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Human robot Interaction A Special Double Issue of
human computer Interaction 1st Edition Sara Kiesler
(Editor) Digital Instant Download
Author(s): Sara Kiesler (Editor); Pamela Hinds (Editor)
ISBN(s): 9781482269567, 1482269562
Edition: 1
File Details: PDF, 15.40 MB
Year: 2004
Language: english

HUMAN-COMPUTER INTERACTION, 2004, Volume 19, pp. 1-8
Copyright © 2004,byTaylor&Francis
Introduction to This Special Issue
on Human-Robot Interaction
Sara Kiesler
Carnegie Mellon University
Pamela Hinds
Stanford University
Human-computer interaction (HCI), as a field, has made great strides to
ward understanding and improving our interactions with computer-based
technologies. From the early explorations of direct interaction with com
puters, we have reached the pointwhere usability, usefulness, and an appre
ciation of technology’s social impact, including its risks, are widely
accepted goals in computing. HCI researchers, designers, and usability en
gineers work in a variety of settings on many kinds oftechnologies. Recent
proceedings of the CHI conference give evidence of this diversity. Topics
include not only the office systems where HCI work began, but also tiny
mobile devices, Web and Internet services, games, and large networked sys
tems. This special issue introduces a rapidly emerging technology and new
focus for HCI—autonomous robots and the human-robot interactions re
quired by these robots.
Until recently, HCI researchers have done little work with robots. Key
wordsrelated to robots orto human-robotinteraction have notbeen included
Sara Kiesler studies social psychological aspects of technology such as the
Internet, networked organizations, and robotics. She is Hillman Professor of
Computer Science, Human-Computer Interaction Institute, Carnegie Mellon
University, Pennsylvania. PamelaJ. Hinds studiesthe impactoftechnology on
individuals andgroups. SheisanAssistantProfessor inthe Department ofMan
agement Science and Engineering at Stanford University.

2 KIESLER AND HINDS
in the lists of terms used in human-computer interaction publications or
conferences. This state ofaffairs was reasonable. As Sebastian Thrun’s open
ing article in this special issue explains, today’s workhorse robots are mainly
programmable industrial machines that offer modest challenges in hu
man-computer interaction. Now, advances in computer technology, artificial
intelligence, speech simulation and understanding, and remote controls are
leading to breakthroughs in robotic technology that offer significant implica
tions for the HCI interaction community.
Autonomous mobile robots can identify and track a user’s position, re
spond to spoken questions, display text or spatial information, and travel on
command while avoiding obstacles. These robots will soon assistin a range of
tasks that are unpleasant, unsafe, taxing, confusing, lowpaid, orboring to peo
ple. For example, nurses making rounds in assisted living facilities spend
much oftheir time sorting and administering medications. A robotic assistant
could do some ofthis work, as well as chores that are difficult for elderly peo
ple such as fetching newspapers and mail, getting up and down stairs, getting
things out ofhigh or low cabinets, and carryinglaundry; enabling elderly peo
ple to be independent longer. Robotic assistants in the future might act as
guards, help fight fires, deliver materials on construction sites and in mines,
and distribute goods or help consumers in retail stores. Robots might even
provide high-interaction services such as taking blood and coloring hair.
Autonomous robots like these will need to carry out social and intellectual,
aswell asphysical, tasks. Ideally, these robots willcreate acomfortable experi
ence for people; gain their cooperation; encourage healthy rather than overly
dependent behavior in clients, customers, and co-workers; and provide ap
propriate feedback to remote operators and others involved in the robotic sys
tem. Although roboticists are gaining practical experience with mobile,
autonomous robots in settings such as museums (Thrun etal., 2000), we lack a
principled understanding of how to design robots that will accomplish these
more ambitious goals.
HUMAN-ROBOT INTERACTION IN HCI
HCI, and its sister discipline, human factors, offers a rich resource for re
search and design in human-robot interaction. Much has been learned in the
last 3 decades about how people perceive and think about computer-based
technologies, about human constraints on interaction with machines, about
the factorsthatimprove usability, and aboutthe primary and secondary effects
oftechnology on people and organizations. Much ofthiswork willbe applica
ble to robots. Nonetheless, autonomous robots are a distinctive case for sev
eral reasons.

INTRODUCTION 3
First, people seem to perceive autonomous robots differently than they do
mostother computertechnologies. People’smentalmodels ofautonomousro
bots are often more anthropomorphic than their models of other systems
(Friedman, Kahn, & Hagman, 2003). The tendency for people to
anthropomorphize may be fed, in part, by science fiction and, in part, by the
powerful impact of autonomous movement on perception (Scholl &
Tremoulet, 2000). When webuild autonomous robots to lookhuman, we may
encourage anthropomorphic mental models ofthese systems. As Hinds, Rob
erts,andjones (thisissue)explain, someroboticistsarguethathumanoidrobots
provide for amore naturalinterface than more mechanistic robots. Therefore,
humanoid robotics are the focus ofmuch research and development.
A second major reason autonomous robots are a distinctive case in HCI is
thatrobots are evermore likely to be fullymobile, bringingthem into physical
proximity with otherrobots, people, and objects. Astwo articles in this special
issue (e.g., Burke, Murphy, Coovert, & Riddle; Yanco, Drury, & Scholtz)
make clear, mobile robots will have to negotiate their interactions in a dy
namic, sometimes physically challenging, environment. If one or more re
mote operators partly control the robot, they must help the robot negotiate its
interactions in the remote space, creating a complex feedback system. Con
sider, for example, one such futuristic scenario in a medical setting. We have
one such futuristic robot whose task is to sort and dispense medications inter
actingwith an elderly client. Atthe same time, the robotisdesigned to sense its
clients’state, using indicators such as unusual posture, gestures, or eye move
ment indicating illness. A remote medical worker monitors this information,
adjusting the robot’s route or tasks as needed and watching for signs ofprob
lems in client states. In this example, the interfaces ofinterest involve the ro
bot-client, robot-operator, and even multiple person or robot interactions.
A third reason that autonomous robots are a distinctive case for HCI is be
cause these robots make decisions (i.e., they learn about themselves and their
world, and they exert at least some control over the information they process
and actions they emit). Ofcourse, many computer agents in desktop, automo
tive, and other computer systems make decisions, and the use of agents is in
creasing rapidly. Computer agents present interesting HCI issues, for
example, to what extent the agent should display confidence intervals for the
decisions it makes. An autonomous robotic system will add even more com
plexity because it must adjust its decisions sensibly and safely to the robot’s
abilities and to the options available to the robot in a given environment. The
system also must detectand respond to changes in the environmentand itsus
ers. Imagine a robotic walker that guides a frail person and detects when its
user isill or fallingor when the environmentis dangerous. How much control
should such a walker take? How sure ofitselfshould it be? How should it re
spond ifthe user wants to turn back, stop, or oppose the robot’s suggestions?

4 KIESLER AND HINDS
As these questions suggest, designing an appropriate interaction scheme and
interface for such a system requires an understanding of the people who will
use such a system, and oftheir world. As the ethnography ofelders in this spe
cial issue shows (Forlizzi, DiSalvo, & Gemperle), designing these robots ap
propriately will require a deep understanding ofthe context ofuse and ofthe
ethical and social considerations surrounding this context.
We do not claim that these problems are entirely new. Design explorations
and research in human-robot interaction existed in the field ofrobotics since
at least the mid 1990s. At Interval Research Corporation, for example, Mark
Scheefand his colleagues (Scheef, Pinto, Rahardja, Snibbe, &Tow, 2000) built
Sparky, a “social robot,”and studied children’sand adults’reactions to it. To
day, many such developments are takingplace in Europe and inJapan; for in
stance, the humanoid Robovie robot described in this special issue (Kanda,
Hirano, Eaton, & Ishiguro). MIT’s Robotic Life project is an example of de
sign explorations at the edge ofrobotics and HCI, in which Cynthia Breazeal
and her colleagues are trying to create capable robotic creatures with a lifelike
presence. Another example in quite a different domain is the work of Brian
Scassellati (2000), who builds human-like robots to investigate models of hu
man development. Otherdomains include space exploration and the military.
Over the last few years, research on human-robot interaction has gained in
creasing attention and funding. The National Science Foundation and the De
fense Department’s DARPA recently co-sponsored an interdisciplinary
workshop in which participants discussed problems ofhuman-robot interac
tion for Robonaut, a robot that will help astronauts outside a space capsule,
and for search and rescue robots (Murphy &Rogers, 2001). Two yearly con
ferences now provide a forum for articles on human-robot interfaces—the
HumanoidRobots Conferenceand the IEEE RO-MAN Workshop.
In planning this special issue, we noted that despite the many prior and on
going activitiesin robotics related to human-robotinteraction, most ofthe de
velopmentand the published literature in this areaisconcerned withtechnical
advances in robotics and computer science that make human-robot interac
tion possible. Our goal forthis issue wasto stretch the field ofinquiry by focus
ing especially on behavioral, cognitive, and social aspects of human-robot
interaction and the social contexts surrounding human-robot interaction. For
example, we hope this special issue will encourage researchers in the field to
think about what useful tasks robots can and should do in real social environ
ments, and how to improve how robots communicate and respond to ongoing
human communications and behaviors. We invited work that examined hu
man-robot interaction in its social context. We imposed another bias too:
Given the comparative absence of systematic empirical investigation in the
field, we gave preference to systematic empirical studies and to interdisciplin
ary collaborations. We also encouraged authors to reflect on the social and

