Foundations Of Computational Mathematics Minneapolis 2002 Felipe Cucker
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7. London Mathematical Society Lecture Note Series
Managing Editor:
Professor N.J. Hitchin,
Mathematical Institute, 24–29 St. Giles, Oxford OX1 3DP, UK
All the titles listed below can be obtained from good booksellers or from
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283. Nonlinear elasticity, R. Ogden & Y. Fu (eds)
284. Foundations of computational mathematics, R. DeVore, A. Iserles
& E. Suli (eds)
285. Rational points on curves over finite fields, H. Niederreiter &
C. Xing
286. Clifford algebras and spinors, 2nd edn, P. Lounesto
287. Topics on Riemann surfaces and Fuchsian groups, E. Bujalance,
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288. Surveys in combinatorics, 2001, J.W.P. Hirschfeld (ed)
289. Aspects of Sobolev-type inequalities, L. Saloffe-Coste
290. Quantum groups and Lie theory, A. Pressley
291. Tits buildings and the model theory of groups, K. Tent
292. A quantum groups primer, S. Majid
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295. Geometry and integrability, L. Mason & Y. Nutku (eds)
296. Lectures on invariant theory, I. Dolgachev
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298. Higher operads, higher categories, T. Leinster
299. Kleinian groups and hyperbolic 3-manifolds, Y. Komori,
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300. Introduction to Möbius differential geometry, U. Hertrich-Jeromin
301. Stable modules and the D(2)-problem, F.A.E. Johnson
302. Discrete and continuous nonlinear Schrödinger systems, M. Ablowitz,
B. Prinari & D. Trubatch
303. Number theory and algebraic geometry M. Reid & A. Skorobogatov
304. Groups St Andrews 2001 in Oxford vol. 1, C.M. Campbell,
E.F. Robertson & G.C. Smith (eds)
305. Groups St Andrews 2001 in Oxford vol. 2, C.M. Campbell,
E.F. Robertson & G.C. Smith (eds)
306. Peyresq lectures on geometric mechanics and symmetry, J. Montaldi
& T. Ratiu (eds)
307. Surveys in combinatorics, 2003, C.D. Wensley (ed)
308. Topology, geometry and quantum field theory, U.L. Tillmann (ed)
309. Corings and comodules, T. Brzezinski & R. Wisbauer
310. Topics in dynamics and ergodic theory, S. Bezuglyi & S. Kolyada
(eds)
311. Groups: topological, combinatorial and arithmetic aspects,
T.W. Müller (ed)
8. London Mathematical Society Lecture Note Series: 312
Foundations of Computational Mathematics:
Minneapolis, 2002
Edited by
Felipe Cucker
The City University of Hong Kong
Ron DeVore
University of South Carolina
Peter Olver
University of Minnesota
Endre Süli
University of Oxford
9. published by the press syndicate of the university of cambridge
The Pitt Building, Trumpington Street, Cambridge, United Kingdom
cambridge university press
The Edinburgh Building, Cambridge CB2 2RU, UK
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Cambridge University Press 2004
This book is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception
and to the provisions of relevant collective licensing agreements,
no reproduction of any part may take place without
the written permission of Cambridge University Press.
First published 2004
Printed in the United Kingdom at the University Press, Cambridge
Typeface Computer Modern 10/13pt System L
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A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library
Library of Congress Cataloguing in Publication data available
ISBN 0 521 54253 7 paperback
10. Contents
Preface page vii
1 Some Fundamental Issues R. DeVore 1
2 Jacobi Sets H. Edelsbrunner and J. Harer 37
3 Approximation of boundary element operators
S. Börm and W. Hackbusch 58
4 Quantum Complexity S. Heinrich 76
5 Straight-line Programs T. Krick 96
6 Numerical Solution of Structured Problems
T. Apel, V. Mehrmann, and D. Watkins 137
7 Detecting Infeasibility M.J. Todd 157
8 Maple Packages and Java Applets
I.M. Anderson 193
v
12. Preface
The Society for the Foundations of Computational Mathematics sup-
ports fundamental research in computational mathematics and its ap-
plications, interpreted in the broadest sense. As part of its endeavour
to promote research across a wide spectrum of subjects concerned with
computation, the Society regularly organises conferences and specialist
workshops which bring together leading researchers working in diverse
fields that impinge on various aspects of computation. Major conferences
of the Society were held in Park City (1995), Rio de Janeiro (1997),
Oxford (1999), and Minneapolis (2002).
The next FoCM conference will take place at the University of
Santander in Spain in July 2005. More information about FoCM is avail-
able from the website http://www.focm.net.
The conference in Minneapolis on 5-14 August 2002 was attended by
several hundred scientists. Workshops were held in eighteen fields which
included: the foundations of the numerical solution of partial differential
equations, geometric integration and computational mechanics, learning
theory, optimization, special functions, approximation theory, computa-
tional algebraic geometry, computational number theory, multiresolution
and adaptivity, numerical linear algebra, quantum computing, compu-
tational dynamics, geometrical modelling and animation, image and sig-
nal processing, stochastic computation, symbolic analysis, complexity
and information-based complexity theory. In addition to the workshops,
eighteen plenary lectures, concerned with a broad spectrum of topics
connected to computational mathematics, were delivered by some of
the world’s foremost researchers. This volume is a collection of articles,
based on the plenary talks presented at FoCM 2002. The topics covered
in the lectures — ranging from the applications of computational math-
ematics in geometry and algebra to optimization theory, from quantum
vii
13. viii Preface
complexity to the numerical solution of partial differential equations,
from numerical linear algebra to Morse theory — reflect the breadth of
research within computational mathematics as well as the richness and
fertility of interactions between seemingly unrelated branches of pure
and applied mathematics.
We hope that the volume will be of interest to researchers in the field
of computational mathematics but also to non-experts who wish to gain
insight into the state of the art in this active and significant field.
Like previous FoCM conferences, the Minneapolis gathering proved
itself as a unique meeting point of researchers in computational math-
ematics and of theoreticians in mathematics and in computer sciences.
While presenting plenary talks by foremost world authorities and main-
taining the highest technical level in the workshops, the emphasis, like
in Park City, Rio de Janeiro and Oxford, was on multidisciplinary in-
teraction across subjects and disciplines, in an informal and friendly
atmosphere. It is only fair to say that for many of us the opportunity of
meeting colleagues from different subject-areas and identifying the wide-
ranging, and often surprising, common denominator to our research was
a real journey of discovery.
We wish to express our gratitude to the local organisers and adminis-
trative staff of our hosts, the Institute of Mathematics and Its Applica-
tions and the Department of Mathematics at the University of Minnesota
at Minneapolis, for making FoCM 2002 such a success. We also wish to
thank the National Science Foundation, the Digital Technology Center
in Minneapolis, IBM, the Office of Naval Research, the Number Theory
Foundation and the American Institute of Mathematics for their gen-
erous sponsorship and support. Above all, however, we wish to express
our gratitude to all participants of FoCM 2002 for attending the meeting
and making it such an exciting, productive and scientifically stimulating
event.
14. 1
Some Fundamental Issues in Computational
Mathematics
Ronald DeVore
Department of Mathematics
University of South Carolina
Columbia, SC 29208
Email: devore@math.sc.edu
Abstract
We enter a discussion as to what constitutes the ‘foundations of compu-
tational mathematics’. While not giving a definition, we give examples
from image/signal processing and numerical computation where foun-
dational issues have helped to ‘correctly’ formulate problems and guide
their solution.
1.1 The question
While past chair of the organization Foundations of Computational
Mathematics (FOCM), I was frequently asked what is the meaning of
‘foundations of computational mathematics’. Most people understand
what computational mathematics is. So the question really centers
around the meaning of ‘foundations’ in this context. Even though I have
thought about this quite a while, I would not dare to try to give a precise
definition of foundations – I am sure it would be picked apart. However,
I would like in this presentation to give some examples where the ad-
herence to fundamental questions has helped to shape the formulation
of computational issues and more importantly contributed to their so-
lution. The examples I choose in signal/image processing and numerical
methods for PDEs are of course related to my own research. I am sure
0 This work has been supported by the Office of Naval Research Contract Nr. N0014-
91-J1343, the Army Research Office Contract Nr. DAAD 19-02-1-0028, and the
National Science Foundation Grant DMS0221642.
1
15. 2 R. DeVore
there are many other stories of the type I put forward that are waiting
to be told.
The first of the three examples that I will discuss is that of image
compression. This subject has grown rapidly over the last decade with
an important infusion of ideas from mathematics especially the theories
of wavelets and nonlinear approximation. The main topic to be addressed
here is how we can decide which algorithms for compression are optimal.
A somewhat related topic will concern Analog to Digital (A/D) con-
version of signals. This is an area that is important in consumer electron-
ics. The story here centers around trying to understand why engineers
do A/D conversion in the way they do, which by the way is very coun-
terintuitive to what a first mathematical analysis would suggest.
Finally, I discuss adaptive methods for solving PDEs. This is an ex-
tremely important area of numerical computation in our quest to solve
large problems to higher and higher resolution. The question to be an-
swered is how can we know when an adaptive method is optimal in its
performance.
1.2 Image compression
Digital signal processing has revolutionized the storage and transmission
of audio and video signals as well as still images, in consumer electronics
and in more scientific settings (such as medical imaging). The main
advantage of digital signal processing is its robustness: although all the
operations have to be implemented with, of necessity, not quite ideal
hardware, the a priori knowledge that all correct outcomes must lie in a
very restricted set of well separated numbers makes it possible to recover
them by rounding off appropriately.
Every day, millions of digitized images are created, stored, and trans-
mitted over the Internet or using other mediums. A grey scale image
is an array (matrix) of pixel values. It is already important to have a
mathematical model for what these pixel values represent. We shall view
the pixel array as arising in the following fashion. We have a light inten-
sity function f defined on a continuum Ω. For simplicity we assume that
Ω := [0, 1]2
and that f takes values in [0, 1) (the latter can be achieved
by simple renormalization). Digitization corresponds to two operations:
averaging and quantization. We take a tiling of Ω into squares Q and
associate to each square Q the average intensity
fQ :=
1
|Q|
I
f(x) dx,
16. 1. Some Fundamental Issues 3
where |Q| denotes the Lebesgue measure of Q. The pixel values pQ are
derived from the numbers fQ ∈ [0, 1) by quantization. We write fQ in
its binary expansion
fQ =
∞
j=1
bj(fQ)2−j
and define the pixel value pQ :=
m
j=1 bj(fQ)2−j
. Typical choices of m
are m = 8 (one byte per pixel) or m = 16. The array I := I(f) := (pQ)
of pixel values is a digitization of f. The accuracy at which I resolves f
depends on the fineness of the tiling and the accuracy of the quantization
(i.e. size of m). We do not really know f. We only see it through the
digitized image I(f). In practice, the pixel values pQ are corrupted by
noise but we shall ignore this in our discussion since we are aiming in a
different direction.
We see that a digitized image in its raw form is described by mN bits
where N is the number of squares in the tiling. Lossy compression seeks
to significantly reduce this number of bits used to represent f at the
expense of some loss in the fidelity of resolution. Hopefully, this loss of
fidelity is not perceptible. There are two parts to a lossy compression
scheme. The encoder assigns to each pixel array I a bitstream B(I). A
decoder gives the recipe for changing any given bitstream B back into a
pixel array. After encoding and then decoding the resulting pixel values
p̄Q will generally not be the same as the original pQ. Some fidelity is lost.
One can imagine, given the practical importance of the compression
problem, that there are a ton of encoding/decoding schemes. How can
one decide from this myriad of choices which is the best? Engineers have
introduced a number called the PSNR (Peak Signal to Noise Ratio)
which measures the performance of a given encoding/decoding on a
given digitized image I. It is not necessary to give its precise definition
here but simply mention that it measures the least squares distortion
((#I)−1
Q[pQ − p̄Q]2
)1/2
as a function of the number of bits. Here
#(I) is the number of pixels. A new encoding scheme is tested by its
performance (PSNR) on a few test images – the Lena image being the
most widely used.
Now, there is a fundamental question here. Should the quality of a
compression algorithm be determined by its PSNR performance on a
few test images? Given a collection of 2k
images, we can encode them
all with k bits per image by simply enumerating them in binary. So on
a mathematical level this test of performance is quite unsatisfactory.
What has any of this to do with “foundations of computational
mathematics”. Well, we cannot have a decidable competition among
17. 4 R. DeVore
compression algorithms without a clear and precise formulation of the
compression problem. This is a foundations question that rests on two
issues that we must clarify. The first is the metric we are going to use
to compare two images (for example, the original and the compressed
image). The second is the class of images we wish to compress. We shall
briefly discuss these issues.
1.2.1 The metric
We have already mentioned the PSNR which is based on the 2 metric.
In our view of images as functions, this corresponds to the L2(Ω) func-
tion metric. Is this the obvious choice? By no means. This choice seems
to be more a matter of convenience and tradition. It is easy to solve
optimization problems in the L2 metric.
Certainly the choice of metric must depend on the intended applica-
tion. In some targeted applications such as feature extraction and image
registration, the least squares metric is clearly not appropriate and is
better replaced by metrics such as L∞ or maximum gradient.
Most compression is directed at producing visually pleasing images
which cannot be distinguished from the original by the human eye. Thus,
we can speak about the metric of the human visual system. The prob-
lem is that this vague notion is useless mathematically. Our goal would
be to derive a mathematical metric which is a good model for the hu-
man visual system. There are some mathematical models for human
vision which may be useful in directing our pursuit but little is agreed
upon.
So, at this stage, we are left with using simple mathematical metrics
such as the Lp(Ω) norms, 0 p ≤ ∞, or certain smoothness norms.
The point we wish to make here is not so much as to which metric is
better but rather that any serious mathematical comparison of compres-
sion algorithms must at the outset agree on the metric used to measure
distortion. Once this is decided we can go further.
1.2.2 Model classes of images
Once we have chosen a mathematical metric in which to measure
distance between images, the question turns to describing the class of
images that we wish to compress. This is a subject that spurs many
interesting debates. We will touch on this only briefly and in a very
prejudicial way.
18. 1. Some Fundamental Issues 5
There are two main models for images: the stochastic and the deter-
ministic. Stochastic models are deeply embedded in the engineering and
information theory communities influenced in a large part by Shannon’s
theory for optimal encoding. Deterministic models take the view we have
presented of an image as a function defined on a continuum. We have
begun by assuming only that an image is a bounded function. This is
too broad of a class of functions to serve as the description of the images
we wish to compress. Images have more structure.
One deterministic view of an image function f is that it is a sum
of fundamental components corresponding to edges, texture, and noise.
For example the famous model of Mumford and Shah [17] views the
image as a sum f = u + v of a component u of Bounded Variation
(BV) and a component v in L2. The component u is not an arbitrary
BV function but rather has gradient given by a measure supported on a
one dimensional set (corresponding to the edges in the image) and an L1
part (corresponding to smooth regions in the image). The L2 component
v captures deviations from this model.
There are many variants of the Mumford–Shah model. These are beau-
tifully described in the lecture notes of Meyer [14] – a must read. We
wish to pick up on only one point of Meyer’s exposition. Even when one
settles on the functional nature of the two components u and v in the
image, there are infinitely many ways to write f = u + v depending on
how much energy one wishes to put in each of these components. This
is completely analogous to K-functional decompositions used in proving
theorems on interpolation of operators. One needs to look at this totality
of all such decompositions to truly understand f. For example, consider
the case where we simply look for decompositions of f = u + v where
u ∈ BV and v ∈ L2. We can give a quantitative description of these
decompositions through the K-functional
K(f, t) := K(f, t; L2, BV) := inf
f=u+v
vL2
+ t|u|BV, t 0, (1.1)
where the | · |BV is the BV seminorm. For any fixed t 0, the optimal
decomposition in (1.1) tries to balance the two terms. Thus for t small
it puts more energy into the BV component and less into the L2 com-
ponent. The rate of decrease in K(f, t) as t → 0 tells how nice f is with
respect to this model.
The role of the K-functional is to distinguish between images.
Certainly some images are more complex than others and more apt to
be more difficult to compress. The rate at which a K-functional tends to
19. 6 R. DeVore
0 as t → 0 measures this complexity. Thus, we can use the K-functional
to separate images into classes Kα which are compact sets in our chosen
metric. When classical metrics such as Lp norms are used, then these
classes correspond to finite balls in smoothness spaces. In other words,
using appropriate K-functionals, we can obtain a strata of image classes
Kα reflecting the complexity of images.
1.2.3 Optimal encoding and Kolmogorov entropy
Suppose now that we have decided on the metric to be used to measure
the distortion between two images and suppose we also have our model
classes Kα for the classification of images. We shall assume that the
metric is given by a quasi-norm · := · X on a topological linear
space X. Each of the sets K = Kα is assumed to be a compact subset
in the topology given by · .
Recall that an encoder E for K is a mapping that sends each f ∈ K
into a bitstream B(f) := BE(f). Associated to E is a decoder D which
takes any bitstream B and associates to it an element DB from X.
Thus given f ∈ K, ¯
f := DEf = D(BE(f)) is the compressed image
given by this encoding-decoding pair. This means that the distortion in
the performance of this encoding on a given f is
dE(f) := f − ¯
f = f − DEf. (1.2)
Of course, we are interested in the performance of this encoding not on
just one element f ∈ K but on the entire class. This leads us to define
the distortion for the class K by
dE(K) := sup
f∈K
dE(f). (1.3)
This distortion also depends on the decoder which we do not indi-
cate. (One could become more specific here by always choosing for the
given encoder E and set K the best decoder in the sense of minimiz-
ing the distortion (1.2).) To measure the complexity of the encoding we
use
#(E) := #(E(K)) := sup
f∈K
#(B(f)) (1.4)
which is the maximum number of bits that E assigns to any of the
elements of K.
We are interested in a competition among encoders/decoders to deter-
mine the optimal possible encoding of these classes. Suppose that we are
20. 1. Some Fundamental Issues 7
given a bit budget n; this means we are willing to allocate a maximum
of n bits in the encoding of any of the elements of K. Then,
dn(K) := inf
#(E)≤n
dE(K) (1.5)
is the minimal distortion that can be obtained for the class K with this
bit budget n.
