This is generally good news for the Chinese government, which must efficiently provide services for the grow- ing population of Chinese seniors, as well as for businesses that wish to capitalize on one of the largest senior populations in the world.
  • 18. 1. INTRODUCTION Anecdotal and empirical evidence shows that information technology (IT) positively impacts the lives of users. One needs only to watch the tech e-zines such as Gizmag to know that the launch of new IT gadgets is a daily occurrence—something smaller, something faster, something smarter, something cooler, or something that does what no gadget has done before, or improves on what another gadget does. This boom in technol- ogy devices should benefit the entire population, but in practice this has not been the case. Address correspondence to Alexander N. Chen, Department of Marketing and Management, College of Business Administration, University of Central Arkansas, Conway, AR 72035. E-mail: [email protected] uca.edu or [email protected] People are living longer than at any other time in recorded history; thus the population of seniors is growing in all of the world’s major economies. As senior numbers grow, businesses, governments, and other institutions seek ways to better serve them, and to do so efficiently. IT holds promise here, but only if seniors use it. The problem is that seniors generally use IT less than other segments of the population; thus, there is a “gray divide.” A gray divide is when accessibility to and use of IT by seniors lags behind that of the overall population. The exis- tence of a gray divide means that seniors are not benefiting from IT to the same extent as other segments of a population. Although research indicates that the broader “digital divide” may be shrinking as it relates to various socioeconomic strata, this may not be the case for the gray divide, at least not in all countries (Eurostat, 2013; McMurtrey, McGaughey, Downey, & Zeltmann, 2013; Rainie, 2013). There are many possible reasons why seniors may be reluc-
  • 19. tant to adopt and use IT, and those reasons may or may not be common to seniors in all countries (Yu & Chao, 2014; Zhou, Rau, & Salvendy, 2012). Given the changing needs of this seg- ment as life expectancies increase and the potential of IT to improve the quality of seniors’ lives, it is not surprising that it is the subject of numerous studies. The evidence thus far seems to support of existence of a gray divide in countries where it has been studied (Bernadas, Verville, & Burton, 2012; Fernández- Ardèvol & Arroyo, 2012; McMurtrey et al., 2008; Neves & Amaro, 2012). Although there is some research examining the gray divide in China, few studies have addressed the factors influencing Chinese seniors’ adoption and use of IT. China is similar to other industrialized nations in that its citi- zens, both male and female, are living longer (National Institute of Health, 2014). Approximately 13% of China’s population is 60 years of age or older. That segment of the population increased by close to 3% from 2000 to 2010 (National Bureau of Statistics, 2010), and it is projected that by 2025, China’s senior population will account for approximately 25% of China’s total population (Xie, 2004). Not only is China’s senior pop- ulation growing rapidly, it is the largest senior population in the world (Pan & Jordan-Marsh, 2010). This makes Chinese 132 http://orcid.org/0000-0003-3619-6677 mailto:[email protected] mailto:[email protected] mailto:[email protected] SENIORS AND INFORMATION TECHNOLOGY IN CHINA 133
  • 20. senior well-being particularly important and their attitudes and beliefs about IT and its use a concern for China’s government, businesses, and society as a whole. China’s rapid economic growth, changing demographics, and the Chinese government’s huge investment in Internet band- width make research on senior use of the Internet and other IT important to the Chinese government. It needs to know how its investment is benefiting seniors, because some services that the government provides to seniors could be delivered more effi- ciently with IT as done in the United States and Europe. The research should be of interest to businesses looking for oppor- tunities to market products and services to seniors. Although Chinese seniors’ incomes are generally low, this is not neces- sarily a hindrance to having and using IT. Simply put, there is a need to better understand Chinese seniors’ attitudes toward and behaviors pertaining to IT. To what extent do Chinese seniors actually own and use IT? How, and for what, do they use IT? How do Chinese seniors perceive their technology skills? Do they like IT, and are they comfortable with IT? These questions are worthy of investigation in establishing baseline measures of Chinese seniors’ use of and attitudes toward IT. It is the objec- tive of this exploratory study to start the process of answering these questions. Although the literature provides evidence of a gray divide in China (China Digital Divide Team, 2013), we hope to shed light on if and why Chinese seniors might tend to be light users of IT. We believe it is important to learn more about Chinese seniors’ attitudes and behaviors as they relate to IT. We go beyond existing studies and try to understand not just usage behaviors but also attitudes—attitudes about the technology, as well as attitudes about self that influence adoption and use. More specifically, this study presents the results of an empirical examination of technology behaviors for a variety of applica- tions and devices from a survey of almost 300 retired citizens
  • 21. (seniors) in Hangzhou City and Changshan County of Zhejiang Province, China. We examine two primary facets of Chinese seniors’ relationship with IT: the current status of IT adoption and use, and existing attitudes and beliefs about IT and its use. A current status provides something of a baseline for future studies and investigates ownership, usage, and usage functions. The beliefs and attitudes provide insight into possible motiva- tors or inhibiters to technology adoption and use. The specific ITs examined were the personal computer (including laptops) and the cell phone. This study thus extends prior research on technology behaviors of Chinese seniors by examining not only adoption and use but also specific psychological factors known to influence adoption and use. The addition of the potential psychological influences on technology adoption and use will provide a better understanding of the “why” behind baseline measures of IT adoption and use among the Chinese senior citi- zens studied. This is perhaps the most important contribution of this study—understanding why. 2. BACKGROUND Extant research has produced considerable evidence from numerous countries of a disparity between the young and old in terms of IT adoption and use (McMurtrey, Downey, McGaughey, & Zeltmann, 2011; Peng, 2010; Plaisant, Clamage, Hutchinson, Bederson, & Druin, 2006; Rainie, 2013). In U.S. studies by McMurtrey, McGaughey, and Downey (2008, 2009; McMurtrey et al., 2013), U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics (i.e., census data) and survey data were used to highlight gaps between the young and old in terms of Internet and computer use. Peng (2010) emphasized that studies and gov- ernment statistics repeatedly show that access to computers and the Internet remains uneven. In a similar vein, another study acknowledged that older adults are subject to the same digital divide in accessibility as the larger population (Plaisant et al., 2006). In a study conducted in the United Kingdom, statis-