INTRODUCTION 5
ethical issues raised by the deployment ofrobots in work or everyday life. The
HCI community is an especially appropriate place to carry out this kind of
analysis because ofitslegacy ofapplyingbehavioral and socialscience to tech
nical problems and of doing interdisciplinary research and design.
CONTENTS OF THIS SPECIAL ISSUE
In this specialissue ofHuman-ComputerInteraction,we presentsixarticlesin
the emerging area of human-robot interaction.
The first article in this special issue, an invited essay by Sebastian Thrun,
provides atechnical contextforthe articlesthatfollow. The authorreviewsthe
state ofthe art in robotics, suggests advances that are likely in the future, and
points out some challenges faced in robotics thatimpinge on human-robotin
teraction. The author suggests a useful framework for HCI researchers’work
in human-robot interaction (i.e., a framework that differentiates among three
kinds ofrobots—industrial robots, professional servicerobots thatwilloperate
in work organizations and public settings, and personal service robots). These
three kinds ofrobots have different capabilities, differentuser groups, and dif
ferent contexts ofuse. This framework will help the HCI community identify
some of the greatest opportunities for research in human-robot interaction
The first empirical article in this special issue, by Forlizzi, DiSalvo, and
Gemperle, offers atheoretical ecological frameworkforthe design ofpersonal
service robots in homes ofelderly people. The authors use this framework to
show how aging occurs within a local ecology that includes the elder person,
the home, products within the home, and important people in the elderly per
son’s life. The authors describe a fascinating ethnography of elders in which
they explore how products maintain or lose theirusefulness and value forwell
and ill elders. More generally, the study and the framework should help de
signers and researchers to consider, and design for, the social context ofper
sonal service robots.
The next article in this special issue, by Kanda, Hirano, Eaton, and
Ishiguro, presents a field study oftwo robots that visited a children’s elemen
tary schoolinJapan for2weeks, withthepurpose ofteachingchildren English.
This article is a good example ofa field trial with robots. The trial exemplifies
the risks and advantages ofstudying peoples’responses to robots over time in
areal social setting. The authors had to understand and cope with problems of
a noisy environment and rambunctious children, but they were able to track
interactions and the effects of these interactions on learning over time. The
children’senthusiasm for the robots waned over the 2-week period, but those
children who continued tointeractwith the robot (mainlythose who couldun
derstand a bit ofthe robot’s English to begin with), learned from it. Although
the effects are modest and the time was short, the results ofthis study are im

6 KIESLER AND HINDS
pressive because thisstudyisthefirstpractical demonstration thatstudents can
learn from a humanoid robot.
The third empirical article in thisspecialissue, by Burke, Murphy, Coovert,
and Riddle, reports on an opportunistic field study ofsearch and rescue robots
used as part ofa night rescue training exercise. The authors made careful ob
servations of how remote operators interacted with the robots and one an
other, and then developed a systematic coding scheme to analyze these
interactions. To their surprise, the main human-robot interaction problem
was not remote navigation but rather understanding the situation the robot
had encountered. The authors describe the interactions amongteam members
who helped the operator understand the state of the robot and the environ
ment. This article is not only an interesting account ofthe people and robots
used in disaster search and rescue, but also points to some of the main hu
man-robot interaction problems in this domain.
The fourth empirical article in this special issue, by Yanco, Drury, and
Scholtz, offers a different perspective on HCI for search and rescue robots.
The authors took advantage ofa yearly robotics IEEE competition for search
and rescue robots held to encourage advancements in this field. They devel
oped metrics to compare the usability of the human-robot interface across
competitors, and they compared their observations using these metrics with
performance scores in the competition. The authors argue that usability stan
dards for other kinds ofcomputer interfaces are only partly applicable to hu
man-robot interfaces. For example, as did the authors ofthe previous article,
these authors conclude that one ofthe biggest problems in the human-robot
interface for search and rescue robots is that the remote operator often lacks
accurate situation awareness of the robot’s state and the state of the environ
ment in which the robot is located. This problem seems to us to be unique to
human-robot interaction, and especially difficult because of simultaneous
changes takingplace inthe operator, the robot, and the robot’senvironment.
The fifth empirical article in this special issue, by Hinds, Roberts, and
Jones, is an experimental laboratory study. The authors explore how people
who have to work closely with professional service robots will perceive and
work with these robots. This study isone ofthe firstcontrolled experiments to
examine the effect of a humanoid robot appearance on peoples’responses,
with a machine-like robot used as a comparison. The study suggests that peo
ple may be more willing to share responsibility with humanoid as compared
with more machine-like robots, a possibility that has important implications
for collaborations in which the robot makes key decisions about the task.
Taken as a whole, these articles represent some ofthe first systematic em
pirical research in human-robot interaction. We hope these articles show that
human-robot interaction offers many interesting and important problems for
the HCI community. More interdisciplinary collaboration between

INTRODUCTION 7
roboticists, behavioral and social scientists, and designers isimportant, we be
lieve, to advancing the field of human-robot interaction. Roboticists under
stand the technology and its applications; behavioral scientists and others can
provide theory and methods. However, there areplenty ofopportunities even
for those far from a robotics laboratory. For instance, research on computer
agents; avatars; and other ways ofrepresenting autonomous, computer-based
assistance will contribute to our understanding and design of robots. Useful
studies also canproceed usingcommercial robots such asAIBO and the Help-
Mate robot (King &Weiman, 1990), conducting laboratory studies using ro
bot shellsand WizardofO^methods, orperformingethnographic studies ofthe
contexts to which robots may be applied. In general, we see many opportuni
tiesforresearchers ofallstripesandbelieve thatleadership from the HCI com
munity could advance research in human-robot interaction in important
ways, influencing the development ofthe field and the design of robots.
NOTES
Support, We acknowledge the support of the National Science Foundation
(IIS-0121426) in preparing this special issue.
Authors9PresentAddresses, Sara Kiesler, Human-Computer Interaction Insti
tute, Carnegie M ellon University, Pittsburgh, PA 15213. E-mail:
kiesler@cs.cmu.edu. Pamela J. Hinds, Management Science & Engineering,
Terman 424, Stanford University, Stanford, CA 94305-4026. E-mail:
phinds@stanford.edu.
REFERENCES
Friedman, B., Kahn, P. H., & Hagman,J. (2003). Hardware companions?—What
online AIBO discussion forums reveal about the human-robotic relationship.
Proceedings ofthe CHI2003 Conference onHuman Factors in Computing Systems. New
York: ACM.
King, S., &Weiman, C. (1990). Helpmate autonomous mobile robot navigation sys
tem. Proceedings ofthe SPIE 1990 Conference onMobile Robots. Bellingham, WA: In
ternational Society for Optical Engineering.
Murphy, R., & Rogers, E. (2001). Human-robot interaction: Final report for
DARPA/NSF study human-robot interaction. Retrieved June 5, 2002, from
http://www.csc.calpoly.edu/~erogers/HRI/HRI-report-final.html
Scassellati, B. (2000). How robotics and developmental psychology complement
each other. Proceedings ofthe NSF/DARPA Workshop on Development and Learning.
East Lansing: Michigan State University Press.
Scheef, M., Pinto,J., Rahardja, K., Snibbe, S., & Tow, R. (2000). Experiences with
Sparky, asocial robot. Paper presented at the 2000 Workshop on Interactive Robot
Entertainment, Pittsburgh, PA.

8 KIESLER AND HINDS
Scholl, B.J., &Tremoulet, P. (2000). Perceptual causality and animacy. Trendsin Cog
nitive Science, 4, 299-309.
Thrun, S., Beetz, M., Bennewitz, M., Burgard,W., Cremers, A., Dellaert, F., et al.
(2000). Probabilistic algorithms and the interactive museum tour-guide robot Mi
nerva. InternationalJournal ofRobotics Research, 19, 972-999.
ARTICLES IN THIS SPECIAL ISSUE
Burke,J. L., Murphy, R. R., Coovert, M. D., & Riddle, D. L. (2004). Moonlight in
Miami: A field study ofhuman-robot interaction in the context ofanurban search
and rescue disaster response training exercise. Human-Computer Interaction, 19,
85-116.
Forlizzi,J., DiSalvo, C., &Gemperle, F. (2004). Assistive robotics and an ecology of
elders living independently in their homes. Human-Computer Interaction, 19,
25-59.
Hinds, P.J., Roberts, T. L., &Jones, H. (2004). Whosejob is itanyway? A study ofhu
man-robot interaction in a collaborative task. Human-Computer Interaction, 19,
151-181.
Kanda, T., Hirano, T., Eaton, D., &Ishiguro, H. (2004). Interactive robots as social
partners andpeer tutors for children: A field trial. Human-ComputerInteraction, 19,
61-84.
Thrun, S. (2004). Toward a framework for human-robot interaction. Human-Com
puter Interaction, 19, 9-24.
Yanco, H. A., Drury,J. L., &Scholtz,J. (2004). Beyond usability evaluation: Analysis
ofhuman-robot interaction at a major robotics competition. Human-ComputerIn
teraction, 19, 117-149.

HUMAN-COMPUTER INTERACTION, 2004, Volume 19, pp. 9-24
Copyright © 2004, byTaylor&Francis
Toward a Framework for
Human-Robot Interaction
Sebastian Thrun
Stanford University
ABSTRACT
The goal ofthis article istointroduce thereader tothe rich and vibrantfield of
robotics. Robotics is a field in change; the meaning ofthe term robottoday dif
fers substantially from the termjust 1decade ago. The primary purpose ofthis
article is to provide a comprehensive description of past- and present-day ro
botics. It identifies the major epochs ofrobotic technology and systems—from
industrial to service robotics—and characterizes the different styles of hu
man-robot interaction paradigmatic for each epoch. Tohelp setthe agenda for
research on human-robot interaction, the article articulates some of the most
pressing open questions pertaining to modern-day human-robot interaction.
1. INTRODUCTION
The field of robotics is changing at an unprecedented pace. At present,
mostrobots operate in industrial settings where they perform tasks such as as
sembly and transportation. Equipped with minimal sensing and computing,
robots are slaved to perform the same repetitive task over and over again. In
Sebastian Thrun studies robotics, artificial intelligence, and machine learn
ing; he is an associate professor in the Computer Science Department at Stan
ford University.