There is a mathematical description, called Kolmogorov entropy, that
completely determines the optimal performance that is possible for an
encoding of a given class K. Since K is compact in · , for any given
there is a collection of balls B(fi, ), i = 1, . . . , N, of radius centered
at fi ∈ X, such that
K ⊂
N
i=1
B(fi, ). (1.6)
The smallest number N(K) of balls that provide such a cover is called
the covering number of K. The Kolmogorov entropy of K (in the topol-
ogy of X) is then given by
H(K) := log N(K) (1.7)
where here and later log always refers to the logarithm to the base 2.
We fix K and think of H(K) is a function of . It gives a measure of the
massivity of K. The slower H(K) tends to infinity as → 0 the more
thin is the set K.
We can reverse the roles of and the entropy H(K). Namely, given
a positive integer n, let
n(K) := inf{ : H(K) ≤ n}. (1.8)
The n(K) are called the entropy numbers of K; they tend to zero as
n → ∞. The faster they tend to zero, the smaller the set K. Notice that
an asymptotic behavior H(K) = O(−1/α
) is equivalent to n(K) =
O(n−α
).
The two notions of optimal distortion and entropy numbers are iden-
tical:
n(K) = dn(K). (1.9)
The proof is easy. Suppose E is an optimal encoder using n bits (if
no such optimal encoder exists one modifies the following argument
slightly). For each bitstream B = B(f), f ∈ K, let fB := D(B) which is
an element of X. Then, taking = dn(K), we have f ∈ B(fB, ). Since
21. 8 R. DeVore
there are at most 2n
distinct bitstreams B(f), f ∈ K, we obtain that
H ≤ n and hence n(K) ≤ = dn(K). We can reverse this inequality
as follows. Suppose that n is given and = n(K). We assume that
H(K) ≤ n. (We actually only know Hρ(K) ≤ n for all ρ so that
our assumption is not necessarily valid but we can easily modify the
argument when n(K) is not attained.) Let B(fi, ), i = 1, . . . , H(K),
be a minimal covering for K with balls of radius . We associate to each
i the binary bits in the binary representation of i. We define the encoder
E as follows. If f ∈ K, we choose a ball B(fi, ) that contains f (this is
possible because these balls cover K) and we assign to f the bits in the
binary representation of i. The decoder takes the bitstream, calculates
the integer i which has these bits in its binary expansion, and assigns
the decoded element to be the center of the ball Bi. This encoding has
distortion ≤ = n(K) and so we have dn(K) ≤ n(K).
The above discussion shows that the construction of an optimal en-
coder with distortion for the set K is the same as finding a minimal
covering for K by balls of radius . Unfortunately, such coverings are
usually impossible to find. For this reason, and others illuminated be-
low, this approach is not very practical for encoding. On the other hand,
it gives us a benchmark for the performance of encoders. If we could find
an encoder which is nearly optimal for all the classes K of interest to us,
then we could rest assured that we have done the job in the context in
which we have framed the problem. We shall discuss in the next section
how one could construct an encoder with these properties for a large
collection of compact sets in standard metrics like Lp, 1 ≤ p ≤ ∞.
1.2.4 Wavelet bases and compact subsets of Lp
A set K is compact in Lp provided that the modulus of smoothness
ω(f, t)p := sup
|h|≤t
∆h(f, ·)Lp(Ω), t 0 (1.10)
for all of the elements f ∈ K have a continuous majorant ωK
sup
f∈K
ω(f, t)p ≤ ωK(t) (1.11)
where ωK(0) = 0. The rate at which ωK tends to zero at 0 measures the
compactness of K. Thus the natural compact sets in Lp are described
by common smoothness conditions. This leads to the Sobolev and Besov
smoothness spaces. For example, the Besov spaces are defined by con-
ditions on the higher order moduli of smoothness of f ∈ Lp. We denote
22. 1. Some Fundamental Issues 9
these Besov spaces by Bs
q (Lp(Ω)) where p is the Lp space in which we are
measuring smoothness. The parameter s 0 gives the order of smooth-
ness much like the number of derivatives. The parameter 0 q ≤ ∞ is
a fine tuning parameter which makes subtle distinctions between these
spaces. We do not make a precise description of these spaces at this
juncture but we shall give a description of these spaces in a moment
using wavelet bases.
The reader is probably by now quite familiar with wavelet bases. We
shall limit ourselves to a few remarks which will serve to describe our
notation. When working on the domain R, a wavelet basis is given by
the shifted dilates ψλ := ψ(2j
· −k), λ = (j, k), of one fixed function
ψ. When moving to Rd
, one needs the shifted dilates of a collection ψe
of 2d
− 1 functions; the parameter e is usually indexed on the set E of
nonzero vertices of the unit cube [0, 1]d
. Thus the wavelets are indexed
by three parameters λ = (j, k, e) indicated frequency (j), location (k)
and type (e). When working on a finite domain, two adjustments need to
be made. The first is that the range of j is from j0 ≤ j ∞. The coarsest
level j = j0 corresponds to scaling functions; all other j correspond to
the actual wavelets. For notational convenience, we shall take j0 = 0 in
what follows. The second adjustment is that near the boundary some
massaging has to be made in defining ψλ.
Thus, a wavelet basis on a finite domain Ω in Rd
is a collection Ψ =
{ψλ : λ ∈ J } of functions ψλ. The indices λ encode scale, spatial location
and the type of the wavelet ψλ. We will denote by |λ| the scale associated
with ψλ. We shall only consider compactly supported wavelets, i.e., the
supports of the wavelets scale as follows
Sλ := supp ψλ, c02−|λ|
≤ diam Sλ ≤ C02−|λ|
, (1.12)
with c0 and C0 0 absolute constants. The index set J has the follow-
ing structure J = Jφ ∪ Jψ where Jφ is finite and indexes the scaling
functions on the fixed coarsest level 0. Jψ indexes the “true wavelets”
ψλ with |λ| 0. From compactness of the supports we know that at
each level, the set Jj := {λ ∈ J : |λ| = j} is finite. In fact, one has
#Jj ∼ 2jd
with constants depending on the underlying domain.
There is a natural tree structure associated to wavelet bases. A node
in this tree corresponds to all λ = (j, k, e), e ∈ E, with j, k fixed. In the
case the domain is Rd
, each such node has 2d
children corresponding
to the indices (j + 1, 2(k + e)) where e ∈ {0, 1}d
. In other words, the
children all occur on the next dyadic level. In the case of Haar functions,
the supports of the wavelets corresponding to children are contained
23. 10 R. DeVore
in those corresponding to a given parent. This is modified on domains
because only some of the indices are used on the domain.
Wavelet bases have many remarkable properties. The first that we
want to pick up on is that Ψ is an unconditional basis for many function
spaces X. Consider first the case that X = L2(Ω). Then every f ∈ L2(Ω)
has a unique expansion f =
fλψλ and there exist some constants c
and C independent of f such that
c(fλ)λ∈J 2
≤
λ∈J
fλψλL2(Ω) ≤ C(fλ)λ∈J 2
. (1.13)
In the case of Lp spaces, p = 2, the norm fLp(Ω) is not so direct and
must be made through the square function. However, if we normalize
the basis in Lp, ψλLp(Ω) = 1, then the space Bp of functions f =
λ∈J fλψλ satisfying
fBp
:= (fλ)p
(1.14)
is very close to Lp(Ω) and can be used as a poor man’s substitute in many
instances. By the way, Bp is an example of a Besov space Bp = B0
p(Lp)
where the smoothness order is zero.
Besov spaces in general have a simple description in terms of wavelet
coefficients. If f =
λ∈J fλψλ with the ψλ normalized in Lp, ψλLp(Ω) =
1, then
hBs
q (Lp(Ω)) :=
∞
j=0 2jsq
|λ|=j |fλ|p
q/p 1/q
, 0 q ∞,
supj≥0 2js
|λ|=j |fλ|p
1/p
, q = ∞.
(1.15)
Suppose that we fix 1 ≤ p ≤ ∞ and agree to measure the distortion
of images in the Lp(Ω) norm. Which of the Besov spaces are embedded
in Lp(Ω) and which are compactly embedded? This is easily answered
by the Sobolev embedding theorem. The unit ball of the Besov space
Bs
q (Lτ (Ω)) is a compact subset if and only if 1
τ s
d − 1
p . Notice that
this condition does not depend on q. When 1
τ = s
d − 1
p (the so-called
critical line in the Sobolev embedding) then the Besov space Bs
q (Lτ (Ω))
is embedded in Lp(Ω) for small enough q but these embeddings are not
compact.
24. 1. Some Fundamental Issues 11
1.2.5 Near optimal encoding in Lp, 1 ≤ p ≤ ∞
Let us fix the metric of interest to us to be one of the Lp norms with
1 ≤ p ≤ ∞. If we derive metrics that seem better measures of distortion
for images then we would try to repeat the exercise of this section for
these metrics.
We seek an encoder E with the following properties. First the encoder
should be applicable to any function in Lp; such an encoder is said to
be universal. We would like the encoder to give an infinite bitstream;
giving more bits from the infinite bitsream would give a finer resolution
of f. Such an encoder is called progressive. Finally, we would like the
encoder to be near optimal for the compact sets that are unit balls of
the Besov spaces in the following sense. If Enf denotes the first n bits
of Ef, then we would like that for each such compact set K we have
DnEnf − fLp(Ω) ≤ CKn(K), f ∈ K, n = 1, 2, . . . , (1.16)
with CK a constant depending only on K. This means that for these
compact sets the encoder performs (save for the constant CK) as well as
any encoder.
It is quite amazing that there is a simple construction of encoders
with these three desirable properties using wavelet decompositions. To
describe these encoders, it is useful to keep in mind the case when the
metric is L2 and the wavelet basis is an orthonormal system. The general
case follows the same principles but the proofs are not as transparent.
Suppose then that X = L2(Ω) and f ∈ X with fX ≤ 1 has an
orthogonal wavelet expansion f =
λ∈J fλψλ. To start the encoding,
we would like to choose a few terms from this wavelet expansion which
best represent f. The best choice we can make is to choose the largest
terms since the remainder is always the sum of squares of the remaining
coefficients.
Suppose η 0 and Λη := Λη(f) := {λ : |fλ| ≥ η} is the set of coeffi-
cients obtained by thresholding the wavelet coefficients at the threshold
η. Note that Λη = ∅ when η 1. We would like to encode the infor-
mation about the set Λη and the coefficients fλ, λ ∈ Λη. There are two
issues to overcome. The first is that it is necessary to encode the posi-
tions of the indices in Λη. At first glance, these positions could occur
anywhere which would cost possibly an arbitrarily large bit budget to
encode them. But it turns out that for the sets K on which we want
optimality of the encoding, namely K a unit ball of a Besov space, these
positions align themselves at low frequencies. In fact, it can be proved [5]
that whenever f ∈ K one can find a tree T which contains Λη and is of
25. 12 R. DeVore
comparable size to Λη. This motivates us to define for each f ∈ L2(Ω),
Tη = Tη(f) as the smallest tree which contains Λη(f). What we gain in
going to a tree structure (which could be avoided at the expense of more
complications and less elegance) is that it is easy to encode the positions
of a tree using at most 2#(Tη) bits. Indeed, one simply encodes the tree
from its roots by assigning a bit 1 if the child of a current member λ of
Tη is in Tη and zero otherwise; see [6, 5] for details.
The second issue to overcome is how to encode the coefficients fλ for
λ ∈ Tη. To encode just one real number we need an infinite number
of bits. The way around this is the idea of quantization. In the present
context, the (scalar) quantization is easy. Any real number y with |y| ≤ 1
has a binary representation
y = (−1)s(y)
∞
i=0
bi(y)2−i
(1.17)
with the bi(y) ∈ {0, 1} and the sign bit s(y) defined as 0 if y 0 and 1
otherwise. Receiving the bits s(f), b0(f), . . . , bm(f), we can approximate
y by the partial sum ȳ = (−1)s(y)
m
i=0 bi(y)2−i
with accuracy
|y − ȳ| ≤ 2−m
. (1.18)
We apply this quantization to the coefficients fλ, λ ∈ Tη. How should
we choose m? Well in keeping with the strategy for thresholding, we
would only want the residual y − ȳ to be under the threshold η. Thus,
if η = 2−k
, we would choose the quantization so that m = k.
There is only one other thing to note before we define our encoding.
If η is a current threshold level and η
η is a new threshold then the
tree Tη is a growing of the tree Tη. Keeping this in mind, let us take
thresholds ηk = 2−k
, k = 0, 1, . . . and obtain the corresponding trees
Tk
:= Tηk
, k = 0, 1, . . . . To each f ∈ L2(Ω), we assign the following
bitstream:
P0(f), S0(f), B0(f), P1(f), S1(f), B1(f), B1,0(f), . . . (1.19)
Here, P0(f) denotes the bits needed to encode the positions in the tree
T0
(f). The bits S0(f) are the sign bits of the coefficients corresponding
to indices in T0
(f). The set B0(f) gives the first bits b0(fλ) of the
coefficients fλ corresponding to the λ ∈ T0
. When we advance k to the
value 1, we assign in P1 the bits needed to encode the new positions, i.e.
the positions in T1
T0
. Then S1(f) are the sign bits for the coefficients
corresponding to these new positions. The bits B1(f) are the b1 bits
(which correspond to 2−1
in the binary expansion) of the coefficients
26. 1. Some Fundamental Issues 13
corresponding to these new positions. Note that each new coefficient has
absolute value ≤ 1/2 so the bit b0 = 0 for these coefficients. The set
B1,0(f) gives the second bit (i.e. the b1 bit) in the binary expansion of
the fλ, λ ∈ T0
. The reason we add these bits is so that each coefficient,
whether it is from T0
or T1
is resolved to the same accuracy (i.e. accuracy
1/2 at this stage). The process continues as we increase k. We send
position bits to identify the new positions, a sign bit and a lead bit for
each coefficient corresponding to a new position, and then one bit from
the binary expansion of all the old positions.
We denote by E the mapping which takes a given f ∈ L2(Ω) into the
bitstream (1.19). For each k ≥ 0, we let Ek be the encoder obtained
from E by truncating at stage k. Thus Ek(f) is the finite bitstream
P0(f), S0(f), B0(f), . . . , Pk(f), Sk(f), Bk(f), Bk,0(f), . . . , Bk,k−1(f)
(1.20)
Let us say a few words about the decoding of such a bitstream. When a
receiver obtains a bitstream of the form (1.20), he knows the first bits will
give the positions of a tree of wavelet indices. From the form of the tree
encoding, he will know when the bits of P0 have ended; see [5]. At this
stage he knows the number of elements in the tree T0
. He therefore knows
the next #(T0
) bits will give the signs of the corresponding coefficients
and the following #(T0
) bits will be the binary bits for position 0 in the
binary expansion of each of these coefficients. Then, the process repeats
itself at level 1.
The encoder E has all of the properties we want. It is universal, i.e.
defined for each f ∈ L2(Ω). It is progressive: as we receive more bits
we get a finer resolution of f. Finally it is near optimal in the following
sense. If K is the unit ball of any of the Besov spaces which are compactly
embedded into L2(Ω), then for any k the encoder Ek is near optimal in
the sense of (1.16).
While we have discussed the encoder E in the context of measuring
distortion in L2, the same ideas apply when distortion is measured in
Lp for any 1 ≤ p ≤ ∞. The only alteration necessary is to work with
the wavelet decomposition with wavelets normalized in Lp(Ω) which of
course alters the coefficients as well.
1.3 Analog to Digital (A/D) conversion
As we have previously observed, the digital format is preferred for rep-
resenting signals because of its robustness. However, many signals are
27. 14 R. DeVore
not digital but rather analog in nature; audio signals, for instance, cor-
respond to functions f(t), modeling rapid pressure oscillations, which
depend on the “continuous” time t (i.e. t ranges over R or an interval
in R, and not over a discrete set), and the range of f typically also fills
an interval in R. For this reason, the first step in any digital processing
of such signals must consist in a conversion of the analog signal to the
digital world, usually abbreviated as A/D conversion. Note that at the
end of the chain, after the signal has been processed, stored, retrieved,
transmitted, . . . , all in digital form, it needs to be reconverted to an
analog signal that can be understood by a human hearing system; we
thus need a D/A conversion there.
There are many proposed algorithms for A/D conversion. As in our
discussion the last section, we would like to understand how we could
decide which of these algorithms is optimal for encoding/decoding. As in
that case, we have two initial issues: determine the metric to be used to
measure distortion and the class of signals that are to be encoded. The
metric issue is quite similar to that for images except now the human
visual system is replaced by the human auditory system. In fact such
considerations definitely play a role in the design of good algorithms
but as of yet we are aware of no mathematical metric which is used to
model the auditory system in the mathematical analysis of the encoding
problem. The two metrics usually utilized in distortion analysis are the
L2(R) and L∞(R) norms.
Concerning model classes for auditory signals, it is customary to model
audio signals by bandlimited functions, i.e. functions f ∈ L2
(R) for which
the Fourier transform
ˆ
f(ξ) =
1
√
2π
∞
−∞
f(t)e−iξt
dt
vanishes outside an interval |ξ| ≤ Ω. The bandlimited model is justified
by the observation that for the audio signals of interest to us, observed
over realistic intervals time intervals [−T, T], χ|ξ|Ω(χ|t|≤T f)∧
2 is neg-
ligible compared with χ|ξ|≤Ω(χ|t|≤T f)∧
2 for Ω 2π · 20, 000 Hz.
So in proceeding further, let us agree that we shall use either the L2
or L∞ metric and the class of functions we shall consider are those that
are bounded and bandlimited. We define S to be the collection of all
functions in L2 ∩ L∞ whose L2 norm is ≤ 1 and L∞ norm is ≤ a 1
with a 0 fixed and whose Fourier transform vanishes outside of [−π, π].
The choice of a and π are arbitrary; indeed given any f ∈ L2 ∩L∞ which
is bandlimited, we can dilate f and then multiply by a constant to arrive
28. 1. Some Fundamental Issues 15
at an element of S. Thus any encoders derived for S can easily be applied
to general f.
The class S has a lot of structure. There is a well-known sampling
theorem that says that any function f ∈ S is completely determined by
its values on Z. Indeed, we can recover f from the formula
f(t) =
n∈Z
f(n)
sin(t − n)
(t − n)
=
n∈Z
f(n)sinc(t − n) . (1.21)
This formula is usually referred to as the Shannon-Whitaker formula.
The sampling rate of 1 (called the Nyquist rate) arises because ˆ
f vanishes
outside of [−π, π]. The sinc functions appearing on the right side of
(1.21) form an orthonormal system in L2. Changing the support interval
from [−π, π] to [−Aπ, Aπ] would correspond to Nyquist sampling rate
of 1/A.