  • 22. tically significant differences were found between the age of respondents and broadband adoption (Dwivedi & Lal, 2007). In another study from the United Kingdom, the authors noted that many seniors simply do not recognize the potential benefits of these technologies because they lack an awareness and under- standing of the digital world (Olphert, Damodaran, & May, 2005). Similar findings were reported in Europe from a study of the reasons for nonuse, and the frequency, intensity, and sociodemographic correlates of Internet use of older citizens in Europe (Peacock & Kunemund, 2007). In China, there is ample evidence that citizens have embraced technology. In a recent study by Microsoft Corporation (2014) that included technology users in a variety of developing and developed countries (China, India, Brazil, Russia, Mexico, Turkey, United States, Germany, Japan, and France), a higher percentage of Chinese citizens (74%) reported that personal computers, tablets, smartphones, and other technology gadgets had improved their quality of life. This percentage in China was quite high; contrast it to other countries with 40% for France, 48% for the United States, 42% for Japan, and 61% for Russia. In addition, 94% of Chinese citizens reported that access to personal computer technology had helped bridge the economic gap in their country (Microsoft Corporation, 2014). According to a new Chinese government report (China Digital Divide Team, 2013), in 2012, Chinese families owned 250 mil- lion computers (about 55.9 computers per 100 families). That same study showed that China had 564 million (42.1% of the population) people accessing the Internet. Of those, 420 million (31.4% of the population) used cell phones for Internet access. In 2012, about 1.11 billion people (82.6% of China population) were using cell phones (though not all were Internet capable— smartphones). The data show that many Chinese use IT in the form of computers, cell phones, and the Internet, but to what extent is this true for Chinese seniors?
  • 23. As with other countries, there is evidence of a gray divide in China. Lam and Lee (2006) found evidence of it in their 134 A. N. CHEN ET AL. longitudinal study of Internet adoption and use by older adults in Hong Kong during a period between 2002 and 2003. Those findings are somewhat dated now, and they were not con- ducted in mainland China, but there are more. Another study focused on the Hebei province of China and revealed that only about 22.8% of the seniors sampled used the Internet, and of those, only 30% of these seniors accessed it daily. Another 15% accessed it two or three times a week. Furthermore, the study found that when most seniors did access the Internet, it was for relatively short periods (Guo, 2012). Wang, Rau, and Salvendy (2011) examined IT device and equipment use by the elderly and found relatively high usage of computers and mobile phones in particular. They also found higher Internet usage by seniors than did Guo (2012), so the findings of even more current studies are mixed. Liu and Zheng (2011) exam- ined cell phone Internet access in China and found a disparity in cell phone Internet access related to gender, employment position, personal income, family income, education, age, and single-child status. They likewise found an interaction between full-time employment and age in their impact on cell phone Internet access—the elderly with no full-time employment (that would typically be retirees) were less inclined to use cell phones for Internet access. They did not examine whether the costs of access was a factor in usage. A 2012 report on Internet trends in China prepared by the China Digital Divide Team (2013) produced evidence of a gray divide in Internet access/use, revealing that 93.6% of Internet users were between age 10 and 49, and only 4.8% were 50 and older. In fact, the gap was
  • 24. slightly worse than in 2010, largely because of the relative growth of the younger (growing slower) and older (growing faster) segments of China’s population. There are multiple reasons why seniors worldwide have been slow to adopt information technology. One cause is phys- ical; research has shown that the elderly often do not have the dexterity to operate technology (Ellis & Kurniawan, 2009; Fernández-Ardèvol & Arroyo, 2012; McMurtrey et al., 2013; Picking et al., 2012; Zhou et al., 2012). Research has also shown that IT, from computers, to tablets, to mobile phones, is not designed with the elderly in mind (Hwangbo et al., 2013; McGaughey, Zeltmann, & McMurtrey, 2013; McMurtrey, Downey, Zeltmann, & McGaughey, 2012; Picking et al., 2012; Roupa et al., 2010; Yu & Chao, 2014; Zhou, Rau, & Salvendy, 2014). Another important reason for seniors not adopting technol- ogy (or underusing it) may be categorized simply as distaste for change, based on a wide range of negative beliefs and attitudes that might lead to avoidance behavior. One important factor is an individual’s beliefs about his or her technology skills, known to be an important indicator and subsequent motivator for initial and continued use. Technology self-efficiency is an important motivator of both learning and using technology; it influences effort and persistence in the face of adversity (Gist & Mitchell, 1992). Self-efficacy stimulates a motivational component that mobilizes the cognitive effort to accomplish tasks (Bandura, 1997; Yu & Chao, 2014). Another factor is comfort with tech- nology, which is a psychological response to an activity that encourages or discourages use (Hwangbo, Yoon, Jin, Han, & Ji, 2013; Taveira & Choi, 2009). Attitudes have long been recognized as precursors of action. In their theory of reasoned action, Fishbein and Ajzen (1975)
  • 25. maintained that behavior is predictable and based on attitudes (positive and negative) toward the behavior. An individual who has a positive attitude or less anxiety toward a behavior tends to perform or learn that behavior, whereas a person with neg- ative attitudes tends to avoid the behavior. Our examination of senior attitudes relating to computers and mobile phones is thus grounded in the theory of reasoned action. We exam- ined three attitudes—affect, anxiety, and satisfaction—with cell phone and computer skills. Anxiety is a fear of the domain under examination and usage in that domain, technology in this case. (Loyd & Gressard, 1984). Affect is the feeling of like (positive affect) or dislike (negative affect) toward the domain of interest (Taveira & Choi, 2009). One who likes cell phones (or computers) is more inclined to learn how and to use them than those who have less liking. We measured positive affect in this study. Satisfaction is an affective attitude that has a long research stream in technology and has been demonstrated to increase usage (Doll & Torkzadeh, 1988). 3. METHODOLOGY In this article, we provide insight into IT usage levels and patterns among Chinese seniors while shedding light on psy- chological influences on behaviors contributing to it. Because the purpose is to investigate “retired” seniors, the interest is in Chinese seniors 55 years of age or older. The rationale for using that age stems from how the Chinese government defines seniors. In China, according to the government, men reaching the age of 60 and women at 55, with a minimum of 10 to 15 years of continuous service, should retire. Because the term seniors was originally coined to describe elderly who had retired, and because China has these official retirement ages for men and women, we used age 55 as a cutoff point for seniors in our study. We use the terms senior, senior citizen, and retiree interchangeably in this study.
