Griswold_Thesis

A Thesis
entitled
Community Schools: Catalyst for Comprehensive Neighborhood-Based Initiatives?
by
Michael R. Griswold
Submitted to the Graduate Faculty as partial fulfillment of the requirements for the
Master of Arts Degree in Geography and Planning
_________________________________________
Dr. Sujata Shetty, Committee Chair
_________________________________________
Dr. Mary Beth Schlemper, Committee Member
_________________________________________
Dr. David J. Nemeth, Committee Member
_________________________________________
Dr. Patricia R. Komuniecki, Dean
College of Graduate Studies
The University of Toledo
August 2014

Copyright © 2014 Michael R. Griswold. All Rights Reserved.
This document is copyrighted material. Under copyright law, no parts of this document
may be reproduced without the expressed permission of the author.

iii
An Abstract of
Community Schools: Catalyst for Comprehensive Neighborhood-Based Initiatives?
by
Michael R. Griswold
Submitted to the Graduate Faculty as partial fulfillment of the requirements for the
Master of Arts Degree in Geography and Planning
The University of Toledo
August 2014
For over 100 years neighborhood-based initiatives have been enacted as a means to
alleviate conditions associated with spatially concentrated poverty. And yet, these
sociospatial strategies have shown limited success. The scope of this research attends to
the range of initiatives encompassing schools and neighborhood centers and correlations
to the contemporary community school reform movement. This point of reference is
utilized to weigh the means to which community schools may stimulate broader
neighborhood-based improvements. School-centered community revitalization rests
upon a participatory development approach funded by an asset-based and capacity
building framework for community development that utilizes resident-led initiatives and
decision making that is context-based and affected from within. This research travels the
recent academic reform of an inner-city public school in Toledo, Ohio. This course of
inquiry draws from current literature and case study findings as a means of charting
corridors to advance neighborhood-based revitalization efforts. This research also
furthers the understanding of the broader issue of neighborhood-based initiatives.

iv
I dedicated this to Christopher Michael and Jena Marie.

v
Acknowledgements
I like to thank the thesis committee for their guidance and support. Their input greatly
benefits this work. Particular appreciation goes to committee chair Dr. Sujata Shetty for
guidance with an outline and recommendations along the way. Acknowledgement is also
attributed to Dr. Mary Beth Schlemper for support in framing focus group and survey
questions. Recognition is also ascribed to Dr. David J. Nemeth who has been a mentor
over the years. Finally, gratitude is given to fellow graduate assistants Chad Wilson and
Winston Chester for their continued support throughout this course of study.

vi
Table of Contents
Abstract.............................................................................................................................. iii
Acknowledgements..............................................................................................................v
Table of Contents............................................................................................................... vi
List of Figures.................................................................................................................. viii
1 Introduction …………….…………………………………………………………1
1.1 Overview ..........................................................................................................1
1.2 Problem Statement............................................................................................3
1.3 Objectives .........................................................................................................3
1.4 Methods ............................................................................................................5
1.5 Limitations......................................................................................................10
2 Literature Review...................................................................................................12
2.1 Introduction.....................................................................................................12
2.2 Neighborhood-Based Initiatives .....................................................................14
2.3 Contemporary Advances.................................................................................33
2.4 Community Schools........................................................................................38
2.5 School-Centered Community Revitalization ..................................................45
3 Case Study…. ........................................................................................................54
3.1 Robinson Middle School.................................................................................54
3.2 The Robinson Community Hub......................................................................57

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3.3 Community Member Survey...........................................................................64
3.4 Community Member Focus Group .................................................................67
4 Discussion …..…...................................................................................................76
5 Findings and Recommendations............................................................................87
5.1 Overview ........................................................................................................87
5.2 Community Outreach and Engagement..........................................................89
5.3 Community Organizing and Empowerment ...................................................93
5.4 Community-Linked Curriculums....................................................................98
5.5 Community Development Organizer............................................................101
5.6 Community Development Committee..........................................................104
5.7 District Housing and Homeownership..........................................................106
5.3 District Economic Viability..........................................................................109
6 Conclusion …. .....................................................................................................112
References........................................................................................................................115
A Community Member Survey Questions...............................................................125
B Community Member Focus Group Questions .....................................................128
C Hub Committee Focus Group Questions .............................................................130

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List of Figures
1-1 Location Map...........................................................................................................4
3-1 Robinson Middle School........................................................................................55
3-2 Scott Learning Community....................................................................................56
3-3 Robinson Area Map ...............................................................................................62
3-4 Robinson District Map...........................................................................................64
5-1 Toledo CDC Service Area Map...........................................................................108

1
Chapter 1
Introduction
1.1 Overview
alleviate conditions associated with spatially concentrated poverty. The long course of
neighborhood-based initiatives struggled to resolve poverty-related difficulties along the
spatial dimensions of neighborhoods’ economic, physical, and social fabrics. Although
numerous sociospatial strategies have been enacted over time little progress has been
achieved. This research considers the range of initiatives utilizing schools or
neighborhood centers as an approach to alleviate the hardships of poverty. This point of
reference is utilized to weigh the means to which contemporary community schools may
stimulate broader neighborhood-based improvements. School-centered community
revitalization rests upon a participatory development approach funded by an asset-based
and capacity building framework for community development that utilizes resident-led
initiatives and decision making that is context-based and affected from within.
Multifaceted neighborhood-based initiatives fluctuated from settlements, school
social centers, neighborhood councils, public housing, community action agencies, and

2
community development corporations. The scope of this research does not detail each of
these movements, but attends to the scope of initiatives encompassing schools and
neighborhood centers. Although placed-based initiatives have often “provided the most
holistic, if not always coherent, approaches to problem solving” and are distinct in their
understanding how economic, social, and political concerns are interconnected, every
innovative approach “has had to cope with a larger legacy of unfinished tasks and
unfulfilled promises from the prior ones” (Halpern, 1995). Overall the historical
perspective illustrates place-based methods without input or a voice from within the
confines of experience.
Without the ability to address their own concerns, problems and solutions to poverty
related issues often went beyond notice. The failure of efforts initiated from outside of
the bounds of neighborhoods underscores the need for a legitimate communal voice.
Place-based initiatives that have not included a choice-based or grassroots component
have not stood the test of time. Besides, holistic neighborhood redevelopment and
community capacity building does not take place when community residents are
marginalized and rendered voiceless. Detached contemplations produce disjointed
programs to deal with the wide-ranging interconnecting difficulties inner-urban
neighborhoods face. Without the opportunity to be heard, along with a disjointed
delivery of services from an assortment of isolated agencies, comprehensive
revitalization eluded best efforts.
Lessons provide a basis of reflection and the need for departure from the piecemeal-
silo approach of the past to an overarching across-the-board line of attack. This research
travels the recent academic reform of an inner-city public school in Toledo, Ohio (figure

3
1-1). The transition to a school-as-community-hub establishment at Robinson
Elementary is the subject of this inquiry. This research utilizes a school-centered
community revitalization approach to investigate the hypothesis that school reform can
anchor and serve as a catalyst for broader neighborhood-based initiatives. This course of
inquiry draws from current literature and case study findings as a means of charting
corridors to advance neighborhood-based revitalization efforts. This research also
furthers the understanding of the broader issue of neighborhood-based initiatives.
1.2 Problem Statement
Few studies explore school-centered community development initiatives. A school-
centered community development framework maintains academic reform can be a point
of entry that opens to broader community renewal. This context is utilized to explore
how this strategy may be leveraged with the recent rise of Robinson Community School
in Toledo, Ohio. A case study assesses impacts the community school has upon the
community and community member perceptions of the quality of life in area
neighborhoods. It is a question of how this recent academic restructuring can be utilized
to affect broader levels of renewal in the local district.
1.3 Objectives
A number of neighborhood-based initiatives utilized schools and community centers over
time to alleviate effects of poverty. This thesis examines impacts associated with the
Robinson community Hub and residents’ perceptions of area neighborhoods. Insights of
area residents are brought forward to consider the quality of life of district

4
Figure 1-1: Location Map
neighborhoods. This paper looks to the community hub school to answer the following
questions: How does the community school impact the district? What is the extent of this
impact? To what degree does this empower the community? And finally, what are the
prospects of utilizing the community hub to affect broader neighborhood-based
initiatives?
Several aspects are explored to address these research questions. Specifically, this
examination is structured upon the following trajectories:
1. portraying schools and community centers within the historical context of
neighborhood-based initiatives to address poverty in the United States,

5
2. illustrating the neighborhood-centered community revitalization approach,
3. assessing community hub impacts on the community,
4. considering perceptions community members hold for their neighborhoods
and,
5. providing findings and recommendations centered on utilizing the Robinson
Community Hub as a catalyst to drive broader neighborhood-base
initiatives.
The principal purpose is to address the impact school reform has on the district and to
draw from current literature and case study findings to chart opportunities to advance
neighborhood-focused community development efforts in district neighborhoods.
Findings and recommendations center on utilizing the community school as a point of
entry opening to broader community renewal.
1.4 Methods
Robinson School is the subject of this inquiry and is considered within the analytical
framework set forth. The goal of the study is to explore the proposition that school
reform can anchor broader community renewal. Methods utilize a school-centered
community development approach that rests upon a participatory development approach
funded by an asset-based and capacity building framework for community development.
School-centered community development utilizes resident-led initiatives and decision
making that is context-based and affected from within.

6
An initial process of information gathering is conducted to capture district and
community school information. This is met through informal discussions, meetings, and
communications with the Hub Director, the Community Partnership Specialist with the
United Way of Greater Toledo, area neighborhood-based organizations, nonprofits
agencies, governmental bureaus, along with a collection of relevant materials to provide
insight into this academic restructuring. In addition, the literature review explores
historical footings of neighborhood-based revitalization initiatives along the corridor of
how schools and community centers were utilized as a means to resolve issues
surrounding the spatial concentration of poverty. Ensuing reviews examine
contemporary neighborhood-based approaches, the current community school movement,
and the school-centered community revitalization approach. A journal is also kept as a
point for reference.
The long history of neighborhood-based initiatives references numerous agendas that
employ schools or community centers to effect broader neighborhood improvements.
Neighborhood-based revitalization initiatives were utilized as a means to resolve issues
surrounding the spatial concentration of poverty. The literature gives a historical footing,
along with contemporary performances of community development, community schools
and school-centered community revitalization initiatives to illustrate a community
development approach that rests upon participatory development approach. This course
of inquiry draws from current literature and case study findings as a means to investigate
pathways to advance broader neighborhood-based revitalization efforts in the Robinson
School district.

7
A case study is utilized as an exploratory analysis tool, and a survey and focus groups
are devised to capture perceptions from community members and hub personnel (see
appendix for a list of questions). This inquiry investigates the phenomenon of the recent
transition to a community hub within real-life contexts. The case study looks intensely at
a small participant pool to draw conclusions within the specific contexts brought forth.
This structure illuminates particular experiences rather than generalizing the current
community school movement.
One of the advantages of this approach is the close collaboration effected. This
empowers contributors to have a platform to tell their stories. Opinions and points of
view from participants give voice to area residents to address their concerns. To gain
insight into the culture at Robinson, many issues are brought to light such as information
on active parent associations and the current level of parental and community
involvement. Narratives impart place-based experience and outlooks. This awareness
helps to construct events and proceedings at the Robinson Community Hub. Local
experience and perceptions ground issues relating to housing quality and affordability,
the physical environment of neighborhoods, the quality of life in neighborhoods, crime
and safety, the impact of the community hub, along with the level of community
participation.
Two focus groups are formulated to gain first-hand experience and points of view.
The hub committee group entails community school professionals and the community
member focus group consists of area residents. Perspectives from hub personnel and
community residents reveal viewpoints of professionals providing services and those
whom the services are designed to assist. Data from focus groups and the survey help to

8
answer research questions essential to this investigation. Members of the focus groups,
along with time and date of meetings are based on the endorsements of the hub director.
After testing focus group and survey questions with the hub director in December of
2013, focus groups were scheduled to meet. The first assembly was planned to gather on
Tuesday February 25, 2014 and the following on Thursday February 27th
. Both were
slated to meet at 4:00 p.m. at Robinson Elementary. Primary data is organized to bring
out community members insights and aspirations.
Focus group questions are open-ended and devised with a predetermined order but
some degree of flexibility is retained with regard to the position and timing of questions
based upon the interaction with informants. This semi-structured design enables an open
and direct dialogue through an organized order of questions, while still preserving some
degree of elasticity. Primary and secondary questions are formulated to acquire a
comprehension of the impacts experienced with the advent of repositioning Robinson
School as a community-hub-school. The community member focus group is
circumscribed by residents’ concerns, experiences and perceptions of their neighborhoods
along with hopes for the future.
Conversely, the hub committee focus group is formulated to assess the assets and
strengths present in the community, and the degree to which the community hub
facilitates assets and strengths and to investigate the challenges the community faces and
how these challenges may be met. Requests are oriented to capture residents’ perceptions
of the quality of neighborhoods and consider the degree to which the community hub has
impacted the broader district. The level of community hub involvement is also explored
together with residents’ suggestions and potentials envisioned to improve the quality of

9
life of area neighborhoods. Both focus groups allow for any topics to be added or
expanded upon. The focus groups will provide synergy arising from informal group
dynamics, while the questionnaire is more cut and dry.
Generally, the survey is formulated with close-ended questions constricted by a series
of responses to gain knowledge from residents’ perspectives of the assets and challenges
of area neighborhoods. Some questions enable broader response in addition to an open-
ended question at the end that allows participants to add or expand on any topic of their
choice. The questionnaire is structured by an opportunistic purposive sampling
perspective. This instrument explores a number of relevant themes relating to everyday
living in area neighborhoods including: housing quality and affordability, the physical
environment of neighborhoods, the quality of life in neighborhoods, crime and safety, the
impact of the community hub, and the level of community participation.
In summary, this project location-specific organizational structure depicts the model
of community schools and neighborhood centers within the historical context of
neighborhood-based revitalization initiatives, displays a number of contemporary
approaches, investigates the modern community school movement, and summarizes
neighborhood-based community-based initiatives. It also examines the impact the
Robinson Community School has upon the broader community and charts opportunities
for neighborhood improvement. Findings and recommendations center on employing the
community hub as a catalyst that opens to comprehensive neighborhood-centered
community development strategies. By drawing from present literature and case study
findings, this research attends to opportunities to advance broader neighborhood-based
initiatives leveraged on the recent school reform at Robinson Elementary.

10
1.5 Limitations
There are some limitations associated with this research. This study is an exploratory
descriptive analysis only. Since the community hub is still in its developing stage, there
is limited data available for the Robinson Community Hub. The recent academic
restructuring leaves a void in quantitative data. There were also challenges and
difficulties with the field work to secure a random sample as a consequence of constricted
points of entry to formulate focus group attendees and secure survey participants.
Outreach efforts for participants were also limited to active members of the
community hub for both focus groups and the survey. This reduces the reach into the
broader community and may have left out a manifold of community voices to address
their perspectives and concerns. Also as a participant observer in the community member
focus group there may be a degree of observation influence, which could have caused
some perspectives to be withheld. In addition, the survey has a few questions that appear
to be vague or redundant to some respondents. More time would also be necessary to
address the range of trajectories this course of investigation opened up.
Finally, the hub committee focus group meeting was canceled via email notification
from the hub director less than an hour before the scheduled meeting. Additional efforts
to reschedule it failed. The hub committee focus group was developed to assess the
assets and strengths present in the community and the degree to which the hub builds
upon community assets and strengths. Questions were formulated to determine the
degree to which the community hub is proficient at garnering resources to address
community challenges. This focus group was framed to investigate community

11
challenges and how challenges could be met. Notwithstanding constraints, this research
brings a number of findings and recommendations to light.