The proof of (1.21) is simple and instructive. We can write
ˆ
f = F · χ (1.22)
where F :=
k∈Z f(·+2kπ) is the periodization of ˆ
f and χ is the charac-
teristic function of [−π, π]. The Fourier coefficients of F are F̂(n) = f(n)
and so F =
n∈Z f(n)einω
. Substituting that into (1.22) and inverting
the Fourier transform we obtain (1.21) because the inverse Fourier trans-
form of χ is the sinc function.
With the formula (1.21) in hand, it seems that our quest for an optimal
encoder is a no brainer. We should simply quantize the Nyquist samples
f(n). Given a real number y ∈ (−1, 1), we can write as before
y = (−1)s(y)
∞
i=1
bi(y)2−i
(1.23)
where (−1)s(y)
, s(y) ∈ {0, 1}, is the sign of y and the bi are the binary
bits of |y|. If we pick a number m 0, the quantized values
ȳ = (−1)s(y)
m
i=1
bi(y)2−i
(1.24)
can be described by m bits and |y − ȳ| ≤ 2−m
. If we apply this to
the samples f(n), n ∈ Z, we have an encoding of f that uses m bits
per Nyquist sample. Encoders built on this simple idea are called Pulse
Code Modulation (PCM). However, they are not the encoders of choice
in A/D conversion. Our excursion into this topic in this section is to
29. 16 R. DeVore
understand why this is the case. Can we explain mathematically why
engineers do not prefer PCM and better yet to explain the advantages
of what they do prefer.
To begin the story, we have to dig a bit deeper into what we really
mean by an encoding of a signal. The formula (1.21) requires an infinite
number of samples to recover f and therefore apparently an infinite
number of bits. Of course, we cannot compute, store, or transmit an
infinite bitstream. But fortunately, we only want to recover f on a finite
time interval which we shall take to be [0, T]. Even then, the contribution
of samples far away from [0, T] is large. Indeed, if we incur a fixed error
δ in representing each sample, then the total error on [0, T] is possibly
infinite since the sinc functions decay so slowly:
n∈Z |sinc(t−n)| = ∞.
There is a way around this by sampling the function f at a slightly
higher rate. Let λ 1 and let gλ be a C∞
function such that ĝλ = 1 on
[−π, π] and ĝλ vanishes outside of [−λπ, λπ]. Returning to our derivation
of (1.21), using ĝλ in place of χ, we obtain the representation
f(t) =
1
λ
n∈Z
f
n
λ
gλ t −
n
λ
. (1.25)
Because g is smooth with fast decay, this series now converges absolutely
and uniformly; moreover if the f n
λ
is replaced by
fn = f n
λ
+ εn in
(1.25), with |εn| ε, then the difference between the approximation
f(x) and f(x) can be bounded uniformly:
|f(t) −
f(t)| ≤ ε
1
λ
n∈Z
g t −
n
λ
≤ εCg (1.26)
where Cg = λ−1
g
L1 + gL1 does not depend on T. Oversampling
thus buys the freedom of using reconstruction formulas, like (1.25), that
weigh the different samples in a much more localized way than (1.21)
(only the f n
λ
with
t − n
λ
“small” contribute significantly). In prac-
tice, it is customary to sample audio signals at a rate that is about 10 or
20% higher than the Nyquist rate; for high quality audio, a traditional
sampling rate is 44,000 Hz.
One can show that the above idea of sampling slightly higher than the
Nyquist rate and then quantizing the samples using binary expansion
peforms at the Kolmogorov entropy rate for the class S (at least when
T is large). This was first proved in [13] and later repeated in [10]. We
spare the details and refer the reader to either of these two papers. So it
seems now that the matter of encoding is closed by using such a modified
PCM encoding. But I have surprising news: engineers do not prefer this
30. 1. Some Fundamental Issues 17
method in practice. In fact they prefer another class of encoders known
as Sigma Delta Modulation which we shall describe below. The mystery
we still want to uncover is why they prefer these methods.
To explain the Sigma-Delta story, we return to the idea of oversam-
pling which is at the heart of these encoders. We have seen the benefits
of slight oversampling: sampling slightly higher than the Nyquist rate
and giving several bits for each sample performs at Kolmogorov entropy
rates. Sigma-Delta encoders go to the other extreme. They sample at a
rate λ 1 which is very large but then allot only one bit to each sample.
Thus, to each sample f(n
λ ) they assign a single bit qλ
n ∈ {−1, 1}. On the
surface this is very counter intuitive. If we think of that one bit as giving
an approximation to the sample f(n
λ ) then we cannot do very well. In
fact the best we can do is give the sign of the sample. But the Sigma-
Delta encoders do not do this. Rather, they make their bit assignment
to f(n
λ ) based on the past samples f(m
λ ), m n, and the bits that have
already been assigned to them.
Let us describe this in more detail by considering the simplest of
these encoders. We introduce an auxiliary sequence (un)n∈Z (sometimes
described as giving the “internal state” of the Sigma-Delta encoder)
iteratively defined by
un = un−1 + f
n
λ
− qλ
n
qλ
n = sign un−1 + f
n
λ
,
(1.27)
and with an “initial condition” u0 = 0. The qλ
n are the single bit we
assign to each sample. In circuit implementation, the range of n in (1.27)
is n ≥ 1. However, for theoretical reasons, we view (1.27) as defining
the un and qn for all n. At first glance, this means the un are defined
implicitly for n 0. However, it is possible to write un and qn directly
in terms of un+1 and fn+1 when n 0; see [9].
The role of the auxiliary sequence (un) is to track the difference be-
tween the running sums of the f(n
λ ) and those of the qλ
n. It is easy to
see that the choice for qλ
n used in (1.27) keeps the difference of these
running sums to be ≤ 1. For this, one proves simply by induction that
the |un| ≤ 1, for all n ∈ Z.
Of course, we need to describe how we decode the bit stream qλ
n. For
this we use (1.25) with f(n
λ ) replaced by qλ
n:
¯
f :=
1
λ
n∈Z
qλ
ngλ(n −
n
λ
). (1.28)
31. 18 R. DeVore
At this point, we have no information about the accuracy at which ¯
f
represents f. However, simple estimates are available using summation
by parts. For any t ∈ R, we have
f(t) −
1
λ
n
qλ
ngλ t −
n
λ
=
1
λ
n
f
n
λ
− qλ
n gλ t −
n
λ
=
1
λ
n
un gλ t −
n
λ
− gλ t −
n + 1
λ
≤
1
λ
n
gλ t −
n
λ
− gλ t −
n + 1
λ
≤
1
λ
n
t− n
λ
t− n+1
λ
|g
λ(y)|dy =
1
λ
g
λL1 ≤
C
λ
.
where we have used the fact that |un| ≤ 1, for all n ∈ Z.
There is good news and bad news in the last estimate. The good news
is that we see that ¯
f approximates f better and better as the sampling
rate λ increases. The bad news is that this decay O(1
λ ) is far inferior
to the exponential rate provided by PCM. Indeed, for an investment of
m bits per Nyquist sample PCM provides distortion O(2−m
) whereas
for an investment of λ bits per Nyquist sample, Sigma-Delta provides
distortion O(1/λ). So at this stage, we still have no clue why Sigma-Delta
Modulators are preferred in practice.
It is possible to improve the rate distortion for Sigma-Delta encoding
by using higher order methods. In [9], a family of such encoders were
constructed. The encoder of order k is proven to give rate distortion
O(λ−k
). If one allows k to depend on λ, one can derive error bounds
of the order O(2−(log λ)2
) – still far short of the exponential decay of
PCM. The pursuit of higher performing encoders has led to a series of
interesting questions concerning the optimal distortion possible using
single bit encoders. The best known bound (e−.07λ
) for such encoders
was given by Güntürk [12], Calderbank and Daubechies [4] show that
it is not possible to obtain the rate (2−λ
) of PCM. In any case, none
of these new methods are used in practical encoding and they do not
explain the penchant for the classical Sigma-Delta methods.
A couple of years ago, Ingrid Daubechies, Sinan Güntürk, and I were
guests of Vinay Vaishampayan at Shannon Labs of ATT for a one
32. 1. Some Fundamental Issues 19
month think tank directed at understanding the preferences for Sigma-
Delta Modulation. Shannon Labs is an oasis for Digital Signal Processing
and its circuit implementation. We were fortunate to have many lunch
with experts in Sigma-Delta methods asking them for their intuition
why these methods are preferred in practice. This would be followed
by an afternoon to put a mathematical justification behind their ideas.
Usually, these exercises ended in futility but what became eventually
clear is that the circuit implementation of Sigma-Delta Modulation is at
the heart of the matter.
The hardware implementation of encoders such as PCM or Sigma-
Delta Modulation requires building circuits for the various mathematical
operations and the application of quantizers Q such as the sign function
used in (1.27). Our mathematical analysis thus far has assumed that
these operations are made exactly. Of course, this is far from the case in
circuit implementation.
Let us suppose for example that the sign function used in (1.27) is
replaced at iteration n by a non-ideal quantizer
Qn(x) = sign(x) for |x| ≥ τ
|Qn(x)| ≤ 1 for |x| τ.
(1.29)
Thus, the quantizer Qn gives the right value of sign when |x| ≥ τ but may
not when |x| τ. Here τ would depend on the precision of the circuit
which of course is related to the dollar investment we want to make
in manufacturing such circuits. Note that we allow the quantization to
vary with each application but require the overall precision τ. When we
implement the Sigma-Delta recursion with this circuitry, we would not
compute the qλ
n of (1.27) but rather a new sequence q̄n given by
ūn = ūn−1 + f n
λ
− q̄n
q̄n = Qn ūn−1 + f n
λ
,
(1.30)
Thus, the error analysis given above is sort of irrelevant and needs to
be replaced by one involving the q̄n. Recall that our analysis above rested
on showing the state variables un are uniformly bounded. It turns out
that in the scenario the new state variables ūn are then still bounded,
uniformly, independently of the detailed behavior of Qn, as long as (1.29)
is satisfied. Namely, we have
Remark 1.1 Let f ∈ S, let ūn, q̄n be as defined in (1.30), and let Qn
satisfy (1.29) for all n. Then |ūn| ≤ 1 + τ for all n ≥ 0.
We refer the reader to [9] for the simple proof. Note that the remark
holds regardless of how large τ is; even τ 1 is allowed.
33. 20 R. DeVore
We now use the inaccurate bits q̄n to calculate ¯
f: The same summation
by parts argument that derived (1.29) can be applied to derive the new
error estimate:
|f(t) − ¯
f(t)| ≤
(1 + τ)g
λL1
λ
. (1.31)
Thus, except for the fact that the constants increase slightly, the
bounds on the accuracy of the encoder does not change. The precision
that can be attained is not limited by the circuit imperfection: by choos-
ing λ sufficiently large, the approximation error can be made arbitrarily
small.
The same is definitely not true for the binary expansion-type schemes
such as PCM. To see this, let us see how we quantize to obtain the
binary bits of a number y ∈ (−1, 1). To find the sign bit of y, we use the
quantizer Q as before. But to find the remaining bits, we would use
Q1(z) :=
0, z ≤ 1
1, z 1.
(1.32)
Once the sign bit b0 is found then, we define u1 := 2b0y = 2|y|. The
bit b1 is given by b1 := Q1(u1). Then the remaining bits are computed
recursively as follows: if ui and bi have been defined, we let
ui+1 := 2(ui − bi) (1.33)
and
bi+1 := Q1(ui+1). (1.34)
In circuit implementations, the quantization would not be exact. Sup-
pose for example, we use an imprecise quantizer (1.29) to find the sign
bit of y. Then, taking a y ∈ (−τ, τ), we may have the sign bit of y in-
correct. Therefore, ȳ and y do not even agree in sign so |ȳ − y| could be
as large as τ no matter how the remaining bits are computed. The mis-
take made by the imperfect quantizer cannot be recovered by computing
more bits, in contrast to the self-correcting property of the Sigma-Delta
scheme.
So there it is! This is a definite advantage in Sigma-Delta Modulation
when compared with PCM. In order to obtain good precision overall with
the binary quantizer, one must therefore impose very strict requirements
on τ, which would make such quantizers very expensive in practice (or
even impossible if τ is too small). On the other hand [10], Sigma-Delta
encoders are robust under such imperfections of the quantizer, allowing
for good precision even if cheap quantizers are used (corresponding to
34. 1. Some Fundamental Issues 21
less stringent restrictions on τ). It is our understanding that it is this
feature that makes Sigma-Delta schemes so successful in practice.
We have shown again where the understanding and formulation of fun-
damental questions in computation is vital to understanding numerical
methods. In this case of A/D conversion, it not only gives an understand-
ing of the advantages of the current state of the art encoders, it also leads
us to a myriad of questions at the heart of the matter [9, 10, 12]. We
shall pick up on just one of these.
We have seen that oversampling and one bit quantization allow error
correction in the encoding but the bit distortion rate in the encoding is
not very good. On the other hand, PCM has excellent distortion rate
(exponential) but no error correction. It is natural to ask whether we
can have the best of both worlds: exponential decay in distortion and
error correction. The key to answering this question lies in the world of
redundancy. We have seen the effect of the redundancy in the Sigma-
Delta Modulation which allowed for error correction. It turns out that
other types of redundancy can be utilized in PCM encoders. The essen-
tial idea is to replace the binary representation of a real number y by a
redundant representation.
Let 1 β 2 and γ := 1/β. Then each y ∈ [0, 1] has a representation
y =
∞
i=1
biγi
(1.35)
with
bi ∈ {0, 1}. (1.36)
In fact there are many such representations. The main observation that
we shall utilize below is that no matter what bits bi, i = 1, . . . , m, have
been assigned, then, as long as
y −
γm+1
1 − γ
≤
m
i=1
biγi
≤ y, (1.37)
there is a bit assignment (bk)km, which, when used with the previously
assigned bits, will exactly recover y.
We shall use this observation in an analogous fashion to the algorithm
for finding the binary bits of real numbers, with the added feature of
quantization error correction.
These encoders have a certain offset parameter µ whose purpose is
to make sure that even when there is an imprecise implementation
of the encoder, the bits assigned will satisfy (1.37); as shown below,
35. 22 R. DeVore
introducing µ corresponds to carrying out the decision to set a bit to 1
only when the input is well past its minimum threshold. We let Q1 be
the quantizer of (1.32).
The beta-encoder with offset µ. Let µ 0 and 1 β 2. For
y ∈ [0, 1], we define u1 := βy and b1 := Q1(u1 −µ). In general, if ui and
bi have been defined, we let
ui+1 := β(ui − bi), bi+1 := Q1(ui+1 − µ). (1.38)
It then follows that
y −
m
i=1
biγi
= y −
m
i=1
γi
(ui − γui+1)
= y − γu1 + γm+1
um+1 ≤ γm+1
ul∞ , (1.39)
showing that we have exponential precision in our reconstruction, pro-
vided the |ui| are uniformly bounded. It is easy to prove [10] that we
do indeed have such a uniform bound. Let’s analyze the error correcting
abilities of these encoders when the quantization is imprecise.
Suppose that in place of the quantizer Q1, we use at each iteration in
the beta-encoder the imprecise quantizer
Q̃1(z) :=
0, z ≤ 1 − τ
1, z 1 + τ
∈ {0, 1}, z ∈ (−τ, τ).
(1.40)
In place of the bits bi(y), we shall obtain inaccurate bits b̃i(y) which are
defined recursively by ũ1 := βy, b̃1 := Q̃1(ũ1 − µ) and more generally,
ũi+1 := β(ũi − b̃i), b̃i+1 := Q̃1(ũi+1 − µ). (1.41)
Theorem 1.1 Let δ 0 and y ∈ [0, 1). Suppose that in the beta-encoding
of y, the quantizer Q̃1 is used in place of Q1 at each occurrence, with
the values of τ possibly varying but always satisfying |τ| ≤ δ. If µ ≥ δ
and β satisfies
1 β ≤
2 + µ + δ
1 + µ + δ
, (1.42)
then for each m ≥ 1, ỹm :=
m
k=1 b̃kγk
satisfies
|y − ỹm| ≤ Cγm
, m = 1, 2, . . . , (1.43)
with C = 1 + µ + δ.
The simple proof of this theorem is given in [10].
36. 1. Some Fundamental Issues 23
The beta encoder can be used in place of binary encoder in a PCM
type encoding. We sample at slightly higher than Nyquist rate, i.e., λ
is slightly larger than one. For each sample f(n/λ), we use the beta
encoder to determine m bits in the beta expansion of this sample. The
corresponding bitstream will therefore assign slightly more than m bits
per Nyquist sample. Decoding these bits gives an approximation ¯
fn to
f(n/λ). Even if the quantization is not exact, we will have the accuracy
|f(n/λ) − ¯
fn| ≤ Cβm
.
Therefore, the signal ¯
f reconstructed using these bits will have exponen-
tial accuracy as well:
|f(t) − ¯
f(t)| ≤ Cβm
, t ∈ R. (1.44)
1.4 Adaptive methods for PDEs
The third and last topic we wish to engage concerns the numerical
computation of solutions to PDEs. Given such an equation, how can
we decide if a given numerical method is best possible? We shall see
that there are three intertwining ingredients here: approximation the-
ory, regularity theorems for PDEs, and analysis of the given numerical
method.
Any numerical method can be viewed as a form of approximation.
In classical Finite Element Methods (FEM), the approximation tool is
piecewise polynomials subordinate to partitions of the domain for the
PDE. The role of approximation theory is to tell us what we can expect
as a best performance using such an approximation tool. It assumes that
the solution is known to us in its analysis of performance and therefore
does not apply directly to our unknown solution. The usual form of
an approximation theorem is to characterize precisely which functions
are approximated with a specified order by the approximation tool. For
example, if n is the number of parameters used in the approximation,
then the typical theorem says that a function can be (best) approxi-
mated with an error O(n−s
) if and only if f is in a certain smoothness
space As
.
To use such approximation theorems as a gauge of the performance
of the numerical method, we need to know in which smoothness space
As
the solution lies. That is, we want to know the largest s such that
the solution u is in As
. This is the role of regularity theorems for PDEs.
The correct form for these theorems is a statement that says whenever
the forcing data of the problem has certain properties then the solution
lies in As
for certain values of s.
37. 24 R. DeVore
The approximation and regularity theory tells us the optimal perfor-
mance we can expect for our numerical method. However, they do not
give us an actual numerical method since they usually use full informa-
tion about u which is not available to us. So the third leg is to construct
numerical methods which perform at this optimal performance. This
entails not only the construction of the numerical method but also a
rigorous analysis to establish its convergent rates.