10 THRUN
CONTENTS
1. INTRODUCTION
2. THE THREE KINDS OF ROBOTS
3. ROBOTIC AUTONOMY
4. HUMAN-ROBOT INTERFACES
5. OPEN QUESTIONS
the future, robots will provide services directly to people, at our workplaces,
and in our homes.
These developments are sparkedbyanumber ofcontributingfactors. Chief
among them isan enormous reduction in costs ofdevices thatcompute, sense,
and actuate. Ofno lesserimportance are recentadvancesinrobotic autonomy,
which have critically enhanced the ability ofrobotic systems to perform in un
structured and uncertain environments (foran overview, seeThrun, 2002).All
theseadvanceshavemade itpossibletodevelop anew generation ofservicero
bots, posed to assist people at work, in their free time, and at home.
From a technological perspective, robotics integrates ideas from informa
tion technology with physical embodiment. Robots share with many other
physical devices, such as household appliances or cars, the fact that they “in
habit”the same physical spaces as people do in which they manipulate some
ofthe very same objects. As a result, many forms ofhuman-robot interaction
involve pointers to spaces or objects that are meaningful to both robots and
people (Kortenkamp, Huber, &Bonasso, 1996). Moreover, many robots have
to interact directly with people while performing their tasks. This raises the
question as to what the right modes are for human robot interaction. What is
technologically possible? And what is desirable?
Possibly the biggest difference between robots and other physical de
vices—such as household appliances—is autonomy. More than any other re
search discipline, the field ofrobotics has striven to empower robots with an
ability to make their own decisionsin broad ranges ofsituations. Today’smost
advanced robots can accommodate much broader circumstances than, for ex
ample, dishwashers can. Autonomy opens the door to much richer interac
tions with people: Some researchers consider their systems social (Simons et
al., 2003) or sociable(Breazeal, 2003a). Sociable interaction offers both oppor
tunities and pitfalls. It offers the opportunity for the design ofmuch improved
interfaces by exploiting rules and conventions familiar to people in different
social contexts. However, sociable interaction does so at the danger ofpeople
reflecting capabilities that do not exist into robotic technology. For these and

FRAMEWORK FOR HRI 11
other reasons, it remains unclear ifwe ever want to interact with robots the
same way we interactwith ournext-doorneighbor, our colleagues, orwith the
people who work in our homes.
2. THE THREE KINDS OF ROBOTS
Robotics is a broad discipline. The breadth ofthe field becomes apparent
by contrasting definitions of robots. In 1979, the Robot Institute of America
defined a robot as “a reprogrammable, multifunctional manipulator designed
to move materials, parts, tools, or specialized devices through various pro
grammed motions fortheperformance ofavarietyoftasks”(Russell&Norvig,
1995). In contrast, the Merriam Webster’scollegiate dictionary (1993) defines
arobot as “An automatic device thatperforms functions normally ascribed to
humans or a machine in the form ofa human.”A technical introduction into
robotic sensors, actuators, and algorithms can be found elsewhere (e.g.,
Thrun, 2002).
The United Nations (U.N.), in their most recent robotics survey (U.N. and
I.F.R.R., 2002), grouped robotics into three major categories. These catego
ries—industrial robotics, professional service robotics, and personal service
robotics—are primarily defined through their application domains. These cat
egories also represent different technologies and correspond to different his
toric phases ofrobotic development and commercialization.
Industrial robots represent the earliest commercial success, with the most
widespread distribution to date. An industrial robot has three essential ele
ments: It manipulates its physical environment (e.g., by picking up a part and
placingit somewhere else);itis computer controlled; and it operates in indus
trial settings, such as on conveyor belts. The boundary between industrial ro
bots and non-robotic manufacturing devices issomewhatfuzzy; the term robot
is usually used to refer to systems with multiple actuated elements, often ar
ranged in chains (e.g.,arobotic arm). Classicalapplications ofindustrialrobot
ics include welding, machining, assembly, packaging, palletizing,
transportation, and material handling. For example, Figure 1shows an indus
trial welding robot in the left panel next to a robotic vehicle for transporting
containers on a loading dock in the right panel.
Industrial robotics started in the early 1960s, when the world’s first com
mercial manipulator was sold by Unimate. In the early 1970s, Nissan Corpo
ration automated an entire assembly linewithrobots, startingarevolution that
continues to this day. To date, the vast majority of industrial robots are in
stalledin the automotive industry, where the ratio ofhuman workers to robots
is approximately 10:1 (U.N. and I.F.R.R., 2002). The outlook ofindustrial ro
bots isprosperous. In 2001, the U.N. estimated the operational stock ofindus
trialrobots tobe 780,600; anumber thatisexpected to growbyjustbelow 25%

12 THRUN
until 2005. According to the U.N. (U.N. and I.F.R.R., 2002), the average cost
ofan industrial robot has decreased by 88.8% between 1990 and 2001. At the
same time, U.S. labor costs increased by 50.8%. These opposing trends con
tinue to open up new opportunities for robotic devices to take overjobs previ
ously reserved for human labor. However, industrial robots tend not to
interact directly with people. Interface research in this field focuses on tech
niques for rapidly configuring and programming these robots.
Professional service robots constitute much younger kinds of robots. Ser
vice robotics is mostly in its infancy, but the field is growing at a much faster
pace than industrial robotics.Just like industrial robots, professional service
robots manipulate and navigate their physical environments. However, pro
fessional service robots assist people in the pursuit oftheir professional goals,
largely outside industrial settings. Some of these robots operate in environ
ments inaccessible to people, such as robots that clean up nuclear waste
(Blackmon et al., 1999; Brady et al., 1998) or navigate abandoned mines
(Thrun et al., 2003). Others assist in hospitals, such as the HelpMate® robot
(King &Weiman, 1990) shown in Figure 2a, which transports food and medi
cation in hospitals; or the surgical robotic system shown in Figure 2b, used for
assisting physicians in surgical procedures. Robot manipulators are also rou
tinelyused in chemical and biological labs, where they handle and manipulate
substances (e.g.,blood samples) with speeds and precisions thatpeople cannot
match; recentworkhas investigated the feasibility ofinsertingneedles into hu
man veins through robotic manipulators (Zivanovic & Davies, 2000). Most
professional service applications have emerged in the past decade. According
to the U.N. (U.N. and I.F.R.R., 2002), 27% ofall operational professional ser
vice robots operate underwater, 20% perform demolitions, 15%offer medical
services, and 6% serve people in agriculture (e.g., by milking cows; see
Reinemann & Smith, 2000). Military applications such as bomb diffusal,
search and rescue (Casper, 2002), and support ofSWAT teams (Jones, Rock,
Bums, &Morris, 2002) are ofincreasing relevance (U.N. and I.F.R.R., 2002).
According to the U.N., the total operational stock of professional service ro
bots in 2001 was 12,400, with a 100% growth expectation by 2005. The
amount ofdirect interaction with people is much larger than in the industrial
robotics Field,because service robots often share the same physical space with
people.
Personal service robots possess the highest expected growth rate. Accord
ing to optimistic estimates (U.N. and I.F.R.R., 2002), the number ofdeployed
personal service robots will grow from 176,500 in 2001 to 2,021,000 in
2005—a stunning 1,145% increase. Personal service robots assist or entertain
people in domestic settings or in recreational activities. Examples include ro
botic vacuum cleaners, lawn mowers, receptionists, robot assistants to elderly
and people with disabilities, wheelchairs, and toys. Figure 3 shows two exam-

Figure 1. Industrialrobots, (a)Atypicalweldingrobotand (b)an autonomousrobotfor
transporting containers on a loading deck (Durrant-Whyte, 1996).
Figure2. Professionalservice robots, (a)TheHelpMate hospitaldelivery robotand (b) a
surgical robot by Intuitive Surgical.
(b)
Figure3. Personal service robots, (a) The Nursebot, a prototype personal assistant tor
the elderly, (b) A robotic walker, (c) A robotic vacuum cleaner (Roomba® by iRobot,
Inc.).
13
(b) (c)
(a)
(b)
(a)
(a)