12
Chapter 2
Literature Review
2.1 Introduction
For over a century neighborhood-based initiatives to alleviate conditions associated with
spatially concentrated poverty have made little progress in diminishing poverty and its
related effects. This research considers the range of initiatives utilizing schools or
neighborhood centers as an approach to alleviate the hardships of the poverty. This point
of reference is utilized to weigh the means to which community schools can be leveraged
to drive broader community improvements. School-centered community development
rests upon a participatory development approach funded by an asset-based and capacity
building framework for community development that utilizes resident-led initiatives and
decision making that is context-based and affected from within.
Comprehensive neighborhood-based community development is an inclusive
approach that supports all sectors of the neighborhood – social, educational, economic,
physical, and cultural (Kubisch, 1996). Inner-city neighborhood development
traditionally concentrates on boundaries constricted by high levels of poverty and
disinvestment to target low-income individuals and families in addition to addressing
market failures that isolate people from the economic growth of the mainstream (Berube,

13
2012). Although multiple agendas have been erected over time, the historical account is
marked by a number of fundamentally flawed agendas and performances that deflated
revitalization efforts. This left considerable resources and capacities to lie dormant.
Poverty-related issues and circumstances are linked and intersect on multiple levels.
Top-down renditions construct detached silos to treat interrelating poverty concerns as
independent variables. The reciprocal influence between families, schools, and
neighborhoods calls for a broader and inclusive focus when considering solutions to
poverty. Recent efforts have widened the focus of schools to be more receptive by
structuring schools-as-centers of community and as vehicles to facilitate broader
community improvements.
Schools have a profound impact on the social, economic, and physical character of
neighborhoods. Characteristically schools reflect and mirror the socioeconomic
landscape of neighborhoods. The quality of schools correlates with the quality of
neighborhoods on a number of levels (Khadduri et al., 2007). Schools have long been
central to the neighborhoods in which they are positioned and have a strong relationship
with neighborhoods as area infrastructure. The extent of influence schools have on
neighborhoods spans the range from property values to economic vibrancy (LISC, 2012).
Good schools attract families to their districts and augment property values. In contrast,
poorly performing schools can increase the cycle of disinvestment and lead to population
loss.
The mission of schools is to give pupils educational groundings to lead and live
fruitful lives. This mission often meets frustration and encumbrance in inner-city
neighborhoods. Studies show that family, school, and neighborhoods have a strong

14
influence on student performance (Khadduri et al., 2007). By recognizing the influence
of families, schools, and communities have on children’s learning and development,
community schools work to integrate efforts on a comprehensive basis. Community
schools integrated outlook considers both academic and non-academic barriers to
learning. This approach shares similarities with Progressive Era settlements that emerged
in the late 1800s.
2.2 Neighborhood-Based Initiatives
Neighborhood-based initiatives arising in the late nineteenth century were in response to
the mounting manifestation of industrial capitalism and the resulting spatial clustering of
poverty-stricken immigrants. As urban populations swelled, communities became
encumbered and burdened with overcrowded and unsanitary conditions. Underpinning
the onslaught and alienating effects of poverty permeating inner-city neighborhoods was
widespread unemployment, inadequate wages, dangerous employment conditions, and
chronic job insecurity. As difficulties intensified, a social reform movement emerged to
produce community organizing and community advocacy.
The Progressive Movement called attention to the plight of the down-trodden and
provided the first institutional response to the needs of inner-city immigrant
neighborhoods (Halpern, 1995). Settlements promoted principles forward-thinking for
their time and offered health and social services to the poor. Reformers of the late 1800s
moved beyond the simple charity model and utilized the settlement to serve as both a
practical and theoretical framework to learn about the life of the poor. It was also
thought to be a platform on which inner-city residents could be educated to advance

15
themselves both socially and economically. In addition, settlements were designed to
bridge class and ethnic divides (Chen, 2013). Since the Progressive Era the role of
neighborhood-based initiatives has been an essential path to alleviating poverty and an
avenue of social reform.
Influenced by the founders and staff of London's Toynbee Hall, who maintain
students and affluent people ‘settle’ in poverty-stricken neighborhoods to provide
services to improve the quality of life and evaluate prevailing conditions as a means to
advance social reform, Jane Addams established the Hull House Settlement in Chicago in
1889 (United Neighborhood Houses, 2014). Subsequently, settlements were formed in
dispersed poor neighborhoods to assist with the everyday difficulties accompanying
poverty. By 1910 there were more than 400 settlement homes opened to the poor
(Alliance for Children and Families, 2014). As the movement scaled, Addams and other
pioneers founded the U.S Settlement House Movement in 1911 bringing health and
educational opportunities to working immigrant neighborhoods. By 1913, the movement
expanded to 32 states (Husock, 1992). Addams also proposed that communities should
commission schools as settlements.
Progressive Era reformers upheld novel ideals at the turn of the century maintaining
society was a social organism and poverty must be treated systematically to eliminate
both symptoms and causes (Scheuer, 1985). Accordingly, the Progressive Movement
increasingly advocated for legislative reforms for child labor, women's suffrage,
healthcare reform, and immigration policy (Addams, 1912). For example, the Hull
House conducted a detailed analysis of the Near West Side community empowering
residents to challenge the establishment. This led residents to have a greater say in the

16
purpose and implementation of programs designed to improve opportunities for the
largely immigrant population (Chicago Historical Society, 2014). As poverty increase
settlements became overburdened to meet a growing need.
Originally situated in homes, it was soon appreciated how abundant and dispersed
public schools were. Schools came to serve the role of centers of inner-city
neighborhood activities along with settlements. The pivotal locations of schools served
to fill the void, and complimented settlements as the focus of neighborhood initiatives.
As opposed to the spatially scattered settlements along disbanded expanses of the urban
landscape, schools function centrally at the neighborhood level. Integrated services to
address poverty were staged in neighborhood schools in addition to other outreach efforts
such as home visits. Neighborhood sanitary conditions were also documented and public
education programs advanced.
Numerous programs were enacted to assist the poor such as day care, afterschool
programs for children and adults, sports, hobbies, healthcare, assistance in securing
employment, legal aid, in addition to providing food, fuel, and clothing to the urban poor
(Halpern, 1995). The decentralizing or co-locating of services localizes resources in a
neighborhood center. Collocating services at the neighborhood scale by utilizing schools
capitalizes on the physical space and affords broader access to residents. Community
centers bring people and underutilized talents together.
An early effort to use schools as a base for social reform occurred in 1897 in
Manhattan’s ethnically diverse working-class neighborhoods of the Lower East Side.
Under the leadership of Charles Sprague Smith, the People’s Institute of New York
formed to support a number of political and cultural activities for immigrants (Halpern,

17
1995). In order to deal with the everyday needs of the urban poor, and to provide a
vehicle to integrate immigrants into American society, centers taught specific skills, and
offered a wide range of supportive services and recreational activities. In 1911 the
“Social Center” was established and subsequently neighborhood residents elected an
assembly of contemporaries to form the “Neighborhood Group” to govern the center’s
activities. But over time the institute’s leadership and school officials successfully
prevented the center from engaging in social action (ibid). Despite this setback
neighborhood-based initiatives moved forward.
Inspired by Addams’ campaign on poverty, John Dewey became a steadfast advocate
for school reform. He maintained that “the significant thing was to make the school … a
centre of full and adequate social service [and] to bring it into the current of social life”
(Dryfoos, 2008). Addams envisioned public schools as functioning as microcosms of
democratic society (Engel, 2000). He preserved that public schools were the “best
vehicles for problem-solving, imbuing neighborhoods with participatory democracy, and
transforming them into socially functional places based on principles of reciprocity and
social justice” (Taylor and McGlynn, 2008). By the early twentieth century, many cities
recognized the usefulness of schools as social centers, and a number of states enacted
legislation opening schools for a multitude of uses such as art galleries, movie theaters,
and local health offices (Campbell-Allen, 2009).
In his 1902 address delivered before the National Council of Education in
Minneapolis, Minnesota, Dewey appealed to transform schools to operate as a center of
life for all ages and classes (Dewey, 1902). His address outlined his intentions to employ
public schools under the settlement model to help the underprivileged. Dewey’s believed

18
that schools were a place where ideas and beliefs could emerge and bring people together
by “doing away with the barriers of caste or class or race or type of experience that keep
people from real communion with each other” (Engel, 2000). In addition, he maintained
that there was a vast amount of unutilized talent left dormant and sought to ground
education in place. Today’s community schools trace the trajectory laid out in the early
twentieth century when “John Dewey brought the school into community and Jane
Addams brought the community into school” (Dryfoos, 2002).
As spatial clustering of poor immigrant families intensified after the turn of the
century, children were concentrated within the confines of depressed socioeconomic
stations at increasing rates (Campbell-Allen et al., 2009). While speaking of the
distressed and deplorable existence of students in the city slums, Chicago’s organizing
secretary of the Board of Charities Robert Hunter declared: “The time has come for a
new conception of the responsibilities of the school. If the school does not assume the
responsibility for bringing up children, how shall the work be done?” (Williams-Boyd,
2010). Over time Hunter came into contact with Jane Addams and eventually became a
Hull House resident (Simkin, 2013).
Reformist continued to advocate for schools to serve as social centers and supported
school-based services such as lunches and child welfare services for truant and delinquent
youth. Humanitarians believed teachers were overburdened and maintain students would
perform better if non-educational services were provided in schools. Reformers brought
community-based social services to schools to serve both the child and the family as a
single unit. By 1913, 71 cities in 21 states had schools functioning as social centers and
by 1914, 17 states enacted legislation sanctioning the wider use of school facilities

19
(Benson et al., 2009). The social center movement led to the standard features in schools
we know today such as auditoriums, gymnasiums, showers, libraries, restrooms, and
medical offices (Halpern, 1995).
Progressives viewed the neighborhood organically, as a complex whole and as
referent for governance and the delivery of services (Halpern, 1995). Poor academic
performance was considered to be rooted in school practices, as well as conditions of the
home and neighborhood. In response, attempts were made to increase parental
involvement and to advance a curriculum based upon the needs of the community.
Schools soon came to provide visiting teachers to conduct home visits as a means of
addressing sanitary and public education concerns. Visiting teachers also strove to bridge
the gap between immigrants’ homes and school by serving as advocates assisting
immigrants to become assimilated into the mainstream culture (Williams-Boyd, 2010).
They also sought to increase parental involvement and provide advice on curriculum
based on their insights of the situation within neighborhoods. Similarly, they interpreted
and shared information on poverty and its effects.
Be that as it may, local school boards soon came to be under the control of socially
conservative men with close ties to religious establishments and the business community
(Halpern, 1995). Consequentially, visiting teachers, like the Progressive movement,
proved to be too independent and neighborhood-minded under school systems fast
becoming entrenched in bureaucratic control (ibid). Despite the early concerted efforts of
settlements and school social centers, the transformation envisioned did not come to pass.
Although settlement leaders viewed the settlement as a potential hub and nerve center of
neighborhoods, they isolated it from other neighborhood-based associations that provided

20
a degree of social structure and support, such as churches, indigenous trade associations,
and trade unions (ibid). This standpoint afforded little voice to the residents of inner-city
neighborhoods. Similarly, settlements were considered to be neutral organizations and
typically refrained from political action because leaders were uncomfortable with any
potential conflict arising from politically empowered inner-city residents. Consequently,
there was little effort to link local organizing efforts to the larger political constituency
(ibid).
Settlements proved to be problematic along numerous fronts. Because staff members
were oriented to respond to the interests of the neighborhood, including the business
community, local government officials and residents, it proved difficult to serve as
advocates for the poor (Stagner and Duran, 1997). Neighborhood-based service
providers also held a position of mistrust towards the poor and felt that they lack the
knowledge and ability to meet their own needs, let alone define them. In this light inner-
city residents experienced a message of distrust and were regarded to be incapable to
characterize or address their situation. Reformers remained firm in the belief that they
knew what was best for immigrant families.
This position upheld that poor inner-city residents were “deficient in their knowledge
of proper health care for their children, of the civic and moral values of their newly
adopted country and even unaware of how to rear their children” (Williams-Boyd, 2010).
Some Progressives believed poor families preferred the filthy conditions of overcrowded
neighborhoods without any recreational amenities such as parks and playgrounds. For
example, after settlement staff raised dilapidated tenements at the Northwestern
University Settlement, they were stunned by the overwhelming display of attachment

21
dislocated families exhibited (Halpern, 1995). Progressive Era slum clearing displaced
thousands of families and furthered overcrowding in poor urban communities. The
divide between neighborhood residents and those who joined their ranks in settlements
was rapidly widening. Settlement boards became increasingly unaware of problems or
perceptions from the direct experience of the poor.
As World War One loomed large, the settlement house influence peaked and support
for social change waned. Neighborhood-based initiatives lost momentum and focus, and
were reoriented to support war mobilization efforts. Congress also enacted laws
drastically restricting immigration (Wade, 2004). In addition, post-war hysteria and
intolerance about the spread of Bolshevism severely restrained reformers and their efforts
(Halpern, 1995). In the realm of rising industrial capitalism and the emerging
professionalism movement, area medical and social services agencies often viewed what
was taking place as state sponsored competition. The fears of creeping socialism caused
reformers to be accused of radicalism or sedition (ibid). This furthered the detachment
between inner-city neighborhoods and social service providers.
As the new realm of professionalism gained traction, specialists sought to analyze
poverty by concentrating on poverty related issues along the lines of individual or family
adjustment. The fragmentation of poverty related issues led to the classification of
specific problems such as infant mortality, juvenile delinquency, and single motherhood.
The focus changed from the broad scope of shared experiences to requiring specialized
training and knowledge to comprehend the range of variables underwriting conditions of
poverty. This juxtaposition equates to ‘cases’ which abandoned the neighborhood locus
of addressing concerns of poverty and was narrowed to individuals and small groups as

22
the basis of problem solving. Techniques and methods replaced the instinctual
relationship fostered by early reformers (Halpern, 1995). Growing professionalism drove
detached education, health, and recreation silos that lost touch with the neighborhoods in
which they were originally rooted.
After the war, the 1920s found unbridled faith and confidence in capitalism. This
conviction assured society’s difficulties would fade away in a wash of prosperity and
technological progress. This led schools to incorporate additional services for students
such as guidance counselors, social workers and psychologists, but their primary thrust
and focus centered on middle-class families who sought assurance that their children
would get ahead and move on to college (Dryfoos, 1995). But everyone did not benefit
from the rapid economic growth of the 1920s and by 1929 two percent of the population
held two-thirds of the country’s savings (Halpern, 1995). A resonance of ethic normalcy
pervaded social institutions in the conservative decade of the 1920s leading school social
centers to abandon their reform agendas to become community recreation centers
(Benson et al., 2009). As a result, millions of poor children and adults were left to
navigate through an increasingly complicated economic and societal landscape.
By the mid-1920s, there was a growing degree of concern about the expanding social
distance between professionals and poor inner-city neighborhoods. This divide arose as
specialized fields of social work shifted their focus of services to poor families from an
outlook of comprehensive support, to the treatment of the specific problems (Stagner and
Duran, 1997). This constricted the availability of resources and left schools to deal with
the human costs following a decade of unparalleled prosperity. For instance, teachers in
Detroit collected shoes for students, and New York teachers donated funds to feed

23
malnourished pupils (Halpern, 1995). Nevertheless, schools soon came to closely
parallel the increasingly dominant culture of corporate capitalism.
Professionalism was soon joined in concert with ideals of centralization and
bureaucratization to become the overriding forces for organization in education,
healthcare, and social services. Centralized control of schools led to the standardization
of curriculum requiring specialized knowledge and skills. This widened the chasm
between schools and the neighborhood through “the divorce of school from the
community and the subordination of parents to the professionals” (Halpern, 1995). What
had commenced in the last decade of the nineteenth century as a compassionate response
to the detrimental effects of industrial capitalism came to reflect capitalism’s principles
and methods. As a result, social workers were spatially isolated from inner-city
neighborhoods and lost the feel of how to assist the poor in the context of their lives.
This resulted in less access to services.
For instance, the Hiram House Settlement was established in 1896 as Ohio's first
settlement house and sought to address the needs of immigrant and poverty by
administering a wide range of services (Hiram House Camp, 2014). Hiram House has
provided enriching outdoor experiences and educational programs for thousands of Ohio
children for over 100 years. In the mid-1920s the Hiram House Settlement linked up
with schools to recreate the visiting teacher role, and provided small clubs, home visits
and counseling to inner-city poor. But the role of administrative centralization replaced
locally shaped programs rooted in place with “outposts of specialized bureaucracies”
(Halpern, 1995). Isolated stations come to offer services in adult education, physical and
mental hygiene, and recreation.

24
In the wake of the Great Depression, urban areas exhibited escalating rates of
concentrated poverty. As rising unemployment intensified less attention is afforded to
marginalized groups stationed both economically and geographically. The New Deal
aggressively expanded the role of the state to provide basic provisions to the poor and
stability for working-class families. This brought advocates of the Progressive Era into
the ranks of government, and settlements soon became augmented by a new degree of
order and method.
This convergence furthered to detach the official workforce by transitioning away
from the residency principle that formed the mainstay of the Progressive Movement
(Chen, 2013). Problems of the physical and social environment of inner-city
neighborhoods came to be addressed by the expert knowledge of architects, urban
planners, and sociologists (Halpern, 1995). The following decades saw sporadic
reinventions of local initiatives that returned professionals into the neighborhoods. But in
light of the growing social welfare system cumulating along an ever-widening expanse of
bureaucracies, and the fragmentary approach of clinical social work, basic casework
carried out in inner-city neighborhoods contracted significantly.
For a time there were discussions of situating a social service department in schools
within poor neighborhoods, but schools came to be perceived as less rooted in
neighborhoods than settlements. Even though schools were centrally located within
communities they came to be operated in isolation (Berg et al., 2006). The increasing
centralization of school governance impeded movement to utilize schools as vehicles of
social reform. Despite the emergence of such overriding forces, the ideal of spatially-
linked and decentralized hubs of community activity of the Progressive Era continued

25
overtime with mixed results. There were a number of efforts to return human services to
its neighborhood-based roots in the first half of the twentieth century, but it is not until
the 1930s that approaches rooted in Addams’s settlement house and Dewey’s school as
social center were revived (Benson et al., 2009).
Second generation community schools originated from the “lighted schoolhouse” in
Flint, Michigan in the, where the Charles Stewart Mott Foundation developed programs
to serve children and working-class parents (Children’s Aid Society, 2011). The
objective was to “make schools the social, educational and recreational anchor of
communities” (Benson et al., 2009). Their Community Education program drew interest
from around the country and eventually hundreds flocked to Flint to train in their
innovative philosophy and methods. By the late 1950s an estimated 10,000 attended
Mott sponsored workshops (University of Tennessee, 2013). Many principles enacted by
the Community Education crusade are still in use today.
Correspondingly, the Chicago Area Project was the first systematic challenge to the
psychological explanations of juvenile delinquency. It was founded in 1934 on the
concept that every neighborhood has the leaders it needs to solve its own problems
(Schlossman and Sedlak, 1983). The project revived the Progressive outlook that the best
line of attack to attend to poverty was through strengthening local democracy. This
project expected residents to assist and eventually take on key leadership roles (Halpern,
1995). This objective was met with community building by way of recruiting community
members to play an active role in solving local problems, and community organizing
committees composed of residents were formed in neighborhoods with high delinquency
rates (Wolcott and Schlossman, 2014). The program revolved around residents being

26
empowered through the development of community organizations acting in accord
(Chicago Area Project, 2014). This form of grassroots community organizing set out to
prevent delinquency by drawing on local residents' active participation in community
self-renewal. Nevertheless, the movement was met with great resistance, and by the mid-
1930s community organizing became to be largely suppressed by social welfare
programs.
In the 1940s united charities buildings, neighborhood councils, and area projects
became sites for integrated services to address the spatial concentrations of poverty
(Williams-Boyd, 2010). But in conjunction with the mechanization of southern
agriculture and mining, millions were displaced from their livelihoods (Medoff and Sklar,
1999). Subsequently, inner-urban areas saw a rapid increase of African Americans, along
with growing racial conflict and overcrowding. Generally settlements refused to serve
African Americans, and homegrown settlements formed by community residents were
often prohibited from admission to local and national federation of settlements (Halpern,
1995).
This outlook did not recognize settlements originating organically, such as by black
churches or other ethnic groups. Similarly, staff members, now with degrees in social
work, shunned group work in favor of casework and refrained from helping individuals
adapt to exasperating circumstances. By the end of Second World War the majority of
staff members refused to reside within settlements (Wade, 2004). This period saw the
community school movement expand sporadically, especially under the light of the
Charles Mott Foundation, which centered on bringing recreation, and school-linked
health and social services into schools (Campbell-Allen et al., 2009). But as local

27
governments gained more discretion on how to implement funding, subsidies became to
be largely devoted to economic development as opposed to targeting poor neighborhoods
(Mossberger, 2010). Effectively poor communities were left to fend for themselves, and
it wasn’t until the 1960s that Progressive Era themes of focusing efforts at the level of the
neighborhood were recaptured and renewed.
Frustrated by the unresponsiveness of schools, social welfare agencies, and municipal
governments to support the growing numbers of minorities flowing into urban areas, the
Gray Areas project funded by the Ford Foundation provided innovations in response to
the dysfunctional effects of bureaucracy (Halpern, 1995). The focus of concern was the
‘gray areas’ of decline amid renovated downtowns and developing suburban communities
(Mossberger, 2010). In opposition to the federal urban renewal programs, the Gray Areas
project focused on the needs of the poor. In 1961 the foundation selected six cities for a
pilot program maintaining that gangs and youth crime resulted from unequal opportunity
structures in poor communities (ibid). Their mission was to evoke institutional reform
and improve the coordination of services.
But without a clear conceptualization of residents’ purpose of participation, it
remained unresponsive to individual improvement, leadership development, and
community organization. Additionally, some schools and existing social service
providers viewed program priorities as being imposed from the outside and efforts as a
collection of disconnected programs without meaningful integration (Halpern, 1995).
Besides, the Grays Area program did not encourage locally rooted strategies, and services
were often incoherent and at cross-purposes. Although local initiatives were rejuvenated,
they prove to be less promising than their counterparts at the turn of the century.