We shall illustrate this trifecta by considering a very simple problem:
the solution of Laplace’s equation on a polygonal domain Ω in R2
. Here
we shall consider numerical methods of two distinct types. The first
proceeds by specifying in advance the numerical method to be used. In
the case of Finite Element Methods this means that a sequence (Pn)
of triangulations of Ω are prescribed in advance. Typically, Pn+1 is a
uniform refinement of Pn. The solution u of the PDE is approximated
by a piecewise polynomial subordinate to the partition Pn. When higher
accuracy in the approximation is needed then n is increased.
There is a second class of numerical methods which does not set the
full numerical scheme in advance but rather makes decisions on the run.
In the case of Finite Element Methods, after an approximation to u
has been made, the method examines the residual to decide what the
new triangulation should be. Typically, some triangular cells are refined
and others are not. These methods are called adaptive methods and we
shall be interested in answering two question about their performance.
The first is whether they provide any advantage over their non-adaptive
counterparts? The second is how can we decide when an adaptive method
is optimal?
1.4.1 Elliptic problems
We shall restrict our discussion to the Poisson problem
−∆u = f in Ω, u = 0 on ∂Ω, (1.45)
where Ω is a polygonal domain in R2
and ∂Ω is its boundary. Our goal is
to draw out the type of questions that should be asked when evaluating
a numerical method for such elliptic problems.
In order to be able to work with the least smoothness requirements on
approximations to u it is best to formulate (1.45), not in classical terms,
but rather in its weak formulation. For this we introduce the Sobolev
space H1
0 (Ω) of functions which vanish on the boundary ∂Ω of Ω and
have weak derivatives of first order in L2(Ω). The weak formulation of
38. 1. Some Fundamental Issues 25
(1.45) is to find u ∈ H1
0 (Ω) such that
a(u, w) = (f, w), w ∈ H1
0 (Ω), (1.46)
where a(y, w) := (∇y, ∇w), with (y, w) = (y, w)Ω :=
Ω
ywdx, is a
quadratic form on H1
0 (Ω). Here f can be any distribution in H−1
(Ω).
We use the notation
|||w|||2
:= a(w, w) = ∇w2
L2(Ω) (1.47)
to denote the energy norm which is the natural norm in which to measure
the performance of numerical methods. By Poincaré’s inequality there
exists a constant cΩ, depending on Ω, such that for any w ∈ H1
0 (Ω),
cΩwH1(Ω) ≤ |||w||| ≤ wH1(Ω), (1.48)
where w2
H1(Ω) = w2
L2(Ω) + ∇w2
L2(Ω).
1.4.2 Newest vertex subdivision
The numerical methods we shall discuss are those which approximate the
solution u of (1.46) by piecewise linear functions on triangular partitions
of the polygonal domain Ω. The partitions are generated by refining
triangles according to a fixed rule. While the following discussion applies
to a variety of refinement rules we shall specify the method of subdivision
to be newest vertex bisection since this will allow us a nice comparison
when we discuss adaptive methods. The book of Verfürth [18] and the
research article of Mitchell [15] describe this subdivision method and
give some of its properties. The article [1] gives finer results on newest
vertex bisection.
Let P0 = {∆} be an initial partition of Ω into a set of triangular cells.
To each edge associated to this partition we assign a label of 0 or 1. We
do this labelling in such a way that exactly one edge of any triangle has
a label 0 and all other edges have a label 1 (such a labelling is always
possible although it is nontrivial to prove; see [1]). For any triangle ∆
of P0, the vertex v(∆) opposite the side of this triangle labelled as 0 is
called its newest vertex. The edge in ∆ opposite to v(∆) will be denoted
by E(∆).
We have described how to assign to any triangle ∆ ∈ P0 a newest
vertex. Other triangles will arise by subdivision. We now describe the
rule for subdividing triangles and how to assign a newest vertex to each
triangle that arises by subdivision. If ∆ is such a triangle and if v(∆) is
39. 26 R. DeVore
the newest vertex that has already been assigned then the subdivision of
∆ consists of splitting ∆ into two new triangles by inserting the diagonal
that connects the newest vertex to the bisecting point of the edge E(∆)
opposite the newest vertex. Thus the cell produces two new cells and
their newest vertex (assigned to each new triangular cell) is by definition
the midpoint of E(∆).
The partitions which arise when using newest vertex bisection satisfy
a uniform minimal angle condition. This is established by showing that
all triangles that arise in newest vertex bisection can be classified into a
set of similarity classes depending only on the initial partition P0 (see
Mitchell).
We can represent newest vertex bisection by an infinite binary tree
T∗ (which we call the master tree). The master tree T∗ consists of all
triangular cells which can be obtained by a sequence of subdivisions. The
roots of the master tree are the triangular cells in P0. When a cell ∆ is
subdivided, it produces two new cells which are called the children of ∆
and ∆ is their parent. It is very important to note that, no matter how a
cell arises in a subdivision process, its associated newest vertex is unique
and only depends on the initial assignment of the newest vertices in P0.
This means that the children of ∆ are uniquely determined and do not
depend on how ∆ arose in the subdivision process, i.e., it does not depend
on the preceding sequence of subdivisions. The reason for this is that
any subdivision only assigns newest vertices for the new triangular cells
produced by the subdivision and does not alter any previous assignment.
It follows that T∗ is unique and does not depend at all on the order of
subdivisions.
The generation of a triangular cell ∆ is the number g(∆) of ancestors it
has in the master tree. Thus cells in P0 have generation 0, their children
have generation 1 and so on. The generation of a cell is also the number
of subdivisions necessary to create this cell from its corresponding root
cell in P0.
There is a simple way to keep track of the newest vertices for triangular
cells that arise in newest vertex bisection by giving a rule that labels any
edges that arise from the subdivision process. There will be two main
properties of this labelling. The first is that each triangular cell will have
sides with labels (i, i, i − 1) for some positive integer i. The second is
that the newest vertex for this cell will be the vertex opposite the side
with lowest label. Certainly the edges in P0 have such a labelling as we
have just shown.
Suppose that a triangular cell ∆ ∈ P0 has sides which have been
labelled (i, i, i−1) and the newest vertex for this cell is the one opposite
40. 1. Some Fundamental Issues 27
the side labelled i−1. When this cell is subdivided (using newest vertex
bisection) the side labelled i − 1 is bisected and we label each of the
two new sides i + 1. We also label the bisector by i + 1, i.e. the new
edge connecting the newest vertex of ∆ with the midpoint of the edge
E(∆) labelled by i − 1. Thus each new triangle now has sides labelled
(i, i + 1, i + 1) with the newest vertex opposite the side with the lowest
label. We note the important fact that if a cell has label (i + 1, i + 1, i)
then it is of generation i (i.e. it has been obtained from a cell in P0 by
i subdivisions). Therefore, specifying that the generation of the cell is i
is the same as specifying that its label is (i + 1, i + 1, i).
A subtree T ⊂ T∗ is a collection of triangular cells ∆ ∈ T∗ with the
following two properties: (i) whenever ∆ ∈ T then its sibling is also in
the tree; (ii) when ∆ ⊂ ∆
are both in the tree then each triangular cell
¯
∆ ∈ T∗ with ∆ ⊂ ¯
∆ ⊂ ∆
is also in T. The roots of T are all the cells
∆ ∈ T whose parents are not in T. We say that T is proper if it has
the same roots as T∗, i.e., it contains all ∆ ∈ P0. If T ⊂ T∗ is a finite
subtree, we say ∆ ∈ T is a leaf of T if T contains none of the children
of ∆. We denote by L(T) the collection of all leaves of T. For a proper
subtree T, we define N(T) to be the number of subdivisions made to
produce T.
Any partition P = Pn which is obtained by the application of an
adaptive procedure based on newest vertex bisection can be associated
to a proper subtree T = T(P) of T∗ consisting of all triangular cells that
were created during the algorithm, i.e. all of the cells in P0, . . . , Pn. The
set of leaves L(T) form the final partition P = Pn.
We shall say that T = T(P) and P are admissible if P has no hanging
nodes. We denote the class of all proper trees by T and all admissible
trees by T a
. We also let Tn be the set of all proper trees T with N(T) = n
and by T a
n the corresponding class of admissible trees from Tn. We denote
by P the class of all partitions P that can be generated by newest vertex
bisection and by Pa
the set of all admissible partitions. Similarly, Pn
and Pa
n are the subclasses of those partitions that are obtained from P0
by using n subdivisions. There is a precise identification between Pn and
Tn. Any P ∈ Pn can be given by a tree, i.e. P = P(T) for some T ∈ Tn.
Conversely any T ∈ Tn determines a P = P(T) in Pn. The same can be
said about admissible partitions and trees.
1.4.3 Standard finite element methods
As mentioned before, in this type of numerical approximation, a sequence
of partitions P0, . . . , Pn, . . . is set in advance. In our case of newest vertex
41. 28 R. DeVore
bisection, we start with P0 and refine every triangular cell in P0 (using
newest vertex bisection) to obtain P1, and continue in this way, refining
every cell in a given Pn to obtain the next partition Pn+1. The partition
Pn has the following properties. The triangular cells in Pn satisfy a
minimal angle condition. Each angle is greater than a fixed positive
constant c0 which is independent of n (it depends only on the initial
partition P0). The partition Pn has no hanging nodes; this follows from
the fact that every triangular cell is refined in moving from Pn to Pn+1.
It follows that all triangular cells in Pn have comparable size. Their area
is proportional to 2−n
and their diameter is proportional to 2−n/2
.
Let Sn := SPn be the space of continuous piecewise linear functions
subordinate to the partition Pn which vanish on the boundary of Ω.
These spaces are nested: Sn ⊂ Sn+1, n = 0, 1, . . . . To numerically solve
(1.45) we consider the Galerkin approximation to u from Sn. It is deter-
mined by the system of equations
a(un, w) = (f, w), w ∈ Sn. (1.49)
The solution un to this system minimizes the approximation in the en-
ergy norm:
|||u − un||| = inf
S∈Sn
|||u − S|||. (1.50)
In other words, given that we decided to measure the error in the energy
norm and given that we have decided to use elements from Sn for the
approximation, there is no question that we have found in un the best
approximation to u that we can possibly obtain.
The role of approximation theory and regularity theory in this context
is to explain what rate of approximation we can expect to obtain for a
given right hand side f. The approximation theory says that we obtain
an approximation rate
|||u − un||| = O(2−ns/2
), n = 1, 2, . . . , (1.51)
if and only if u is in the Besov space Bs+1
∞ (L2(Ω)). That is u should
have s orders of smoothness more than the H1
smoothness. Given the
solution u to (1.45), we define sL = sL(u) to be the maximum of all
s 1 such that u ∈ Bs
∞(L2(Ω)). Here the subscript L indicates we are
analyzing a linear approximation method; we will give a similar analysis
for nonlinear (adaptive) methods.
Regularity theorems would tell us sufficient conditions on the right
hand sides f for u to have a given Besov smoothness. In other words,
they would give information on sL(u). For example, if we know that
42. 1. Some Fundamental Issues 29
f ∈ L2(Ω) then u will at worst be in B
3/2
∞ (L2(Ω). The worst behavior
occurs for general Lipschitz domains. In our case of a polygonal domain
the smoothness one can obtain depends on the angles corresponding to
the boundary. In other words, for f ∈ L2(Ω), the best we can say is that
sL ≥ 3/2.
The point we wish to drive home here is that we know everything we
could possibly want to know about our numerical method. We know it
is the best method for approximating the solution by the approximation
tools (piecewise linear functions) in the chosen metric (energy norm). We
also know conditions on f sufficient to guarantee a given approximation
rate and these sufficient conditions cannot be improved.
1.4.4 Adaptive finite element methods
We want to contrast the satisfying situation of the previous section with
that for adaptive methods. Such methods do not set down the partitions
Pn in advance but rather generate them in an adaptive fashion that
depends very much on the solution u and the previous computations.
We begin this part of the discussion by giving the form of a typical
adaptive algorithm.
The starting point is, as before, the partition P0. Given that the par-
tition Pk has already been constructed, the algorithm computes the
Galerkin solution uk from SPk
. It examines uk = uPk
and makes a deci-
sion whether or not to subdivide a given cell in Pk. In other words, the
algorithm marks certain triangular cells ∆ ∈ Pk for subdivision. We shall
denote by Mk the collection of marked cells in Pk. These marked cells
are subdivided using the newest vertex bisection. This process, however,
creates hanging nodes. To remove the hanging nodes, a certain collection
M
k of additional cells are subdivided. The result after these two sets of
subdivisions is the partition Pk+1. The partitions Pn, n = 1, 2, . . . , have
no hanging nodes and as noted earlier satisfy a minimal angle condition
independent of n.
One of the keys to the success of such adaptive algorithms is the mark-
ing strategy, i.e. how to effectively choose which cells in Pk to subdivide.
The idea is to choose only cells where the error u − uk is large (these
would correspond to where the solution u is not smooth). Unfortunately,
we do not know u (we are only seeing u through the computations uk)
so we do not know this local error. One uses in the place of the actual
local error what are called local error estimators. The subject of local
error estimators is a long and important one that we shall not enter
43. 30 R. DeVore
into in this discussion. The reader may consult the the paper of Morin,
Nochetto, and Siebert [16] for a discussion relevant to the present prob-
lem of Laplace’s equation in two space dimensions. We mention only one
important fact. The local error estimators allow one to compute accu-
rate bounds for the global error |||u − un||| from the knowledge of f and
un. This is done through the residual ∆(u − un) = f − ∆(un).
1.4.5 Judging the performance of adaptive methods
The main question we wish to address is how can we evaluate the per-
formance of adaptive algorithms. Is there such a thing as an optimal
or near optimal adaptive algorithm? This question is in the same spirit
as the questions on image compression and A/D conversion. But there
is a significant difference. In the other cases, the function to be en-
coded/approximated was completely known to us. In the PDE case, we
only know u through our numerical approximations.
To begin the discussion, let us understand what approximants are
available to us when we use adaptive methods. We have noted earlier
that a partition P generated by an adaptive method can be associated to
finite trees T(P). As before, given any admissible partition P, we define
SP to be the space of piecewise linear functions which vanish on the
boundary of Ω and are subordinate to P. For any function w ∈ H1
0 (Ω)
and any such partition P, we define
E(w, SP ) := inf
S∈SP
|||w − S||| = |||u − uP |||, (1.52)
where uP is the Galerkin approximation to u. This is the smallest error
we can achieve by approximating u in the energy norm by the elements
of SP .
How should we measure the complexity of an adaptively generated
partition P. The most reasonable measure would be the number of com-
putations used to create P. This turns out to be closely related to the
number of subdivisions n = N(T(P)) used in the creation of P. As we
shall see later, for certain specific adaptive algorithms, we can bound the
number of computations used to create P and to compute uP by Cn.
With these remarks in mind, we define
σn(u) := inf
P ∈Pn
E(w, SP ) (1.53)
which is the best error we can possibly achieve in approximating w by
using n subdivisions. It is unreasonable to expect any adaptive algorithm
44. 1. Some Fundamental Issues 31
to perform exactly the same as σn(w). However, we may expect the same
asymptotic behavior. To quantify this, we introduce for any s 0, the
class As
of functions w ∈ H1
0 (Ω) such that
σn(w) ≤ Mn−s
, n = 1, 2, . . . . (1.54)
The smallest M for which (1.54) is satisfied is the norm in As
:
wAs := sup
n≥0
ns
σn(w). (1.55)
We have a similar measure of approximation when we restrict ourselves
to admissible partitions. Namely,
σa
n(w) := inf
P ∈Pa
n
E(w, SP )H1(Ω) (1.56)
now measures the best nonlinear approximation error obtained from ad-
missible partitions and Ȧs
:= Ȧs
(H1
0 (Ω)) consists of all w which satisfy
σa
n(w) ≤ Mn−s
, n = 1, 2, . . . . (1.57)
The smallest M for which (1.57) holds serves to define the norm wȦs .
It is shown in [1] that the two spaces As
are the same (see the discussion
in §1.4.7); so we do not make a distinction between them in going further.
1.4.6 The role of regularity theorems
It is of interest to know which functions are in As
. In [2], it is shown
that for a certain range of s (depending on the fact we are analyzing
approximation by piecewise linear functions), we have
As/2
≈ Bs
p(Lp(Ω)),
1
p
=
s − 1
2
+
1
2
. (1.58)
The nebulous notation (≈) used in this context means that there are
certain embeddings between Besov spaces and the space As
. We do not
want to get into the details (see [2]) but only work on this heuristic level.
The spaces in (1.58) lie on the Sobolev embedding line for H1
(Ω) so they
are very weak regularity conditions.
We can obtain a priori information on the possible performance of
adaptive methods by knowing regularity theorems for the above scale
of Besov spaces. For each u, let sNL := sNL(u) be the maximum of all
of the s such that u ∈ Bs
p(Lp(Ω)), 1
p = s−1
2 + 1
2 . The larger the value of
sNL, the better performance we can hope for an adaptive algorithm. In
particular, we would like to know if sNL is larger than the corresponding
45. 32 R. DeVore
value sL for standard Finite Element Methods as discussed in §1.4.3. We
emphasize that the above scale of Besov spaces that occur in describing
the approximation rates for adaptive approximation are quite different
from the scale of Besov spaces appearing in the linear case of standard
Finite Element Methods. For a given s 0 both require smoothness
of order s but this smoothness is measured in different ways. In the
standard case, the smoothness is relative to L2 but in the adaptive case
the smoothness is relative to an Lp which depends on s and gets smaller
as s gets larger. The Besov space in the adaptive case is much larger
than in the standard case and therefore more likely to contain u.
Let us take a simple example. We assume that the right side f is a
function in L2(Ω) and we ask what is the approximation error we can
expect to receive if we invest n triangular cells to the approximation. As
we have already described in §1.4.3, from this assumption on f we can
always conclude that f ∈ Bs
∞(L2(Ω) for s = 3/2 and depending on the
corners in the domain s could even be larger but never bigger than s = 2.
Thus, 3/2 ≤ sL ≤ 2. This means that in general we cannot expect more
than an approximation rate O(2
−n(sL−1)
2 ) when using standard finite
element methods with 2n
triangular cells; see (1.51).