  • 26. Data were gathered using a survey methodology. The survey was developed using standard survey development techniques (Churchill, 1979; Nunnally, 1967; Straub, 1989). Previous instruments provided some items used in this study (Eastman & Iyer, 2004; Iyer & Eastman, 2006; Reisenwitz, Iyer, Kuhlmeier, & Eastman, 2007). The primary source of survey items, how- ever, came from the survey used by McMurtrey et al. (2011) to examine technology behaviors among American seniors. Data were gathered for both cell phone and computers on ownership, usage behaviors, functions for use, e-commerce information, beliefs about the technology (self-efficacy and comfort), and attitudes toward the technology (anxiety, affect, and satisfac- tion with skills). For the self-efficacy and attitude scales, we SENIORS AND INFORMATION TECHNOLOGY IN CHINA 135 used previously validated scales. Self-efficacy items came from the global instrument of Hill, Smith, and Mann (1987). Anxiety and affect came from the Computer Attitude Scale of Loyd and Gressard (1984) Comfort and satisfaction were derived from the survey used by McMurtrey et al. (2011). Beliefs and attitudes (positive affect, anxiety, and satisfaction) were assessed for both cell phones and computers. For this study, the English version of the survey was trans- lated into Mandarin Chinese by two individuals fluent in both languages. Before we finalized the Chinese version, we sent the draft to bilingual experts, that is, faculty in the foreign language, education, and psychology departments of the university, for comments. We also used a pilot survey of 10 Chinese students to make sure that translation of the instrument had resulted in
  • 27. a survey that could be understood by Mandarin-speaking sub- jects. With modifications based on comments from these experts and students, the final survey was completed. The survey was administered at four retirement apartment complexes in two cities in eastern China in 2012. One area was a large city (approximately 7.6 million in size), and the other a much smaller city (with a population size of 400,000). The researchers randomly selected the apartment complexes with the requirement that these complexes house retirees who had different employment backgrounds. The four complexes housed retired government workers (43 total), primary/high school teachers (83), college faculty (69), and staff and workers for a higher education institution (89). Although it is virtually impos- sible to generalize about Chinese seniors, given their sheer number and different cultures and backgrounds, by choosing seniors from different work backgrounds, we hoped to provide some degree of differentiation. A total of 357 surveys were collected. Of these, 73 were dis- carded because of incomplete data. This left 284 usable surveys. The average age of respondent was 70.6 (SD = 8.7), and 55% of respondents were male. In terms of education, 41% had less than a high school education, 27% high school, 11% an asso- ciate’s degree (or equivalent), and 21% a bachelor’s degree or higher. Although respondents were retired, nearly 40% reported they were engaging in some part-time work. Fifty-nine per- cent of respondents reported a monthly income level between $650 and $1,300, with 27% reporting less than $650, 11% between $1,300 and $1,950, and only 3% reporting a monthly income above $1,950. According to a 2013 Bloomberg News report, based on data from the China Health and Retirement Longitudinal Study, the incomes of Chinese seniors are low. Approximately 22.9%, or 42.4 million, of China’s seniors live on an annual income of less than 3,200 Yuan ($520). Our sample comprised a relatively more affluent segment
  • 28. of Chinese seniors because respondents were city dwellers, and they tend to be more well off financially than rural citizens. 4. RESULTS The study examined technology behaviors of retired Chinese seniors age 55 and older, using the two dominant IT platforms for personal use: cell phones and computers. We collected own- ership and usage information, what respondents did with their computers and cell phones, online purchasing information, and finally beliefs and attitudes toward computers and cell phones (self-efficacy, comfort, anxiety, affect, and satisfaction). The results paint a broad picture of IT usage, skills, availability, behavior, and attitudes among respondents. 4.1. Usage Comparison Between Cell Phones and Computers/Laptops Cell phone technology probably represents the most ubiqui- tous technology worldwide. This was also evident among the Chinese seniors studied. About 96% of all respondents owned a cell phone. Of interest, 77% reported that they also had a house phone (landline). Respondents reported owning a cell phone for 7.7 years (SD = 4.4) and using a cell phone for the same amount of time (7.7 years, SD = 4.3); thus it appears that using and owning occurred simultaneously. Slightly less than half of respondents reported that they owned a desktop computer (49.5%). Only 27% reported owning a laptop. Therefore, between 60% and 70% of the respondents owned one or the other, or both. On average, respondents had owned a computer for slightly over 7 years (SD = 4.1); the range was between 0 (did not own) and 22 years. For those who did own a computer, approximately 25% owned it for 10 years or
  • 29. more. Respondents reported that on average they used a computer for 7.2 years (SD = 4.8). This is about the same amount of time as they reported owning one. It appears that for these respondents, buying (or receiving) a computer was the start of their usage experience. Not many respondents (only 8%) reported using a computer prior to owning one. This suggests that computer technology usage has developed slowly and more recently, perhaps even after retirement (recall that the average age was just over 70), among Chinese retirees. It may also sug- gest that, in China, the workplace was not likely where most seniors developed computer skills; thus they learned because they wanted to, not because they had to for work. Direct usage was measured two ways—frequency and dura- tion, for both cell phone usage and computer usage. Some 88% reported that they used their cell phones from several times a week to several times a day. Specifically, 38% reported sev- eral times a day, 12% reported once per day, and another 38% reported several times a week. Only 12% reported using their phone once a week or less. Despite this frequency of use, how- ever, these respondents did not use cell phones for very long. A sizable 77% reported that they used their phone less than half 136 A. N. CHEN ET AL. TABLE 1 Computers and Cell Phones Usage in Frequency and Duration Frequency Duration (Per Day) Computers Cell Phones Computers Cell Phones