14 THRUN
pies from the medical sector: a robotic assistant to the elderly (Montemerlo,
Pineau, Roy, Thrun, &Verma, 2002; Schraft, Schaeffer, &May, 1998) and a
robotic walker (Dubowsky, Genot, & Godding, 2002; Glover et al., 2003;
Lacey &Dawson-Howe, 1998; Morris etal., 2003). Figure 3cdepicts aseries of
humanoid robots developed with an eye toward domestic use. Another exam
ple isshown in Figure 4c: arobotic toy, popular through itsuse forrobotic soc
cer (Kitano, 1998). Personal service robots arejust beginning to emerge. The
sales ofrobotic toys alone are projected toincrease by afactor of 10in the next
4years (U.N. and I.F.R.R., 2002). Many ofthese robots mustinteractwithpeo
ple who, in general, possess no special skills or training to operate a robot.
Therefore, finding effective means of interaction is more crucial in this new
market segment of robotic technology than in industrial robotics or profes
sional service robotics.
The widely acknowledged shift from industrial to service robotics, and the
resulting increase ofrobots that operate in close proximity to people, raises a
number of research and design challenges. Some important challenges are
outside the scope of this article, such as those pertaining to safety and cost.
From the human-robot interaction perspective, a very important characteris
ticofthese new targetdomains isthatservicerobots share physical spaces with
people. In some applications, these people will be professionals that may be
trained to operate robots. In others, they may be children, elderly, or people
with disabilities whose ability to adapt tq robotic technology may be limited.
The design ofthe interface, although dependent on the specifictarget applica
tion, will require substantial consideration of the end user of the robotic de
vice. Herein lies one of the great challenges that the field of robotics faces
today.
3. ROBOTIC AUTONOMY
Autonomy refers to a robot’s ability to accommodate variations in its envi
ronment. Differentrobots exhibitdifferentdegrees ofautonomy; the degree of
autonomy isoften measured by relating the degree at which the environment
can be varied to the mean time between failures and other factors indicative of
robot performance. Human-robot interaction cannot be studied without con
sideration ofa robot’sdegree ofautonomy, because it is a determining factor
with regards to the tasks a robot can perform, and the level at which the inter
action takes place.
The three kinds ofrobotics are characterized by different levels of auton
omy, largelypertainingto the complexity ofenvironments in whichthey oper
ate. It should come as little surprise thatindustrial robots operate atthe lowest
level ofautonomy. In industrial settings, the environmentisusually highly en
gineered to enable robots to perform their tasks in an almostmechanical way.

Forexample, pick-and-place robots are usuallyinformed ofthe physicalprop
erties ofthe parts to be manipulated, along with the locations at which to ex
pect parts and where to place them. Driverless transportation vehicles in
industrial settings often follow fixed paths defined by guide wires or special
paint on the floor. As these examples suggest, careful environment engineer
ing indeed minimizes the amount ofautonomy required—a key ingredient of
the commercial success of industrial robotics.
This picture is quite different in service robotics. Although environment
modifications are still commonplace—the satellite-based global positioning
system thathelps outdoor robots determine their locations is such a modifica
tion—the complexity ofservice robot environments mandate higher degrees
ofautonomy than in industrial robotics. The importance ofautonomy in ser
vice robotics becomes obvious in Figure 5a: This diagram depicts the trajec
tory ofamuseum tourguide robot (Burgard etal., 1999) asittoured acrowded
museum. Had the museum been empty, the robot would have been able to
blindly follow the same trajectory over and over again—just as industrial ro
bots tend to repeatedly execute the same sequence ofactions. The unpredict
able behavior of the museum visitors, however, forced the robot to adopt
detours. The ability to do so setsthis robot apartfrom many industrial applica
tions.
Autonomy enabling technology has been a core focus ofrobotics research
in the past decade. One branch ofresearch is concerned with acquiring envi
ronmental models. An example isshown in Figure 5b, which depicts atwo-di
mensional (2D) map ofa nursing home environment acquired by the robot in
Figure 3b by way ofits laser range finders. Such a 2D map is only aprojection
ofthe true 3D environment; nevertheless, paired with a planning system, it is
sufficiently rich to enable the robot to navigate in the absence ofenvironmen
tal modifications. Other research has focused on the capability to detect and
accommodate people. In general, robots that operate in close proximity to
people require ahigh degree ofautonomy, partiallybecause ofsafetyconcerns
and partially because people are less predictable than most objects. It is com
mon practice to endow service robots with sensors capable of detecting and
tracking people (Schulz, Burgard, Fox, & Cremers, 2001). Some researchers
have gone as far as devising techniques whereby robots learn about people’s
routine behavior and actively step out of the way when people approach
(Bennewitz, Burgard, &Thrun, 2003).
The type and degree ofautonomy in service robotics varies more with the
specifictasks arobotisaskedtoperform and the environmentin whichitoper
ates. Personal robots tend to be etching at low-cost markets. As a result, en
dowing a personal robot with autonomy can be significantly more difficult
than its more expensive professional relative. For example, the robotic dog
shown in Figure 4 is equipped with a low-resolution CCD camera and an

Figure4. Faces in robotics, (a) Animated face on the robot Grace (Simons et al., 2003),
(b)mechatronicface ofKISMET (Breazeal,2003a), and (c)the SonyAIBO®robotic dog.
(a) (b) (c)
Figure5. (a) Path taken by an autonomous service robot, and (b) two-dimensional map
“learned” by a robot.
Figure6. (a) Humanoid robots ASIMO and P3 by Honda, and (b) Tourguide robotMi
nerva, with an actuated humanoid face but a nonhumanoid torso.
16
(a) (b)
(a) (b)

onboard computerwhoseprocessingpowerlagsbehind mostprofessional ser
vice robots by orders ofmagnitude—which adds to the challenge ofmaking it
autonomous.
4. HUMAN-ROBOT INTERFACES
Robots, like most other technological artifacts, require user interfaces for
interacting with people. Interfaces for industrial robots tend to differ from in
terfaces for professional service robots, which in turn differ from that for per
sonal service robots. In industrial robotics, the opportunity for human-robot
interaction is limited, because industrial robots tend not to interact directly
with people. Instead, their operational space isusually strictly separated from
thatofhumanworkers. Interface technology inindustrialroboticsislargelyre
stricted to special purpose programming languages and graphical simulation
tools (Nof, 1999), which have become indispensable for configuring robotic
manipulators. Some researchers have developed techniquesforprogramming
robots through demonstration (Friedrich, Munch, Dillman, Bocionek, &
Sassin, 1996; Ikeuchi, Suehiro, & Kang, 1996; Mataric, 1994; Schaal, 1997).
The idea here is that a human demonstrates a task (e.g., an assembly task)
while being monitored by a robot. From that demonstration, the robotic de
vice learns a strategy for performing the same tasks by itself.
Most service robots will require richer interfaces. Here, I distinguish inter
faces forindirect interaction with interfaces for direct interaction. Forthe sake
ofthis article, I define indirectinteraction to be the interaction that takesplace
when a person operates a robot; for example, an operator gives a command
that the robot then executes. A robotic surgeon interacts indirectly with a sur
gical robot, as the one shown in Figure 2b, in that the robot merely amplifies
the surgeon’sforce. Direct interaction is different in that the robot acts on its
own; the robot acts and the person responds or vice versa.
A nice way to distinguish indirect from direct interaction pertains to the
flow of information and control: In indirect interaction, the operator com
mands the robot, which communicates backto the operatorinformation about
its environment, its task, and its behavior. In direct interaction, the informa
tion flow is bidirectional: Information is communicated between the robot
and people in both directions, and the robot and the person are interacting on
“equal footing.”An example isthe robotic caregiver in Figure 3a, which inter
acts with people in ways motivated by people’s interactions with nurses. In
particular, itasks questions, and itcan also respond to questions asked by peo
ple. Asageneralrule ofthumb, the interactionwithprofessional service robots
is usually indirect, whereas the interaction with personal service robots tends
tobe more direct. There are exceptions tothisrule, such asthe roboticvacuum

18 THRUN
cleaner in Figure 3c, which is apersonal service robot whose interaction isen
tirely indirect.
There existsarange ofinterfacetechnologiesforindirectinteraction. The clas
sicalinterfaceisthemaster-slave interfaceinwhich arobotexactlyduplicatesthe
samephysicalmotionofitsoperator. Arecentimplementationofthisideaisgiven
by Robonaut (Ambrose et al., 2001), a robot developed as a telepresence device
on aspace station. The goal ofthisprojectisto demonstrate that arobotic system
can perform repairs and inspections ofspace flighthardware originally designed
forhuman servicing. Somerobots are operated remotelyusinginterfacesfamiliar
fromradio controlledcars (Casper, 2002); otherspossesshaptic displaysand con
trol interfaces (Ruspini, Kolarov, &Khatib, 1997).
In service robotics, the utility ofdirect interaction is much less established
than that of indirect interaction. To study direct interaction, numerous re
search prototypes have been equipped with speech synthesizers and
recognizers or sound-synthesizing devices. Some robots only generate speech
butdo notunderstand spoken language (Thrun etal.,2000); others also under
stand spoken language (Asoh et al., 1997; Bischoff&Graefe, 2003) or use key
board interfaces to bypass speech recognition altogether (Torrance, 1994).
Speech as output modality is easy to control and can be quite effective.
Several researchers have reported excellent results for speech understand
ing in office robots in which speakers were instructed with regards to vocabu
lary the robot was able to understand (Asoh et al., 1997). Encouraging results
have also been reported for a museum tour guide robot that understands spo
ken commands in multiplelanguages (Bischoff&Graefe, 2003). To myknowl
edge, none ofthese systems have been evaluated systematically with regards
to the effectiveness of the speech interface. Roy, Pineau, and Thrun (2000)
studied aservice robotin an elderly care facilityin which participants were not
instructed aboutthe robot’svocabulary. The authors found that the speech in
terface was difficult to use. Only about 10% of the words used by the target
group were in the robot’svocabulary. Misunderstanding may be exacerbated
if the robot’s ability to talk creates a false perception of human-level intelli
gence (Nourbakhsh, Rosenberg, &Thrun, 1999; Schulte et al., 1999).
A number ofrobots carry graphical screens capable ofdisplaying informa
tion to the user (Nourbakhsh et al., 1999; Simons et al., 2003). Researchers
have used both regular and touch-sensitive displays (Nourbakhsh etal., 1999).
The information on the display may be organized in menus similar to the ones
found on typical information kiosks. Some researchers have used the display
to project an animated face (Simons etal., 2003), such as the one shown in Fig
ure 4a. Gesture recognition (Kahn, Swain, Prokopowicz, & Firby, 1996;
Kortenkamp et al., 1996; Perzanowski, Adams, Schultz, & Marsh, 2000;
Waldherr, Thrun, & Romero, 2000) has also been investigated, as has gaze
tracking (Heinzmann &Zelinsky, 1998; Zelinsky &Heinzmann, 1996), as an