28
More than any other social phenomenon the Civil Rights Movement was the most
influential mobilizer of services and support for the poor (Williams-Boyd, 2010). As the
movement gained currency, the Johnson Administration's War on Poverty initiated a vast
array of social welfare programs with government social workers working in
neighborhood centers and remaining settlements (Wade, 2004). The War on Poverty
renewed and recaptured numerous Progressive Era themes and programs. This refreshed
outlook was based upon the objectives of enhancing neighborhood employment
opportunities, and preparing poor children and adults to take advantage of emerging
opportunities (Stagner and Duran, 1997). Likewise, programs sought to enlist the poor in
community action (Chen, 2013).
Great Society initiatives opened to the Elementary and Secondary Education Act
(ESEA) of 1965 increasing the federal government’s role in education and education
programming for the neediest students (Campbell-Allen et al., 2009). Also, the 1960s
Head Start Initiative rekindled an emphasis on family involvement in children’s
education (Williams-Boyd, 2010). As the power shifted from local government to federal
control, commitments and strategies arrived in every state and community. But while
attempting to balance service provisions serious questions were raised concerning the
top-down model of the professional delivery of services (Williams-Boyd, 2010).
Although the funded responses to poverty were abundant, they were conceived on
assumptions of outside consultants and the federal government. Moreover, the inner-city
neighborhoods of the 1960s were further depleted both economically and institutionally
than immigrant neighborhoods at the turn of the century (Halpern, 1995).

29
Amid the specialization of funding and services there was a return to a concerted
emphasis on the concept of the whole family, but by the early 1960s ghettos were no
longer just weigh stations leading to a better life, they became a “new poorhouse” lacking
in economic opportunity or any degree of communal social control (Halpern, 1995). The
social and geographical isolation of spatially concentrated poverty provided fertile
ground for the rise of gangs to function as a social organization providing economic
opportunities, in addition to security and financial services. For instance, the Hubbard
Woods School in Winnetka, Illinois joined together resources with other organizations,
but it proved to be not enough to compete with gangs as a base of community social
organization (ibid). Despite this extent of inertia, the 1970s saw an increase of schools-
as-community centers offering a range of public and private services.
Selected inner-city schools opened up to the community with a number of
recreational and social services for youth, in addition to health care and adult education.
This new generation of school community centers was distinct in the fact that activities
and services were overseen by community-based organizations. For example, the Martin
Luther King Middle School in Atlanta was designed and built to play a broad community
role (Halpern, 1995). Correspondingly, federal legislation including the Community
Schools Act of 1978 paved the way for state governments to focus legislative efforts on
the creation of community schools (Campbell-Allen, 2009). The principles and
approaches of neighborhood-based services made some headway from the specialized
categorical methodologies that came to dominate services afforded the poor. For
instance, a number of states employed local networks of neighborhood-based service
providers with legislation requiring proximal access to services, in addition to fostering

30
self-help and mutual assistance (Halpern, 1995). But as federal policy expanded, the
advent of urban renewal and highway construction devastated numerous settlement
neighborhoods (Wade, 2004).
Following the decline of federal welfare spending of the 1970s, neighborhood centers
often merged to increase their efficiency, and by the early1980s there was a return to state
and local government control (Wade, 2004). This shifted the focus to an intensification
of school requirements as opposed to the restructuring of provisions (Williams-Boyd,
2010). For instance, in the course of the 1980s and early 1990s, Chicago implemented
numerous reform strategies to stimulate decentralize management and empowered local
communities and schools to further their decision making capacities as a method of
increasing student performance (Chrzanowski et al., 2011). Although there were some
academic gains, strides were not enough to overcome barriers to learning. Non-academic
impediments to learning varying from housing instability and security to health care and
nutrition were not attended to.
Although the 1980s is often seen as the decade of interagency collaboration, at its
close service delivery became progressively fragmented, compartmentalized, and
uncoordinated (Williams-Boyd, 2010). Additionally, the Reagan administration
maintained that federal aid for high‐poverty areas interfered with market forces and
place‐based assistance was detrimental to national economic growth. This led the federal
government to endorse the adoption of tax incentives at the state level causing programs
to primarily focus on economic development in lieu of social policy (Mossberger, 2010).
While the 1960s searched for one overall solution, the 1990s saw a number of programs
and interventions and linked-services initiatives increased rapidly.

31
This outlook is community-based and supports families with de-categorized funding
and the co-locating of services. This fundamental shift affords a diverse continuum of
connection, services, engagement, and academics rooted in place. Programs in schools
included college extension classes, social clubs and literary offerings, ethnic festivals, art
exhibits, recreational activities, visiting nurses, and legal services, in addition to labor
union activities, public forums, social science research, and advocacy for social change
(Benson et al., 2009). This response is a wellness continuum where education, health,
mental health, and social problems are treated in accord. The holistic outlook was part of
the first generation community schools Jane Addams advocated for (Children’s Aid
Society, 2011).
In 1996, the Chicago Public Schools Community School Initiative commenced with
three schools and came to offer more than 400 programs and partnered with at least 25
community or city organizations (Bireda, 2009). This alternate academic approach grew
to more than 150 community schools. By the middle of the decade hundreds of federal
and state-level reform programs dotted the socioeconomic landscape (Williams-Boyd,
2010). Alongside this transformation there was an increasing reliance on intermediary
institutions to draw together and deploy the critical mass of resources considered
necessary to bring about neighborhood revitalization (Halpern, 1995). Foundations and
nonprofits came to play a greater role.
The community-based group Enterprise Foundation founded by James and Patty
Rouse in 1982 emerged as a leader. Their mission centers on ensuring low-income
people have the opportunity for affordable housing. James Rouse was a member of
President Eisenhower's Task Force on Housing in 1953 and on President Reagan's Task

32
Force on Private Sector Initiatives in 1982 (Enterprise Community Partners, 2014 a). In
1987, he served as the chairman of the National Housing Task Force, which made
proposals to Congress in March of 1988 for a new housing program (ibid). This report
formed the basis for housing legislation signed into law by President Bush in November
1990, and Rouse was awarded the Presidential Medal of Freedom by President Clinton in
September 1995 (ibid). According to their website, Enterprise works with community-
based nonprofit organizations and has raised and invested nearly $14 billion to help build
or preserve some 300,000 affordable rentals and for sale homes, in addition to creating
more than half a million jobs nationwide (Enterprise Community Partners, 2014 b). At
present Enterprise is championing school-centered community revitalization to rejuvenate
inner-city neighborhoods.
Since the early 1900s educators explored various ways to bring an assortment of
opportunities into public schools and orient them as centers of communities. Although
Dewey's model of the school as a "centre of social service" has varied during the 20th
century, it increased with a wave of community schools in the early 1990s (Dryfoos,
2008). This generation of community schools matured with the rapid rise of the full-
service community school model emphasizing a full range of onsite services (University
of Tennessee, 2013). While investments in educational services for at risk children may
yield some benefits, if they are not matched with complementary investments in housing,
health, nutrition, recreation, family stability, and community development, services
invariably fall short in closing the achievement gap (McGaughy, 2000). One has to look
beyond improving academic performance to affect solutions to the entrenched problems

33
of poverty-stricken communities. Contemporary measures set out to engage and
empower inner-city communities.
2.3 Contemporary Advances
Empowering residents to take on stronger leadership roles in community development
facilitates continued ownership of the change process. This significantly transforms the
way in which social institutions work with resident leadership (Mills, 2005). This comes
to fruition by supporting and enabling community members to take the lead in
community revitalization. Community building and interpersonal activities provide
residents with new tools to alter the host of difficulties facing their community. This
results in emerging self-confidence and self-efficacy to face and solve bigger issues. For
instance, the Health Realization Community Empowerment Project has made significant
impacts on the quality of life at Coliseum Gardens in Oakwood California in merely
twelve months, and results indicate that continued empowerment “has the potential to
stimulate and support deep positive changes in both Coliseum Gardens and its
surrounding social environment” (ibid).
When community members are empowered they can realize and articulate long-term
strategies for community revitalization and development. This adds a high degree of
vibrancy to problem solving. Institutions entrenched within their box of thinking may
adopt policies and approaches intended as beneficial but shown to be detrimental. Out-
of-the-box clarifications can facilitate effective determinations. At Coliseum Gardens,
community members were empowered to recommend new kinds of partnerships,
strategies, and collaborative efforts that led to a mutual understanding of working with

34
the community rather than on the community (Mills, 2005). This outlook identifies needs
and formulates agendas to develop and implement community revitalization. Effective
organization can impart community revitalization strategies
The Dudley Street Neighborhood Initiative is an example of a severely impoverished
neighborhood, which changed their course though effective organizing that supported
grassroots neighborhood leadership to successfully secure public-private partnerships to
provide a platform for community development (Medoff and Sklar, 1999). This initiative
formed in 1984 was purposely devised to build cohesion and trust among diverse
community members (ibid). To implement their resident-driven plans, they partnered
with nonprofit organizations, along with community development corporations,
businesses, and religious institutions in the neighborhood. Engaging and empowering
community residents can open a course of effective neighborhood-based strategies.
As opposed to the long account of paternalistic community development (CD)
policies imposed from above and afar, resident-driven organization forms initiatives
rooted in the community’s requests. “Grassroots organizing, or political CD, is a key,
though often ignored, activating ingredient for any CD program’s chances of stopping
and reversing the process of neighborhood decline” (Perkins et al., 2004). Besides,
paternalistic programs have the propensity to inadvertently reinforce dependency (Eisen,
1994). Likewise, detached contemplation strategies by way of top-down engagement
relinquish the benefit of direct experience.
The Hester Street Collaborative (HSC) in New York City maintains that engaged
residents are among a community’s greatest assets (HSC, 2013). Creating vibrant
neighborhoods through the process of empowerment grants community members a voice

35
and delivers a sense of ownership. This transparent participatory process ensures
residents play an active role in shaping the built environment and gives rise to a lasting
sense of community pride. Work with local residents and youth revolves around
transforming “neglected public spaces into parks, schools, and capitalizes on local
knowledge and resources, gives stakeholders a hands-on role, and encourages affordable
housing developments through a participatory design and advocacy process that produces
meaningful, long-term community stewardship” (HSC, 2013). Anne Frederick, the head
of HSC maintains, “The people who live, play, and work in a place know it best and
stand to be affected by changes to their physical environment” (Chong, 2013).
She goes on to state, “Urban design flanked with a transparent, participatory process
ensures that design reflects local wishes and needs” (Chong, 2013). For example, after
analyzing for common themes and elements, community hopes and aspirations were
conveyed into the design of a new playground. The most popular and well used design
features were the result of youth participation and their recommendations (HSC, 2013).
Elementary school students were also engaged and empowered to help design and build
their school’s outdoor classroom. This involvement gives them the opportunity to learn
that “their own creativity and efforts can directly improve their neighborhood, and the
next generation of students benefit from what they leave behind” (Chong, 2013). This
builds on assets in the community.
By determining what’s present in a community and by formulating an internally
focused and relationship driven agenda, new avenues of opportunity open up. For
example, the Asset-Based Community Development Institute at Northwestern University
has been researching issues surrounding the school-community intersection since the

36
early 1990s, and provides strategies to revive and mobilize resources already present
(Chrzanowski et al., 2011). They maintain “no plan, solution or organization from
outside the community can duplicate what is already there.” Although some resources
from outside the community may be needed, lasting solutions are effected from within.
Utilizing the assets, capacities and abilities within communities can form “new structures
of opportunities” and asset-based community development “acknowledges and embraces
particularly the strong neighborhood-rooted traditions of community organizing,
community development and neighborhood planning” (Kretzmann and McKnight, 1996).
By bringing together disjointed voices within the community a united front to problem
solving is liberated.
Although each individual may make contributions, relationship building connects
discrete and disconnected elements as the “heart and soul of community building”
(Chrzanowski et al., 2011). Connecting individuals who share common interests and
goals through associations can build long lasting relationships. Institutional support of
individuals serves as incubators to cultivate community leadership and positive
community narratives opens a rich fabric to liberate the community potential. Together
these elements can serve as a foundation upon which the community can build an asset-
based, internally-focused, and relationship-driven focus for community development
(ibid).
A participatory approach helps to organize neighborhoods as a means to resolve
community concerns. This process can mature from small-scale efforts to comprehensive
development strategies. For instance, current work at the Lucas County Land Bank in
Toledo, Ohio demonstrates the impact of their initiatives of removing blighted and

37
abandoned homes. This is accomplished by empowering community residents to identify
blight in their own neighborhoods. Through an inventory process, the Land Bank
assembles vacant land holdings and lets the community decide how it will be utilized. To
illustrate the choice-based adapted reuse of properties repurposed from parks and
gardens, to a goat and cheese farm, Cindy Geronimo, Vice President and Director of
Community Engagement, proclaims, “Each neighborhood has its own flavor” (Hub
Director’s Meeting, 2013).
The City of Toledo is also required to have and implement a Citizen Participation
Plan for HUD-funded programs as a U.S. Department of Housing and Urban
Development entitlement recipient. This sets forth policies and procedures for citizen
involvement in developments and the Department of Neighborhoods acts as the agent for
the City of Toledo to implement all aspects of the Citizen Participation Plan (City of
Toledo, 2011). According to their Citizen Participation Plan: “Citizen participation is an
integral part of the overall planning, evaluation, assessment and implementation process”
and the purpose of the plan is to provide citizen with the necessary “information and
mechanisms to allow them to fully participate” (ibid). This recognizes the importance of
citizen participation and provides an opportunity of involvement in development
initiatives.
Participatory development based on an asset-based and capacity building framework
for community development utilizes resident-led initiatives and decision making that is
context-based and affected from within (Eby et al., 2012). The iterative process of
drawing out community needs, hopes, and aspirations can test conceptions arising from
participants against a broad range of criteria, and enables collaboration between

38
stakeholders and urban designers in “creating inspiring, relevant, and achievable visions”
(Brown, 2009). By opening an avenue of participation community members can address
concerns with developments that affect them directly. This empowers residents to
“conceive, and even implement, complex, radically alternative socio-spatial strategies”
(de Souza, 2006). Comprehensive choice-based proposals are achieved through the
medium of design to reflect and preserve the objectives of community members it serves.
Participatory development has taken a variety of forms since it emerged in the 1970s
in response to the failings of policies delivered from the outside. In this setting
participatory development was introduced as an important part of the "basic needs
approach" to development initiatives (Cornwall, 2002). Although participatory
development matured during this period, community advocacy organizing has its roots in
the social reform movement of the late ninetieth and early twentieth centuries in
association with poor and immigrant neighborhoods (Peterman, 2000). The ability of
local groups to build agency and mobilize social capital to enhance community
development can be leveraged to become a “community-wide project” (Newman, 2008).
The path to economic opportunity and community development commences with broad
participation by all segments of the community (McGaughy, 2000). Community schools
acknowledge the objective of involving and sanctioning residents to guide area-wide
agendas.
2.4 Community Schools
Today’s community schools are rooted in the general conceptions and social innovations
established by Jane Addams (Benson et al., 2009). The contemporary community school

39
educational reform movement, deeply rooted in the past, starts with an integrated outlook
that looks to both academic and non-academic barriers to learning. This is organized
around three common goals: academics, health and well-being, families and
neighborhoods (Children’s Aid Society, 2013). Rather than having multiple agencies
providing discrete services in an isolated piecemeal fashion, school-linked services
addresses interdependent social, emotional, economic, and educational concerns
(Williams-Boyd, 2010).
Community school’s central mission of improving academic achievement is flanked
by the vocation to building community capacity through strengthening the social and
civic fabric of the community. Schools are intimately linked with communities as part of
neighborhoods physical and cultural fabric, and increasingly are embarking on wide-
ranging local strategies to address the disadvantaged (Dyson and Raffo, 2007). From a
single community school setting in 1935 in Flint, Michigan, the contemporary
community school movement has resulted in tens of thousands of schools throughout
North America and other parts of the world (Edwards and Brown, 1996). Increasingly
this undertaking is seeing nonprofits fill the void vacated by various levels of
government.
For instance, in response to the landscape of fragmented social services, the Beacons
Initiative set out to unite services to address the host of individual problems associated
with poverty in a single setting (Stagner and Duran, 1997). Founded in 1991, this
initiative transformed schools into community centers to provide activities for children
and families by bringing a range of programs into schools. Programs oriented to youth
include, Academic Enhancement, Life Skills, Career Awareness and School to Work