  • 30. Never 26% 3% Never 26% 4% Less than once a month 5% 1% 0.5 hr 25% 77% Once a month 1% 1% 0.5–1 hr 14% 9% Once a week 5% 7% 1–1.5 hr 8% 4% Few times a week 30% 38% 1.5– 2 hr 12% 5% Once a day 19% 12% 2–3 hr 8% 1% Several times a day 14% 38% >3 hr 7% < 1% Total 100% 100% 100% 100% an hour per day, 9% reported a half hour to an hour per day, and the rest were scattered. Only one person reported using a phone more than 3 hr per day. Although we did not capture data to check, metered service charges might have encouraged users to economize on cell phone use. Approximately 26% of respondents reported that they never use a computer. The highest percentage, however, reported that they use a computer a few times a week (30%). About 33% reported that they use computers at least daily (once per day to several times per day). In terms of duration per day, most do not use the computer at all or use it less than half an hour per day (with 51% combined); however, the rest (about 49%) use it at least a half hour per day. Usage figures are presented in Table 1. It is interesting to note that the cell phone is generally used for a shorter duration than the computer. That may simply reflect the nature of use—talk versus perform some task—but as noted could be the result of metered service in China. Internet access via a computer is not normally metered in the same way—it is a fixed charge per amount of data per period, for exam- ple, month (China Mobile Communications Corporation, 2015; China Unicom, 2015). 4.2. Reasons and Purposes: Comparison Between
  • 31. Computers/Laptops and Cell Phones In general, respondents did not use cell phones for a wide variety of tasks besides talking. On a question in which respondents could choose multiple reasons for using their cell phone, 58% of respondents did report using it for texting, 20% of respondents reported using phones for taking pictures, 9% used their phones for social media, and 5% used their phones for other Internet activity. Fewer than 5% reported using their cell phone for games, banking, e-mail, or buying things. The survey specifically asked about E-commerce, or pur- chasing items online using a cell phone. Ninety-three percent reported that they never used a phone to make purchases online, whereas only 6% reported making one to five purchases online in the previous year. It seems the majority of the respondents did not use phones for much more than texting, talking, and taking photos. For senior citizens in China, the cell phone is still per- forming its traditional purpose—interpersonal communications. Although the survey did not specify the type of cell phone, it seems likely that most did not have a smartphone. That is what Zhou et al. (2014) found among a similar sample of Chinese seniors—most use feature phones and not smartphones. It is interesting to note that the findings of Zhou et al. (2014) mir- ror our own also with regard to how Chinese seniors use their mobile phones; they use them primarily for calling, SMS, and taking/viewing pictures. We examined computer-based Internet use. Respondents who reported never using a computer were excluded (typically they left this section blank). Questions revolved around general Internet access and E-commerce: What did users access, and did they engage in online buying? One question asked respon-
  • 32. dents why they accessed the Internet in the previous year, with 21 choices (respondents could pick as many as applied); see Table 2. The number one reason for using the Internet was to track news and current events (22%). Other common rea- sons included staying in touch with family and friends (18%), watching television or movies (16%), and playing games (12%). More uncommon reasons for using the Internet were other entertainment (8%), investigating health and medical issues (8%), gathering product information (5%) and keeping up with stocks/bonds (4%). There was little or no reported Internet activity for many things, including social media sites, geneal- ogy searches, or banking. Although the purpose of the two studies was somewhat different, our findings here were very similar to the findings of Wang et al. (2011) with regard to the things seniors do or not do on the Internet and their rela- tive importance. For instance, they found that seniors use the Internet for keeping up with the news, playing games, research- ing products, communicating with others, researching various topics, and more. Study findings are not directly comparable because of differences in questions posed, but they are more SENIORS AND INFORMATION TECHNOLOGY IN CHINA 137 TABLE 2 Reasons for Using Computers and Cell Phones Reasons for Using Internet via Computers % Reasons for Using Cell Phones % News and current events 22% Texting 58% Staying touch with family and friends 18% Taking pictures 20% Watching televisions and movies 16% Social networks 9% Playing games 12% Other Internet activity 4%
  • 33. Other entertainment 8% Games, banking, e-mail, or buying 5% Investigating health and medical information 8% things Gathering product information 5% Keep up with stocks/bonds 4% TABLE 3 Internet Purchasing and Research Behavior Purchasing Research Clothing or apparel 31% Clothing and apparel 22% Hobby-related items 25% Travel 12% Electronics 7% Medical items 10% Travel (air/hotel) 5% Books 8% Groceries 4% Drugs 7% Medical items 4% Groceries 6% similar than different with regard to Chinese senior Internet use. Of interest, E-commerce activities were not common among their subjects or ours, and the use of social networking was almost nonexistent. In terms of e-commerce, a full 84% of respondents reported they bought nothing online using a computer in the past year. Of the remaining 16% (who did buy online), most made between one and five purchases (88%), whereas 12% reported making between six and 10 purchases online. No respondent reported purchasing more than 10 items online. For those who bought online, the two most common types of purchases were clothing or apparel, encompassing 31% of all items purchased online, and hobby-related items, which accounted for another 25% of the total reported purchases (Table 3). Other items made