interface to refer to physical objects in a robot’s workspace. Such interfaces
have shown moderate promise for robots assisting people with severe
disabilities. A recent study has investigated modalities as diverse as head mo
tion, breath expulsion, and electrooculographic signals (eye motion recorded
by measuring electrical activity in the vicinity ofthe eye) as alternative inter
faces for people with disabilities (Mazo et al., 2000).
Interface technologies also exist that are unique to robotics, in that they re
quire physical embodiment. A classic example is that of a mechatronic head
(Breazeal, 2003a, 2003b) shown in Figure 4b. The face iscapable ofexhibiting
differentfacial expressions, such as a smile, afrown, and a surprised look. The
face does this by moving actuated elements into position reminiscent of hu
man muscular movement when expressing certain emotions. In the past de
cade, dozens ofsuchfaceshave been developed forservicerobotapplications,
with varying degrees ofdexterity and expressiveness. Many robotic faces are
able to change the expression ofthe mouth and the eyes, emulating basic ex
pressions such assmilingand frowning. The face shownin Figure 4b possesses
15 independently actuated elements and, consequently, can express quite a
range of different postures.
Some researchers have begun to explore the social aspects ofservice robot
ics. Humanoid robots, byvirtue oftheirappearance andbehavior, may appeal
to people differently than other technological artifacts, as a recent survey sug
gested (Fong, Nourbakhsh, & Dautenhahn, 2003). Most research thus far on
sociable robots hasfocused on humanoid robots androbotswithhumanoid el
ements (see Figure 6a). Forinstance, Kiesler and Goetz (2002) reported on ex
periments in which the presence and absence of humanoid features and the
behavior of the robot influenced people’s assumptions about its capabilities
and social inclinations. Scassellati (2000) investigated the use ofhumanoid ro
bots to understand human development. Hisprototype robotusesitsabilityto
trackwhere atoddlerislookingto create amodel ofgaze movementand focus
ofattention. Robots like hismay be used in the future to help train autistic chil
dren tobehave more socially. We do notyetknow ifchildren willinteractwith
a robot as they will with a person. More generally, itremains unclear whether
we, the people who willultimatelyinteractwith service robots on adailybasis,
will seek social-style interactionswith robots thatparallel ourinteractions with
other people.
5. OPEN QUESTIONS
Human-robot interaction is afield in change. The technical developments
in robotics have been so fast that the types of interactions that can be per
formed today differ substantially from those thatwere possible even 1decade
ago. Interaction can only be studied relative to the available technology. Be

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organized; and Judge Norton finding that Mr. Leavenworth still made no
reply to his note, after waiting a reasonable time, issued a writ of replevin,
and gave it into the hands of the sheriff, who called upon Mr. Leavenworth
at his office, presented it, and demanded the surrender of the town records.
Mr. Leavenworth refused to deliver them, and the sheriff, calling to his
assistance a number of the citizens, seized the records, and deposited them
in the court-house. Mr. Leavenworth started for Monterey the same
evening, to consult with General Riley upon future proceedings. In the
mean time, the Legislative Assembly issued an address to the people of
California, earnestly calling upon them to assemble in convention, and
organize a provisional government for the territory, prior to an immediate
application to Congress for admission as a state.
This was in the early part of the month of June, and was the first
concerted movement coming from any authorized body to recommend the
formation of a state government for California. Mr. Leavenworth returned
from Monterey, and, acting in the double capacity of a “returned officer”
and a bearer of despatches, brought with him two proclamations issued by
Gen. Riley, which were dated, one the 3d, and the other the 4th of June, and
were found posted up in several parts of the town the morning after Mr.
Leavenworth’s arrival. The streets of San Francisco, on the morning of the
10th of June, presented a most exciting scene. Little knots were gathered
around the streets engaged in loud discussion, and crowds were collected in
the vicinity of the proclamations reading them. The first was a long one,
and commenced by stating that as Congress had failed to extend a
government over California, it became the duty of the people to organize
one; that he, (Gen. Riley) “in accordance with instructions from the
Secretary of War,” had assumed, for the present, the civil government of the
territory, and that he conceived it his duty to organize the old Mexican
system, and put it in active operation until such time as a constitution and
laws should have been created. The document was one of the most
inconsistent and contradictory nature, assuming, firstly, that the territory of
California was, and must of necessity, as a conquered territory, continue to
be under the laws and usages of Mexico, until Congress should extend over
it those of the United States; and at the same time calling upon the people to
assemble and organize a government for themselves. The whole broad
ground which had been taken by the Legislative Assembly of San
Francisco, which was that, in the absence of a government extended over us

by Congress, we had the inherent right to establish one for ourselves,
although denied by Gen. Riley in the first part of his proclamation, was
essentially admitted and urged in the latter portion.
The second proclamation was addressed merely to the citizens of San
Francisco, in relation to the seizure of the town records by order of Judge
Norton, and called upon all good citizens to assist in restoring them to the
“proper authorities.”
Various were the feelings excited, and as various the opinions expressed
in regard to these proclamations, but a large majority of the people of San
Francisco were fully decided in the idea that Gen. Riley had assumed an
authority, which, even if it was “in accordance with the instructions of the
Secretary of War,” was one which he had no right to assume, and was in
fact nothing more nor less than an unjust usurpation of power.
Trouble was again anticipated, and it was understood that, backed by
Gen. Riley’s proclamation, the former alcalde, Mr. Leavenworth, would
attempt the re-seizure of the town records. A few days after the publication
of this document, a writ was served upon the town Register, calling for their
delivery; he refused to give them up, and when an attempt was made to
seize them, a force of about fifty of the most respectable citizens, gathered
at the court-house, determined, if necessary, to resist vi et armis. The
alcalde’s sheriff presented his writ, and was replied to by Wm. M. Stewart,
presiding judge, that the records could not be removed, and seeing that a
strong party was arrayed against him, he left without making any forcible
attempt to take them. Gen. Riley refused to lend the alcalde the assistance
of any military force, and matters were soon progressing again as before.
On the 12th of June, a large meeting was held in Portsmouth Square, for
the purpose of taking steps towards the establishment of a state government
for California. The call for this meeting had been signed by a large number
of respectable citizens, and was issued before Gen. Riley’s proclamations
were published, and could therefore have no connexion with them. This
meeting was addressed by Hon. T. Butler King, Hon. Wm. M. Gwin,
William A. Buffum, Esq., and other speakers, all of whom urged the
propriety of the immediate formation of a state government for California.
In reply to the proclamations of Gen. Riley, an address was issued by the
Legislative Assembly of San Francisco, written by Peter H. Burnett, the
present governor of California, setting forth in a clear and succinct manner,

the right of the people, in the absence of a territorial government established
by Congress, to legislate for themselves, and justifying, in a masterly way,
the course which had been pursued by the Legislative Assembly.
In order to avoid all difficulty and confusion, and arrive, by the shortest
and most practicable mode, at the “consummation devoutly to be wished,”
the establishment of a state government for California, the Assembly and
their supporters united cordially with the other citizens of California, and on
the first day of August an election was held in accordance with the
proclamation of Gen. Riley, at which were chosen the various local officers,
and members of convention, to meet at Monterey, on the first of September,
for the purpose of forming a constitution.
The convention met, and a more sensible and dignified body of men
never assembled in any portion of the world. After six weeks’ severe
labour, a constitution was prepared and laid before the people of California
for their ratification or rejection. It was a constitution of the most radically
democratic character, and most admirably adapted to the wishes and wants
of the people over whom it was to be extended.
On the 13th day of November an election was held, at which the state
constitution received an almost unanimous ratification, and at the same time
a governor, and the necessary state officers, members of the state
legislature, and two members of Congress, were chosen. The choice for
governor fell upon Peter H. Burnett, Esq., one of the early emigrants to
Oregon, and who there received the appointment as judge of the Supreme
Court, an enterprising citizen of California, and one of the first to declare
the rights of her people. John M’Dougal, Esq., formerly of Kentucky, was
elected lieutenant-governor, and George W. Wright, and Edward Gilbert,
representatives to Congress. The first State Legislature met at the capital,
the Pueblo de San José, on the 15th of December, and elected Hon. John C.
Fremont, and Wm. M. Gwin, Senators to the Congress of the United States.
The action of Congress is thus alone necessary to constitute California one
of the sovereign states of the American Union, and it is earnestly to be
hoped that that august body will no longer trifle with the interests or the
demands of so great and powerful a people. The struggles of California
have been arduous, her trials severe; she has been taxed for the support of
the general government, while not even a shadow of protection has been
extended over her; and has been ruled by a military power against her own

wishes, till her people have risen in their might and demanded that they
should have a voice and a representation in the councils of the nation.
In tracing the causes which have created California a state, it will be
seen that that little body of men, the Legislative Assembly of San
Francisco, were the first to set the ball in motion, and I cannot refrain from
giving them the credit which is their due. The proclamation of General
Riley would probably not have been issued to this day, had not the body of
which I have spoken taken the preliminary steps, and although General
Riley deserves gratitude from the people for what he did, and as a man, is
one of “nature’s noblemen,” I shall ever look upon his assumption of power
as Civil Governor of California as unwarranted and unjust.