40
Transition, Civic Engagement and Community Building, Recreation Health and Fitness,
and Culture and Art, and for adults programs are designed to offer the opportunity to
enhance skills, promote social interaction, build community engagement, and provide
physical activity (New York City Department of Youth & Community Development,
2014). Beacons are cast in the same light as Mott’s “lighted schoolhouse” and serve as
school-based community centers that eventually located in all five New York City
boroughs, in addition to San Francisco, Minnesota, Savannah, and Philadelphia (Stagner
and Duran, 1997).
In the early 1990s the Children’s Aid Society (CAS) community school model was
fashioned on the foundation of intense engagement with parents and the community (The
Children’s Aid Society, 2011). CAS is New York’s oldest and largest youth-serving
organization and partnered with the New York Department of Education to develop a
comprehensive response to the needs of the poverty-stricken neighborhood in
Washington Heights by offering a full-array of supports and services, along with a host of
learning opportunities (Quinn, 2005). By recognizing the influence of families, schools,
and communities have on children’s learning and development, CAS community schools
work to integrate efforts on a comprehensive basis. This flexible model is developed on a
solid research basis and includes studies on child and adolescent development, parental
involvement, out-of school-time experiences, and impact on low income children (ibid).
In addition, research supported after-school programs are offered to elementary-age
children, along with community-based development programs for teenagers, and
programs offering dependable adult guidance and support. This inclusive framework
provides strong core instructional programming and enrichment activities to expand

41
student learning opportunities, and a full range of health and mental health services.
Community schools are a proven method based on an integrated focus model, which
expands student learning, increases parental involvement, affords higher graduation rates,
and provides a gateway for stronger families and wholesome communities.
For example, the Intermediate School 218 in New York under the guidance of the
CAS model opens at 7:00 a.m. for breakfast and provides sport activities in addition to
classes in dance and band (Dryfoos, 1996). The span of opportunities range throughout
the day and the school stays open to the community until 10 p.m., in addition to being
open on weekends and throughout the summer (ibid). This approach improves academic
achievement, increases parental involvement and community support, and serves as a
source of community pride (Peebles-Wilkins, 2004). CAS brings the settlement house
into the school with a high degree of sensitivity to the culture of the local community
(Dryfoos, 2005).
Renovating schools into multifunctional resource centers breaks from the tradition
model of a self-enclosed building and provides a platform to build social capital by
bringing the community voice into the discussion of education. This comes with a firm
belief that an active constituency will ensure quality education (Tagle, 2005).
Nevertheless, overall educators have treated parents and the community as bystanders as
opposed to partners (Weiss et al., 2010). Parental involvement is a critical factor to
ensure school success. This can change the atmosphere of “client communities” to one
where parents serve as partners to produce solutions (Dupper and Poertner, 1997).
Parental involvement also increases the sense of security for students, teachers, and
faculty. According to the Children’s Aid Society, “the community school movement puts

42
schools in the center of civic life and helps provide a place for community members to
come together and address issues of concern” (2013). This paves the way for schools and
the community to be engaged in problem solving.
Community schools are both a place and a set of partnerships between the schools
and other community resources, and have an integrated focus on academics, services,
support and opportunities. This model arrives on the heels of a disempowering and
fragmented social services landscape. The coordination of services is at the heart of the
community school model. This departs from the bureaucratic and categorical
entanglements that overshadow the social welfare system. By having schools oriented
towards the community there are compounding benefits such as better use of schools,
added security, community pride, and better rapport between students and the
neighborhood (Axelroth, 2009).
By the mid-1990s, some 500 school-based health and social services programs
became operational (Benson et al., 2009). Concurrently, a number of non-profit
organizations come into the political arena in support of full-service school model. This
includes the Children’s Aid Society, the Coalition for Community Schools (CCS),
Communities in Schools, Schools of the 21st Century, and the National Community
Education Association. Together they work with other agencies and state governments to
bring more services in the schools, and increase legislative backing to transform public
schools into community hubs (Berg et al., 2006). In 1997, CCS organized a coalition that
originated as a small assembly of advocates to blossom to over 150 local, state, and
national organizations to mobilize the “resources and capacity of multiple sectors and
institutions to create a unified movement for community schools” (University of

43
Tennessee, 2013). Community schools connect a compound of divisions and builds
capacity as a means of constructing comprehensive community development approaches.
This latest generation of community schools links educational, physical, economic,
cultural and social strategies comprehensibly. This transforms schools into neighborhood
hubs that benefit students, their families, and the surrounding community. In addition,
the academic focus takes in the broad obstacles to learning both in and outside of the
classroom. Non-academic barriers to learning include the concentration of poverty and
housing instability underwritten by high mobility rates. Other issues revolve around
neighborhood security, teacher retention, health care, nutrition, and access to counseling
(Chung, 2002). By holistically addressing barriers to learning at the Community Links
High School in Chicago, they have maintained a 99% graduation rate and an 85%
college-going rate since its first graduating class in 2006 (Coalition for Community
Schools, 2010). The interaction of community resources and the school served as their
right of way.
Despite the advances in community schools, under both Presidents Obama and
George W. Bush, the Education Department has largely circumvented addressing the
socioeconomic challenges impacting schools (Noguera, 2010). In its place they’ve
advocated for reforms for performance pay, raising academic standards, and creating
charter schools. Although there has been limited movement at the federal level to
advance the community school movement, U.S. Secretary of Education Arne Duncan
helped to implement the Chicago Community Schools Initiative and is an advocate for
making schools centers of communities with extended hours and services (ibid). A

44
growing number of community schools are bridging the gap between the provision of
services and improved academics (Bireda, 2009).
There has been some incremental movement to advance community schools at the
federal level. The Fund for the Improvement of Education (FIE) supports nationally
significant programs to improve the quality of elementary and secondary education to
help children academically (U.S. Department of Education, 2014 a). Additionally, the
Full-Service Community Schools program, funded under FIE, encourages the
coordination of academic, social, and health services at schools such as “job training and
career counseling services; nutrition services and physical activities; primary health and
dental care; activities that improve access to and use of social service programs and
programs that promote family financial stability; mental health services; and adult
education, including instruction of adults in English as a second language” (ibid).
In addition, the Promise Neighborhoods initiative constructs a continuum of cradle-
to-career solutions for educational programs, and family and community supports by
“integrating programs and breaking down agency “silos” so that solutions are
implemented effectively and efficiently across agencies” (U.S. Department of Education,
2014 b). Community schools can play a leading role in closing the achievement gap by
attending to barriers to learning. This academic reform movement has led to
comprehensive strategies opening to sustainable neighborhood regeneration. Although
support from the federal government is limited, there is wide backing at different levels.

45
2.5 School-Centered Community Revitalization
Avenues of comprehensive neighborhood revitalization acknowledge schools as being
inseparably intertwined with the community. This position suggests that in due course
schools may have no other choice than to take the lead and become builders of
community (Edwards and Brown, 1996). Although there are a number of educational
reform efforts intended to increase student achievement, such as charter schools, school
vouchers, magnet schools, and alternative schools, to some extent they decouple schools
from neighborhoods through open enrollment zones (Khadduri et al., 2008 a). The
community school model specifically focuses on the development of the community as a
whole. Similarly, school-centered community revitalization (SCCR) utilizes school
reform as a motivating force for initiating and sustaining broad community change
(Fenwick, 2006). “This new kind of partnership, in which both the school and the
community contribute directly to the strengthening and development of each other, can
provide a firm foundation for both educational renewal and community regeneration”
(Chrzanowski et al., 2011). By 2008, school-centered community revitalization came to
be utilized in over twenty communities to spur broader developments (Khadduri et al.,
2008 b).
For example, the Sandtown-Winchester development in Baltimore, Maryland
Enterprise Community Partners is leading neighborhood-based initiatives to include a
wide range of social supports for children and their families (Khadduri et al., 2007).
Strengthening schools is the first priority in this effort. In addition to sponsoring
curricular reform and professional development in schools, initiatives provide a home-

46
based early childhood education program, summer school, health and mental health
clinics, and mentoring. Resulting academic improvements as illustrated by test scores
show a dramatic difference. The percentage of first graders meeting state standards for
reading vaulted from 15 percent in 1998 to 64 percent in 2003 at one school and from 19
percent in 1998 to 78 percent in 2003 in the second school (ibid).
To test the hypothesis that school reform can anchor and serve as a catalyst for
broader neighborhood-based initiatives, the Mechanicsville Community Learning
Collaborative (MCLC) was founded in 2001 to “catalyze a chain reaction” of school and
neighborhood improvements (Fenwick, 2006). This education initiative sponsored by
Enterprise Atlanta in the Mechanicsville community in Atlanta, Georgia is a school-
anchored community development program funded by the Annenberg Foundation’s
Community Learning Collaborative Program. Their focus is to systematic transform the
lives of children who attend Dunbar Elementary School and serve as a point of leverage
for broader community change. Goals are based on encouraging local collaboration,
increasing student achievement, improving educational quality, and effecting
neighborhood revitalization (ibid). Annenberg Foundation’s vision to revitalize and
strengthen urban communities opens through an approach to improve academic
achievement and community capacity building by enhancing the social and civic fabric of
the community.
Their line of attack mandates a healthy school and community is to be achieved with
existing residents by way of an enhanced asset-based tactic that mobilizes and builds
capacity through relationship building (Fenwick, 2006). MCLC began with the goals of
improving students’ academic achievement, building community capacity and supporting

47
the revitalization of the community’s infrastructure. Shadowing the Enterprise Education
Initiative reform in Baltimore, they incorporated after-school and summer enrichment
programs, purchased books for the school library, and opened a technology center for
parents and students (Khadduri et al., 2007). MCLC also engages in a numerous efforts
to increase parental involvement and skill building by sponsoring family game nights,
along with a summer parent academy that operates in conjunction with the summer
school program (ibid). This organizational focus advances leadership training and
workforce development, builds capacity for community-based organizations, and
increases neighborhood involvement in community planning activities.
A local community development corporation received a loan from Enterprise to
develop an additional 64 homes on a site adjacent to Dunbar School. This site became
part of the MCLC revitalization plan after Dunbar students identified it as blight and a
place where “ghosts and bad men lived” (Khadduri et al., 2007). MCLC illustrates the
collective work of sustaining authentic community engagement. This course arrives
through coordinating area organizations to facilitate relationships to capture multiple
funding streams. Through collaboration and integration, leadership training and technical
assistance to residents, and the facilitation of community forums that connect residents
with existing neighborhood organizations, programs and plans achieved a “holistic
approach to school improvement, neighborhood revitalization, and community capacity
building” (ibid).
This approach was also employed in New Orleans following the onslaught of
Hurricane Katrina. Restructured school systems serve as places where public and
community-based organizations can come together as “partners with the schools to

48
ensure that students, families, and community members are safe, supported, and
connected” (Binger et al., 2008). This sea change opens the community school approach
to include needed resources and services to address the physical, social, and emotional
needs of students. Moreover, educational, social, cultural, economic services, and
organizational programs and facilities, were planned to be accommodated in central
locations to assure equitable access by all community members. By positioning schools
as responsive to area residents it served as leverage for broader initiatives at the
neighborhood level, such as community health, centers, libraries, mixed income, housing,
and public transportation (ibid). The approach in New Orleans positions schools as
pivotal to rebuilding plans and creates central places that advance student achievement
and neighborhood redevelopment. This vehicle renews a sense of community and
consents to a strong community voice in the design and construction of new facilities.
This moves beyond the organization of individual school sites as centers of community to
a “systemic process of urban planning and integration of community resources” (ibid).
Out of the concern of providing current technological innovations for students at
Revere Elementary School in Chicago Lands’ End founder Gary Comer facilitated a
partnership with the Comer Science and Education Foundation. Academic reform
doubled student proficiency in four years, and what started off as a relatively minor
concern ripened into broad community initiatives within Revere’s enrollment district
(Khadduri et al., 2007). Newly furnished computer labs were coupled with increased
parental and community involvement through a series of opportunities including, job
training, GED and computer courses, a resident-led block watch, and home improvement
assistance (ibid). In addition, a full-time community organizer was hired and served to

49
help bring the community’s voices together, along with a social worker, resource
coordinator and an Alumni Association coordinator (ibid).
A mixed-income development with 90 new homes and a youth center was advanced
through a number of programs including housing counseling and resident leadership
training (Binger et al., 2008). Projects included the redevelopment of the commercial
business district, a home improvement program for existing homeowners, and new
quality affordable homes featuring Energy-Star appliances and environmentally
conscious construction materials (CSEF, 2014). Revere Way illustrates neighborhood
revitalization centering on educational innovation that opened to housing and economic
development. In the simplest terms, SCCR integrates school reform strategies with and
supported by neighborhood improvement strategies. The movement from a single school
to an expanded focus at the level of the entire neighborhood came from the hands of
resident-led associations. The importance of recreation and community centers cannot be
overstated in this regard as they enhance the perception of the quality of life and spur
resident involvement. Through developing bonds a strong sense of community belonging
was established to open a strong voice in decision making.
Although school improvement is core to the SCCR approach, it is flanked with
advancements in housing, health, and the economy. According to Jill Khadduri of Abt
Associates, “In the simplest terms, school-centered community revitalization means a
school reform strategy that is integrated with and supported by a neighborhood
improvement strategy” and a number of healthy neighborhood indicators mark this
transition, such as residential stability, housing quality, crime and juvenile delinquency,
and the willingness and ability to organize (2007). Khadduri maintains, “School reform

50
is a motivating force for initiating and sustaining community change.” Through
community leadership training and community capacity building the boundaries between
academic reform and neighborhood improvement become increasingly blurred. SCCR
anchors neighborhood revitalization and community capacity building alongside school
reform.
School-centered community revitalization explores the use of public schools as an
instrument opening to community and economic development (Chung, 2005). Utilizing
public schools as a community development tool can be a point of entry to place
endeavors into a broader comprehensive community development framework that
addresses the multiple needs of a neighborhood (Chung, 2002). For instance, CAS
fosters economic development by employing community residents, supporting
community businesses, partnering with financial institutions, and offering entrepreneurial
classes for parents and the community at large (Quinn, 2005). Essential and enduring
neighborhood change requires all actors to move beyond their traditional roles. The
ability to reexamine how actors interact with one another, including residents and private
and public sectors can effect deep change at the district level.
SCCR pivots on a school revitalization agenda along with an effective collection of
resources directed at strengthening the social and economic fabric of the community.
The core elements of school-centered community revitalization address school
improvement, housing, high-quality childcare and early childhood development
programs, affordable health services, and workforce and economic development
programs (Khadduri et al., 2007). After school programming and increased parental
involvement establishes an asset-centered relationship towards neighborhood

51
improvements. In addition, parenting and early childcare education programs provide
childhood education and engage preschool parents through offering parental training
opportunities. Besides, engaging parents in the early stage of preschool activities makes
it more likely for parents to stay involved with their children’s education over time
(Khadduri et al., 2008 a).
SCCR is a place-based strategy that attempts to effect deep changes through a holistic
method connecting schools and neighborhoods. Community capacity building assists in
bringing educators, city planners, and real estate developers together for the common
good (Khadduri et al., 2007). Whether initial advances set out to improve the quality of
affordable housing stock or economic development, it is by way of choice-based
initiatives versus a strictly placed-based outlook. School-centered community
revitalization is premised on an external sponsor making a long-term commitment to the
school and the neighborhood of at least ten to fifteen years (Khadduri et al., 2008 a). The
sponsor is the keeper of the vision for school and community improvements.
Ideally, the sponsor’s role and importance diminish over time as community groups
become more active. One of the sponsor’s principle objectives is to build the capacity of
community members to become active participants. The sponsor must speak the
language of school reform as well as the language of community development. One
approach utilizes a board of neighborhood residents, church leaders, redevelopment
investors, the school principal, and the hub director to act as a liaison for broader
development (Khadduri et al., 2008 a). Moreover, there are a number of neighborhood
revitalization strategies that directly support student achievement.

52
Housing development and services that reduce student mobility provides stability for
students and encourages better academic performance (Khadduri et al., 2008 b). Student
mobility is a significant factor associated with poor academic performance (Rothstein,
2009). Academic improvement skirted with programs to reduce mobility rates by
increasing neighborhood stability is more sustainable over time. As well, anti-crime
initiatives, and eliminating blighted and abandoned homes and reinvigorating vacant lots
can result from community organizing and resident leadership. Underutilized land or
property can be slated for adaptive reuse, and housing rehabilitation and homeownership
programs can draw on available housing subsidies programs, down payment assistance,
rent vouchers, and home improvement assistance. This initial movement can support
wider advances. Improving school-to-work transitions through community economic
development can be established with better access to educational and vocational
opportunities.
Organizations created to support and coordinate activities can lead to programs
designed to increase employment opportunities through workforce and economic
development tactics that attract new businesses to the area. This forms the intersection of
community building, school reform, and neighborhood regeneration (Fenwick, 2006).
Schools have a profound impact on the social, economic, and physical character of
neighborhoods as major place-based infrastructure and an integral part of the community
fabric. Activities opening to interpersonal relationships provide residents with new tools
to deal with difficulties facing the community. Emerging self-confidence empowers self-
efficacy and drives community problem solving. Utilizing the development of school
facilities is a strong strategy and entry point to broader community development.

53
School-centered community development links school improvement with clear goals
that relate to the goals of the neighborhood. This comes about through a process of
neighborhood goal setting that involve the community’s physical, social, and economic
well-being. Increasing parental and communal involvement, along with regular
communication and coordination between the school and key neighborhood institutions is
the starting point. This expanded effort supports the human, social, and economic
underpinnings of neighborhoods and communities, and can drive broader neighborhood-
based initiatives. Education reform can serve as a foundation for lasting community
revitalization.
Place-based problem solving can come to fruition with a school-center community
revitalization approach. School-centered community development rests upon a
participatory development approach funded on an asset-based and capacity building
framework for community development that utilizes resident-led initiatives and decision
making that is context-based and affected from within. This model complements the
recent community school reform at Robinson School. It is a matter of engaging and
empowering area residents to take control of their neighborhoods and their future. The
Robinson Community Hub can anchor broader community development. At this phase it
is in the hands of the hub leadership to moor confidence and hopefulness by engaging
and empowering the development of area leadership.