  • 34. small contributions to the total, including electronics (7%), travel (such as air/hotel—5%), groceries and medical items (4% each), and music purchases (3%). Despite the majority not actually buying online, many used the Internet to research products. The most researched item was clothing and apparel, comprising 22% of all reported searches. Travel packages (airlines or hotel or similar) were second at 12%, and medical care research was third at 10%. Other items researched, accounting for between 5% and 8% of the total, included books, drugs, groceries, jobs, and electronics. 4.3. Beliefs and Attitudes Toward Cell Phones and Computers/Laptops In addition to usage behavior and functions, we also exam- ined beliefs and attitudes toward both cell phone and computer technology, including self-efficacy, comfort, affect, anxiety, and satisfaction. We believe this to be a unique contribution of our study—examination of attitudes and behaviors toward tech- nology, which can influence adoption and use (Ajzen, 1991; Fishbein & Ajzen, 1975). Furthermore, they can be a conse- quence of use and impact future adoption and use. Whereas comfort and satisfaction were measured with single items, the other three included three to four items. A factor analysis was conducted of the multi-item constructs, with each item load- ing on its appropriate construct. In addition, reliability was examined using Cronbach’s alpha; each construct exhibited sat- isfactory internal reliability. Internal reliability and correlations are provided in Table 4; means, standard deviations, and com- parisons between computer and cell phone beliefs/attitudes are provided in Table 5. We captured cell phone self-efficacy from respondents, using a scale that ranged from 0 (no confidence in cell phone abil-
  • 35. ity) to 10 (totally confident). In this study, respondents aver- aged 5.48, indicating that they felt reasonably confident in their phone skill level (slightly above the center anchor of 5). 138 A. N. CHEN ET AL. TABLE 4 Alpha Statistics and Correlations of Beliefs and Attitudes No. of Items α 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 1. Computer self-efficacy 3 .980 1.0 2. Cell self-efficacy 3 .975 .82∗ ∗ 1.0 3. Computer comfort 1 n/a .29∗ ∗ .10 1.0 4. Cell comfort 1 n/a .38∗ ∗ −.02 .56∗ ∗ 1.0 5. Computer anxiety 3 .967 −.35∗ ∗ −.20 −.62∗ ∗ −.60∗ ∗ 1.0 6. Cell anxiety 3 .954 −.09 .22∗ ∗ −.17 −.44∗ ∗ .55∗ ∗ 1.0 7. Computer affect 4 .967 .60∗ ∗ .50∗ ∗ .25∗ ∗ .19 −.07 .18 1.0 8. Cell affect 4 .868 .69∗ ∗ .81∗ ∗ .11 .11 −.15 .28∗ ∗ .75∗ ∗ 1.0 9. Computer
  • 36. satisfaction 1 n/a .32∗ ∗ .18∗ .76∗ ∗ .38∗ ∗ −.57∗ ∗ −.19∗ .18 .09 1.0 10. Cell satisfaction 1 n/a .29∗ ∗ .08 .41∗ ∗ .60∗ ∗ −.45∗ ∗ −.33∗ ∗ .18 .16∗ .50∗ ∗ ∗ p < .05. ∗ ∗ p < .01. TABLE 5 Descriptive Statistics and Comparisons Between Computers and Cell Phones Comparison Computers M (SD) Cell Phones M t p Beliefs Self-efficacy 5.04 (3.47) 5.48 (3.49) 2.11 < .05 Comfort 4.85 (2.25) 5.79 (1.80) 6.22 < .01 Attitudes Satisfaction 4.14 (1.63) 4.38 (1.14) 1.92 < .10 Anxiety 2.03 (1.74) 1.91 (1.62) .74 ns Affect 3.92 (2.15) 4.00 (2.15) .46 ns Comfort with cell phones was examined, measured on a scale of 1 to 7, with 7 being very comfortable. For comfort, respon- dents averaged 5.79, indicating they also felt very comfortable using cell phones. We examined three attitudes—anxiety, positive affect, and satisfaction with cell phone skills. Anxiety was measured on a scale of 1 to 7, with 1 indicating low phone anxiety and 7 indi- cating high anxiety. Respondents averaged 1.91, which suggests that they were not very anxious about using cell phones. For affect, also measured on a scale of 1 to 7 (with 7 indicating a
  • 37. great liking for cell phones), respondents scored 4.00, indicating that they had above the median (of 3.5) liking for cell phones. In this study, satisfaction was measured on a scale ranging from 1 (very dissatisfied) to 7 (very satisfied). Respondents averaged 4.38, again above the median of 3.5. As with cell phones, beliefs and attitudes concerning com- puters were examined. Computer self-efficacy, comfort, anxiety, affect, and satisfaction were included. The computer self- efficacy mean was 5.04, which placed this group in the middle of the scale (moderately confident). The comfort mean was 4.85, indicating a moderate amount of comfort with comput- ers. For computer anxiety, measured on a 1–7 scale, respondents averaged 2.03, which suggests that respondents were not partic- ularly anxious about computing (1 is low anxiety). For computer affect, also measured on a 1–7 scale, respondents averaged 3.92, indicating a relatively high affect level—they more generally liked computers. Overall, the results are rather interesting; despite relatively low usage, respondents displayed mostly positive beliefs and attitudes toward cell phones and computers. They were com- fortable with both computers and cell phones, were mostly satisfied with their skills, had moderate self-efficacy, had rel- atively low anxiety, and had above-average affect or liking of the two technologies. SENIORS AND INFORMATION TECHNOLOGY IN CHINA 139 This study compared beliefs and attitudes for the two domains of cell phones and computers. For all five beliefs
  • 38. and attitudes, respondents reported higher self-efficacy, com- fort, satisfaction and affect, and lower anxiety for cell phones, but the difference between the two technologies was generally not significant (see Table 5). In fact, the difference was signifi- cant (at the .05 level) only for the two beliefs of self-efficacy and comfort. Respondents reported significantly higher self-efficacy and comfort for cell phones than for computers. One possible reason is that most of the Chinese seniors studied may have used regular cell phones rather than smartphones. A regular cell phone is considerably less complicated than a smartphone or a computer. The differences in attitudes between cell phones and computers, however, were not significant. Respondents had nonsignificant differences between computers and cell phones for liking (affect), anxiety, and satisfaction (note that the differ- ence in satisfaction might be considered marginally significant: p < .10). 5. DISCUSSION, LIMITATIONS, AND DIRECTIONS FOR FUTURE RESEARCH 5.1. Discussion Overall, our findings indicate that most of the Chinese seniors in this study owned, liked, and were comfortable with computers and mobile phones but that they are for the most part light users of both. Particularly relevant findings are summa- rized next. Chinese retirees use IT. There is compelling evidence that this population is not averse to using IT. Almost all reported owning and using a cell phone (96%); an additional 60% to 70% owned and used a personal computer, findings similar to those of Wang et al. (2011), who studied a similar group of Chinese seniors (similar age distribution and above-average education and affluence). The evidence suggests that the major-