CHAPTER X.
Growth of San Francisco—Number of Houses erected—Prices of Real Estate—Rents—
Wages of Mechanics and Labourers—Gambling—Prices Current—Climate—Churches
—Steamboats—Statistics of Shipping, &c., &c., &c.
Within the past six months, the growth of San Francisco has been
enormous. During that time, at least a thousand houses have been erected,
of all sizes and forms. The hills around the town are now covered with
buildings, and every spot of ground near the centre is occupied. When it is
taken into consideration, that lumber during this time has never been lower
than two hundred and fifty, and often as high as four hundred dollars per
thousand, and carpenters’ wages have been at from twelve to twenty dollars
a day, it must be conceded on all hands, that the Californians are at least an
enterprising people. During this time the price of real estate has risen in
proportion with the growth of the town, property being now fifty per cent.
higher than it was six months since. A lot on Portsmouth Square, which was
purchased some three years ago for fifteen dollars, and sold last May for six
thousand, was purchased a few days since for forty thousand dollars! The
mere ground-rent of a little piece of land of sufficient size to erect a house
upon, in any of the public streets, varies from one hundred to five hundred
dollars per month. Rents of houses are, of course, in proportion to the price
of real estate. A common-sized lodging-room, anywhere near the centre of
the town, rents for one hundred dollars per month; an office on a lower
floor, from two hundred to five hundred. The “Parker House,” a hotel upon
the Square, is leased for two hundred thousand dollars per annum, and
under-leased in small portions, at a profit of fifty thousand more. In the “El
Dorado,” a large building next to the Parker House, a single room on the
lower floor is rented for gambling purposes, for one hundred and eighty
dollars a day, or five thousand four hundred dollars a month—nearly sixty-
five thousand dollars per annum. Most of the large rooms in the hotels are
rented to gamblers, each table where a game is played paying thirty dollars
a day. A man who erects a house in San Francisco usually intends that the
rent should cover all expenses of the building in three or four months, and
in this he generally succeeds. Mechanics command enormous wages.
Carpenters are now getting from twelve to twenty dollars a day, and tin-

smiths, brick-layers, paper-hangers, and others employed in the
construction of buildings, the same; while common day-labourers engaged
in discharging vessels, digging cellars, &c., command eight dollars a day
for their services. Board varies from sixteen to forty dollars per week, and
washing costs eight dollars per dozen. A bewildered stranger, in search of a
night’s lodging, may procure one by sleeping upon a narrow shelf called a
“bunk,” at the moderate charge of two dollars, and get his breakfast at an
eating-house in the morning for a dollar and a half. Many of the common
articles of trade, such as clothing, can be obtained here almost at New York
prices.
San Francisco possesses one of the most capacious and magnificent
harbours in the world; one in which the navies of all the maritime powers
could ride at anchor in perfect safety. From its entrance to its head is a
distance of about twenty miles, and branching from it are two other large
bays—San Pablo, and Suisun. The entrance to the harbour is guarded by
lofty hills, about five thousand feet apart, and could be protected with the
greatest ease. But the town of San Francisco itself is not fitted by nature as
a pleasant residence. During the spring, summer, and autumn, cold
northwest winds are continually blowing, sometimes with such severity as
to destroy buildings, and always filling the streets with a dense cloud of
dust. From December to March, during the continuance of the rainy season,
the streets, which have been filled with dust in the summer, become perfect
pools of mud and mire, so that in some of them it is almost impossible to
travel. The climate is one of the most peculiar in the world. During the
summer the weather is so cold that a fire is always needed, and the
surrounding hills are dry and burned up; while in the winter, in the
intermissions between the rains, the weather is delightfully warm and May-
like, and the hills become clothed with a lovely verdure. Among the
improvements in the town are several wharves, which have been completed
within a short time past. The principal of these, the central wharf, built by a
joint-stock company, extends into the harbour a distance of two hundred
and ninety-two feet, and will, when completed, be twenty-one hundred feet
in length, enabling vessels to lie abreast, and discharge their cargoes
directly upon it. Several churches have also been erected; and there are now
in the town seven, of the following denominations, viz.: Catholic, 1;
Episcopalian, 2; Baptist, 1; Presbyterian, 2; Methodist, 1. There are also
two public schools in operation. Some ten or twelve steamboats are plying

on the Sacramento and San Joaquin rivers, and the bay of San Francisco; so
that travelling has ceased to be so disagreeable as it was when I went up the
Sacramento in a little open boat. These steamboats run to Benicia,
Sacramento City, Stockton, and San Josè; while several smaller ones ply up
and down the Sacramento River, to and from the various little towns upon
it. The passage from San Francisco to Sacramento City, a distance of one
hundred and eighty miles, is performed in nine hours; the price of passage
being twenty-five dollars.
The following table, kindly furnished me by the Collector of the port,
exhibits the amount of tonnage in San Francisco on the 10th of November,
1849, together with the number and national character of the vessels in the
harbour.
American tonnage, 87,494
Foreign do. 32,823
Total amount of tonnage, 120,317
No. of ships in harbour, 312
No. of do. arrived from April 1st, to November 10th, 697
Of which there were,
American, 401
Foreign, 296

CHAPTER XI.
Weber—Sullivan—Stockton—Hudson—Georgetown—Sam Riper—The Slate Range—
The “Biggest Lump” yet found in California.
That immense fortunes have been made in California is beyond a doubt;
many of them, assuredly, have been by gold-digging and trading, the latter
occupation, in some cases, proving even more profitable than the former.
The man who has been most fortunate in the mines is, probably, Charles M.
Weber, a German, of whom I have previously spoken, who left his rancho
on the first discovery of gold, and collecting a large herd of Indians, placed
them at work at various mining points, finding them in provisions, and
purchasing their gold from them with blankets at a hundred dollars apiece,
and every other article of trade at correspondingly enormous prices. The
untutored Indian, who had spent all his life in roaming over his native hills,
subsisting upon acorns and wild game, and clothed in the skins of the deer
and the wolf, the moment he found himself able to live sumptuously upon
flour, and some of the little luxuries of life, and clothe his swarthy limbs in
an elegant Mexican serape or Yankee blanket, was ready to part with his
gold, of the value of which he had no idea, on the most accommodating
terms. I have seen Indians at Culoma, who, till within the previous three
months, had been nude as newborn babes, and had lived on roots and
acorns, clothed in the most gaudy dresses, and purchasing raisins and
almonds at sixteen dollars a pound.
It is said that Weber, before he gave up the digging of gold, had, by the
labour and trade of the Indians, made between four and five hundred
thousand dollars. He then purchased the ground on which the flourishing
town of Stockton now stands, laid it out in building lots, and is now
probably worth over half a million of dollars, and his present trade and sale
of lots will, without doubt, double this amount in one year.
John Sullivan, an Irishman, who, when I first arrived at San Francisco,
was driving an ox-team, some time in the summer of 1848, discovered a
canon near the Stanislaus River, which proved so rich that ere the winter
was over he had taken from it twenty-six thousand dollars worth of gold
dust. With this he established a trading post, purchased property in San

Francisco, and is now on the high-road to a large fortune. The canon he
discovered has ever since been called Sullivan’s Diggings, and has been
celebrated for the “big lumps” which have been taken from it.
A man named Stockton, who came to California in the same ship with
me, and who was a private in our regiment, settled upon the Stanislaus
River, in the early part of September, 1848. He was a keen, trading genius,
and, striking out of the beaten track, bought a mule, and started, with a
small lot of trinkets and little articles of luxury, into the mountain Indian
region. Here his faculties “for driving bargains” were brought into full play,
and it is said to be a fact, that he has sold several boxes of raisins to the
Indians at their weight in gold! Stockton made a great deal of money; but
lately, through some mismanagement in his business, has, I believe, failed,
and commenced the world over again.
A young man named Hudson, from New York, I think, discovered a deep
canon between the town of Culoma and the Middle Fork, about eleven
miles distant from the former place, and six from the latter. This is a place
which, in my travel to the Middle Fork and back, I have crossed four times
without ever thinking of disturbing it. But in the summer of 1849, Hudson
struck into it, and by digging some four feet reached the granite bed of the
canon, on which lay immense masses of gold. In the course of six weeks he
had dug some twenty thousand dollars. The gold in this canon is all large
and of the purest quality, being generally entirely exempt from the
admixture of quartz, which is usually found in large pieces. The largest
piece found here, and which I had the pleasure of seeing, weighed a little
over fourteen pounds clear gold, and was worth nearly two thousand eight
hundred dollars. The success of every one who has worked in this canon,
has probably been more uniform than in any other place in the whole
mining region.
A boy, nineteen years of age, named John C. Davenport, from New
Bedford, took out here, one day last fall, seventy-seven ounces, and the next
day nearly ninety ounces of pure gold. The canon I have above referred to
is now called Georgetown, and has become a thriving little community,
there being, at present, about two thousand people digging there, who have
built themselves comfortable log houses, and have settled down quietly to
labour and enjoy the fruits of their toil.