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Chapter 3
Case Study
3.1 Robinson Middle School
Robinson was originally constructed as a middle school and is located at 1075 Horace
Avenue in Toledo, Ohio (figure 3-1). A groundbreaking ceremony was held on April 24,
2005 and dedication ceremony on January 25, 2007. The approximate construction cost
was $11.1 Million, and the 96,444 square feet of floor space was designed to serve 684
students in grades 6-8 (Toledo Pubic Schools, 2013). Robinson is populated
overwhelmingly by low-income and minority students. African Americans comprise
93.3 percent of the student population (Robinson Elementary School: Students, 2014).
District neighborhoods are traditionally areas of historically unbroken concentrated
poverty.
Area poverty rates for the Robison and adjacent Pickett districts range from 38 to
63 percent (Miller and Schmoll, 2012). Both districts are situated in southern extent of
the Toledo Public Schools Scott Learning Community (figure 3-2). Poverty can severely
hamper children’s mental and social development, and there is a high correlation between

55
Figure 3-1: Robinson Middle School
socioeconomic status and academic performance. For example, Robinson’s performance
index for the 2010-2011 school year was 63.8 (of 120) and during the same time period
95.60 percent of the students were economically disadvantaged (Ohio Department of
Education, School Year 2010-2011). Comparatively, Elmhurst Elementary students
maintained a 97.50 performance index with a total of 38.90 percent of economically
disadvantaged students. Elmhurst Elementary is located in a more affluent region of
Toledo.
At the aggregate level, high poverty school districts tend to employ educators that are
not appropriately qualified. On average, high poverty schools have teachers that are less
experienced and more likely to teach outside the area of expertise (Jerold, 2001). Crime
is also widely prevalent in the inner-urban neighborhoods of Toledo. Overall, the crime

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Figure 3-2: Scott Learning Community
rate in Toledo is nearly three times the state average according to the U.S. Department of
Justice Federal Bureau of Investigation’s Uniform Crime Reporting. Studies show that
there is a strong correlation between witnessing crimes and student behavioral problems
as well as low academic performance (Bowen and Van Dorn, 2002). Research also
illustrates high crime neighborhoods yield significantly lower math and reading
achievement (Milam et al., 2010).
Despite the capital investment for a new school, Robinson rated last in the district for
the 2010-2011 school year and ranked in the bottom 5 percent of schools statewide based
on state standardized tests (Rosenkrans, 2011). The State of Ohio placed Robinson in
academic emergency, which is equivalent to a grade of F. Robinson Middle School was

57
an unqualified fiasco and failure. So what did Toledo Public Schools (TPS) do in light
of this catastrophe? They removed the entire staff, overhauled the establishment to be
reopened as a K-8 school, and hired a new staff, not by the district as has been the
standard practice, but by the school itself with new hires required to have at least five
years of experience with TPS (ibid). In short order Robinson was slated to become a
school-as-community-hub establishment.
3.2 The Robinson Community Hub
On May 10, 2011 Toledo Public Schools and United Way of Greater Toledo announced a
new community-based initiative. This enterprise repositions a number of area schools to
become schools-as-community-hubs. According to the press release, “Schools as
Community Hubs is a fresh approach to organizing and offering community resources to
students, parents and area residents. The initiative’s integrated focus on academics,
service, support and opportunities is geared toward improved student learning, stronger
families and healthier communities” (United Way, 2011). It also stipulates that United
Way of Greater Toledo is to oversee this transformation and is to work with lead
nonprofit organizations to coordinate, facilitate, staff, and administer core program
elements. The central components of this academic reform movement include parent
involvement, after-school and summer enrichment programs, increased access to social
services, adult education, and community and economic development opportunities.
This initiative is grounded in supporting students in tandem with bringing services
directly to the neighborhood to help bring the community together. Community hub
schools were also planned for Scott High School, and Leverette and Pickett elementary

58
schools (United Way, 2011). Lutheran Social Services of Northwestern Ohio is the lead
partner for the Scott Community Hub, the YMCS/JCC of Greater Toledo serves as the
principle partner for Leverette, and the University of Toledo, College of Health and
Human Science under the direction of Dr. Tavis Glassman is leading the way for both the
Robinson and Pickett Hubs (United Way, 2014). According to Dr. Glassman a fifth hub
is being planned for Reynolds Elementary (Glassman, 2014).
Robinson was slated to transform its academic outlook to become a school-as-hub
institution. Schools as community hubs are grounded on a national researched-based
community school model, which holds the promise for improved academic outcomes,
together with significant impacts on families and communities (United Way, 2014).
There is substantial evidence that illustrates community schools have lasting impacts.
This transition came, in part, from the federally funded Race to the Top program, which
requires the implementation of performance-based measures to be utilized as a
component of teacher and administrative assessments, and is said to be designed to turn
around some of the lowest-achieving schools. This program is funded by the Education
Recovery Act as part of the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act of 2009
announced by President Barack Obama and Secretary of Education Arne Duncan on July
24, 2009 (U.S. Department of Education, 2014 c). This platform is to help close the
achievement gap for at-risk students living in poverty. The 2009 federal stimulus
program presented billions of dollars to provide funding to high-poverty schools
identified as the lowest-achieving five percent of states. Federal grant money was
provided to Robinson to fund a six-week summer camp, an extra school week, a parent
coordinator, along with additional staff, training for teachers, and new technology

59
(Rosenkrans, 2011). Robinson was awarded approximately $1.5 million in federal
stimulus funding.
Robinson Elementary serves as a pilot school for the district under the performance
pay model developed by the Ohio Department of Education (Rosenkrans, 2011).
Furthermore, Ohio House Bill 364 expands new start-up community schools and includes
any school district that is part of the Lucas County Pilot Study Area (Toledo is the county
seat), and H.B. 3 redefines “challenged school districts” to include school districts that
are part of the Lucas County Pilot Study Area (Ohio Department of Education, 2014). It
also changed the role of the State Board of Education from a backer of community
schools to the authorizer of community school sponsors.
The effect of this legislation is to place more latitude on the role of sponsors and their
ability to sanction community schools. Additionally, H.B. 530 requires community
schools, to have breakfast and lunch programs and offer federal food-service programs
during summer intervention services and programs pursuant to the National School
Lunch Act (ibid). According to the Robinson Hub Director Marcus Goodwin, 100
percent of Robinson pupils qualify to receive federal food subsidies (Hub Director
Interview, 2013). Hub directors are the full-time lead staff person responsible for
coordinating and facilitating the wide-ranging process. Robinson also has a Hub Team
that acts as an advisory board to the school and is composed of the principal, teachers,
parents, volunteers, and hub partners.
Toledo community hub schools are designed to serve as centers of neighborhoods,
and offer a range of wrap-around services to students, parents, and residents at large.
Programs are structured to provide out-of-school activities and enrichment, parent

60
involvement, medical and dental services, mental health services, social services, adult
education, and community and economic development (United Way, 2011). These
tactics are intended to connect residents, students, and their families to resources and
services. In addition, there is a degree of community decision making in determining hub
partnerships and services offered, which include activities before and after school,
tutoring and mentoring, medical, dental, physical and mental health services, college-
prep, GED, and adult education, free tax preparation, budgeting and saving classes, and
employment and housing resources (Robinson Hub Education, 2014). Multiple services
are accessible to everyone in the neighborhood through a blend of funding streams.
According to Angeline Lee, Community Partnership Specialist with the United Way
of Greater Toledo, “These partnerships extend across organizational systems with a
committed shared goal of strengthening our city’s students, schools, families, and
neighborhoods” (Hub Directors | Education, 2013). She goes on to state that community
hubs minimize the fragmented approach of service providers by creating a
comprehensive method of service delivery, and she looks for positive changes in student
achievement, along with their families, and the overall well-being of the neighborhoods
being served. Together with TPS, the United Way of Greater Toledo and the University
of Toledo, the collaborative also includes the Toledo Federation of Teachers and the
Toledo Association of Administrative Personnel. Hub neighborhoods represent a five zip
code area in the urban core with a population of approximately 81,000 residents with at
risk low academic achievement, poor health care, poverty and crime (United Way, 2014).
The goal at hand is to “make schools such as Robinson centers of their communities
instead of havens from them” (Rosenkrans, 2011). The Robinson Community Hub

61
serves as an anchor of community for a number of central Toledo neighborhoods (figure
3-3).
The Robinson Community School is structured in accordance with the flexible CAS
model, which has an integrated focus on academics, services, supports, and opportunities
in place to improve student achievement, create stronger families, and build a healthier
community. Robinson’s major focus areas include parent engagement, student
achievement, community engagement programs, and teacher incentives (United Way,
2014). According to material obtained from Goodwin, parent engagement is at the
forefront of their efforts and a number of programs are in place to realize this goal (Hub
Director Interview, 2013). The Make It/Take It Night, in addition to the Family Game
Night promotes parental participation. Additional activities are sponsored to promote
parental and community involvement. In addition, parents were enlisted to serve on the
Community Hub Site Based Leadership Team and staff opportunities for collaboration
and planning of parent and community engagement activities. There is also an active
PTO consisting of parents, caregivers, teachers and administrative personnel, and a
Parent Power Hour furthers parental participation.
The Parent Power Hour at Robinson Elementary invites parents into the school every
month where they shadow their children for part of the morning and then meet together
as a group. This is one of the initiatives the school is taking in its effort to elevate student
performance (Rosenkrans, 2011). The new principal, Anthony Bronaugh brought the
"power hour" concept from Sherman Elementary, where he previously served as
principal, since, as he maintains, on the whole schools that serve high-poverty
communities parent engagement is minimal and parent-teacher organizations are

62
Figure 3-3: Robinson Area Map
essentially nonexistent (ibid). Furthermore, mental health services are provided by
Harbor Behavioral Healthcare, financial coaching is offered by the Financial Stability
Collaborative, and adult educational programs through Penta offer Adult Basic &
Literacy Education and GED Prep. Mentoring programs are provided through Young
Men and Women of Excellence, and the House of Emmanuel, and Robinson’s Health &
Fitness docket provides Sumba on Monday and Wednesday evenings. The Keeping it
Together agenda focuses on the family and provides marriage, relationships, parenting,
and workplace skills training. The hub also offers legal services.
Community engagement complements active parental involvement. The hub team
identified community organizations and community members to participate on the
community engagement committee. The hub also sponsored a small business expo,
which aligns with their Community Engagement Priority Adult Education program.

63
Community engagement partners include Promedica, Toledo Area Ministries, Toledo
Development Corporation, and the Toledo Police Department. Assets Toledo also
established programs and services that provide adult education and training opportunities,
promote community safety through seminars and workshops to foster community
awareness and safety, and established programs and services that promote mental health
and healthy living.
After hub members conducted focus groups, community safety was found to be the
highest ranking concern among those in participation (Hub Director Interview, 2013).
Information collected specifies that this led to the establishment of three community
block watch configurations and a partnership with the Toledo Area Block Watch
organization as a means of improving the quality of life in neighborhoods in the Robison
School district (figure 3-4). Following a needs assessment for the community a number
of areas of focal points are revealed including; community safety, adult education, mental
health, transportation, school based health services, primary medical care, mental and
behavioral healthcare, dental and oral healthcare, substance abuse counseling, case
management, and nutrition education. Materials provided maintain that first year goals
and expectations were exceeded in student support, an active PTO, and the organization
of the largest community event ever held for Global Youth Service Day where a record
number of volunteers turned out.
The Robinson Community Hub is oriented as an anchor of community and offers
extended hours and services. This combines core instructional programming, and
educational and cultural enrichment programs measured to reduce barriers to learning.
Information further preserves all community stakeholders are to be engaged in

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Figure 3-4: Robinson District Map
consequential, stable positions, partnership development, and serve under a standard of
shared leadership (Robinson Community Hub, 2014). Partnerships entail educators,
parents, funders, service providers, policy makers, and the community at large. The
transition to a community hub school provides the district with the opportunity to
advance choice-based development initiatives.
3.3 Community Member Survey
A survey was obtained from thirty-five community residents involved with school
activities at Robinson Elementary. Questionnaires were collected from participants of the
community member focus group, and from community members attending a Family
Movie Night and Parent Power Hours. Data is organized under a school-based

65
community development approach that rests upon a participatory development approach
funded by an asset-based and capacity building framework for community development
that utilizes resident-led initiatives and decision making that is context-based and effected
from within. Results display a range of information and perceptions of area
neighborhoods including:
● Quality of Life ● Crime and Safety
● Physical Environment ● Level of Participation
● Homeownership Rate ● Community Hub Impact
● Housing Affordability ● Interests in Additional Activities
The survey was designed to underscore perceptions and outlooks relative to this
investigation. Primary data is organized to bring out community members insights and
aspirations. Community perceptions help to construct events and proceedings at
Robinson Community School. Local experience and perceptions ground issues relating
to housing quality and affordability, the physical environment of neighborhoods, the
quality of life in neighborhoods, crime and safety, the impact of the community hub, and
the level of community participation. Highlights of responses include high rental and low
homeownership rates, a vast majority who consider neighborhoods to be very safe or
relatively safe, a preponderance of community impacts, a wide perception that the quality
of life in area neighborhoods has not improved over the last five years, and less than one-
third which consider the quality of life of district neighborhoods to be good. Other
relative findings take into account the lack of youth opportunities on Saturdays and the
call for additional activities.

66
Specifically, this instrument illustrates that 77.14% of residents rent their homes and
79.14% consider their dwellings to be affordable whether they rent or are homeowners.
Participants hold a higher rate for the condition of their own homes as opposed to the
overall condition of area housing. In the first case 48.57% uphold a good or excellent
rating and 51.43% feet their homes are in average condition. Area housing overall
ranked lower with 25.71% as good or excellent and 74.29% as poor or average (60.00%
average/14.29% poor). Three of four (75.75%) describe the physical environment of
neighborhoods as poor or average and two-thirds consider the quality of life of their
neighborhoods to be poor or average (68.57%). Perception of whether the quality of life
has improved or declined over the last five years is marked by 40.00% who feel it
declined and 36.67% who consider it has remained the same. Three out of four deem the
quality of life has not improved over the course of the last five years. A large majority
regards neighborhoods to be very safe or relatively safe (90.63%), and 75.00% perceive
the community hub has impacted them and their families.
Responses for questions ten and eleven, formulated to illustrate participation in
programs and activities, in addition to school or community organizations, appear to be
vague or redundant to some respondents. Nevertheless, a number of responses illustrate
active participation in a number of programs and activities. As to interest in other
organizations, contributors express interest in low income housing, single and mingle
night, and basketball. Correspondingly, there are some comments when asked if there is
anything they would like to add or expand on. These include: “more community
activities; excited to learn about Robison Jr.; more one on one academic involvement,

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more sports (basketball) etc., youth needs more sports; and to open up to youth on
Saturday.”
In conclusion, most residents rent their homes and overall participants find housing to
be affordable. All feel their homes to be at least average, but ranking diverged to some
degree of significance when asked to rate the overall condition of area housing. Three
out of four view the overall condition of housing to be poor or average. This correlates
with the same percentage of participants who rate the physical condition of area
neighborhoods as poor or average. Also, over two-thirds describe the quality of life in
their neighborhoods as poor or average. Over three-quarters of contributors also indicate
the quality of life has not improved over the last five years, and nine-of-ten feel safe or
relative safe in their neighborhoods. There is a broad accord that the hub has made an
impact on area residents. Finally, a number of participants express interest in other
activities and programs.
3.4 Community Member Focus Group
A focus group consisting of four area residents active in school activities was conducted
on February 25, 2014 to assess perspectives of life in area neighborhoods and to gauge
the impact the community hub has had upon the community. This forum also sought
participant input as to what needs to be done to improve the quality of life in their
neighborhoods. Data is organized under a school-based community development outlook
that rests upon a participatory development approach funded by an asset-based and
capacity building framework for community development that utilizes resident-led

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initiatives and decision making that is context-based and effected from within. A number
of concerns were addressed by the assembly including:
● Area Housing ● Crime and Safety
● Sense of Community ● Community Outreach
● Community Participation ● Transportation and Access
● Economic Development and Jobs ● Hub Impact on the Community
Data is displayed to bring in community members perceptions and objectives. The
focus group is utilized to emphasize common perceptions and outlooks relative to this
investigation. Community perceptions help to understand events and proceedings
surrounding the community hub. Local experience and perceptions ground issues
relating to the positive impact of the community hub, the extent of abandoned area
housing, a lack of homeownership opportunities, an overall feeling of improvements in
crime and safety, a diminished extent of the feeling of community in district
neighborhoods, the lack of youth opportunities on Saturdays, the need for economic
development, the deficiency of transportation and access to area marketplaces, and calls
to further community outreach and organization. The following details some of the
particulars:
Speaking to the quality of life in area neighborhoods overall the response is “pretty
good.” After further discussion there is a consensus that this is founded on “typical city
living” or “basic city living” and that some things need to be improved on. Abandoned
homes and buildings top their concerns, and with the record-setting extreme winter one
member said that the extent of pot holes in city streets is a major difficulty. In addition,

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the sense of community of area neighborhoods depends on what neighborhood and what
block.
One participant gave the example of retired people on Winthrop Street who own their
homes and were unable to move anywhere else. She maintains they take pride in their
houses because they are homeowners. Another participant states that some people “grew
up on the street” and retain a sense of unity, but it depends on what block. Further it is
stipulated that it is not the whole neighborhood, but certain parts of neighborhood blocks
that hold a sense of community. Participants are in agreement that hub activities and
organizations are in place to supplement the quality of life and there is an accord that area
housing needs improvement.
The issue of crime and safety is met with a resounding “crime is prevalent
everywhere.” One member spoke candidly about her family being without a car for three
months. In years past her children were not permitted to venture out alone to catch the
bus in the morning because of the extent of area crime. But without an automobile, the
children had to go out in the early morning hours at Bancroft Street and Detroit Avenue
to the bus stop. The respondent was at work and feared for her children’s safety, since
this was the first time they had to navigate this track. “I was more nervous for them.”
Further, she maintains her teenage daughter and preteen son were very uneasy prior to the
event. Afterwards, the children reported their journey to tell her that some people said
something to them while waiting for their bus. She maintains that they were “probably
drunk or something” and since “nobody did anything to them or harassed them” it
“speaks highly of what people might think of the neighborhood.” Furthermore, she
asserts “one would think that a teenager out there when it’s dark at 5:30-5:40 in the