  • 39. ity of respondents have not only been exposed to IT but also participated in its use. Cell phone use far exceeded computer use. Cell phone ubiquity is probably not surprising; this is a global phenomenon. For phones, although frequency is rela- tively high (88% reported using it at least a few times a week), duration of use is relatively low. Some 77% reported using it less than 30 min per day. Only 25% use it for at least 30 min a day. The data suggest that Chinese seniors own technology but are relatively light users. Variety is not a common characteristic. When they did use technology, most respondents displayed little variety in its use, similar to the findings of Guo (2012). Besides talking, seniors used their cell phones primarily for texting (58%) and taking pictures (20%), with the next highest percentage (9%) for social networking. Less than 5% used their phone for other Internet- related uses like games, e-mail, paying bills, or banking. These Chinese seniors used a computer for a wider variety of applica- tions than they did their cell phones, most involving the Internet, with 22% reporting that they used their computer to keep up with news, 18% to stay in touch with family and friends, 16% to watch TV or movies, and 12% to play games. Although the variety of applications is greater for computers, the percentages are still rather low. For these Chinese seniors, there is relatively little application variety. Social networking and e-commerce are rare. Chinese seniors use technology very little for social networking (Facebook is currently blocked in China) and e-commerce (or mobile-commerce). In fact, the numbers for each are simi- lar. Further, when asked if they intended to buy online in the future, they responded strongly that it was unlikely. Only 16% of seniors use computers to buy online. Among this small pro- portion of e-commerce users, it was found that they were more
  • 40. likely to purchase clothing, hobby-related goods, travel, and medical products. E-commerce was still relatively rare at the time we conducted the survey. This may suggests a significant area of opportunity for Chinese businesses. Attitudes and beliefs toward technology are surprisingly pos- itive. Given the lack of variety and the relatively low number of years of technology use, Chinese senior attitudes and beliefs were surprisingly robust for both cell phones and computers. The studied seniors generally felt comfortable with and com- petent with both computers and cell phones, and they generally liked and were satisfied with both. Cell phones fared better on almost all measures, but not by significant margins. This may be because cell phones are generally easier to use than computers, particularly if they are simply feature phones (not smartphones), which we think may be the case for cell phones owned by these seniors based on what they did with them. This study found that respondents have a positive belief in their own perceived skills, which is a motivator to learn and use technology. For comfort, satisfaction, affect, and anxiety, scores were above the midpoint (or below in the case of anxiety), suggesting that users had positive beliefs and attitudes concerning the two technologies. What is the state of senior IT use and adoption in China?. We examined IT usage behaviors, beliefs, and attitudes among Chinese seniors to establish baseline measures of their use and acceptance of IT. The findings of this study, consid- ered in conjunction with other recent studies of the broader Chinese population (Guo, 2012; Liu & Zheng, 2011; Microsoft Corporation, 2014), do seem to suggest a digital divide between Chinese seniors and other segments of the population—a gray divide. However, given the significant numbers of the stud- ied Chinese urban seniors owning and using cell phones and computers (96% and about 65%, respectively), and similar num- bers reported by Wang et al. (2011), this divide may not be as
  • 41. sharp as perhaps expected given previous studies, at least not among all Chinese seniors; recall that these two studies focused on more educated and affluent Chinese seniors than average. Still, the quantity and quality of such usage lags behind usage reported for other Chinese age groups (Microsoft Corporation, 2014); Chinese retirees use phones infrequently, generally for a short duration, and task variety is low. Similar patterns were observed in their computer use. 140 A. N. CHEN ET AL. There are some other positive findings, however, among this sample of seniors. In general, their belief in their ability to learn and use technology is above average, which is a powerful moti- vating factor in changing actual technology behaviors (Bandura, 1997). They are fairly comfortable with technology and satisfied with its potential, also important indicators of future potential. In addition, their attitudes remain positive with high liking of technology and low anxiety levels about using technology, espe- cially cell phone technology. These factors make catching up to the rest of their countrymen and other seniors worldwide a real possibility in the future, at least for urban Chinese seniors like those studied herein. 5.2. Limitations of This Study There were some obvious limitations to this study. The biggest limitation is generalizability; the population and diver- sity of China’s retirees is vast, and making comparisons between this study population and other groups of retirees is almost impossible. We sampled only two cities; according to the Chinese census and related studies, there are significant dif-
  • 42. ferences among socioeconomic factors between coastal areas and the interior of mainland China (Zhang, 2007). There is a documented digital divide between rural and urban China (China Digital Divide Team, 2013), suggesting that rural seniors may exhibit different technology behaviors; this study did not examine rural seniors. In addition, the sample was drawn from retirement apart- ments that housed mostly government and professional retirees. Government retirees tend to be financially better off than many Chinese seniors who may or may not be better educated and have good pensions. It is noteworthy, however, that our find- ings are generally consistent with the Chinese government DDI report (China Digital Divide Team, 2013) and other large-scale survey research (Liu & Zheng, 2011) in showing that seniors are relatively light users of IT. Clearly, generalizability to other seniors in China must be approached with caution. Another limitation is that all data were self-reported. Although some data must be self-reported (e.g., attitudes and perceptions), other data are more meaningful if gathered objec- tively, like usage statistics from mobile service providers and hard sales data for online purchases. Finally, we gathered data only from seniors and so did not directly compare this group with the more general population in China. Therefore, evidence of a gray divide comes only from comparing the respondents in this study to groups from the general population in other citations and references. 5.3. Directions for Future Research Our sample of Chinese seniors exhibited relatively light IT use, like seniors in other countries (Bernadas et al., 2012; Fernández-Ardèvol & Arroyo, 2011; McMurtrey et al., 2013; Neves & Amaro, 2012). Respondents in this study do not use