A young man, named Samuel Riper, from Waterloo, New York, who,
with three companions, went on to the Yuba River in June, 1849, in
company with Dr. Bullard, dammed off a place about fifty miles above the
river’s mouth, seventy feet long by twenty-five feet wide. By severe labour,
occupying the party of four nearly a fortnight, they succeeded in perfectly
drying this part of the river’s bed, and commenced washing the earth they
found in it, consisting of a red gravel, solidly packed into the crevices of the
rock. The earth turned out about three hundred dollars per day, and in less
than two months the party of four divided among themselves the sum of
fifteen thousand dollars! Immediately above this, two of the same party
dammed a much smaller place, and in two weeks took out three thousand
dollars worth of gold.
About seventy miles from the mouth of the Yuba River is a curious
formation of rock called “The Slate Range;” it is upon the bank of the river,
and extends along it. Above it are lofty and precipitous hills, exceedingly
difficult and dangerous of descent,—but the richness of the slate rock
beneath has well compensated all who have endured the toil of descending.
The slate lies about four feet below the earth’s surface, and between the thin
strata the gold is found adhering to the rock. Over sixty thousand dollars
worth of gold has been taken from this range during the past summer.
But one of the most curious circumstances in connexion with the gold
mines occurred at the old “Dry Diggings,” of which I have previously
spoken. These were entirely deserted last spring, having been used as a
mere wintering place, and abandoned when the weather admitted of
travelling. As emigration rushed in, however, people again began to settle at
the old working-places, and the “Dry Diggings” were soon again filled up.
The houses were placed in a long valley, through which a stream ran, and as
the diggings thus far had all been found in the ravines which run up into the
hills,—no one ever thought of trying the valley itself, which was in fact
nothing more than a ravine of a larger kind. But within the past summer this
whole valley has been completely dug up, and immense quantities of gold
have been taken from it. Even the ground on which the houses stood has
been uprooted, and one man named Wilson took from under his own
doorstep about two thousand dollars worth of gold. In another case, three
Frenchmen removed the stump of an old tree which lay across the pathway
on the road from the dry diggings to Culoma, commenced operations, and
in one week dug nearly five thousand dollars. I might go on multiplying

instances of extraordinary success in gold-digging. But so many stories of
this nature are already in circulation, that I will merely add one more.
Dr. H. Van Dyke, with a company of about thirty men, went on to the
North Fork in August last, and constructed a dam on that river just above its
junction with the American Fork. Within the first three days after the
drainage was completed, the company had taken out fifteen thousand
dollars; and afterwards, for nearly a month, made from five to twelve
ounces a day per man.
The largest piece of gold which has yet been found was picked up in a
dry ravine near the Stanislaus River, in September, 1848. It contained a
large admixture of quartz, and weighed a little over twenty-five pounds,
being worth five thousand dollars. A piece weighing twenty-seven ounces
and a half was found by a young man named Taylor at “Kelsey’s Dry
Diggings,” on the South Fork, about eight miles from Culoma. I saw this
piece at the Mill last spring, and it is now in the possession of Hon. Edward
Gilbert, one of our representatives in Congress from California. It is a
beautiful specimen, about six inches in length, the gold being inlaid in a
reddish stone. This piece was found by pure good luck, having been
probably thrown up from the ravine in some loose dirt, where it was picked
up by Taylor, lying directly on the surface.

CHAPTER XII.
Recapitulation—Population of the Mining Region—Average Amount of Gold Dug—
Requirements of a Gold-Digger—The Best Season—In what kind of Soil is Gold Found?
—Washing Machines—California a Habitable Country—The Learned Professions.
It is proper, before closing this work, and it will probably be expected,
that I should make a sort of recapitulation, and give some advice in regard
to prospects and plans of proceeding in the gold mines of California. To
advise is always a difficult task, and in this instance it is peculiarly so; but I
will endeavour to give a fair statement of facts, and the best advice I can.
The number of persons at present labouring in the various portions of the
mining region is about one hundred thousand. Of these, at least one-third
are Mexicans, Chilenos, Pacific Islanders, and Chinese, and the remainder
Americans, English, French, and Germans; and I should divide their
locations as follows: on the North, Middle, and South Forks, say twenty
thousand; on the Stanislaus, Mokelumne, Tuolumne, Merced, Mariposa,
and other tributaries of the San Joaquin, forty thousand; on Yuba and
Feather Rivers, twenty thousand; and, scattered over the various dry
diggings, twenty thousand more. During the past summer and autumn, I
should estimate the average quantity of gold dug daily at eight dollars to a
man; for although it is by no means uncommon for an individual to “strike a
lucky place,” and some days take out from a hundred to a thousand dollars,
others spend whole days in search and labour, without finding more than
two or three dollars a day. From my own experience in the mines I am,
however, satisfied, that, during six months in the year, a stout man, with
health, energy, and perseverance, can average sixteen dollars a day in
almost any portion of the placers; and that, for twenty years, from three to
ten dollars a day can be made by individual labour. Still, I would advise all
who are in good positions at home to remain there. The labour and
hardships consequent upon the life of a gold-digger are of the most severe
and arduous nature. Prying and breaking up huge rocks, shovelling dirt,
washing it with wet feet all day, and sleeping on the damp ground at night,
with nothing above but a thin covering of canvass, or a leaky log roof, are
not by any means agreeable to one who has been accustomed to the
civilized life of cities. Richelieu says, that “the pen is mightier than the

sword.” Many a fine, spruce young clerk coming to California with golden
dreams of wealth before him has proved, to his sorrow, that the crowbar is
heavier than the pen. I hesitate not to say, that the labour of gold-digging is
unequalled by any other in the world in severity. It combines within itself
the various arts of canal-digging, ditching, laying stone walls, ploughing,
and hoeing potatoes,—and adding to this a life in the wilds of the
mountains, living upon poor provisions, continually exposed either to the
burning rays of the sun, or the heavy dews of night, and the occupation
becomes anything but a pleasant one. But to a man endowed with a
constitution to endure hardship, with hands that have been accustomed to
labour, and with a heart which suffers not itself to be sorrowed with
disappointment, there was never a better opportunity in the world to make a
fortune, than there is at present in California. To mechanics, especially,
there are great inducements; for if they do not choose to labour in the
mines, with the wages which I have previously stated as being paid to them
in San Francisco and the other towns of Northern California, they may, in
one year, save more money than in five in any other portion of the United
States.
To those who do come, I would give a few words of advice, which may
be of service. Bring with you very little clothing and provisions, as they will
only prove a burden. These can be purchased in San Francisco almost at
New York prices. Never come without money, as gold is not to be found in
the streets of San Francisco. You may be delayed several days before going
to the mines, and board at from sixteen to fifty dollars a week will soon
make a large hole in a small sum of money. Arrived at San Francisco,
beware of the vices prevalent there. Drinking and gaming are the principal,
and in fact the only amusements of the town, and many a poor fellow,
landing there with high hopes, has been fleeced and turned adrift upon
society with a broken heart. Purchase no provisions in San Francisco. The
expenses of transportation are so great, (freight up the river being from two
to four cents per pound, and by teams to the various mining points from
fifteen to fifty,) that your provisions will cost more in money and time than
they would if purchased in the mines. Flour is now selling in the gold
regions at about fifty cents per pound; this seems like a great price, but you
will find it cheaper than to carry it with you, and will soon find that it is
much easier to pay fifty cents for a pound of flour when you are making
sixteen dollars a day, than it is to pay three cents when you are making but

one. For the same reason that you should carry no provisions, carry but little
clothing. A mere change is sufficient, and clothes can always be purchased
at reasonable rates in all parts of the mines.
The best season for proceeding to the mines is about the end of the
month of August. The waters which have been swollen by the melting of
the snows in the summer, have then subsided, and the heat of the summer
months has then given way to the cooling breezes of autumn. From that
time till the middle of December, the weather is most delightful, and the
opportunities for profitable labour are far better than at any other time.
About the middle of December, the rainy season commences; the rivers
immediately commence rising, and labour is prevented both by this and the
inclemency of the weather. The life of the miner during the winter months
is exceedingly unpleasant, and I would advise no one to proceed to the gold
region after the month of November. The rainy season usually closes about
the middle of February, but the roads are exceedingly muddy until the first
of March, and from that time till July, labour can be performed to advantage
in the various dry-diggings, and upon some of the rivers. By this time the
hot and sickly season commences, and the waters upon the rivers are at
their greatest height. The thermometer ranges from 90° to 120° in the shade
at noonday, and the heavy dews of night fall upon the labourer, who has
been all day at work beneath a broiling sun. This of course produces
disease, and in that wild region, where the comforts and attendance that
should ever surround a sick man’s bed, are unknown, disease is usually
followed by death. The most prevalent diseases during this time are fever
and ague, and bilious fevers of the most virulent nature. But I am satisfied
that, setting aside the prevalence of diseases common to all new countries, a
large portion of the sickness of the summer months is caused by the
exposure consequent upon the present mode of life of the miner. When the
same comforts are introduced, when good houses are built, and wholesome
provisions can be procured, the mining regions of California will compare
favourably with Illinois, Indiana, or any of the new states in point of
healthiness.
It has been a frequent inquiry in the United States, “In what kind of soil
is gold found?” The answer is, that it is found in no one particular kind of
soil, but in every variety from the common loose black earth to the hardest
clay. I have found, in the dry diggings of Weaver’s Creek, pieces of gold,
some of them weighing nearly a quarter of an ounce, lying in the upper