What is the situation for sNL? To determine sNL we need new reg-
ularity theorems that infer regularity in the new scale of Besov spaces
Bs
p(Lp(Ω)), with 1
p
= s−1
2
+ 1
2
. Regularity theorems of this type were
proved in [8, 7]. For example, in the case of f ∈ L2(Ω), it is shown that
sNL ≥ 2 (see [8]). This means that for an investment of n triangular
cells we should always obtain an error like O(n−1/2
). This shows that
potentially an adaptive method can perform much better than a stan-
dard Finite Element Method. If the standard method gives an error
using a partition with n triangular cells, we might be able to obtain
an error as small as 2
using the same number of cells in an adaptive
method.
1.4.7 The performance of adaptive methods
The above analysis is all well and good but it provides us no information
about specific numerical methods and does not even answer the question
of whether such numerical methods converge. In fact, it was not until
very recently that truly adaptive numerical methods were constructed
and proven to converge (Dörfler [11], and Morin, Nochetto, Siebert [16])
and this convergence is only established for simple problems and special
methods of subdivision. We are much more ambitious and would like
46. 1. Some Fundamental Issues 33
to construct adaptive methods which perform at the optimal theoretical
approximation rate.
Suppose we have an adaptive algorithm in hand that we have some-
how constructed. Given an error tolerance 0, we run the adaptive
algorithm until we achieve an error . We shall say that an algorithm
is near optimal for s provided that whenever u ∈ As
the number N of
subdivisions used by the adaptive algorithm used to produce this error
satisfies
N ≤ C|u|As −1/s
, 0 1. (1.59)
This means that the adaptive algorithm performs at the optimal rate on
the class As
. The question of course is whether we can find an adaptive
algorithm with this near optimal performance.
An adaptive algorithm with near optimal performance for solving
(1.45) was constructed in [1]. Not only does this algorithm have op-
timality in terms of the number of subdivisions used but it is also shown
that the number of computations N(comp) needed to find uPn
satisfies
N(comp) ≤ C−1/s
, 0 1. (1.60)
We shall not describe the algorithm of [1] in detail but instead give
a brief overview of the algorithm and then pick up on details for the
two core results that allow the proof of near optimality. The algorithm
proceeds by setting error tolerances k := 2−k
and generating partitions
Pk, k = 1, 2, . . . , in which the error is guaranteed to be k. We stop at
the first integer n where the error (which we can measure a posteriori)
is ≤ . For sure, when
2−n
≤ (1.61)
this is the case. But the error bound may actually be attained for an
earlier value of k.
The construction of Pk from Pk−1 consists of several subiterations
taking an admissible partition Pk−1,j to a new admissible partition
Pk−1,j+1. Here, Pk−1,0 = Pk−1 and Pk is then found by coarsening a
partition Pk−1,K where K is a fixed integer. Each subiteration (send-
ing Pk−1,j to Pk−1,j+1) consists of the general strategy of marking cells,
subdividing, further markings and subdividing to remove hanging nodes.
The markings are made using the local error estimators found in [16] and
marking enough cells so as to capture a fraction of the global error (this
is known as bulk chasing). It was shown in [16] that such an iteration
47. 34 R. DeVore
reduces the error in the energy norm. The role of K (which is a fixed
integer) is to guarantee that after the coarsening step we have
|||u − uPk
||| ≤ 2−1
|||u − uPk−1
||| ≤ k = 2−k
. (1.62)
Of course, (1.62) guarantees the algorithm converges but gives little
information about convergence rates because we have said nothing about
how many subdivisions were needed to construct Pk. However, a deeper
analysis of the algorithm shows that it is near optimal, in the sense
described above, for the range 0 s 1/2 (we cannot expect to exceed
this range because we are using piecewise linear functions to approximate
in the H1
(Ω) norm).
The proof of near optimality rests on two fundamental results. The
first of these concerns the number of subdivisions necessary to remove
hanging nodes at a given iteration of the algorithm. It is necessary to
have such an estimate to be sure that the number of triangular cells does
not explode when the hanging nodes are removed. Suppose that we have
a sequence of partitions P̃k, k = 1, . . . , m, where each P̃k+1 is obtained
from P̃k by marking a set M̃k, subdividing these cells, and then apply a
further set of markings M̃
k and subdivisions to remove hanging nodes.
The fundamental result proved in [1] shows that
#(P̃m) ≤ #(P̃0) + C2(#(M̃0) + · · · + #(M̃m−1)). (1.63)
This means that the number of markings used to remove hanging nodes
is bounded by a multiple of the number of original markings. This is used
in the adaptive finite element method to show, among other things, that
#(Pk) ≤ C#(Pk−1) (1.64)
with C an absolute constant.
The proof of (1.63) does not proceed, as one might expect, by an
induction step which bound #(M̃
k) by C#(M̃k). Rather one needs to
keep track of the entire history in the creation of new cells, tracing this
history back to earlier cells that were subdivided; see [1] for details.
The second core result that is needed to keep control on the number
of triangular cells and arrive at an estimate like (1.16) is that of coars-
ening. Without this step, we would not arrive (1.59). The coarsening
step proceeds as follows. After constructing the set Pk,K, we compute a
Galerkin approximation vk := uPk,K
to u from SPk,K
which satisfies
|||u − vk||| ≤ γk+1 (1.65)
with γ a small fixed positive constant. The choice of γ influences the
48. 1. Some Fundamental Issues 35
choice of K above. The function vk is known to us and the coarsening
algorithm uses information about this function to create a smaller par-
tition Pk+1 ⊂ Pk,K such that vk can be approximated by an element of
SPk+1
to accuracy αk where again 0 α 1 is a fixed constant that is
chosen appropriate to the discussion that follows. The property gained
by the coarsening step is that Pk+1 satisfies
#(Pk+1) ≤ C0|u|As
−1/s
k (1.66)
with C0 an absolute constant. It is then shown that the Galerkin ap-
proximation uk+1 = uPk+1
satisfies
|||u − uk+1||| ≤
k
2
= k+1. (1.67)
This estimate together with the control on the size of the partition Pk+1
given in (1.66) combine to show that the algorithm is near optimal.
It is vital in the coarsening algorithm to keep a control on the number
of computations needed to find Pk+1. This is in fact the deeper aspect of
the coarsening algorithm. Normally to find a near optimal tree approx-
imation with n nodes, one might expect to have to do exponential in n
computations since there are that many trees with n nodes. It is shown
in [3] that the number of computations can be limited to O(n) by using
a clever adaptive strategy.
References
[1] Binev, P., Dahmen, W. and DeVore, R. (2002). Adaptive finite element
methods with convergence rates, IMI Preprint Series 12 (University of
South Carolina).
[2] Binev, P., Dahmen, W., DeVore, R. and Petrushev, P. (2002). Approxi-
mation Classes for Adaptive Methods, Serdica Math. J. 28, 391–416.
[3] Binev, P. and DeVore, R. (2002). Fast computation in tree approximation,
IMI Preprint Series 11 (University of South Carolina).
[4] Calderbank, R. and Daubechies, I. (2002). The Pros and Cons of Democ-
racy IEEE Transactions in Information Theory 48, 1721–1725.
[5] Cohen, A., Dahmen, W., Daubechies, I. and DeVore, R. (2001). Tree
approximation and encoding, ACHA 11, 192–226.
[6] Cohen, A., Daubechies, I., Guleryuz, O. and Orchard, M. (2002). On the
importance of combining non-linear approximation with coding strategies,
IEEE Transactions in Information Theory 48, 1895–1921.
[7] Dahlke, S. (1999). Besov regularity for elliptic boundary value problems
on polygonal domains, Appl. Math. Lett. 12, 31–36.
[8] Dahlke, S. and DeVore, R. (1997). Besov regularity for elliptic boundary
value problems, Comm. Partial Differential Equations 22, 1–16.
49. 36 R. DeVore
[9] Daubechies, I. and DeVore, R. Reconstructing a bandlimited function
from very coarsely quantized data: A family of stable sigma-delta modu-
lators of arbitrary order, Annals of Mathematics, to appear.
[10] Daubechies, I., DeVore, R., Gunturk, C.S. and Vaishampayan, V.
Exponential Precision in A/D Conversion with an Imperfect Quantizer,
preprint.
[11] Dörfler, W. (1996). A convergent adaptive algorithm for Poisson’s equa-
tion, SIAM J. Numer. Anal. 33, 1106–1124.
[12] Güntürk, S. One-bit Sigma-Delta quantization with exponential accuracy,
preprint.
[13] Kolmogorov, A.N. and Tikhomirov, V.M. (1959). -entropy and -capacity
of sets in function spaces, Usephi 14, 3–86. (Also in AMS Translations,
Series 2 17 (1961), 277–364).
[14] Meyer, Y. (2001). Oscillating pattern in image processing and in some
nonlinear evolution equations, The Fifteenth Dean Jaqueline B. Lewis
Memorial Lectures.
[15] Mitchell, W.F. (1989). A comparison of adaptive refinement techniques
for elliptic problems, ACM Transaction on Math. Software 15, 326–347.
[16] Morin, P., Nochetto, R. and Siebert, K. (2000). Data Oscillation and
Convergence of Adaptive FEM, SIAM J. Numer. Anal. 38, 466–488.
[17] Mumford, D. and Shah, J. (1985). Boundary detection by minimizing
functionals, Proc. IEEE Conf. Comp. Vis Pattern Recognition.
[18] Verfürth, R. (1996). A Review of A Posteriori Error Estimation and
Adaptive Mesh-Refinement Techniques (Wiley-Teubner, Chichester).
50. 2
Jacobi Sets of Multiple Morse Functions
Herbert Edelsbrunner
Department of Computer Science and Mathematics
Duke University, Durham, and
Raindrop Geomagic
Research Triangle Park
North Carolina
John Harer
Department of Computer Science and Mathematics
Duke University, Durham
North Carolina
Abstract
The Jacobi set of two Morse functions defined on a common d-manifold is
the set of critical points of the restrictions of one function to the level sets
of the other function. Equivalently, it is the set of points where the gra-
dients of the functions are parallel. For a generic pair of Morse functions,
the Jacobi set is a smoothly embedded 1-manifold. We give a polynomial-
time algorithm that computes the piecewise linear analog of the Jacobi
set for functions specified at the vertices of a triangulation, and we gen-
eralize all results to more than two but at most d Morse functions.
2.1 Introduction
This paper is a mathematical and algorithmic study of multiple Morse
functions, and in particular of their Jacobi sets. As we will see, this set
is related to the Lagrange multiplier method in multi-variable calculus
of which our algorithm may be viewed as a discrete analog.
Motivation. Natural phenomena are frequently modeled using contin-
uous functions, and having two or more such functions defined on the
same domain is a fairly common scenario in the sciences. Consider for
0 Research of the first author is partially supported by NSF under grants EIA-99-
72879 and CCR-00-86013. Research of the second author is partially supported by
NSF under grant DMS-01-07621.
37
51. 38 H. Edelsbrunner and J. Harer
example oceanography where researchers study the distribution of vari-
ous attributes of water, with the goal to shed light on the ocean dynamics
and gain insight into global climate changes [4]. One such attribute is
temperature, another is salinity, an important indicator of water density.
The temperature distribution is often studied within a layer of constant
salinity, because water tends to mix along but not between these layers.
Mathematically, we may think of temperature and salinity as two con-
tinuous functions on a common portion of three-dimensional space. A
layer is determined by a level surface of the salinity function, and we are
interested in the temperature function restricted to that surface. This
is a continuous function on a two-dimensional domain, whose critical
points are generically minima, saddles, and maxima. In this paper, we
study the paths these critical points take when the salinity value varies.
As it turns out, these paths are also the paths the critical points of the
salinity function take if we restrict it to the level surfaces of the tem-
perature function. More generally, we study the relationship between
continuous functions defined on a common manifold by analyzing the
critical points within level set restrictions.
Sometimes it is useful to make up auxiliary functions to study the
properties of given ones. Consider for example a function that varies
with time, such as the gravitational potential generated by the sun,
planets, and moons in our solar system [18]. At the critical points of
that potential, the gravitational forces are at an equilibrium. The plan-
ets and moons move relative to each other and the sun, which implies
that the critical points move, appear, and disappear. To study such a
time-varying function, we introduce another, whose value at any point
in space-time is the time. The paths of the critical points of the gravita-
tional potential are then the Jacobi set of the two functions defined on
a common portion of space-time.
Results. The main object of study in this paper is the Jacobi set J =
J(f0, f1, . . . , fk) of k + 1 ≤ d Morse functions on a common d-manifold.
By definition, this is the set of critical points of f0 restricted to the
intersection of the level sets of f1 to fk. We observe that J is symmetric
in the k + 1 functions because it is the set of points at which the k + 1
gradient vectors are linearly dependent. In the simplest non-trivial case,
we have two Morse functions on a common 2-manifold. In this case, the
Jacobi set J = J(f, g) = J(g, f) is generically a collection of pairwise
disjoint smooth curves that are free of any self-intersections. Fig. 2.1
illustrates the concept for two Morse functions on the two-dimensional
52. 2. Jacobi Sets 39
Fig. 2.1. The two partially bold and partially dotted longitudinal circles form
the Jacobi set of f, g : M → R, where M is the torus and f and g map a point
x ∈ M to the Cartesian coordinates of its orthogonal projection on a plane
parallel to the longitudes.
torus. The Jacobi set of a generic collection of k + 1 Morse functions is
a submanifold of dimension k, provided d 2k − 2. The first time this
inequality fails is for d = k + 1 = 4. In this case, the Jacobi set is a
3-manifold except at a discrete set of points.
We describe an algorithm that computes an approximation of the
Jacobi set for k +1 piecewise linear functions that are interpolated from
values given at the vertices. In the absence of smoothness, it simulates
genericity and differentiability and computes J as a subcomplex of the
triangulation. The algorithm is combinatorial (as opposed to numerical)
in nature and reduces the computations to testing the criticality of the
k-simplices in the triangulation. Whether or not a simplex is considered
critical depends on its local topology. By using Betti numbers to express
that topology, we get an algorithm that works for triangulated manifolds
and runs in time that is polynomial in the number of simplices. Assuming
the links have sizes bounded from above by a constant, the running time
is proportional to the number of simplices.
Related prior work. The work in this paper fits within the general
area of singularities of smooth mappings, which was pioneered by Hassler
Whitney about half a century ago; see e.g. [19]. In this body of work,
the fold of a mapping from a d-dimensional manifold Md
to a (k + 1)-
dimensional manifold Nk+1
is the image of the set of points at which
the matrix of partial derivatives has less than full rank. In this paper,
we consider (k + 1)-tuple of Morse functions, which are special smooth
mappings in which the range is the (k +1)-dimensional Euclidean space,
Rk+1
. The fold of such a special mapping is the image of the Jacobi
set. Our restriction to Euclidean space is deliberate as it furnishes the
framework needed for our algorithm.
53. 40 H. Edelsbrunner and J. Harer
Whitney considered the case of a mapping between surfaces and stud-
ied mappings where d is small relative to k. A classic theorem in differ-
ential topology is the Whitney Embedding Theorem which states that
a closed, orientable manifold of dimension n can always be embedded in
R2n
. Thom extended the work of Whitney, studying the spaces of jets
(two functions have the same k-jet at p if their partial derivatives of
order k or less are equal). The Thom Transversality Theorem, together
with the Thom-Boardman stratification of C∞
functions on M, give
characterizations of the singularities of generic functions [11]. Mather
studied singularities from a more algebro-geometric point of view and
proved the equivalence of several definitions of stability for a map (a
concept not used in this work). In particular he provided the appropri-
ate framework to reconstruct a map from its restrictions to the strata
of the Thom-Boardman stratification.
In a completely different context, Nicola Wolpert used Jacobi curves
to develop exact and efficient algorithms for intersecting quadratic sur-
faces in R3
[20]. She does so by reducing the problem to computing the
arrangement of the intersection curves projected to R2
. Any such curve
can be written as the zero set of a smooth function R2
→ R, and any
pair defines another curve, namely the Jacobi set of the two functions.
Wolpert refers to them as Jacobi curves and uses them to resolve tan-
gential and almost tangential intersections. To be consistent with her
terminology, we decided to modify that name and to refer to our more
general concept as Jacobi sets.
Outline. §2.2 reviews background material from differential and combi-
natorial topology. §2.3 introduces the Jacobi set of two Morse functions.
§2.4 describes an algorithm that computes this set for piecewise linear
data. §2.5 generalizes the results to three or more Morse functions. §2.6
discusses a small selection of applications. §2.7 concludes the paper.
2.2 Background
This paper contains results for smooth and for piecewise linear functions.
We need background from Morse theory [15, 16] for smooth functions
and from combinatorial and algebraic topology [1, 17] for designing an
algorithm that works on piecewise linear data.
Morse functions. Let M be a smooth and compact d-manifold without
boundary. The differential of a smooth map f : M → R at a point x of
54. 2. Jacobi Sets 41
the manifold is a linear map dfx : TMx → R mapping the tangent space
at x to R. A point x ∈ M is critical if dfx is the zero map; otherwise, it
is regular. Let , be a Riemannian metric, i.e. an inner product in the
tangent spaces that varies smoothly on M. Since each vector in TMx
is the tangent vector to a curve c in M through x, the gradient ∇f
can be defined by the formula ∂c/∂t, ∇f = ∂(f ◦ c)/∂t, for every c. It
is always possible to choose coordinates xi so that the tangent vectors
∂
∂xi
(x) are orthonormal with respect to the Riemannian metric. For such
coordinates, the gradient is given by the familiar formula
∇f(x) =
∂f
∂x1
(x),
∂f
∂x2
(x), . . . ,
∂f
∂xd
(x)
.
We compute in local coordinates the Hessian of f:
Hf (x) =
∂2
f
∂x2
1
(x) . . . ∂2
f
∂xd∂x1
(x)
.
.
.
...
.
.
.
∂2
f
∂x1∂xd
(x) . . . ∂2
f
∂x2
d
(x)
,
which is a symmetric bi-linear form on the tangent space TMx. A critical
point p is non-degenerate if the Hessian is non-singular at p. The Morse
Lemma states that near a non-degenerate critical point p, it is possible
to choose local coordinates so that the function takes the form
f(x1, . . . , xd) = f(p) ± x2
1 ± . . . ± x2
d.
The number of minus signs is the index of p; it equals the number of
negative eigenvalues of Hf (p). The existence of these local coordinates
implies that non-degenerate critical points are isolated. The function f
is a called a Morse function if
(i) all its critical points are non-degenerate, and
(ii) f(p) = f(q) for all critical points p = q.