  • 43. technology for very long and do not use it for a wide variety of tasks. Noteworthy for business organizations is that seniors are generally not buying online. Given that this population con- sisted of relatively well-off retirees (at least compared to rural seniors), the actual magnitude of any gray divide may be under- stated in this study. Despite these findings, however, there is much that is positive about seniors’ interactions with technol- ogy. For the most part, respondents owned cell phones and computers and used them, even if not for long periods. They had positive beliefs about technology, including their self-perceived ability to use the technology (self-efficacy), and were comfort- able using it. Such beliefs can be motivators for learning and using technology in the future. They also had positive attitudes toward technology, including a positive liking (affect), satisfac- tion with technology, and low anxiety about using it. Like the beliefs of self-efficacy and comfort, attitudes serve as predictors of future adoption and use. The findings of this study, therefore, reveal that these Chinese seniors have not really embraced IT but that they seem open to the possibilities. Further research is needed. Seniors from other areas within China’s sprawling population should be studied. Because other researchers, such as Wang et al. (2011) and Zhou et al. (2012), studied groups similar to our own sample (more educated and affluent than average), it may highlight the difficulty of study- ing a cross-section of all Chinese seniors. Those living in rural areas, and there are many, would seem to be particularly dif- ficult to include in studies such as our own. There likely are significant differences among divisions of Chinese senior popu- lations based on geography, community size, education level, and socioeconomic status. Although it may be impossible to fully map this population, other studies could help triangulate the status of technology adoption and use by seniors in China.
  • 44. This study examined adoption and use of two relatively broad categories of IT, cell phones, and computers. Other studies could further segment IT to conduct a more detailed analysis of IT adoption and use. For example, cell phones could be divided into smartphones and feature phones (plain cell phones), and those with and those without a data services. Likewise, computers include now more categories than just laptops and desktops. The basis for charges for mobile device airtime and data, as well as Internet access, should be examined in addition to the magnitude of said charges. Although studies based on the tech- nology acceptance model, or variations of the technology accep- tance model such as the senior technology acceptance model, address many factors that influence technology acceptance, and they have proven useful, they do not generally address eco- nomic factors that likely influence adoption and use, such as the cost of products and services. That is because the technol- ogy acceptance model was originally developed for application in work settings—acceptance of technology in the workplace. Economic realities often outweigh people’s wants, particularly when they live on fixed incomes as do many seniors, and every choice means giving up something else. For seniors, that which is forgone could be something like needed medication, or food, SENIORS AND INFORMATION TECHNOLOGY IN CHINA 141 which translate into high opportunity costs. Yang (2013) found that costs inhibited phone app adoption among young American college students, even though attitude and intent may have been favorable toward adoption. Seniors, like those college stu- dents, often have limited budgets, so it is reasonable that the costs associated with acquiring and using information technol-
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  • 55. population [Chinese]. Statistics Research, 8, 50–52. Yang, H. (2013). Bon Appétit for apps: Young American consumers acceptance of mobile applications. Journal of Computer Information Systems, 53(3), 85–96. Yu, T., & Chao, C. (2014). Assessing older adults’ information technology ability: The development of a multiple item scale. International Journal of Human–Computer Interaction, 30, 434–445. Zhang, X. (2007). Chinese digital divide report [Chinese]. E- Government, 11. Zhou, J., Rau, P. P., & Salvendy, G. (2012). Use and design of handheld com- puters for older adults: A review and appraisal. International Journal of Human–Computer Interaction, 28, 799–826. Zhou, J., Rau, P. P., & Salvendy, G. (2014). Older adults’ use of smart phones: An investigation of the factors influencing the acceptance of new functions. Behaviour & Information Technology, 33, 552–560. ABOUT THE AUTHORS Alexander N. Chen (PhD, Penn State University) is a professor of Management at the University of Central Arkansas. He has previously taught at Penn State Altoona, University of North Carolina at Pembroke, and Macau University of Science and Technology. He published in the areas of end users satisfaction, international business, and human resources.
  • 56. James P. Downey (PhD, Auburn University) is an associate professor and Chair of the MIS Department at the University of Central Arkansas. He spent 25 years as a naval officer, includ- ing a tour at the U.S. Naval Academy. He has presented his research at international conferences and is published in many journals. Ronald E. McGaughey (PhD, Auburn University) is the Acxiom Professor of MIS at the University of Central Arkansas. His research appears in many journals, including the European Journal of Operational Research, and he serves on numerous editorial boards. He has management experience in the textile, construction, and logging industries. Kan Jin graduated from the University of Central Arkansas MBA program in July 2013. He was a research assistant for A. Chen. Currently he works for the Academic Affairs Office of Zhejiang Radio and TV University, Hangzhou, Zhejiang Province, People’s Republic of China. http://ci-journal.net/index.php/ciej/article/view/800/904 http://www.pewInternet.org/Presentations/2013/Nov/The-State- of-Digital-Divides.aspx http://www.pewInternet.org/Presentations/2013/Nov/The-State- of-Digital-Divides.aspx Copyright of International Journal of Human-Computer Interaction is the property of Taylor & Francis Ltd and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. ABSTRACT1. INTRODUCTION2.