black soil within two inches of the surface. It is sometimes found embedded
in a hard white clay, at other times in a red, and at others in a blue clay. As a
general thing, I have found that where the gold is coarse, it usually descends
until it reaches one of the above-mentioned clays, while the finer particles
rest upon the gravelly stratum nearer the surface, and thus fine gold is most
frequently found mingled with red gravel.
In regard to bringing machines to California for the purpose of washing
gold, I must caution the miner to be careful and judicious in their selection.
Some of the more recent inventions are valuable, especially the
“Quicksilver Gold Separator,” which is constructed to operate with
quicksilver in such manner as to save the fine particles of gold which in the
ordinary cradles or rockers are lost. The only object of a machine of any
kind is to break up and keep in motion a larger quantity of earth than a pan
would hold, and at the same time prevent the gold from being lost. I saw,
last spring, hundreds of huge, bulky machines, which had been brought
round Cape Horn, and which would require, each one of them, a large ox-
team to convey them to the mining region, lying piled upon the beach of
San Francisco, destined never to fulfil the object for which they were
intended, and ere this probably used for firewood, or in constructing
habitations for their owners to dwell in. There are, however, some small
hand machines manufactured in New York, which are really of great use to
the gold-digger.
A great mistake has been made by people who have emigrated to
California, or who have desired to emigrate, in considering it merely as a
temporary home, a sort of huge goose, out of which a few feathers were to
be plucked, and then forsaken. It is for this reason that the life of the miner
is at present tenfold more arduous than it otherwise would be, and never
was there a more egregious error in regard to the character of the country.
Gold is not the only product of the soil in California. Her fertile valleys and
rich prairies are capable, when cultivated, of producing an untold store of
agricultural wealth. Her lofty pines and spreading oak trees afford an
abundant supply of material for the erection of comfortable dwellings. Her
thousand streams, pouring down every hillside and winding through her
plains, furnish an inexhaustible supply of water-power, and her forests,
mountains, and lakes abound with game of every description. In the
immense valleys of the Sacramento and San Joaquin, are millions of acres
of land entirely unreclaimed, upon which any man may settle and make a

fortune in a few years by the cultivation of the soil. Some hundred and fifty
miles above Sacramento City, on the Sacramento River, are large tracts of
valuable, well-watered land, much of which is unreclaimed, other portions
being for sale at mere nominal prices. On one of these tracts, at “Lawson’s
Rancho,” wheat was last year raised at an average of forty-five bushels to
the acre, and is now selling delivered on the rancho at six dollars a bushel!
Cattle bring from forty to a hundred dollars a head, potatoes twenty-five
cents per pound, milk two dollars per gallon, butter from one to two dollars
per pound, and every product of a farm is at corresponding prices. With the
continued growth of California, the demand for all these articles, most of
which are now brought from the Sandwich Islands, Chili, and Oregon, must
necessarily increase, and I am satisfied that the cultivation of the soil will
yet be a more profitable labour than extracting the gold from it.
California is a habitable country, and should be looked upon no longer as
a mere temporary residence. A state government has been organized, the
sheltering hand of law stretched over its borders, and life there can be made
as comfortable as life in any other portion of the world. Let then the gold-
digger come, and from the never-failing hills gather a rich supply of
treasure. Let the farmer come, and from the abundant soil produce the
necessaries of life, and enrich himself from them. Let the mechanic and
labourer come, and build up the towns of this new country, and let the
ladies of our land come, and with their smiles bring peace and happiness
into the wilderness.
“The world was sad!—the garden was a wild!—
And man, the hermit sighed, till woman smiled!”
In this connexion, it may be well to state, that although California
presents one of the finest fields in the world for mechanical and industrial
pursuits, it is as yet an unpromising region for what are called “the learned
professions;” and I would advise no more “of that ilk” to wend this way.
The country is already overrun with young lawyers and doctors, who are
too feeble physically to succeed as gold-diggers, and seek in vain for fees.
Nearly all the law business done here is in the hands of a few prominent
individuals, who are handsomely paid for what they do, but could readily
transact ten times the amount of business that is ever placed in their hands.
Public opinion is more stringent here than in the older states, and contracts

are faithfully fulfilled, whether written or verbal, without evasion, under the
technicalities or subtilties of the law. The medical profession is somewhat
more in demand, but it is so crowded that few succeed, and most persons
who come here to practise medicine, are compelled to resort to some other
means of obtaining a livelihood. Hydropathy is the popular treatment, and a
good bath is thought to be far more conducive to health than bleeding or
calomel.

CHAPTER XIII.
THE OLD TOWNS OF CALIFORNIA.
MONTEREY.
The town of Monterey is situated upon the large bay of that name,
formed by the curve of land between Point Año Nuevo on the north, and
Point Pinos on the south. Until the adoption of the present constitution for
California, Monterey was always the seat of government of the territory,
and the residence of her military governors and other officers. The town
presents a very neat and pretty appearance, with its houses of white-
plastered adobes and its surrounding hills covered with lofty pine trees. It
retains its old Spanish peculiarities, and Yankee innovations have as yet
made but little progress there. The Spanish don, clothed in his serape and
calcineros, still walks through the streets with his lordly air, and the pretty
señorita, her dark eyes peering through the folds of her reboso, skips lightly
along the footpath. The ancient customs are still continued here, and the
sound of the guitar and the light shuffling of pretty feet are heard nightly in
the casas. I saw here a few weeks since a funeral celebrated in the old style,
which, although by no means new to me, exceedingly astonished some
Yankee friends who had but just arrived. A procession of some hundred
people, men, women, and children, were straggling along the street,
preceded by six little girls, dressed in white, bearing upon their shoulders
the coffin of an infant. Upon one side of this were two musicians, with a
guitar and violin, playing such tunes as are heard at the country dances in
the United States, while upon the other were two tall fellows with muskets,
which they were continually loading and firing. By the sides of the
procession was a troop of boys, all armed with Chinese fire-crackers, which
they exploded by the pack, keeping up a most infernal racket. In this
manner the procession marched to the church, where the coffin was opened,
and the little body strewn with wild flowers. After some Catholic ceremony
the body was committed to the grave, when the whole posse adjourned to
the residence of the parents, where a grand fandango and feast were given,
which lasted throughout the whole night.

About six miles from Monterey lie the mission and valley of Carmel,
one of the prettiest spots in all Upper California, and one of the most
favourable for agricultural pursuits; and twenty-five miles distant is the
great valley of San Juan, ten miles in width, and thirty miles in length. This
valley possesses a climate peculiar to itself, and a soil of exceeding
richness. The winds from the ocean are mellowed before they reach here,
and fall with a delicious coolness upon this beautiful vale. The agricultural
products are principally corn, wheat, and potatoes, which are taken to
Monterey and sold at good prices.
The bay of Monterey abounds in fish of every variety, but particularly
mackerel, which can be caught in great quantities with a hook and line
directly in the harbour. The town contains about one thousand inhabitants,
and its climate is superior to that of any other locality on the coast, although
during the summer a dense fog usually rises for a few hours in the morning.
A fort has been built upon a hill overlooking the town and harbour, and a
military force is stationed there. There are several American residents in
Monterey at the present time, engaged in mercantile pursuits; but very little
building is in progress, and the town bids fair to remain for a long time a
representative of California as she was before the indomitable Yankee
introduced his “notions” into her territory.
SANTA BARBARA.
South of Monterey is the town of Santa Barbara, a place celebrated for
its being the residence of the aristocracy of California, as well as for its
beautiful women. There is no harbour to the town, and vessels are obliged
to lie at anchor in an open roadstead, often at many miles distant from the
shore; and during the spring and fall, when the southeast winds prevail, they
are scarcely safe lying here; a high surf is constantly running on the beach,
and it is only by the greatest skill in “beaching” a boat that one can escape a
severe ducking. The position of the town of Santa Barbara is one of the
most beautiful in California. On the right, toward the water, is a lofty hill,
rising nearly a thousand feet, from the summit of which the little town
resembles one of those mud villages, which school-boys mould in clam-
shells. Directly back of the town is a range of almost impassable hills,
which run in a diagonal direction, and join the Coast Range at San Luis
Obispo. In front is the broad bay, embraced between two points, and having

a smooth beach of nearly thirty miles in extent. A mile back from the town,
at the head of a gentle slope, is the mission of Santa Barbara, with its
venerable white walls and cross-mounted spires.
The town itself is situated upon a plain of some ten miles in extent, and
contains about one hundred and fifty houses, built of adobes, all one story
in height. Most of these houses contain but two rooms, a large one called
the sala, and a small chamber. These houses contain no stoves or fire-
places, all the cooking operations of a family being performed in the
cocina, which is a building separate from the main dwelling.
The people of Santa Barbara are kind and hospitable. I was stationed
there three months, and scarcely a day elapsed that our mess-table did not
exhibit some choice specimen of California cookery, made up by the hands
of some fair señorita, as a present to “los officiales Americanos.” But here,
as all over California, among the native population, laziness is the great
characteristic of the people. A fine horse to ride, plenty of beef and frijoles
to eat, and cigaros to smoke, and they are satisfied. The whole day with
them is spent on horseback, in lazily riding from one tavern to another, or
galloping furiously, at the risk of their necks, along the streets. The
residents of Santa Barbara are principally rancheros, who visit their
ranchos once or twice a year, to attend to the marking and killing of their
cattle, and spend the remainder of the year in their town residence, enjoying
life to their utmost capacity. Each ranchero usually keeps around the town a
sufficient number of cattle for food, and whenever any beef is wanted, a
bullock is slaughtered in a manner that would cause the eyes of the English
societies for the suppression of cruelties to animals to stare aghast. The
animal is first to be caught, which is effected in this manner. A vaquero or
herdsman, mounted upon a fleet horse, and provided with a strong rope,
with a noose at one end, and called a lasso, rides furiously into the herd of
cattle, and selecting the one he wishes swings his lasso around his head,
gives a loud yell, at the same time throwing the lasso and planting it over
the horns and head of the vanquished bullock. So expert are they in the use
of the lasso that they seldom fail at the first trial in catching an animal
running at the distance of thirty or forty feet. The animal being captured, he
is dragged into town, and being conducted within a corral, another lasso is
thrown around his legs, which are thus tripped from under him, when a
sharp knife is plunged into his throat.

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