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morning that it would be more dangerous.” Although it was a shock to the children to
have to go out in the dark that early morning, “it speaks highly of the neighborhood.”
Since that early morning she maintains it “feels okay now because we’re safe.”
Another participant offers her judgment that crime and safety has improved in the
area. She maintains that the “new cameras help with that.” Her anecdote equates the
cameras with less gun shots around her apartment. Thirty additional Skycop surveillance
cameras have been added recently in phase two of this surveillance operation throughout
Toledo (Skycop Cameras Toledo, 2014). When completed there will be a total of 150
cameras throughout the city. There are a number of cameras in close proximity to
Robinson Elementary.
She continues to state that she hasn’t heard as many gunshots recently, but used to
“hear gunshots all the time.” It is said that cameras “help to slow stuff down” and that
over time she hasn’t heard the extent of gunshots as in the past. She goes on to declare
that she used to hear gun fire 360º around her building and that she could “point out
where someone has died.” Finally, she upholds that there are fewer gunshots because the
“cameras make people scared to commit crimes.” Everyone agrees that the issue of
crime and safety has shown a level of improvement.
Responding to the impact the community hub has upon the community, one focus
group member believes it is a good addition to what TPS started by transfo1rming
Robinson into a K-8 school, and that the hub concept just came around. It is furthered
detailed that prior to the community school transition use was limited to parents and
voters. The group feels the hub is good for community and that it reaches out to the
community and gives other people reason to come to the school. The conversion to the

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community hub opens the school to the community. Another member attests the recent
pageant held at the school reached into the broader community and various programs
opens it up to area neighborhoods. Another contributor declares that there are a number
of different programs beyond sports that encourage supplementary community
involvement.
As to the group’s involvement with the school, they are all active in the PTO, the
Parent Power Hour and other parent engagement activities. One member specifies that
they are all very active and involved and that it is “like Cheers and everybody knows
their names.” As to what types of organizations they like to see, a group member asserts
that last school year the Boys and Girls Club was open Monday through Friday, but
closed on Saturday. She would like to see the club open from Tuesday to Saturday to
have somewhere for children to go to on Saturday to get a meal. Further she asserts, “I
don’t know what the reason for the Boys and Girls Club to close.” Another member
chimes in and states that the kids need somewhere to be active under adult supervision
and not in the streets and getting into trouble.
In terms of what needs to be done to improve the quality of life in their
neighborhoods, one participant articulates that getting the word out that “stuff is offered”
will improve residents’ quality of life. Still another declares that once people know that
the hub is open to the community they would understand “that you’re not alone and that
you’re not the only one that feels the same way about things in life.” Additionally, it is
specified that knowing somebody from the outside cares, “like the mayor’s office” would
help the hub and the community. “That goes a long way – to show he cares” and that
“when people of a higher standing come, people are drawn to it.” As example, it is

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pointed out: “Our superintendent (TPS) comes to a lot of stuff here. It draws the
community here.” This is brought forward concerning outreach efforts in getting the
word out about the community hub, “People see that someone of a higher standing, like
the superintendent from a higher office draws in more people.”
Further it is proclaimed that “a lot are left out” and a lot of people don’t know about
GED classes unless they have kids. Another member adds “a lot don’t know” about
programs like Zumba. Another expresses that she “knew a couple of people that need
GEDs” but were unaware of offerings at the school. Still another declares that others
may like to attend computer classes and finally proclaims that “maybe awareness will
grow.” They all feel compelled about getting the word out into the broader community as
a means to improve the quality of life of area neighborhoods.
Vacant homes are another issue of contention addressed by the group concerning the
quality of life. One participant states, “Jack Ford (former mayor) said we shouldn’t tear
down houses” that can be utilized. The examples brought forth are homes on Albion
Street that were raised were people could have lived in. Another specifies that
abandoned houses need to torn down or serve as living quarters. This is qualified with an
illustration of an elderly lady that kept her home beautiful but after she moved it was a
matter of a couple of days that it was stripped clean. “Get someone in before they’re
tore-up,” because in short order everything was taken including the kitchen cabinets. As
a follow up, the Lucas County Land Bank’s Inventory Program that identifies abandoned
and blighted homes is mentioned to the group. Although they are unaware of this
program they show interest in finding out more.

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When asked if there is anything they want to add or expand upon, one member is
adamant in declaring income is a major factor. She goes on to say, “I believe we need to
get this taken care of first before we can move on to the next step. Why is the house
vacant? Why are so many houses abandoned?” These questions are linked to the lack of
financial stability. “Either lost a job or made mistakes,” is equated with why people had
to move out. “All these abandoned homes!” She goes on to state that she couldn’t find a
stable, secure job to move into a home. It is contended that they needed financial
stability so that residents could inhabit vacated homes that could be utilized. It is also
asserted that recently constructed Habitat for Humanity homes on Oakwood Avenue were
boarded up. “I would love to get into one of these houses, but I can’t get Section 8, can’t
seem to find a stable secure job in order to move into one of these houses.” Limited
economic opportunities are associated with the vast extent of uninhabited dwellings.
The theme of economic development is expanded upon by another member who
maintains that at one time there used to be factories at end of the street where one could
walk to work and go home for lunch. “So many things have moved out of the
neighborhood so it’s hard to have something to hold on to. Say we have this and that’s
what can keep our neighborhood viable.” Factories and places of employment embedded
within neighborhoods were at one time the heart of lively viable communities. They
were not simply a place in which to work, they functioned at the center of social life.
She goes on to say that at one time this kept neighborhoods sustainable but everything
has moved out of the area. For instance, the new Save-a-Lot in Swayne Field Shopping
Center use to be a Kroger Supermarket and that at one time there were businesses all
along there. Kroger is a large union-based company and provided an extent of higher

74
wage jobs. She also asserts, “I definitely understand in order for business to come they
have to see that there’s people there that’s educated and can do the jobs. There has to be
a commitment from people that can make the change, like organizations that can make
the change for the people in the neighborhood to be able to commit as well. You can’t
pull up your bootstraps if don’t have any straps in it.” Education, community
organization, and jobs are needed to keep area neighborhoods vibrant.
Transportation and access to shopping is also something lacking according to the
focus group. For instance, it is mentioned that if someone wanted to buy in bulk at Sam’s
Club they would be unable without an automobile. “Who can get there? There’s nothing
close!” It is maintained that Costco and Westgate Shopping Center are closest, but
access is limited without an automobile. Shopping at the Glendale Shopping Center is
also offered with the caveat of its distance from the neighborhood. “Bus stop only goes
so far” and it takes “too much time.” Further it is stated, “You have to walk too far.
There’s nothing here.” Overall it is agreed that there is a lack of adequate transportation
and access to retail shopping. It is further stipulated that things were getting better with
the new Dollar General and Rite Aid which recently opened in the area, and that they are
closer, and it is convenient to pick up prescriptions. Another member mentions the
Family Dollar store, but that they needed bigger stores for people to work. The lack of
jobs is equated with the lack of economic vibrancy in the community.
In summary, abandoned homes and buildings tops the focus group concerns. They
also indicate that the sense of community is somewhat constrained, but has been
enhanced by the recent advent of the Robinson Community Hub. On the whole, the
gathering maintains there is a relative feeling of safety and that there has been a recent

75
improvement in area crime. Participants feel that the hub impact is positive, but that
outreach has been limited. They also note a void in programming for children on
Saturdays.
To improve the quality of life they assert that further outreach is needed, and the
magnitude of vacant homes should be addressed. The assembly adds that limited
economic opportunities led to the vast extent of uninhabited homes in the area, and that
economic development flanked with education and further organization could help to
improve this situation. Finally, it is declared that area transportation and local shopping
is limited. Amenities outside the immediate area are hard to navigate and supplementary
local marketplaces are needed to provide ease of access and employment opportunities.

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Chapter 4
Discussion
alleviate conditions associated with spatially concentrated poverty. Although numerous
sociospatial strategies have been enacted over time, little progress has been achieved. As
problems became increasingly entrenched, President Johnson declared the War on
Poverty 50 years ago, and yet we still see fifteen percent of Americans living in poverty,
and more than one out of five of our nation’s children experiencing poverty on a daily
basis (Reich, 2014). Worse yet, we are the only rich nation in the world that has lower
per-pupil expenditures in poor school districts than we have in wealthy school districts
(ibid). An African Proverb upholds “It takes a whole village to raise a child.” By the
same token, “If the school does not assume the responsibility for bringing up children,
how shall the work be done?”
It is not so much a question of whether place-based interventions make sense; it is
more a discussion about the civic will and social priorities to which one ascribes to.
Comprehensive initiatives vary to a considerable degree in structure and strategy, but
address similar aspects of community life. Common elements include advancing
economic opportunities along with the physical development of infrastructure, including

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housing, transportation, public amenities and services. Safety and security, in addition to
well-functioning institutions and services, including schools and social and health
services are also among the essentials. Notwithstanding past mistakes, neighborhood-
based initiatives can be utilized as a vehicle for renewing a sense of community and basis
for organizing.
Solutions to concentrated extreme poverty and inequity have routinely involved a
place-based lens for interventions that address poverty’s complex and entrenched
problems. Nonetheless, the long history of neighborhood-based initiatives
characteristically identified needs from a point of view outside the circumstances of
poverty. On the whole, neighborhood-based initiatives were marked by the exclusionary
ethos of formulating schemes outside the bounds of experience. Outsiders had faith in
the knowledge that they knew best. This level of detached contemplation delivered top-
down engagement strategies without the benefit of the experience of those living in the
throes of poverty.
Contemporary philosophy and methods have made great strides in addressing the
shortcomings of the past through an inclusionary philosophy opening to comprehensive
choice-based neighborhood revitalization strategies. Correspondingly, vigorous
neighborhood revitalization and community capacity is not sustainable when residents are
marginalized and rendered voiceless. Empowering residents opens to social networks
which can lead to economic viability and physical infrastructure improvements. This
restructuring gives rise to organic solutions that directly affects communities as opposed
to the rendition of top-down decision making.

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Conventional wisdom decrees school reform is to be championed by educators, and
community capacity building and neighborhood revitalization are the responsibility of
civic leaders and real estate developers. This division detaches interconnecting elements.
This is even more critical today in light of the recent intensification of socioeconomic
inequalities. In the wake of the recent recession many cities show increasingly high rates
of concentrated poverty. Moreover, many of the older, northern, Rust Belt cities, where
community development originated, display some of the highest poverty rates and highest
levels of disinvestment in the nation (Berube, 2012). It is time to move beyond
convention and erase the boundaries between school and neighborhood improvement.
Past efforts to revitalize inner-city communities often fell short because they provided
direct services to individuals without attending to improving the economic vitality of the
community (Adler, 1997). Continuing to focus all efforts at the symptoms of poverty
misses the mark. What is needed is a new focus that attends to both social and economic
problems. This suggests that community school educators should take an active role in
improving the social and economic base of communities as a means of addressing the
root cause of poverty and barriers to learning. Neighborhood revitalization may depend
less on the model put in place as opposed to developing the capacity of neighborhood
residents and institutions to define and affect responses to local needs. “Unless local
capacity is strong, programs of social services, housing, crime reduction, etc. will achieve
only a fraction of their potential” (Kubisch, 1996). Today there is significantly sufficient
knowledge concerning the value of community participation, capacity building and
collaboration, and past outlooks involving coordination and resident participation have

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been joined in concert with concepts of social capital, asset‐based planning, and public‐
private partnerships (Mossberger, 2010).
It is not as if the same old solutions have simply been repackaged over time, current
neighborhood initiatives represent more than a recycling of old ideas. School-centered
community revitalization incorporates lessons learned along the course of past endeavors.
The core elements address school improvement, housing, high-quality childcare and early
childhood development programs, affordable health services, and workforce and
economic development programs. This positions schools as central to community
redevelopment initiatives. This also recognizes that good schools are an essential
ingredient for the prosperity of neighborhoods over the long run. School-centered
community revitalization upholds that “a neighborhood revitalization strategy that
includes a school improvement component will be more successful and more sustainable
than a strategy that only focuses on the neighborhood” (Chung, 2002). Improving
academic performance is an important structure for leveraging and supporting
neighborhood investments and assets. Similarly, the community school strategy for
organizing resources transforms schools into hubs that benefit students, families, and the
community.
Community schools are a set of placed-based strategies that organize resources in a
common location with the purpose of building social capital to strengthen the
community’s ability to resolve difficulties. The community schools sponsor is the keeper
of the vision for school and community improvements. One of the sponsor’s principle
objectives is to build the capacity of community members to become active participants.
This positions schools central to civic life and provides a place for community members

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to come together to discuss common interests and address issues of concern.
Encouraging local collaboration leads to community capacity building to bring in
educators, city planners, and real estate developers for broader neighborhood initiatives.
The recent emergence of schools-as-community-centers has the pronounced propensity to
insight broader revitalization.
Schools are intimately linked with communities as place-base institutions and are a
part of neighborhoods’ physical fabric. Schools that are responsive to the neighborhood
in which they are situated have more of a tendency to improve academic achievement and
build community capacity. Besides, schools have the responsibility to respond to their
community’s needs and requests. Good schools and good neighborhoods go together,
and when schools are oriented to the community they encourage residents to assume
responsibility and ownership for the health and welfare of their communities.
Characteristically, schools reflect and mirror the socioeconomic landscape of
neighborhoods. They also have a profound impact on the social, economic, and physical
character of neighborhoods, and the quality of a neighborhood school correlates with the
quality of the neighborhood on a number of levels.
The mission of schools is to give pupils educational foundations that lead to the
ability to live a successful life. This mission is often frustrated in inner-city
neighborhoods, and studies show that family, school, and neighborhoods have a strong
influence on student performance. Dewey maintained that schools ought to be a “means
for bringing people and their ideas and beliefs together,” but education has become
disconnected from the daily concerns of life (Dewey, 1902). Schools should not operate

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at a level of detachment to the communities in which they are situated. Schools ought to
be more than just a silo of in-house academics.
The Dewey Principle maintains that active learning leads students to be actively
involved in solving complex neighborhood and societal issues (Taylor and McGlynn,
2009). The goal is to create opportunities for students to apply their knowledge and skills
to make neighborhoods a better place to live. Moreover, the connection of classroom
lessons to the community revolves on the ability to work with neighbors and stakeholders
to build a better community and is based on a pedagogical model that develops critical
thinking leading to authentic learning (ibid). Strengthening school-community links
opens to improved educational performance and community initiatives. Project-based or
service learning in neighborhoods “serves as a laboratory for studying the environment,
history, and sociology” and provides the opportunity to acquire collaboration skills
(Dryfoos, 2005).
It is not as if communities are simply locales that can be employed to educate, for
they serve as primary educators offering opportunities for students to develop their fullest
potential (Mathews, 2013). Project-based learning builds relationships that generate
interaction between schools and local communities, and enhance the sense of community.
By utilizing real world examples drawn from the community, schools can strengthen their
curriculum through a format of integrated learning. Community context adds to
educational outcomes and involves students in the community. This builds knowledge
and confidence, and provides a basis for active citizenship. Moreover, students that have
a strong sense of community are more likely to be academically motivated and are less

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likely to be involved with a number of at-risk activities including drug use and violence
(Schaps, 2003).
The Strengthening Links between Schools and Communities Program calls for up to
twenty percent of curriculum to be based on community contact (Cavaye, 2013). This
incorporates broader community issues into school-life and the curriculum. One
approach utilizes guest teachers from the community to come into the classroom to
impart their place-based knowledge. Another avenue involves students in form of a
community clean-a-thon where students eliminate debris and analyze patterns of dumping
and litter with GIS mapping geocoded for further analysis. This gets students out of the
classroom and into the community while imparting valuable skills. A number of
evaluations find public engagement activities and efforts to extend service-learning
opportunities and community problem solving brings new energy to communities (Berg
et al., 2006). Place-based curriculum links placed-based problem solving and active
community engagement.
Community engagement and empowerment are the essential elements of any self-
sustaining community. Likewise, participation by marginalized populations has the
propensity to transform urban environments and establishes critical connections between
power and spatiality (Torre, 1996). This builds on community strengths and assets by
engaging and empowering choice-based solutions to surface. Equally, all stakeholders
must be included to assess community needs and manage community assets. This
engagement strategy for development often revolves around a resource collaborative and
advisory council as a forum for service providers, community leaders, and area residents
(Khadduri et al., 2007). Participatory development ensures broad and diverse

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involvement to devise and implement approaches to community improvement, and
cultivates collective ownership and a connected wisdom to address challenges.
The focal points of community in place-based interventions are ideal sites for
collaboration. Community schools are deep-rooted focal points of communities and
provide community-oriented space. They are places to meet, form trust, and establish
associations and homegrown neighborhood organizations. This opens a political
dimension, which has a higher probability to forward sustainable neighborhood-based
initiatives. A sociospatial strategy in which networks and relationships are woven is a
way to produce exchange and use of information to enhance resources. By responding to
the recommendations of residents, a common community identity can be rooted in place
and residents are empowered to determine neighborhood-based initiatives.
The organic growth of bottom-up initiatives develops a sturdier community-backed
structure for development projects and programs. Bringing this dimension to the
forefront through a participatory approach does not necessarily abate the ‘top’, but rather
the role of the ‘top’ is attuned to playing a supporting role. An inclusive approach forms
open-ended coalitions aimed specifically at addressing both individual and collective
sources of marginalization and inequality around a shared spatial consciousness (Soja,
2000). This line of attack upholds a bottom-up or ‘trickle up design’, which involves
extensive discussions, conversations, and decision-making with the community while
capitalizing on indigenous expertise and increasing social cohesion and social capital
(Pagon, 2006). Utilizing a bottom-up approach ensures the local area plan is created and
owned by the community. This approach has a higher probability of continued
involvement as opposed to the rendition of top-down detached contemplations.