Transversality and stratification. Let F : X → Y be a smooth map
between two manifolds, and let U ⊆ Y be a smooth submanifold. The
map F is transversal to U if for every y ∈ U and every x ∈ F−1
(y), we
have dFx(TXx)+TUy = TYy. In words, the basis vectors of the image of
the tangent space of X at x under the derivative together with the basis
vectors of the tangent space of U at y = F(x) span the tangent space of
Y at y. The Transversality Theorem of differential topology asserts that
if F is transversal to U then F−1
(U) is a smooth submanifold of X and
the co-dimension of F−1
(U) in X is the same as that of U in Y [12].
57. I—THE PEACE CONFERENCE AT WORK
A Vivid Account from the Inside of the
Machinery Which Produced the Peace
Treaty. How the Crises with Japan, Italy
and Belgium Were Averted
By THOMAS W. LAMONT
Financial and Economic Adviser at Paris to the American Commission to Negotiate
Peace
When we finally gain an historic perspective of the work of the Peace Conference we
shall realize that, instead of being unduly delayed, it was accomplished in an
astonishingly brief period. The Treaty of Vienna, back in 1815, took eleven months, and
the factors to be dealt with were nothing like so numerous nor so complex. The Paris
Conference occupied only about six months, and the earlier weeks were largely given
over to questions relating to the renewal of the Armistice, rather than to the actual
framing of the Peace Treaty. The Treaty text itself—aside from the League of Nations
Covenant—was whipped through in a little over three months; for the active work of the
Commissions which were to draft the various chapters did not get under way until
February 1st; and the Treaty was presented to the German delegates at Versailles on May
7th.
COVENANTS OPENLY ARRIVED AT
No adequate history of the Peace Conference can be written until years have elapsed—
until it is possible, as it is not now possible, to make public a multitude of intimate
details. Hundreds of important documents were woven into the completed text of the
Treaty. Such documents must eventually be made available to the chroniclers of history,
who must finally have access to the official records, so that in course of time they can
acquaint the world with the details of those momentous conferences which were held
58. among the Chiefs of State, where the ultimate decisions settling every important question
were made. There have been complaints that the covenants of the Treaty were not as
President Wilson had promised, openly arrived at. In point of fact, as far as lay within
the bounds of possibility, the covenants of the Treaty were openly arrived at, inasmuch
as their essence was made public just as soon as an understanding upon them had been
reached, and in many cases, long before the final agreement. Nothing was held back
which the public had any legitimate interest in knowing. It would, of course, have been
quite out of the question for the Chiefs of State to discuss in public all the highly delicate
and complex situations which were bound to, and which did, arise at Paris. Every man of
strong character and powerful conviction has a view of his own upon any given subject,
and naturally maintains that view with vigor and tenacity—even at times, if he be bitterly
opposed—with acrimony.
To take a familiar instance, it is an open secret that M. Clemenceau's first solution of
the question of the Saar Basin did not at all suit President Wilson. Not unnaturally, M.
Clemenceau simply wanted in effect to annex the Saar Basin, on the grounds that the
Germans had destroyed the coal mines of Northern France. Mr. Wilson was in entire
accord—to this extent, that France should, until her coal mines had been repaired, enjoy
the entire output of the Saar coal fields; but to have France permanently annex the Basin
was contrary to his profoundest convictions, as expressed in the well-known Fourteen
Points.
In the course of the discussion between M. Clemenceau and Mr. Wilson, their ideas at
the start being so divergent, vigorous views were undoubtedly expressed; quite possibly
tart language was used, at any rate by the French Premier, who was feeling all the
distress of German frightfulness and war weariness. But to what possible good end could
the detail of such intimate conversations have been made public? I allude to the possible
conversations on the Saar Basin not as an historical fact, but as an example of what might
have taken place, and very likely did take place; and if such temporary disagreements
existed on that question, undoubtedly, among so many Chiefs of State as were gathered
together at Paris, they existed on others. But in all cases amicable and cordial agreements
were finally reached.
Whenever agreements were even in sight, the press was informed; so that, when the
Treaty of Peace and the summary of it finally came out, there were no surprises for the
public. Every covenant, every clause, had been already foreshadowed and accurately
pictured.
THE BIG THREE
59. Naturally, the question is often asked: Who were the peacemakers at Paris? Were they
two or three powerful Chiefs of State? The answer is both Yes and No. The final
decision on every important matter lay in the hands of the so-called Big Four, and after
Premier Orlando's defection and return to Italy, it narrowed down to the Big Triumvirate,
Messrs. Wilson, Lloyd George, and Clemenceau. Yet while they made the final decisions,
these were almost invariably based upon reports and opinions expressed to this trio, or to
the quartet, by their advisers and experts. The actual text of the Treaty was, of course,
written by the technicians, and there is hardly a phrase in the whole of it that can claim as
its original author any one of the Chiefs of State. In every true sense, then, the Treaty of
Peace has been the product, not of three men, not even of three-score, nor of three
hundred, but of thousands; for quite aside from the official delegations at Paris, which
comprised several hundred persons, we must remember that the data and the various
suggested solutions on most of the questions had been canvassed at home for each
delegation by large groups of office and technical experts.
Of course it sounds well to say that the Treaty was written by three men: the picture of
those few Chiefs of State sitting in conference day after day is dramatic in the extreme.
That is, I must confess, the picture which comes back oftenest to my mind. I see them
today, as I saw them for months at Paris, sitting in that large but cosy salon in the house
allotted to President Wilson on the Place des États Unis; for, by common consent, it was
there that the Supreme Council finally held all its meetings. It is in that theatre, with the
three or four Chiefs of State taking the leading rôles, that we saw the other characters in
the great drama moving slowly on the stage, playing their parts, and then disappearing
into the wings. Today it might be Paderewski, pleading with all his earnestness and
sincerity, to have Danzig allotted to the sovereignty of Poland. To-morrow it might be
Hymans, the Belgian Secretary for Foreign Affairs, begging that there should be a prompt
realization of those pledges to Belgium, which Belgium felt had been made by all the
Allies; or it might even be word brought by special aeroplane from the King of the
Belgians at Brussels, with fresh and important instructions to his delegation in the matter
of Reparation. Or it might be a group of the representatives of those newer nationalities,
Czechoslovakia, Rumania, Jugoslavia, arguing some burning question of boundary
rights. Or it might be the British shipping experts, maintaining that the captured German
ships should be restored to the various Allies upon a basis dividing the ships pro rata to
the losses sustained by submarines, and contending against the American claim that the
United States should have all the German ships finding lodgment in American harbors.
Or it might be Herbert Hoover, that brilliant American, come to describe to the Big Four
starvation conditions in Vienna, and to emphasize his belief that, enemy or no enemy,
those conditions must be relieved or Bolshevism would march into Austria and directly
on west until it reached France—and beyond.
60. THE PLACE OF MEETING
The stage for this world drama was originally set at the Ministry of War, behind the
Chamber of Deputies and across the Seine; and here Premier Clemenceau—who, it will
be remembered, was Minister of War as well as President of the Council of French
Ministers—was the presiding genius. But eventually, as the result of an interesting trend
of circumstances, the all important conferences took place at President Wilson's house.
Copyright Walter Adams Sons
David Lloyd George
Ray Standard Baker, who attended the Peace Conference,
wrote in his book, What Wilson Did at Paris: Lloyd
George personally was one of the most charming and
amiable figures at Paris, full of Celtic quicksilver, a
torrential talker in the conference, but no one was ever quite
sure, having heard him express an unalterable
determination on one day, that he would not be unalterably
determined some other way the day following.
Click for a larger image.
61. The original theatre of operations at the War Ministry had been so large, and there was
such an enormous chorus brought into play, that progress was interminably slow. There
were usually present all five of the plenipotentiaries of each of the five great powers,
including Japan, and very frequently Marshal Foch as well. His presence automatically
commanded the attendance of the chief military experts of the other delegates. With the
innumerable secretaries who had to attend the plenipotentiaries, with the interpreters
and whatnot, the Supreme Council came to look like a legislative chamber, in the midst of
which sat Clemenceau, presiding with his usual incisiveness. At such meetings progress
could be made only upon rather formal matters which had been threshed out beforehand.
When it came to a point of great delicacy, where the discussions could be only on a most
intimate basis, it became quite impossible to carry on. Nobody would feel like speaking
out in meeting and calling the other fellow names—as was necessary at times in order to
clear the atmosphere—if there were half a hundred other people around, to hear those
names, and promptly to babble them to an expectant throng outside.
So finally the Supreme Council was boiled down to the four Chiefs of State, including
Japan's representative on any questions not strictly confined to Western Europe; and the
small Council began to meet alternately at Clemenceau's office in the War Ministry, at Mr.
Lloyd George's house, and at Mr. Wilson's, which was just around the corner from the
British Premier's. Then in March, shortly after President Wilson's second coming from the
United States, he fell ill with the grippe. After a rather severe attack he was able to get on
his feet again and to do business, but was warned by his vigilant friend and physician,
Admiral Grayson, to keep within doors for a time. Mr. Lloyd George, M. Clemenceau,
and Signor Orlando were glad to accommodate themselves to Mr. Wilson's necessities,
and formed the habit of meeting regularly at his house. His large salon was much better
adapted for these conferences than the room at Mr. Lloyd George's. So there it was they
met during all the final weeks of the Conference, leading up to the very end.
A DESCRIPTION OF THE COUNCIL CHAMBER
In the middle of the salon, facing the row of windows looking out upon the Place, was
a large yet most inviting fireplace. On the left of this, a little removed from it, President
Wilson usually ensconced himself on a small sofa, where he made room for some one
member of his delegation, whom, for the particular subject under discussion, he desired
to have most available. On the other side of the fireplace sat Mr. Lloyd George in a rather
high, old-fashioned chair of carved Italian maple, and at his left sat his experts. Opposite
the fireplace, to the right of it, and about half-way across the room, sat M. Clemenceau,
with such of his Ministers as he needed, and then between him and President Wilson was
Signor Orlando with the Italians. This made a semi-circle around the fireplace, and
62. whenever Viscount Chinda of the Japanese delegation was present, the circle was usually
enlarged so as to give him a seat in the middle of it. Behind this first semi-circle was a
second one, made up of secretaries and various technical experts, but the conference was
always a limited one, and was not allowed to grow so large as to become unwieldy.
Directly in front of the fireplace, almost scorching his coat-tails, sat Professor Mantou,
the official interpreter for the Big Four. Mantou is a Frenchman, Professor of French in the
University of London, so he had a perfect mastery of both French and English, with a
good working knowledge of Italian. Mantou was quite an extraordinary character, and
the most vivid interpreter I have ever heard, or rather seen; for at times he entered into
the spirit of the discussions more vigorously than the original actors. M. Clemenceau, for
instance, might make a quiet, moderate statement, in French, of course; and when it
became Mantou's time to interpret it into English, he would enliven and embellish it with
his own unique gestures.
The Secretary of the Council was Sir Maurice Hankey, a British Army officer of great
skill and tact, who had a marvelous aptitude for keeping everything straight, for taking
perfectly adequate, and yet not too voluminous minutes, for seeing that no topic was left
in the air without further reference, and in the last analysis, for holding the Chiefs of State
with their noses to the grindstone. He knew French and Italian well, and was a distinct
asset to the Council. I note that, in the honors and money-grants disbursed by Parliament
to Marshal Haig, Admiral Beatty and others, Hankey received £25,000. Everybody who
worked with him at Paris will be glad of this just recognition. I have described this
Council Chamber in the President's house rather minutely because, as I have said, it
formed the stage for all of the momentous decisions which went to make up the final
peace settlement. At these conferences there was no formal presiding officer, but to
President Wilson was usually accorded the courtesy of acting as moderator.
HOW THE TREATY WAS COMPOUNDED
What, then, is the Treaty? The answer is that it is a human document, a compound of
all the qualities possessed by human beings at their best—and at their worst. People
might expect a Treaty of Peace to be a formal, legal, mechanical sort of document; and
undoubtedly an effort was made by some of the drafting lawyers, who bound all the
different clauses together, to throw the Treaty into the mold of formality. But all the
same, it is a compound quivering with human passion—virtue, entreaty, fear, sometimes
rage, and above all, I believe, justice.
63. The reason fear enters into the Treaty must be manifest. Take, for instance, the case of
France. France had lived under the German menace for half a century. Finally the sword
of Damocles had fallen, and almost one-sixth of beautiful France had been laid waste. Her
farms, her factories, her villages, had been destroyed; her women ravished and led
captive; her children made homeless; her men folk killed. Do we realize that almost 60
per cent. of all the French soldiers under thirty-one years of age were killed in the war? Is
it any wonder France could not believe that the German menace was gone forever, and
that the world would never again allow German autocracy to overwhelm her? She could
not believe it, and for that reason she felt it essential that the terms of the Treaty should
be so severe as to leave Germany stripped for generations of any power to wage
aggression against beautiful France. If her Allies pointed out that to cripple Germany
economically was to make it impossible for Germany to repair the frightful damage she
had wrought in France, France would in effect reply that this might be so, but never again
could she endure such a menace as had threatened her eastern border for the previous
half century. If certain of the Treaty clauses appear to some minds as unduly severe, it
must be remembered that the Allies, little more than France, could bear the thought of
letting Germany off so easily that within a few years she might again prepare for war.
There was fear, too, on the part of those new nations, which had been largely split off
from the effete and outworn Austro-Hungarian Empire, that in some way their ancient
oppressors would once more gain sway over them. And, every nation, great and small,
was overshadowed with the constant terror of Bolshevism,—that dread specter which
seemed to be stalking, with long strides, from eastern Europe west towards the Atlantic.
Unless peace were hastened that evil might overtake all the Allies. Such apprehensions as
these, far more than imperial ambition or greed, were factors in the Treaty decisions.
Judgments that might take many months in the ripening could not with safety be
awaited.
THE PROTECTION DEMANDED BY FRANCE
France, I say, was thoroughly shocked at the frightful fate which had come upon so
great a portion of her land and population. She seemed to have real fear that out of the
ground, or from the sky, or from the waters of the earth, at the waving of the devil's
wand, there would spring into being a fresh German army, ready to overwhelm her. It
was this fear that led France to ask for a special Treaty by which England and America
would pledge themselves to come to her aid in case of Germany's unprovoked attack
against her. Those Americans who object to this have no conception of the real terror in
France which led her to entreat her two most powerful Allies to make such a special
treaty with her. France maintained, and with some reason, that during the formative
64. period of the League of Nations, before it might become an effective instrument, if she
did not have the psychological and practical protection of England and America, she
must look to her own defense, and the only real defense she could conceive was to make
the Rhine her eastern boundary. This suggestion of Marshal Foch, based upon sound
military concept, was rejected by President Wilson and Mr. Lloyd George on the theory
that it would mean the annexation of German territory, would change Germany's ancient
boundary line of the Rhine, and inevitably lead to future trouble.
Copyright Underwood Underwood
President Poincaré With the
Swiss President, M. Gustave
Ador, Driving to the Peace
Conference in Paris.
Click for a larger image.
Very well, in effect answered M. Clemenceau, we see your point, but if you will not
allow us to fix this natural boundary for defense, then we must beg you to guarantee us
by treaty your coöperation against German aggression. That coöperation you will never
be called upon to render with military force, because if Germany knows you are pledged
to come to our defense, that very fact will act as a complete deterrent to any aggression.
This was the sound reasoning which led President Wilson and Mr. Lloyd George to
agree to submit respectively to Congress and Parliament this special French Treaty; this is
the reasoning which ought to lead Congress, as it has led Parliament, to ratify the French
Treaty promptly. My belief is that after five years, this special Treaty will be abrogated by
65. mutual consent, because by that time the League of Nations will be built up into such an
effective instrument for the prevention of future wars, any special treaties will be deemed
unnecessary.
THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS COVENANT
If, in the foregoing paragraphs, I have given some idea as to how the Treaty of Peace
was compounded, how it was made up of a mixture of virtue, selfishness, fear and
justice, then perhaps I can proceed to describe briefly how the document was actually
evolved. First, then, we deal with the drafting of the League of Nations Covenant:
The world has come to regard President Wilson as the special promoter and sponsor
for the League of Nations. It is perfectly true that Mr. Wilson went to Paris with a fixed
determination, above all else, to bring about some definite arrangement which would
tend to prevent future wars. It is also true, however, that English statesmen had, for an
even longer time than President Wilson, been giving this same subject earnest thought
and study. Some of the more enlightened French statesmen, like Leon Bourgeois, had also
been sketching out plans for a League of Free Nations. In England Viscount Grey of
Falloden, England's really great Minister of Foreign Affairs for almost a decade prior to
the war, the man who did everything that human intelligence and wisdom could devise
to prevent the war, and now happily named as British Ambassador to the United States,
had long worked for a League of Nations. Lord Robert Cecil, a worthy son of a noble
father, was another British statesman who had given his mind to the same subject.
General Smuts of South Africa, recently made Premier in succession to the late General
Botha, was another. So that President Wilson, Colonel House, and the other delegates,
upon their arrival in Paris, found themselves in a not uncongenial atmosphere. To be
sure, on the part of Clemenceau and of course of the militarists, there was great
scepticism. Nevertheless the French joined in, and early in January the Covenant for the
League of Nations began to evolve. It was built up step by step, President Wilson taking a
most active part in the work.
Finally the Covenant was adopted in a preliminary way and made public late in
February. It was subject to amendment, and those who drafted the document welcomed
amendments and urged that they be offered. An especial effort was made to secure
suggestions from various Republican statesmen. No amendments, so far as I have been
able to learn, were offered by any of the Republican Senators, but ex-President Taft
suggested certain changes, some of which were adopted. President Lowell of Harvard
contributed one or two which were taken over almost verbatim. Ex-Senator Elihu Root
66. also made valuable suggestions, some of which were utilized in the final drafting of the
Covenant, made public early in April.
ESSENCE AND SPIRIT OF THE LEAGUE
Roughly, as the situation developed, the purpose of the League of Nations became two-
fold. The initial purpose, of course, was to set up the machinery for a body, representative
of the nations, keeping in such close contact and guided by such general principles as
would tend to make it impossible for one nation to begin war upon another. Elsewhere in
this volume ex-Attorney General Wickersham has described in detail the clauses of the
Covenant; but even in this brief allusion it is proper to set down the essence and spirit of
the League. It is this: No two peoples, if they come to know each other and each other's
motives sufficiently well, and if by certain machinery they are maintained in close
personal and ideal contact, can conceivably fly at each other's throats. Now no machinery
can be devised that will absolutely prevent war, but a carrying out of the spirit and
principles set forth in the present Covenant ought to make war well-nigh impossible. The
machinery that was thus set up at Paris was deemed at the time to be of course imperfect
and subject to constant improvement.