  • 57. BACKGROUNDBACKGROUND[]pdfmark=/DEST,linktype=an chor,View=/XYZ H.V,DestAnchor=S00023. METHODOLOGYMETHODOLOGY[]pdfmark=/DEST,linktype =anchor,View=/XYZ H.V,DestAnchor=S00034. RESULTSRESULTS[]pdfmark=/DEST,linktype=anchor,View=/ XYZ H.V,DestAnchor=S00044.1. Usage Comparison Between Cell Phones and Computers/LaptopsUsage Comparison Between Cell Phones and Computers/Laptops[]pdfmark=/DEST,linktype=anchor,View=/X YZ H.V,DestAnchor=S20014.2. Reasons and Purposes: Comparison Between Computers/Laptops and Cell PhonesReasons and Purposes: Comparison Between Computers/Laptops and Cell Phones[]pdfmark=/DEST,linktype=anchor,View=/XYZ H.V,DestAnchor=S20024.3. Beliefs and Attitudes Toward Cell Phones and Computers/LaptopsBeliefs and Attitudes Toward Cell Phones and Computers/Laptops[]pdfmark=/DEST,linktype=anchor,View=/X YZ H.V,DestAnchor=S20035. DISCUSSION, LIMITATIONS, AND DIRECTIONS FOR FUTURE RESEARCHDISCUSSION, LIMITATIONS, AND DIRECTIONS FOR FUTURE RESEARCH[]pdfmark=/DEST,linktype=anchor,View=/XYZ H.V,DestAnchor=S00055.1. DiscussionDiscussion[]pdfmark=/DEST,linktype=anchor,View= /XYZ H.V,DestAnchor=S20045.2. Limitations of This StudyLimitations of This Study[]pdfmark=/DEST,linktype=anchor,View=/XYZ H.V,DestAnchor=S20055.3. Directions for Future ResearchDirections for Future Research[]pdfmark=/DEST,linktype=anchor,View=/XYZ H.V,DestAnchor=S2006ORCIDORCID[]pdfmark=/DEST,linkty pe=anchor,View=/XYZ H.V,DestAnchor=S0006REFERENCESABOUT THE AUTHORS Intercultural Interview (75points)
  • 58. For this paper, you will be interviewing someone who you feel is culturally different from you. When choosing which culture/cultural differences to focus on, you should look at the various ways people construct their identities that are influenced by society and culture (see Chapter Four-Identity and Intercultural Communication). In your analysis, you should focus on these areas: • First, how does this person feel their self- concept/identity was developed on a more personal level (i.e. the beginning of Ch. 4)? How did reflected appraisal, significant others, and/or social comparison influence their self- concept/identity? • Second, how has their self-concept/identity been influenced by societal and/or cultural influences (the second part of Ch. 4)? Which of the identities we discussed do they feel they relate to the most? Why? Be specific/give examples. (Identities to consider: Gender, Sexual, Age, Racial/Ethnic, Physical Ability, Religious, Class, National, Regional. You are also welcome to discuss the ideas of minority/majority identity development, multiracial identity, global nomads and my “other” category in helping you to explain their point of view.) • Finally, how does this affect their worldview and/or communication with others? (Think back to how you answered this on your “Who Do You Think You Are?” paper to aid you in asking them about THEIR worldview and/or communication with others.) Be sure to make a clear link between what we have learned from class and how it relates to your analysis, using terms and concepts from the text, class lecture and class discussions. Each paper should have an appropriate introductory paragraph with a central idea expressed. The paper should also have an
  • 59. appropriate conclusion that sums up the paper. Finally, the paper should be free of errors, use correct grammar and spelling and be college level quality. Format: The paper should be a full 4-5 pages (1000-1250 words) (no shorter than 4 full pages/1000 words), double- spaced, 12-point font (Times New Roman, Cambria, Book Antiqua, Arial, or Calibri), and 1-inch margins, please. I do not need a cover page. If your only references are the book, I do not need a reference page. If you do use other sources, you should use APA format when citing in the text of the paper and on a reference page. Sloppy proofreading can cause you to receive a lower grade. Paper #2 Intercultural Interview (75 points) _______ 1. The paper is double-spaced, 12-point font (Times New Roman, Cambria, Book Antiqua, Arial, or Calibri), and 1-inch margins. (5 points) _______ 2. Punctuation, grammar and spelling are correct and reflect college-level writing skills. (5 points)
  • 60. _______ 3. The paper should be a full 4-5 pages (1000-1250 words) (no shorter than 4 full pages/1000 words), not including the reference page (if sources other than the book were used). (5 points) _______ 4. Quoted and/or paraphrased material is cited in APA format both in the text of the paper and on the Reference List (if applicable). (5 points) _______ 5. The paper contains a clear introduction (that previews what will be covered in the paper), a body that addresses the topic of the paper, and a conclusion that clearly summarizes the paper. (11 points) _______ 6. The paper is easy to follow, flows well and the ideas/assertions are discernible and tie together. The reader does not have to work to figure out the point of the paper or what the writer is trying to communicate. (14 points) _______ 7. The paper includes and elaborates on the concepts discussed in the textbook as it relates to the identity, worldview and communication behavior of the interviewee. Personal examples from the interviewee are elaborated on and there is a clear link to the concepts and terms we have discussed in class.(15 points)
  • 61. _______ 8. The concepts are defined correctly and used correctly in the context of the paper, exemplifying the student’s understanding of the coursework and how it applies to other contexts (i.e. what we’ve talked about throughout the chapter(s) can be applied to this and other everyday situations). (15 points) ___________/75