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Community reflection is used to articulate communal hopes and helps to negotiate
external stakeholders to form strategic partnerships oriented towards community
transformation. Social organization can be defined as the extent of local friendship ties,
the degree of social cohesion, and the level of resident participation (Khadduri et al.,
2007). It is the extent to which residents maintain social control of their neighborhood
and realize common goals. A community’s social assets can better the “health, safety,
education, economic well-being, political participation, and quality of life of residents in
poor communities” (Warren et al., 2001). Social capital fosters a rich social fabric in
addition to a strong community voice (Brown, 1996) and can be cultivated through
neighborhood networks (Putnam, 1995). The resource stock of social capital can be
thought of as the extent of neighborhood organizations and their linkages with other
organizations (Morenoff et al., 2001). This creates community vibrancy with a solid base
of community resources and opens to economic stability. “In the most ideal scenario,
public process participants become the champions of the urban change through the long
road of planning, the struggles of implementation, and the daunting challenge of ongoing
governance” (Ford et al., 2013).
Place-based problem solving can come to fruition with a school-centered community
development approach. This model complements the community school reform at
Robinson Elementary. It is a matter of engaging and empowering area residents to take
control of their neighborhoods and their future. The Robinson Community Hub can serve
as an anchor for broader community development. Robinson has the propensity to
catalyze the capacity for community regeneration through a school-centered community
development approach that supports wide-ranging choice-based strategies.

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As the Robinson Community School moves forward, there are a number of
approaches that can continue a course of strong academic achievement and community-
led initiatives. While no easy answers to these issues exist, the Robinson Community
Hub can serve as a foundation for community decision making. This requires all actors
to move beyond traditional roles. It also requires the ability to speak the language of
school reform as well as the language of community development. Although there are a
number of paths to open to district improvements, flexibility must supplant any rigidity
which may arise in development formulations. Proposals and tactics should remain
malleable as new needs and outlooks come into view. The hub leadership should remain
receptive to evolving needs and outlooks to create a community of opportunity.
So, how does the Robinson Community School impact the district? Overwhelmingly,
it positively impacts the district. This is a change from the extent of inertia that was
previously in place. What is the extent of this impact? While it there is some degree of
coverage, outreach efforts can be broadened. The community school significantly
increases community involvement. Overall an advance on participation is demonstrated,
but a collaborative framework with Robinson and a number of area stakeholders can
provide a sturdier platform. To what degree does this empower the community?
Informal discussions and information gathering techniques with area neighborhood-based
organizations reveal perceptions of have not having a voice in collaboration with
Robinson to address community concerns. There is a long road ahead to reach the
needed level of empowerment to advance comprehensive neighborhood-based initiatives.
Further organization is needed to advance choice-based resolutions. Stakeholders must
be enabled to take the reins to drive community solutions.

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And finally, what are the prospects of utilizing the community hub to affect broader
neighborhood-based initiatives? There are a number of opportunities to implement this
standard, which include: broader outreach and engagement, furthering organizing and
empowerment, community-linked curriculums, a community development organizer, a
community development committee, improving the housing stock and advancing
homeownership opportunities, and increasing the economic vitality of the district. The
following sections cast light on corridors to utilize the Robinson Community Hub as a
catalyst to drive broader area developments.

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Chapter 5
Findings and Recommendations
5.1 Overview
Findings demonstrate community narratives of promise and challenge. Narratives impart
place-based experience and outlooks. Both survey and focus group data capture similar
renditions. Overall perception on crime and safety consents to recent improvements or
the feeling of relative safety. Seemingly this is upheld as a means of downplaying any
fear in the community associated with crime. A positive chronicle of community hub
impact is also expressed. Positive community narratives open a rich fabric of potential.
Counter accounts are also important to illustrate community life in district
neighborhoods, and to construct events and proceedings at the Robinson Community
Hub.
A consensus on the negative issues associated with the extent of abandoned houses
and lack of homeownership opportunities is at the forefront of the findings of the
community member focus group. Correspondingly, survey data shows approximately
three-quarters of participants consider overall area housing to be poor or average, and that
the quality of life in district neighborhoods has not improved over the course of the last

88
five years. Two-thirds perceive the quality of life in area neighborhoods to be poor or
average. Focus group concerns also register an outlook of needed jobs and limited access
to area marketplaces and restricted transportation. A diminished extent of the feeling of
community in district neighborhoods and a need for economic development is also
indicated. The myth of rugged individualism, where one can pull one selves up is
undergirded by the notion of a level playing field. Calls to further community outreach
and organization also goes out as a means of improving the quality of life in area
neighborhoods. Further, there is an appeal to area leadership to help to advance a
platform for community renewal. Both survey and focus group chronicles are explicit in
calling out interest in other programs and activities, and informing on the absence of
youth programming on Saturdays. Education, community organization and jobs are
needed to keep area neighborhoods vibrant.
While there are no easy answers to resolve issues related to the spatial concentration
of poverty, there are a number of outlooks that can significantly challenge the status quo.
A place-specific movement can be achieved by responding to community priorities and
opportunities to produce concrete and visible results that can serve as a basis for long-
term change. This involves expanding networks and developing new constituencies,
capacities, and leaders. By building the organizational infrastructure of the community
and brokering its needs, untapped resources and opportunities can surface to contribute to
the overall momentum of initiatives and build a foundation for sustainable
transformation. It is possible and is within the community’s control to open a systemic
process of urban planning and neighborhood renewal.

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Many area neighborhoods are in vulnerable states and are undergoing deteriorating
physical conditions and falling property values. The impacts on neighborhood quality
and livability are also evident and characterized by abandoned homes, waning standards
of maintenance, and diminishing homeownership rates. Yet, area neighborhoods can
become places with revitalized commercial corridors, affordable housing, jobs for the
unemployed and underemployed, and activities to drive additional investments increasing
economic opportunity. Transforming neighborhoods into places where residents
communicate and socialize results in a feeling of pride unleashing positive narratives
centered on excellent housing choices, transportation access, quality public services, local
shopping, opportunities for economic investment, and safe environments for children and
families. Such neighborhoods provide reasons for existing residents to remain and can
attract new residents. The following recommendations are framed to open this course of
action.
5.2 Community Outreach and Engagement
There has been a marked increase in community involvement at Robinson Elementary.
At an informal information gathering meeting with Angeline Lee, she stated that in the
recent past twelve parents representing 300 students turned up to attend a parent-teacher
conference at Robinson Elementary School (Lee, 2013). Upon transitioning to a
community hub she said there were “lines out the door.” This increase is connected with
the community resources the community school offers. Community building by way of
recruiting area residents to play an active role in solving local problems has changed the
previous course.

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Seventy-five percent of survey respondents report that the community hub has
impacted them and/or their family. Notwithstanding gains made and a broad upswing in
community participation, data reveals some community members to be left out. To
sustain authentic community engagement all stakeholders must be included to assess
community needs and manage community assets. This ought to include other area
neighborhood-based organizations that may not have a collaborative platform with the
community hub at present. There appears to be a level of disconnectedness that needs to
be addressed.
The Children’s Aid Society avows, “The community school movement puts schools
in the center of civic life and helps provide a place for community members to come
together and address issues of concern.” This opens a course for schools and the
community to be engaged in problem solving. Community schools are deep-rooted focal
points of communities and focuses on increasing resident involvement. One of the
sponsor’s main objectives is to build the capacity of community members to become
active community participants. Further outreach efforts will be able to deepen the reach
into the community.
“a lot are left out…a lot don’t know…maybe awareness will grow”
− Community Member Focus Group
In an increasingly digital era traditional forms of outreach such as public meetings
may fall short of providing diverse support for the long-term buy-in of planning and
design strategies. Common outreach mechanisms such as community task forces,

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workshops and public meetings are limited in their reach and leave vast amounts of
citizens without a voice to address matters which affect them directly. To sustain
authentic community engagement one must move beyond convention. Pursuing novel
methods of engagement can leverage more of a sustained interest and provide a path
opening to invested outcomes. Contemporary approaches turn drab informational
sessions into fun, entertaining community events that create a venue for celebration,
which reinvigorates the planning process.
On-the-ground tactics move the conversation from conference rooms to places of
liveliness and congregation already existing within the community. By going to where
the people are, the process engages people on their own turf. Outreach efforts can be
supplemented by going to community gatherings and events. This approach helps to
dispel traditional hierarchies and enables an open dialogue. In addition, online outreach
forums utilize websites, blogs, and social media can engage a broader audience. These
mediums tap into existing online social networks to bring together many users including
the younger demographic to engage on their own terms and timeframe.
Commonly understood forms of visual and verbal language like comic books,
guidebooks, and newsletters also help to illuminate planning narratives and extend
engagement. To capture wide input storytelling activities, neighborhood gatherings, and
community-wide forums can be utilized in addition to newsletters to connect with area
residents and organizations. Newsletters should be produced by community members.
Utilizing hub computers can facilitate this activity. The broader community can
incorporate information into visualizing alternatives. By identifying common values,
themes can be incorporated into a neighborhood development plan and into all future

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planning and development decisions. By engaging the community and bringing in new
voices, the mission of identifying and describing what is most essential can be brought to
light.
During the community member focus group on February 25, 2014 the topic of
blighted homes was frequently brought to light. While attending the Hub Director’s
meeting on December 5, 2013 at Scott High School, the current work of the Lucas
County Land Bank of removing or redeveloping abandoned homes was discussed. This
program empowers community residents to identify blight in their own neighborhoods
through an inventory process and authorizes the community to decide what the adapted
reuse of properties will be. This information was not conveyed to the community as
discovered by the community member focus group. Although this program is slated for
the later spring months this year, circulating this information can provide a positive
narrative and spur further community involvement. Conveying information is critical to
engaging community members. It also provides a degree of hope and can provide a
feeling of community control.
The community sponsor and their agents must consistently speak the language of
school reform and community development. Engagement strategies for choice-based
community development initiatives should revolve around a resource collaborative and
advisory council of service providers, residents, business and civic leaders, educators and
municipal officials to guide the process. This will assure that the Robinson Community
Hub is not isolated from other assemblies that offer some semblance of social structure.
Engagement activities authorize local residents to take control of community renewal.

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5.3 Community Organizing and Empowerment
Every neighborhood has the leaders it needs to solve community challenges. Leaders can
be brought to the surface by increasing resident involvement in community planning
activities. This can lead to neighborhood goal setting that involves the community’s
physical, social, and economic well-being. Increased parental and communal
involvement, along with regular communication and coordination between the school and
key neighborhood institutions can open a path of further empowerment. Community
building and interpersonal activities can provide residents with new tools of change and
enable community members to take the lead in community initiatives. Community
building and interpersonal activities provide residents with new tools to modify
circumstances facing the community.
This results in emerging self-confidence and self-efficacy to face and solve bigger
issues. A process of neighborhood goal setting that involves the community’s physical,
social, and economic well-being provides a platform for place-based problem solving.
This also helps to weave positive community narratives that open a rich fabric to realize
the community’s potential. Together these elements serve as a strong foundation upon
which the community can build an asset-based, internally-focused, and relationship-
driven focus for community development. By responding to recommendations of area
residents, a common community identity can be rooted in place, and community
members will be better suited to determine the hopes for their community.
Likewise, creating vibrant neighborhoods through the process of empowerment grants
community members a strong voice in community problem solving and delivers a sense

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of ownership to the process. Community reflection is used to articulate communal hopes
and helps to negotiate external stakeholders to form strategic partnerships oriented
towards community transformation. By increasing community involvement, outreach
and networking, as well as capacity building, communities can transition outlooks from
needs to assets and from services to empowerment (Diers, 2010). Empowering residents
to take a stronger leadership role in community development facilitates residents’
sustained ownership of the community change process, and can significantly change how
developers and social institutions work with resident leadership in supporting and
enabling them to take the lead in community revitalization.
Community organizing committees composed of residents can open community
development activities to be brought forward from relationships that politically enable
residents. This advance centers on being facilitated through the development of
neighborhood associations that act in accord and encourage unobstructed empowerment.
This is an essential element for any self-sustaining community and can transform urban
environments by engaging and empowering choice-based solutions to arise. Dynamic
neighborhood revitalization and community capacity building is sustained by granting a
voice to residents and a capacity building framework for community development. This
should be by way of resident-led initiatives and decision making that is context-based and
affected from within.
Empowering citizens facilitates social networks to form an open a course of economic
viability and physical improvements. Excluding the community voice from decision
making prohibits broad and diverse participation and precludes choice-based solutions to
surface. For example, while attending an informal informational meeting with the hub

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director he revealed the plan for a new outdoor classroom. The initial response is to ask
if students or the community had a hand in the design process. They had not.
Participatory development empowers the general public and it is never too soon to begin
the process. As cited earlier, the Hester Street Collaborative emboldened young
participants by involving them early on in the planning process to help design and build
their school’s outdoor classroom. Their involvement was not only an opportunity to
learn, but consented to their creativity to directly improve their neighborhood. This
represents a missed opportunity to utilize the community hub as a catalyst to drive
broader community development by excluding community members to employ their
imaginations and creativeness.
“I don’t know what the reason for the Boys and Girls Club to close.”
This research also shows the concern of not having youth-oriented programming on
Saturdays. According to the “Schools as Community Hubs Lead Partner Narrative
Report” dated July 25, 2013 and submitted to the University of Toledo, College of Health
and Human Science, parents upheld the need for a program on Saturdays to replace the
absence of Boys and Girls Club. Previously this organization was open from Tuesday
through Saturday but altered their hours of operation to Monday through Friday. The
report states that after parents brought this to the attention of the hub leadership it led to
the establishment of the Satur-DAY Camp program slated to be open on Saturdays
beginning in August of 2013. Further, it specifies that this was a major success which

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empowers parents by recognizing the need they recognized. Granting that the Satur-
DAY Camp program may have come to fruition in the past, its absence runs in the
opposite direction of empowerment.
This current gap in programing is addressed in primary data secured through the
community member focus group and the community member survey. Empowerment was
abated by removing a program that addresses community concerns. This dissuades and
inhibits enablement. A possible solution is to have the YMCA/JCC conduct a Saturday
program. Their current involvement with the Leverette Community Hub provides
school-age care and evening meals. Community empowerment and participation are the
essential elements of any self-sustaining community.
“There has to be a commitment from people that can make the change,
like organizations that can make the change for the people in the
neighborhood to be able to commit as well.”
Granting further empowerment to the community also involves wide-ranging
networking with area organizations to bring active community-based associations into the
fold. Although hub information collected preserves that all community stakeholders are
to be engaged in consequential, stable positions, partnership development, and serve
under the standard of shared leadership, there are a number of district organizations that
may not have a platform to provide their experience and suggestions in collaboration with
Robinson. To create the critical mass necessary to underpin responsive political action

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area organizations should be brought together to ensure local organizing efforts are linked
to the larger political constituency. A number of organizations could be united to
advance a comprehensive community development platform. Robinson can serve as an
anchor of community by bringing together the range of neighborhood associations to
form a united front for district improvements.
A number of neighborhood-based organizations were identified during this
investigation. Many of these establishments are deeply rooted in the district and are
active in advancing area improvements. Some expressed the view of have not having a
voice in association with Robinson to address community concerns. The resource stock
of social capital is the extent of neighborhood organizations and their linkages with other
organizations. The Robinson Community Hub is a focal point of community and should
support wide-ranging organizing. The goal is to encourage local collaboration. Further
outreach efforts should identify supplementary assemblies. The following is a list of
concerns encountered over the course of this research:
● Padua Center ● Toledo NAACP
● Elks Lodge 626 ● St. Martin de Porres
● Mott Branch Library ● Soul City Boxing and Wrestling Gym
● Frederick Douglass Center ● London Square Area Neighborhood Club
Community schools are both a place and a set of partnerships between the school and
other community resources, and need to connect multiple sectors and build local capacity
as a means of constructing comprehensive approaches. Advancing organizational
collaborations will aid in building a framework of collective capacity for social action.

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Community building can surface by way of recruiting the community at large to play an
active role in solving local problems and community committees composed of
community organizations acting in accord. Community schools are the potential hub and
nerve center of neighborhood and cannot isolate themselves from other assemblies that
provide a semblance of social structure and support. Empowerment presents a platform
on which a cohesive advance for community problem solving can be supported.
5.4 Community-Linked Curriculums
A curriculum based upon the needs of the community should be at the forefront of
Robinson’s educational outlook. There are a number of avenues to advance education in
the community. The goal is to expand learning opportunities and create the occasions for
students and the community to apply their knowledge and skills to make neighborhoods a
better place to live. Robinson’s focus on academic achievement is commendable and
should be continued and further developed.
The garden project at Robinson is an example of the school-community connection.
As part of the school's "Project Based Learning Mondays," this after-school program
focuses on hands-on science lessons. Children learn the way in which worms affect soil
fertility and genetics from incorporating hybrid plants. This captures children’s
imaginations and connects a level of fascination of how small seeds lead to food. This
program frames learning as fun and reaches out into area neighborhoods. This
strengthens the curriculum through a format of integrated learning.
A pedagogical model that develops critical thinking can strengthen school-
community links to improve educational performance and community revitalization.

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This avenue furthers the linkage between Robinson and the community. The Dewey
Principle maintains that active learning opens students to be actively immersed in
resolving multifaceted neighborhood and societal issues. Dewey also maintained that
public schools are the best vehicles for problem-solving. This stance creates
opportunities for the community to apply its knowledge and skills to make district
neighborhoods better places to live.
“I definitely understand in order for business to come they have to see
that there’s people there that’s educated and can do the jobs.”
This outlook centers on the ability to work with neighbors and stakeholders to build a
better community. Strengthening school-community links improves educational
performance and builds relationships that generate interaction between schools and
communities to enhance a sense of community to open broader restoration efforts.
Community context adds to educational outcomes and involves students in the
community. This builds community knowledge and confidence, gets students out of the
classroom and into the community while imparting valuable skills, and provides a basis
for active citizenship. Students that have a strong sense of community are more likely to
be academically motivated, and extended service-learning opportunities advances
community problem solving, which brings new energy to communities to inspire choice-
based solutions.