The second purpose of the League was to act as the binder, and in a way, the
administrative force of the present existing Treaty. That is to say, we found as time went
on there were many situations so complex that human wisdom could not devise an
immediate formula for their solution. Hence, it became necessary for the Peace
Conference to establish certain machinery which, if necessary, should function over a
series of years, and thus work out permanently the problems involved. Therefore, as it
fell out, there were established under the Treaty, almost a score of Commissions, most of
them to act under the general supervision of a League of Nations. Here, then, is another
great function that the League of Nations is immediately called upon to fulfil.
WORK OF THE COMMISSIONS
With the Covenant of the League of Nations more or less complete, the next business of
the Conference was the setting up of the Treaty proper. The method for this work was
roughly as follows: About the first of February there was appointed a large number of
special Commissions, made up of members of the various delegations. These
Commissions, which were each to treat of separate topics, having arrived at a solution of
the special subject, were then to draft their reports in such language that they could
readily be embodied in the final Treaty of Peace itself. Thus, for instance, there was
appointed a Commission on Reparations, a Commission on Economic Phases of the
67. Treaty, a Commission on Finance, a Commission on Boundaries, a Commission on
Military and Naval Armament, a Commission on German Colonies, a Commission on the
Saar Basin Coal Fields, a Commission on Inland Waterways, and so on to the number of
perhaps twenty. These Commissions immediately organized, and if the subject were
particularly complex and many-sided, resolved themselves into sub-commissions. These
sub-commissions in turn organized, each with its chairman and vice-chairman, its
secretariat, and its interpreters, together with experts called into attendance.
DELAYS TO THE TREATY
The sittings of all these Commissions began, as I say, about February 1st, and at that
time the plan was that the work of the Commissions should be concluded in the form of a
report to the Supreme Council six weeks later, or about March 15th. The plan, further,
was for the Supreme Council to pass upon these various reports, amend them if need be,
and then have them drafted in such form as together would go to make up the Treaty,
which, under this scheme, would be presented to the Germans on or about April 1st. The
Germans would presumably sign within a fortnight, and we should all be going home
about April 15th. As a matter of fact, the Germans signed the Treaty at Versailles at three
o'clock on the afternoon of June 28th, two and one-half months later than the time
originally planned.
This delay was, however, not at all unreasonable, if one stops to consider the number of
questions involved, their magnitude, and the difficulty of dealing with them promptly. In
the first place, each Commission was supposed to present the Supreme Council a
unanimous report. The Council had ruled that the Commissions should not report by
majority vote, for if in any given instance the majority overruled the minority, the
minority might have such bitter complaint that there would be left in the situation the
seed for future trouble. Therefore the Council determined that in the case of divergence
of opinion in the same Commission, the two or more groups in the Commission should
make separate reports to the Council, each having its own day in court. The Council
would act as judges of the last resort, and no delegation would go away feeling that it
had not had ample opportunity to present its case. Inevitable and sharp differences of
opinion did arise, so that at least half the reports, I should say, as presented to the Big
Four had to be thrashed out there in considerable detail.
The second handicap to rapid progress, of course, lay in the composition of the various
Commissions. Each of the large five powers had to be represented on each Commission,
and in most instances smaller powers also demanded representation. On some of the
important Commissions the larger powers had two or more delegates sitting. Owing to
68. the fact that Paris was full of influenza, each delegate had to have his alternate so as to
keep the ball rolling. When they first met these delegates were not well acquainted with
each other. They did not know how to get along together. It took weeks for them to shake
down, so as to understand each other's methods and points of view; so as to be prepared
to make the necessary give and take, certain meetings of views which are always essential
where people are gathered from the four corners of the earth with a single aim, but with
vastly different ideas for attaining it.
Copyright by Underwood Underwood
Where the Peace Treaty Was
Signed
This was the table and chair at which the delegates sat and
signed the peace document.
Click for a larger image.
POLITICS AT THE CONFERENCE
Still another difficulty was the question of politics which could not be eliminated. It is
easy enough to say, cut out politics, but in any international gathering it is never
possible to do it. I must say right here, however, that—as it seemed to me—the American
delegation well-nigh attained that ideal, and be it to President Wilson's credit, I never
once saw him throughout the length of the conference, play politics. But some of the
other delegations naturally felt that at home there was a list'ning senate to applaud or to
condemn, and many of these delegates, being members of their respective parliaments or
ministries, naturally had their ear to the ground for the effect that their course at Paris
was producing. Then if, at the sittings of a Commission, one delegate made a particularly
69. eloquent speech, his fellow delegate might feel it incumbent upon him to make another
equally long. Some of the delegates deemed it their duty to make an extended speech
every day and seemed to feel that they were lacking in patriotism if they failed each
morning to cover several pages of the record with their views.
THE DIFFICULTY OF LANGUAGE
Then the final difficulty, uniting with the other troubles to prevent rapid progress, was
that of language. The Paris Conference was, of course, a regular Tower of Babel. There
were two official languages—French and English. Each delegation used the language
with which its delegates were most familiar, and every word uttered by those delegates
had to be translated into the vernacular of the others. Not only did this interpretation
consume a vast amount of time, but of course it frequently proved most unsatisfactory.
Both the English and French languages are so idiomatic that the finer shades of meaning
can never be well transmuted from one to the other. Hence, frequent and sometimes
serious mistakes arose. For instance, a Serbian delegate who knew not a word of English
would misunderstand something said by the British delegate, poorly translated into
French. As the Serbian delegate's knowledge of French was also very limited he could not
readily understand. So he would fly into a towering rage, and for an hour a heated
argument would volley back and forth. Perhaps, at the end of that time, some cool-
headed delegate (frequently an American), would point out that neither of the honorable
delegates had any conception of what the other had said, and at bottom their views were
precisely similar. Each of the competitors would then listen to reason, the situation would
clear up, and things move on more happily.
I use here as an example a Serbian delegate, not that the Serbian delegates were more
prone to passion than anybody else. We were all fighting like mad to make peace. We
realized that though fundamentally we all had the same aim, yet as to methods our views
were so divergent, that when we entered into conference at ten o'clock in the morning we
should probably have one continuous struggle, with interludes for luncheon and dinner,
until perhaps late in the evening. These struggles never ceased altogether, but as we got
to know one another better, they of course let up materially, and we got on amicably and
effectively.
THE COMMISSION ON REPARATIONS
No sketch of the Peace Conference, even one as cursory and superficial as this, could
give any idea of the picture without a more detailed reference to the workings of some
particular Commission that played an important part in the building up of the Peace
70. Treaty. Hence I may be permitted to mention the Commission on Reparations. All things
considered, this was perhaps the most important Commission at work.
The original Commission on Reparations was divided into three sub-commissions.
Commission Number One was to determine upon what principles reparation should be
demanded from Germany, that is to say, what items of damage should be included. In
addition to physical damage inflicted by Germany upon the Allies, by reason of her
aggression on land or sea, and from the air, should the cost of pensions for dead French
soldiers be claimed? Was the entire cost of the war as waged by England, for instance, to
be included as a charge against Germany? In other words, just what categories should be
adopted in order to define Germany's liability?
This Commission Number One sat for weeks, and it was only towards the very end
that it succeeded in establishing the categories. At the start there was a sharp divergence
of opinion among the various delegations. The American delegation pointed out that
under President Wilson's Fourteen Points costs of war would have to be excluded. The
British delegation maintained otherwise. The French thought the costs of war ought to be
included, but deemed the matter academic, inasmuch as Germany could never pay the
total war costs. And so the argument ran.
Sub-commission Number Two on reparations had for its object to determine what
Germany's capacity to pay was, and what the proper method of payment should be. Sub-
commission Number Three was to devise sanctions or guarantees by which the Allies
should be assured of receiving the payments finally determined upon.
For weeks I was active upon Sub-commission Number Two, and in fact was charged
with the duty of drawing up the initial report covering the question of Germany's
capacity to pay. Early in the deliberations of this Sub-commission it became apparent that
its work was of momentous import, for whatever the Sub-commission determined as
Germany's capacity to pay, undoubtedly that sum would be fixed as what Germany
should be obligated to pay. Theoretically, as the French had pointed out, it did not make
a great difference what categories of damage were included, because Germany would
probably be unable to pay even the extent of material damage she had wrought. It was
equally evident that she would be compelled by the Allies to pay to the utmost extent of
her capacity. Therefore Sub-commission Number Two was in effect, naming the amount
of the German indemnity.
AN ESTIMATE OF GERMANY'S CAPACITY TO PAY
71. This knowledge rendered the work of the delegates on Sub-commission Number Two
considerably more difficult. To estimate Germany's capacity to pay over a series of years
was by no means a purely scientific matter. No banker, or economist, or financier,
whatever his experience, could look far enough into the future to be able to say what
Germany could or could not pay, in ten, twenty, or thirty years. The initial estimate made
by one of the delegations, as representing Germany's capacity to pay, was one thousand
million of francs. Another estimate was twenty-four billion sterling, about one hundred
twenty billion of dollars. Now Germany's entire wealth was estimated at not over eighty
billion dollars, so it was inconceivable how it could be possible, even over a series of
years, for Germany to pick up her entire commonwealth and transfer it to the Allies. Most
of Germany's property consists of the soil, railroads, factories, dwellings, and none of
those things can be transported, none can be made available for the payment of
reparation. Hence the question arose as to how much liquid wealth Germany could
export year after year and still maintain her own economic life. This was the estimate
upon which the British, French and American delegations wrangled pleasantly for weeks.
Whenever we reached too tense a point, tea and toast was served, with jam to sweeten the
atmosphere a bit, and then we would start afresh.
As a matter of fact, as we encouraged newspaper reporters to surmise, we had nearly
arrived upon a basis of agreement for demanding a fixed sum from Germany. That sum
would not have exceeded forty or forty-five billion dollars, with interest added. The
American delegation believed it to be far sounder economically to name a fixed sum and
thus limit Germany's liability, so that all nations could address themselves to a definite
end and arrange their fiscal and taxation policies accordingly. But both Mr. Lloyd George
and M. Clemenceau urged that public opinion in both their countries would not
acquiesce in any sum that fell far below previous expectations; that, therefore, inasmuch
as it was difficult anyway to arrive at once upon the exact amount of damage caused, it
would be wiser to leave the amount of reparation open, to be determined by a
commission which should examine into the damage sustained, and fix the total amount
within two years. America's material interest in the question was so limited that President
Wilson finally did not oppose Mr. Lloyd George's and M. Clemenceau's judgment. This,
in brief, is the history of the Reparation clauses in the Treaty. As I have already said, if we
realize that in almost every one of the other chapters similar complex courses of
procedure had to be followed, we shall not be surprised at the time which the Treaty took
for drafting.
THE ITALIAN CRISIS
72. The world is already familiar with the several crises which arose during the course of
the Peace Conference. The so-called Fiume crisis, when the Italian delegation walked out
and returned to Rome, was regarded as the most serious. I am not sure it was, although it
was generally so considered. I believe most of Italy's warmest friends maintain that her
action in going home was a mistake. The question of putting Fiume under Italian
sovereignty was not covered nor even touched upon in the Treaty of London. In face, the
question of Fiume arose long after the Peace Conference was under way. Signor Orlando,
the Italian Premier, was accused of fostering Italian feeling on Fiume and of fanning it
into flame. I believe there is no truth in this. At any rate, if the Italians had been wise, they
would have prevented the matter of Fiume from becoming such a cause celèbre. I think
that by judicious work they could have prevented it. Then, too, probably the difficulty
would have been lessened if President Wilson's statement to the Italian people had
previously met Signor Orlando's approval. Mr. Wilson made his statement with the best
will in the world, with the intent to allay and not inflame Italian public opinion. It should
have been possible to coördinate his idealism with Signor Orlando's position.
Later on the Italian delegation returned to Paris, realizing that the question of Fiume,
which was formerly an Austrian port, did not bear one way or another upon the Treaty
with Germany. But the Italians had lost a certain tactical position which was important to
them, and in my judgment the move cost Italy much more than the whole question of
Fiume amounted to.
Copyright Underwood Underwood
Awaiting the Decision of the
German Peace Delegates.
73. President Clemenceau is shown standing. Next to him from
right to left are: President Wilson, Secretary of State Robert
Lansing, Commissioner Henry White, Colonel House, Gen.
Tasker H. Bliss, Stephen Pichon, French Minister of Foreign
Affairs; Louis Klotz, French Minister of Finance, and André
Tardieu, French High Commissioner. From Clemenceau, left
to right: Premier Lloyd George, Bonar Law and A. J. Balfour.
Click for a larger image.
THE QUESTION OF SHANTUNG
The Shantung crisis was another serious one. It was so realized at the time by the
conferees at Paris. The Japanese delegation considered that it had already suffered one or
two rebuffs. Their clause to embody race equality in the League of Nations Covenant had
not been accepted. They, as the leading Far Eastern Power, were being urged to take an
active part in the organization and development of the League of Nations, yet they could
see nothing for Japan in the idea except a chance to help the other fellow. It was at this
time that the Treaty clause was being drafted covering the disposition of German rights
in the Far East, including those on the Shantung Peninsula. It will be remembered that at
the outbreak of the war Germany, by reason of treaty rights with China, had possession
of Kiauchau, upon the neck of the Shantung Peninsula. Back in 1916, at a time when the
war was going badly, after Japan had driven the Germans out of the Far East and had
prevented German submarines from getting a base there to prey upon British troop ships
from Australia, Japan had demanded from England and France that she become the
inheritor of whatever rights Germany had in Shantung. England and France readily
granted this request, as America probably would have done if she had been in the war at
the time. Later on, according to the record, China confirmed Japan in these rights.
President Wilson's idea, however, was China for Chinamen; therefore Shantung
should be turned over to China. This was a proper point of view. It was a great pity that it
could not be made to prevail. The difficulty, however, was two-fold: first, the agreement
which I have just cited between England and France on one hand, and Japan on the other;
second, Japan's statement to President Wilson that if he began his League of Nations by
forcing England and France to break a solemn agreement with Japan, then Japan would
have no use for such a faithless confederation and would promptly withdraw. At the
same time, however, Japan reiterated that her inheritance of Shantung was largely a
formal matter, and that if the Allies gave her that recognition, she would feel in honor
bound to withdraw from Shantung in the near future. This statement, made repeatedly
74. by the Japanese delegates to President Wilson, finally led him to refrain from forcing
Great Britain and France to break their agreement, as he might perhaps otherwise have
done. The climax, of course, came when Japan gave her ultimatum and said that unless
she had her rights she would retire from the Conference.
DEMANDS OF BELGIUM
Then came the third and last crisis—the Belgians threatened to withdraw and go home.
They had, as they claimed, been promised by their Allies, as well as by their enemies,
including specifically Germany, that their country, trampled over and devastated in order
to defend France and England from attack, was to be fully restored and reimbursed for its
expenditures. Early in the Conference Colonel House projected a plan to Mr. Balfour of
the British delegation and Mr. Klotz of the French delegation, granting Belgium a priority
of $500,000,000 on the German reparation, this sum being sufficient to set Belgium well
on her way to recovery. There was, however, great delay in getting the final assent to this
priority. The American delegation worked hard to bring it about and to push the plan on
every occasion, but it still hung fire.
The Belgian delegation, finally becoming alarmed, insisted on formally taking up the
question with the Council of Four. The Belgian delegation, under the leadership of Mr.
Hymans, Minister of Foreign Affairs, made two chief demands, one for the priority
already mentioned, and one for reimbursement for what the war had cost her. To this
latter item there was vigorous objection on the ground that it was inadmissible to provide
for Belgium's costs of war and not for those of England, France, Italy and the other
Allies. As a compromise to meet the situation, a formula was finally proposed in a phrase
to the effect that Germany was to be obligated especially to reimburse Belgium for all the
sums borrowed by Belgium from the Allies as a necessary consequence of the violation of
the Treaty of 1839. Inasmuch as all such sums borrowed by Belgium were used for the
prosecution of the war, this phrase was simply a euphemism for granting to Belgium the
war costs which she had demanded. But it was finally agreed to on all hands, and the
crisis was averted.
75. Copyright by Press Illustrating Service
The George Washington
It was on this ship that President and Mrs. Wilson made
their two trips across the Atlantic and back during the Peace
Conference.
Click for a larger image.
THE TREATY PRESENTED TO THE GERMANS AT VERSAILLES
The Treaty in its final form was presented to the Germans at Versailles May 7th. The
Germans were hoping they would be permitted to discuss certain phases of the Treaty in
person with the Allied delegates, and in fact repeatedly requested the opportunity. Some
of us believed such conversations might be advantageous if they were held; not between
the chiefs of the Allied states and the heads of the German delegation, but between
technical experts on both sides. Mr. Wilson favored this view, as tending to enlighten the
Germans on certain phases of the Treaty, which from their written communications it was
evident they did not understand. We thought that some weeks of delay might possibly be
averted by sitting around the table with the Germans, distasteful as that task might be,
and holding a kind of miniature peace conference. This suggestion, however, was
strongly opposed by M. Clemenceau, although it was favored by some of his ministers. In
fact, some of the latter, as well as many of the British, were for a time convinced that the
terms of the Treaty were such that Germany would never sign them. Again and again
Clemenceau was urged to give way on this point, but he sturdily opposed the view and
76. declared positively that he knew the German character; that the only way to secure a
German signature to the Treaty was to insist upon purely formal and written
communications. Clemenceau had his way, and then began the laying of a good many
wagers as to whether the Germans would sign. This was after the original German
delegation, or at least the chiefs of it, had returned to Berlin and declared that they would
not come back again to Versailles. My own opinion was, that after making as great a kick
as possible the Germans would undoubtedly sign. The logic of the situation was all for
their signing, the reasoning being this: If the Treaty were a just Treaty, then they ought to
sign any way; if it were an unjust Treaty, then, even if signed, it would eventually fall of
its own weight, and the Germans would run no risk in signing it. I felt that the German
psychology of the situation would be acute enough to see these points and to lead to a
signature.