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School-to-work programs, job training and workshops connect classroom lessons to
the community. Programs can be offered to enhance skills, promote social interaction,
build community engagement, and provide physical activity. Leadership training and
workforce development, in addition to capacity building for community-based
organizations, and increasing resident involvement in community planning activities also
opens to choice-based initiative. Programs should offer training for resume building,
filling out job applications, and interview techniques. Furthermore, entrepreneurial
classes, workforce development, computer labs and other workshops add to the mix. A
parent academy should also be offered in conjunction with regular summer programming.
Another corridor is to provide high-quality childcare and early childhood
development programs along with parenting and early childcare education programs that
provide childhood education and engage preschool parents through parental training
opportunities. This should be a home-based early childhood education and parenting
education programs that engages preschool parents in the early stage of preschool with
activities. This also makes it more likely for parents to stay involved with their children’s
education. High-quality childcare also affords parents the opportunity to partake in job-
training or entrepreneurial classes.
The community hub should also establish enduring relationships with multiple higher
educational institutions and various departments to foster collaborations and cooperative
missions. For instance, the University of Toledo’s Department of Geography and
Planning can be utilized for a long-term community asset mapping agenda that reaches
out into the community to enlist participation. Asset-based community development
utilizes the assets, capacities and abilities within communities and embraces a strong

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neighborhood-rooted tradition through community organizing and neighborhood
planning. Additionally, utilizing guest teachers from the community to impart their
place-based knowledge spurs curriculum and community involvement. This obscures
divisions that may exist between Robinson Elementary and the district it serves. Above
and beyond, leadership training and development dockets are considered necessary to
advance community-led agendas.
5.5 Community Development Organizer
A full-time member of staff that speaks the language of community development can
help to bring together disjointed voices. An organizer can utilize the recent development
of an active community hub to advance neighborhood-based initiatives. The organizer
can also expand and progress purposeful relationships with supplementary organizations
and establishments. It is vital the Robinson Community Hub continue to build
partnerships with organizations to secure additional capital, resources, and expertise
necessary to open paths of local development.
As previously noted, the Revere Elementary School in Chicago hired a full-time
community organizer to help bring the community’s voices together, in addition to a
social worker, resource coordinator and an Alumni Association coordinator. The
community development organizer could conceivably be utilized for all area hubs. This
recommendation comes into view as critical and imperative to advance comprehensive
initiatives. Short of the capital outlay required to employ a permanent staff member, an
internship could be brokered through a number of higher education institutions. For
example, the University Of Toledo Department Of Political Science and Public

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Administration or the College of Business and Innovation could be utilized to retain an
intern on a short term basis to investigate and bridge opportunities to propel broader
relationships and advance community-level development. This path comes as a
secondary way forward.
Capacity building for community-based organizations increases resident involvement
in community planning activities to provide effective strategies for reviving and
mobilizing resources already present. This connects individuals through associations and
builds long lasting relationships to serve as incubators to cultivate community leadership.
Building an asset-based, internally-focused, and relationship-driven focus for community
development mobilizes and builds capacity within the community and can connect
external resources. Employing a community development organizer can unite divided
fronts and advance relationships with organizations including:
● Toledo CDC ● Local Businesses
● Lucas County ● Corporate Sponsors
● City of Toledo ● Foundations and Nonprofits
● Development Practitioners ● Neighborhood-Based Organizations
The Children’s Aid Society model is formed from the foundation of intense
engagement with parents and the community. Encouraging local collaboration can create
a united front for community building by way of recruiting community members and
organizations to play an active role in solving local problems. Coordinating area
organizations can facilitate relationships and capture multiple funding streams. Through
collaboration and integration, leadership training and technical assistance to residents,

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and the facilitation of community forums that connect residents with existing
neighborhood organizations, endeavors can be placed into a broader comprehensive
community development framework.
The organizer can also close gaps that may exist with a variety of entities. For one,
despite perceptions of improving crime and safety conditions, an informal discussion
with a member of a local neighborhood-based organization revealed a prior relationship
with the Toledo Police Department was structured with a direct path for area concerns to
be channeled to a specific officer stationed at the former Swayne Field Center police
substation. This was a direct community contact. This direct link with area
neighborhoods was abandoned to forces of centralization with further encumbrances of
bureaucracy. Perhaps this direct link can be reestablished.
“What’s a Robinson Community Hub?”
− Department of Neighborhoods
There also appears to be a gulf between the community hubs and the City of Toledo
that may be able to be bridged. Seeking first-hand information, the City of Toledo
Department of Neighborhoods appeared as an appropriate route to inquire about
opportunities available to advance Robinson district neighborhoods. On the morning of
March 25, 2014, I spoke briefly with the director. After explaining this research he
asked: “What’s a Robinson Community Hub?” Upon further explanation, he maintained
that he has someone waiting for him and asked for an email to schedule a later
appointment. Granted he is a political appointee new to the scene following the

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installation of a new mayor earlier this year, community hubs are a significant factor
affecting Toledo neighborhoods.
By the same token, after transcribing concerns and suggestions from the community
member focus group, an email was penned to the mayor regarding the comment that
knowing somebody from the outside cares, “like the mayor’s office” would help the hub
and the community. This email went without reply. Subsequent outreach efforts to gain
first-hand information from numerous governmental bureaus and other organizations
yielded similar results. Bureaucratic inertia seems to account for this to some degree.
This refers to a position in which bureaucratic principles and operations of an institution
become so complex and time-consuming that it prevents the efficient operation of core
activities. A community development organizer can help to fill in the gaps.
5.6 Community Development Committee
Data reveals seventy-five percent of area residents perceive the physical environment in
their neighborhoods as poor or average. Similarly, two-thirds sense the quality of life in
their neighborhoods as poor or average. Further, three-of-four maintain the
neighborhood quality of life has not improved over the last five years. A community
development committee group should be assembled in a timely manner with hub and
resident leadership to address issues concerning advancing community-led neighborhood-
based initiatives.
This should be assembled as soon as practical as a means of determining appropriate
measures to encourage and provoke inclusive neighborhood redevelopment approaches.
Committee members ought to address findings and recommendation herein, and

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questions formulated for the hub committee focus group may utilized as a point of
commencement (see appendix C). It is recommended that further consideration be given
to other neighborhood-based organizations to be a part of this forum to give voice to their
suggestions and concerns.
When community members are empowered they can realize and articulate long-term
strategies for community revitalization and development. Community members can
recommend an assortment of partnerships, strategies, and collaborative efforts create an
environment of working with the community rather than on the community. This outlook
can identify needs and formulate agendas to develop and implement community
revitalization. This establishes an asset-centered relationship to assess community needs
and manage community assets with the goal of petitioning neighborhood improvements.
School and community improvements can be achieved with existing residents through
an enhanced asset-based tactic that mobilizes and builds capacity, recommends new kinds
of partnerships, strategies, and collaborative efforts that lead to a mutual understanding of
working with the community rather than on the community. This outlook identifies
needs and formulates agendas to develop and implement community initiatives. This can
serve as a foundation upon which the community can build an asset-based, internally-
focused, and relationship-driven focus for community development. A community
development committee of area residents, neighborhood-based organizations, church
leaders, redevelopment investors, and school and hub personnel can act as a liaison for
broader development.

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5.7 District Housing and Homeownership
Area housing, the extent of abandoned area housing, and a lack of homeownership
opportunities were recurring themes with the community member focus group. The
community member survey also illustrates that nearly three-quarters of respondents
perceive the overall condition of area housing as poor or average. Additionally, three-
out-of-four participants indicated that the quality of life in their neighborhoods has not
improved over the last five years. Further, results display that 77.14% of residents rent
their homes. While investments in educational services for at risk children may yield
some benefits, they should be matched with complementary investments in housing and
community development. Non-academic barriers to learning include the concentration of
poverty and housing instability.
“Why is the house vacant? Why are so many houses abandoned?”
Housing counseling and resident leadership training can be employed to reduce
student mobility. Underutilized land or property can be slated for adaptive reuse, and
housing rehabilitation and homeownership programs can draw on available housing
subsidies programs such as, down payment assistance, rent vouchers, and home
improvement assistance. The Lucas County Land Bank’s Inventory Program can
facilitate significant movement along this direction. Additionally, their Side Lot and
Residential Rehab Programs can aid in improving the quality of life in area
neighborhoods (Lucas County Land Bank, 2014).

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Another avenue along this corridor is to advance a partnership with the Toledo
Community Development Corporation (Toledo CDC). According to their 2012-2015
Strategic Plan: “Toledo CDC is highly collaborative, aligning with nonprofits,
governmental agencies and private investors, while insuring residents remain at the center
of neighborhood decision-making” (Toledo CDC, 2012). It also states that the Toledo
CDC offers homebuyer education and assistance programs and creates affordable housing
to provide a sustainable, diverse community. Additionally, Toledo CDC builds and
renovates homes as well as rental units within their service area (figure 5-1). All housing
units are developed for low income families at or below 60% area medium income.
Additionally, housing units utilize housing tax credits and asset management is provided.
Various attempts to contact this organization failed.
Additional leverage can by advanced by utilizing the City of Toledo Department of
Neighborhood’s programs such as the Owner-Occupied Rehabilitation Program, the
Rental Rehabilitation Program, and the Lead Based Paint Hazard Control Program. The
Neighborhood Stabilization Program has grant funds available to acquire vacant and
foreclosed properties for rehabilitation and subsequent sale to qualified
homebuyers. Prospective homeowners are required to attend and complete an eight-hour
homeownership training session organized by a qualified HUD approved counseling
agencies. The Neighborhood Stabilization Program also helps to stem foreclosures and
declining property values. Stabilizing neighborhoods helps to alleviate the impediments
to learning associated with housing instability and insecurity.
The Lucas Metropolitan Housing Authority is the largest developer of homes for sale
by means of the Neighborhood Stabilization Program (LMHA, 2014). They also provide

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Figure 5-1: Toledo CDC Service Area Map
a lease purchase option in some cases. In addition, the Northwest Ohio Development
Agency is a community-based nonprofit organization that offers a number of programs
that assist families obtain or maintain their homes (NODA, 2014). For instance, a
number of non-traditional loans are offered that conventional leaders are not able to
present. They also offer some limited grants to help with down payment and closing
costs. Their partnership with Toledo Fair Housing Center also assists in refinancing.
Housing Services of Toledo also offers a number of programs from housing and
credit counseling, foreclosure prevention and weatherization, to loans and homes for
lease with an option to purchase (NeighborWorks, 2014). Further, Enterprise
Community Partners offers a limited number of grants to help community-based

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organizations expand or improve revitalization efforts (Enterprise Community Partners,
2014 c). For example, they have low income housing grants for financing and
development, and affordable housing grants earmarked for pre-development and design.
Enterprise’s Pre-Development Design Grant provides funding for design exploration
during the early stages of affordable housing development. This can carry the project
from inception to the beginning of schematic design, and enables development teams to
define project goals, identify challenges and explore multiple design solutions.
5.8 District Economic Viability
Limited economic opportunity is associated with the vast extent of uninhabited dwellings
in primary data. Additionally, data reveals perceptions of poor physical environment,
low quality of life in area neighborhoods, a diminished extent of the feeling of
community in district neighborhoods, the need for economic development, and the lack
of transportation and access to area marketplaces are attributed to truncated economic
viability. Educators should take on an active role in improving the economic base of
communities as a means of addressing the root cause of poverty and non-academic
barriers to learning. Improving school-to-work transitions through community economic
development can be advanced with better access to educational and vocational
opportunities. Economic development can be stimulated by local community hubs
employing community residents, supporting community businesses, partnering with area
financial institutions, and offering entrepreneurial classes for parents and community
residents. In addition, enhancing community employability leads to better socioeconomic
standings and strengthens the community’s economic viability. A number of avenues can

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be followed along this path including school-to-work programs, job training, and resume,
job applications and interview workshops.
“You can’t pull up your bootstraps if don’t have any straps in it.”
Programs designed to increase employment opportunities through workforce and
economic development tactics can attract new businesses to the area. Moreover, a
development board made up of district residents and area organizations ought to be put
into place to address broader developments. Such a board should consist of
neighborhood residents, religious leaders, neighborhood organizations, redevelopment
practitioners, and school and hub officials. This working group can identify untapped
potential and resources within and outside of area neighborhoods and capitalize on local
knowledge and resources. This gives stakeholders a hands-on role, and encourages
developments through a participatory design and advocacy process. This is an effective
strategy for reviving and mobilizing resources already present and identifying outside
resources.
In Northwest Ohio, the Economic and Community Development Institute (ECDI)
offers microlending up to $150,000 to small businesses that may not qualify for funding
from banks and traditional sources. Anneliese Grytafey, manager of EDCI’s Toledo
office, maintains, “Our goal is to create access to small business capital and provide tools
for asset building to create jobs and invigorate our neighborhoods” (Ramsey, 2013).
EDCI’s micro-business lending provides small business loans as well as technical

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assistance throughout the life of the loan. Loans may be used for business expenses such
as working capital, startup operating costs and the purchase of equipment, inventory and
supplies. Correspondingly, the Toledo Lucas County Port Authority offers a HUD 108
Loan Guarantee Program that is a special loan guarantee program for commercial and
industrial projects that create jobs in Toledo’s low and moderate income census tracts
(Department of Neighborhoods, 2014). Loan applicants are required to meet both the
Toledo Lucas County Port Authority and Housing and Urban Development project
funding guidelines.
The Toledo CDC Business Incubator also provides training and funding for existing
businesses and new startups (Toledo CDC, 2012). Additional leverage may be retained
by utilizing the Lucas County Land Bank’s commercial redevelopment outlook. While
the Land Bank mainly devotes resources to residential property, they’ve partnered with a
variety of organizations throughout Lucas County to acquire and return commercial
properties to productive use (Lucas County Land Bank, 2014). This aids local
communities in redeveloping blighted commercial areas neighborhoods by acquiring and
reviving commercial properties for productive use.

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Chapter 6
Conclusion
This study considers school-centered community development approaches to investigate
the hypothesis that school reform can anchor and serve as a catalyst for broader
neighborhood-based initiatives. This research takes into account the range of initiatives
utilizing schools or neighborhood centers as an approach to alleviate the hardships of the
poverty. This point of reference is utilized to weigh the means to which community
schools can be leveraged to insight broader community improvements. Notwithstanding
constraints, this research brings a number of findings and recommendations to light.
For over a century neighborhood-based initiatives utilized to alleviate conditions
associated with spatially concentrated poverty. Although numerous sociospatial
strategies have been enacted over time, progress has remained insignificant. The scope
of this research attends to the range of initiatives encompassing schools and
neighborhood centers, and how they correlate with the current community school reform
movement, along with the propensity to leverage this academic restructuring into broader
neighborhood revitalization efforts.
Community schools can have a positive impact on bringing recovery and renewal
endeavors to fruition by facilitating asset-centered relationships. A school-centered

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community development approach can advance academic restructuring to serve as a
catalyst that consents to broader community renewal. Advancing engagement and
outreach efforts, furthering empowerment and organizing, community-linked
curriculums, a community development organizer and committee, improving the housing
stock and advancing homeownership, along with increasing the economic vitality of the
district are corridors to utilize the community hub as a catalyst to drive broader
neighborhood improvements.
Few studies explore school-centered community development initiatives. There is a
need to advance research around school-focused initiatives. Exploratory analyses should
be furthered, and as applicable data becomes obtainable quantitative studies should be
pursued to advance the understanding of this local academic restructuring and its
propensity to stimulate broader community renewal. Moreover, the recent advance of
community schools in Toledo should be considered at the urban scale of analysis.
School-centered community development is grounded in a spatial strategy that accords
solutions to the concentration of poverty in inner-city neighborhoods. Additional studies
will also further understanding of the broader issue of neighborhood-based initiatives.
This research uncovers a number of approaches to utilize the Robinson Community
Hub as a catalyst effecting broader revitalization initiatives to address the social,
economic, and physical needs of area neighborhoods. Robinson can avert prior paths that
made it more of a haven from community to become a true center of community. In this
early stage the Robinson Hub should engender a community congregation to convey
diverse choice-based alternatives. There are a number of channels to employ the
Robinson Community Hub as a catalyst to drive district improvements. This spatial

114
configuration can be utilized to boost the civic morale and channel a host of community
concerns. The hub is not simply a physical space, but a place where common bonds of
affinity can be strengthened to forge wider alliances. It is a place to affect change.

115
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Appendix A
Community Member Survey Questions
1. Do you rent or own your home?
○ Rent
○ Own
2. Is it affordable?
○ Yes
○ No
3. What condition is it in?
○ Poor
○ Average
○ Good
○ Excellent
4. What is the overall condition of area housing?
○ Poor
○ Average
○ Good
○ Excellent
5. How would you describe the physical environment of your neighborhood?

126
○ Poor
○ Average
○ Good
○ Excellent
6. What is the quality of life in your neighborhood?
○ Poor
○ Average
○ Good
○ Excellent
7. Has the neighborhood quality of life improved or declined over the last five
years?
○ Improved
○ Decline
○ Same
8. How safe do you feel in your neighborhood?
○ Very safe
○ Relatively safe
○ Very unsafe
9. Has the Robinson Community Hub impacted you and/or your family?
○ Yes
○ No
10. Do you participate in any programs or activities at Robinson?
○ Services
List here:
○ Recreational activities
List here:
○ Community involvement
List here:

127
○ Other
List here:
11. Are you involved with any school or community organizations?
○ Yes
List here:
○ No
12. Are there any organizations you would be interested in?
○ Yes
List here:
○ No
13. Is there anything you would like to add or expand on?

128
Appendix B
Community Member Focus Group Questions
1. How would you describe the quality of life in your neighborhood?
a. Physical environment?
b. Sense of community?
c. Activities/Organizations?
d. Housing
e. Crime and safety?
2. How has the community hub at Robinson impacted the community?
a. Services and/or other opportunities?
b. Community involvement?
3. Are you actively involved in any school or community organizations?
a. Types?
4. What types of organizations you would like to see in the community?
a. To provide sense of community?

129
5. What needs to be done to improve the quality of life of your neighborhood?
a. What area improvements would you like to see in the near future?

130
Appendix C
Hub Committee Focus Group Questions
1. What assets and strengths are present in the community?
2. To what degree does the community hub build upon community assets and
strengths?
3. What challenges does the community face?
4. How can these challenges be met?
5. To what degree is the community hub proficient at garnering resources to address
community challenges?
6. How has the community hub empowered area residents?
7. What types of community development initiatives would you like to see advanced
over the next five to ten years?

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