GERMANY SIGNS THE TREATY
This proved to be the case, and on Saturday, the 21st of June, after questionings and
misgivings, we finally got the word that the Germans were to sign. I shall never forget the
moment that the news came. Some of us were in session with the Council of Four at the
President's house. Mr. Wilson sat on the right of the fireplace, Mr. Lloyd George on the
left, and M. Clemenceau in the middle. Mr. Orlando was in Italy but his foreign minister,
Baron Sonnino, was there in his place. The afternoon was a tense one, for the time was
growing short and the Germans had, as I say, not yet signified their intention of signing
the treaty. In the mind of every one of us there lurked the question as to the terrible steps
that would have to be taken in the event the Germans refused to sign. Late in the
afternoon an orderly slipped into the room and whispered into M. Clemenceau's ear. He
struggled to his feet, marched up to President Wilson and Mr. Lloyd George, and,
drawing himself up, said in solemn tones, I have the honor to announce to you that the
Germans will sign the treaty.
And then a moment later the cannon boomed forth to the expectant populace the news
that the Germans would sign, and M. Clemenceau, turning to me, breathed: Ah, that is
the sound that I have been waiting to hear for forty-eight years.
77. II—WILSON'S FOURTEEN POINTS
An Attempt to Raise International Morality
to the Level of Private Morality
On January 8, 1918, President Wilson outlined the fourteen points on the basis of which
the Allies should make peace. This program was the startling climax of a whole series of
peace proposals which had kept coming from both camps of belligerents, from neutrals,
Socialists, and the Pope. It is without doubt one of the greatest and most inspiring State
documents in the history of the world. It struck a vital and telling blow at the basic causes
of modern wars. For that reason it electrified into complete unity the masses of the Allied
countries. Liberal, radical and pacifist opponents of the war rallied around it as the last
great hope of civilization. Its most important effect was to give a democratic basis to the
weary and disillusioned masses of the Central Powers who were longing for peace. It was
on the basis of the fourteen points that the enemy surrendered.
THE WILSON PROGRAM
We entered this war because violations of right had occurred which touched us to the
quick and made the life of our own people impossible unless they were corrected and the
world secured once for all against their recurrence. What we demand in this war,
therefore, is nothing peculiar to ourselves. It is that the world be made fit and safe to live
in; and particularly that it be made safe for every peace-loving nation which, like our
own, wishes to live its own life, determine its own institutions, be assured of justice and
fair dealings by the other peoples of the world, as against force and selfish aggression. All
the peoples of the world are in effect partners in this interest and for our own part we see
very clearly that unless justice be done to others it will not be done to us. The programme
of the world's peace, therefore, is our programme, and that programme, the only possible
programme, as we see it, is this:
I. Open covenants of peace, openly arrived at, after which there shall be no private
international understandings of any kind, but diplomacy shall proceed always frankly
and in the public view.
78. II. Absolute freedom of navigation upon the seas, outside territorial waters, alike in
peace and in war, except as the seas may be closed in whole or in part by international
action for the enforcement of international covenants.
III. The removal, as far as possible, of all economic barriers and the establishment of an
equality of trade conditions among all the nations consenting to the peace and associating
themselves for its maintenance.
IV. Adequate guarantees given and taken that national armaments will be reduced to
the lowest point consistent with domestic safety.
V. A free, open minded, and absolutely impartial adjustment of all colonial claims,
based upon a strict observance of the principle that in determining all such questions of
sovereignty the interests of the populations concerned must have equal weight with the
equitable claims of the government whose title is to be determined.
Copyright by Underwood Underwood
Paris Crowds Greeting President
Wilson
A general holiday was declared to welcome the President of
the United States. This photograph was taken in the Place dé
la Concorde.
Click for a larger image.
VI. The evacuation of Russian territory and such a settlement of all questions affecting
Russia as will secure the best and freest coöperation of the other nations of the world in
obtaining for her an unhampered and unembarrassed opportunity for the independent
79. determination of her own political development and national policy and assure her of a
sincere welcome into the society of free nations under institutions of her own choosing;
and, more than a welcome, assistance also of every kind that she may need and may
herself desire. The treatment accorded Russia by her sister nations in the months to come
will be the acid test of their good will, of their comprehension of her needs as
distinguished from their own interests, and of their intelligent and unselfish sympathy.
VII. Belgium, the whole world will agree, must be evacuated and restored, without any
attempt to limit the sovereignty which she enjoys in common with all other free nations.
No other single act will serve as this will serve to restore confidence among the nations in
the laws which they have themselves set and demanded for the government of their
relations with one another. Without this healing act the whole structure and validity of
international law is forever impaired.
VIII. All French territory should be freed and the invaded portions restored, and the
wrong done France by Prussia in 1871 in the matter of Alsace-Lorraine, which has
unsettled the peace of the world for nearly fifty years, should be righted, in order that
peace may once more be made secure in the interest of all.
IX. A readjustment of the frontiers of Italy should be effected along clearly recognizable
lines of nationality.
X. The peoples of Austria-Hungary, whose place among the nations we wish to see
safeguarded and assured, should be accorded the freest opportunity of autonomous
development.
XI. Rumania, Serbia and Montenegro should be evacuated; occupied territories
restored; Serbia accorded free and secure access to the sea, and the relations of the several
Balkan States to one another determined by friendly counsel along historically
established lines of allegiance and nationality, and international guarantees of the
political and economic independence and territorial integrity of the several Balkan States
should be entered into.
XII. The Turkish portions of the present Ottoman Empire should be assured a secure
sovereignty, but the other nationalities which are now under Turkish rule should be
assured an undoubted security of life and an absolutely unmolested opportunity of
autonomous development, and the Dardanelles should be permanently opened as a free
passage to the ships and commerce of all nations under international guarantees.
80. XIII. An independent Polish State should be erected which should include the
territories inhabited by indisputably Polish population, which should be assured a free
and secure access to the sea and whose political and economic independence and
territorial integrity should be guaranteed by international covenant.
XIV. A general association of nations must be formed under specific covenants for the
purpose of affording mutual guarantees of political independence and territorial integrity
to great and small States alike.
81. III—HOW THE PEACE TREATY WAS
SIGNED
A Description of the Historic Ceremony in
the Hall of Mirrors at the Palace of
Versailles, June 8, 1919
(Reprinted from the New York Times.)
No nobler and more eloquent setting could have been found for this greatest of all
modern events, the signing of the Peace of Versailles, after five years of terrific struggle on
whose outcome the fate of the whole world had hung, than the palace of the greatest of
French Kings on the hillcrest of the Paris suburb that gave its name to the treaty. To reach
it, says the correspondent of The New York Times, the plenipotentiaries and distinguished
guests from all parts of the world motored to Versailles that day, and drove down the
magnificent tree-lined Avenue du Château, then across the huge square—the famous
Place d'Armes of Versailles—and up through the gates and over the cobblestones of the
Court of Honor to the entrance, where officers of the Republican Guard, whose creation
dates back to the French Revolution, in picturesque uniform, were drawn up to receive
them.
All day the crowd had been gathering. It was a cloudy day; not till noon did the sky
clear. By noon eleven regiments of French cavalry and infantry had taken position along
the approaches to the palace, while within the court on either side solid lines of infantry
in horizon blue were drawn up at attention.
Hours before the time set for the ceremony an endless stream of automobiles began
moving out of Paris up the cannon-lined hill of the Champs Elysées, past the massive Arc
de Triomphe, bulking somberly against the leaden sky, and out through the Bois de
Boulogne. This whole thoroughfare was kept clear by pickets, dragoons, and mounted
gendarmes. In the meantime thousands of Parisians were packing regular and special
trains on all the lines leading to Versailles, and contending with residents of the town for
82. places in the vast park where the famous fountains would rise in white fleur-de-lis to
mark the end of the ceremony.
A MEMORABLE SCENE
Past the line of gendarmes thrown across the approaches to the square reserved for
ticket holders, the crowd surged in a compact and irresistible wave, while hundreds of
the more fortunate ones took up positions in the high windows of every wing of the
palace. Up the broad boulevard of the Avenue de Paris the endless chain of motor cars
rolled between rows of French soldiers; and a guard of honor at the end of the big court
presented arms to the plenipotentiaries and delegates as they drove through to the
entrance, which for the Allied delegates only was by the marble stairway to the Queen's
Apartments and the Hall of Peace, giving access to the Hall of Mirrors. A separate route
of entry was prescribed for the Germans, an arrangement which angered and
disconcerted them when they discovered it, through the park and up the marble stairway
through the ground floor.
The delegates and plenipotentiaries began to arrive shortly after 2 p. m., their
automobiles rolling between double lines of infantry with bayonets fixed—it was
estimated that there were 20,000 soldiers altogether guarding the route—that held back
the cheering throngs. The scene from the Court of Honor was impressive. The Place
d'Armes was a lake of white faces, dappled everywhere by the bright colors of flags and
fringed with the horizon blue of troops whose bayonets flamed silverly as the sun
emerged for a moment from behind heavy clouds. At least a dozen airplanes wheeled
and curvetted above.
Up that triumphal passage, leading for a full quarter of a mile from the wings of the
palace to the entrance to the Hall of Mirrors, representatives of the victorious nations
passed in flag-decked limousines—hundreds, one after another, without intermission, for
fifty minutes. Just inside the golden gates, which were flung wide, they passed the big
bronze statue of Louis XIV., the Sun-King, on horseback, flanked by statues of the
Princes and Governors, Admirals and Generals who had made Louis the Grand
Monarque of France. And on the façade of the twin, temple-like structures on either side
of the great statue they could read as they passed an inscription symbolic of the historic
ceremony just about to occur: To All the Glories of France.
NOTABILITIES ARRIVE
83. One of the earliest to arrive was Marshal Foch, amid a torrent of cheering, which burst
out even louder a few moments later when the massive head of Premier Clemenceau was
seen through the windows of a French military car. To these and other leaders, including
President Wilson, General Pershing, and Premier Lloyd George, the troops drawn up all
around the courtyard presented arms. After Clemenceau the unique procession
continued, diplomats, soldiers, Princes of India in gorgeous turbans and swarthy faces,
dapper Japanese in immaculate Western dress, Admirals, aviators, Arabs; one caught a
glimpse of the bright colors of French, British, and Colonial uniforms. British Tommies
and American doughboys also dashed up on crowded camions, representing the blood
and sweat of the hard-fought victory; they got an enthusiastic reception. It was 2:45 when
Mr. Balfour, bowing and smiling, heralded the arrival of the British delegates. Mr. Lloyd
George was just behind him, for once wearing the conventional high hat instead of his
usual felt. At 2:50 came President Wilson in a black limousine with his flag, a white eagle
on a dark blue ground; he received a hearty welcome.
By 3 o'clock the last contingent had arrived, and the broad ribbon road stretched empty
between the lines of troops from the gates of the palace courtyard. The Germans had
already entered; to avoid any unpleasant incident they had been quietly conveyed from
their lodgings at the Hotel des Reservoirs Annex through the park.
THE SCENE INSIDE
The final scene in the great drama was enacted in the magnificent Hall of Mirrors.
Versailles contains no more splendid chamber than this royal hall, whose three hundred
mirrors gleam from every wall, whose vaulted and frescoed ceiling looms dark and high,
in whose vastness the footfalls of the passer re-echo over marble floors and die away
reverberatingly. It was no mere matter of convenience or accident that the Germans were
brought to sign the Peace Treaty in this hall. For this same hall, which saw the German
peace delegates of 1919, representing a beaten and prostrate Germany, affix their
signatures to the Allied terms of peace, had witnessed in the year 1871 a very different
ceremony. It was in the Hall of Mirrors that the German Empire was born. Forty-nine
years ago, on a January morning, while the forts of beleaguered Paris were firing their
last defiant shots, in that mirror-gleaming hall was inaugurated the reign of that German
Empire the virtual end of which, so far as the concept held by its originators is concerned,
was signalized in Versailles in the same spot on Saturday, June 28. And in 1871 President
Thiers had signed there the crushing terms of defeat imposed by a victorious and ruthless
Germany.
84. In anticipation of the present ceremony carpets had been laid and the ornamental table,
with its eighteenth century gilt and bronze decorations, had been placed in position on
the daïs where the plenipotentiaries were seated. Fronting the chair of M. Clemenceau
was placed a small table, on which the diplomatic instruments were laid. It was to this
table that each representative was called, in alphabetical order by countries, to sign his
name to the treaty and affix to it his Governmental seal. The four hundred or more
invited guests were given places in the left wing of the Hall of Mirrors, while the right
wing was occupied by about the same number of press representatives. Sixty seats were
allotted to the French press alone. Besides the military guards outside the palace, the
grand stairway up which the delegates came to enter the hall was controlled by the
Republican Guards in their most brilliant gala uniform.
THE PEACE TABLE
The peace table—a huge hollow rectangle with its open side facing the windows in the
hall—was spread with tawny yellow coverings blending with the rich browns, blues, and
yellows of the antique hangings and rugs; these, and the mellow tints of the historical
paintings, depicting scenes from France's ancient wars, in the arched roof of the long hall,
lent bright dashes of color to an otherwise austere scene. Against the sombre background
also stood out the brilliant uniforms of a few French guards, in red plumed silver helmets
and red, white, and blue uniforms, and a group of Allied Generals, including General
Pershing, who wore the scarlet sash of the Legion of Honor.
But all the diplomats and members of the parties who attended the ceremony of
signing wore conventional civilian clothes. All gold lace and pageantry was eschewed,
the fanciful garb of the Middle Ages was completely absent as representative of traditions
and practices sternly condemned in the great bound treaty-volume of Japanese paper,
covered with seals and printed in French and English, which was signed by twenty-seven
nations that afternoon.
As a contrast with the Franco-German peace session of 1871, held in the same hall,
there were present some grizzled French veterans of the Franco-Prussian war. They took
the place of the Prussian guardsmen of the previous ceremony, and gazed with a species
of grim satisfaction at the disciples of Bismarck, who sat this time in the seats of the
lowly, while the white marble statue of Minerva looked stonily on.
ENTRANCE OF CHIEF ACTORS
85. Copyright Underwood Underwood
Henry White
Former Ambassador to France and
Italy and one of the United States
delegates to the Peace Conference.
The ceremony of signing was marked only by three minor incidents: a protest by the
German delegation at the eleventh hour over the provision of separate entrance, the filing
of a document of protest by General Jan Smuts of the South African delegation, and the
deliberate absence of the Chinese delegates from the ceremony, due to dissatisfaction
over the concessions granted to Japan in Shantung.
The treaty was deposited on the table at
2:10 p.m. by William Martin of the French
Foreign Office; it was inclosed in a
stamped leather case, and bulked large.
Because of the size of the volume and the
fragile seals it bore, the plan to present it
for signing to Premier Clemenceau,
President Wilson, and Premier Lloyd
George had been given up. A box of old-
fashioned goose quills, sharpened by the
expert pen pointer of the French Foreign
Office, was placed on each of the three
tables for the use of plenipotentiaries who
desired to observe the conventional
formalities.
Secretary Lansing, meanwhile, had
been the first of the American delegation
to arrive in the palace—at 1:45 p.m.
Premier Clemenceau entered at 2:20.
Three detachments each consisting of
fifteen private soldiers—from the
American, British, and French forces—just
before 3 o'clock and took their places in
the embrasures of the windows
overlooking the château park, a few feet
from Marshal Foch, who was seated with
the French delegation at the peace table.
Marshal Foch was present only as a
spectator, and did not participate in the
signing. These forty-five soldiers of the three main belligerent nations were present as the
real artisans of peace and stood within the inclosure reserved for plenipotentiaries and
high officials of the conference as a visible sign of their rôle in bringing into being a new
86. Europe. These men had been selected from those who bore honorable wounds. Premier
Clemenceau stepped up to the poilus of the French detachment and shook the hand of
each, expressing his pleasure at seeing them, and his regrets for the suffering they had
endured for France.
PRESIDENT WILSON ENTERS
Delegates of the minor powers made their way with difficulty through the crowd to
their places at the table. Officers and civilians lined the walls and filled the aisles.
President Wilson entered the Hall of Mirrors at 2:50. All the Allied delegates were then
seated, except the Chinese representatives, who were conspicuous by their absence. The
difficulty of seeing well militated against demonstrations on the arrival of prominent
statesmen. The crowd refused to be seated and thronged toward the center of the hall,
which is so long that a good view was impossible from any distance, even with the aid of
opera glasses. German correspondents were ushered into the hall just before 3 o'clock
and took standing room in a window at the rear of the correspondents' section.
At 3 o'clock a hush fell over the hall. There were a few moments of disorder while the
officials and the crowd took their places. At 3:07 the German delegates, Dr. Hermann
Müller, German Secretary for Foreign Affairs, and Dr. Johannes Bell, Colonial Secretary,
were shown into the hall; with heads held high they took their seats. The other delegates
remained seated, according to a prearranged plan reminiscent of the discourtesy
displayed by von Brockdorff-Rantzau, who at the ceremony of delivery of the peace
treaty on May 7th, had refused to rise to read his address to the Allied delegates. The
seats of the German delegates touched elbows with the Japanese on the right and the
Brazilians on the left. They were thus on the side nearest the entrance, and the program
required them to depart by a separate exit before the other delegates at the close of the
ceremony. Delegates from Ecuador, Peru, and Liberia faced them across the narrow table.
THE GERMANS SIGN
M. Clemenceau, as President of the Peace Conference, opened the ceremony. Rising, he
made the following brief address, amid dead silence:
87. The session is open. The allied and associated powers on one side
and the German Reich on the other side have come to an agreement
on the conditions of peace. The text has been completed, drafted,
and the President of the Conference has stated in writing that the
text that is about to be signed now is identical with the 200 copies
that have been delivered to the German delegation. The signatures
will be given now, and they amount to a solemn undertaking
faithfully and loyally to execute the conditions embodied by this
treaty of peace. I now invite the delegates of the German Reich to
sign the treaty.'
There was a tense pause for a moment. Then in response to M.
Clemenceau's bidding the German delegates rose without a word,
and, escorted by William Martin, master of ceremonies, moved to the
signatory table, where they placed upon the treaty the sign-manuals
which German Government leaders had declared over and over
again, with emphasis and anger, would never be appended to this
treaty. They also signed a protocol covering changes in the
documents, and the Polish undertaking. All three documents were
similarly signed by the Allied delegates who followed.
WILSON SIGNS NEXT
When the German delegates regained their seats after signing,
President Wilson immediately rose and, followed by the other
American plenipotentiaries, moved around the sides of the
horseshoe to the signature tables. It was thus President Wilson, and
not M. Clemenceau, who was first of the Allied delegates to sign.
This, however, was purely what may be called an alphabetical
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