Livelihood mapping

SUSTAINABLE LIVELIHOODS GUIDANCE SHEETS
FRAMEWORK INTRODUCTION 2.1
Thelivelihoodsframeworkisatooltoimproveourunderstandingoflivelihoods,particularlythelivelihoods
of the poor. It was developed over a period of several months by the Sustainable Rural Livelihoods
Advisory Committee, building on earlier work by the Institute of Development Studies (amongst others).
This section of the Guidance Sheets provides an introduction to the framework itself. The individual
components of the framework are described in more detail in the subsequent sheets in this section.
Practical questions and challenges of operationalising the approach will be covered in Section 3 and
following.
Why a framework?
The sustainable livelihoods framework presents the main factors that affect people’s livelihoods, and
typical relationships between these. It can be used in both planning new development activities and
assessing the contribution to livelihood sustainability made by existing activities.
In particular, the framework:
• provides a checklist of important issues and sketches out the way these link to each other;
• draws attention to core influences and processes; and
• emphasises the multiple interactions between the various factors which affect livelihoods.
The framework is centred on people. It does not work in a linear manner and does not try to present a
model of reality. Its aim is to help stakeholders with different perspectives to engage in structured and
coherent debate about the many factors that affect livelihoods, their relative importance and the way
in which they interact. This, in turn, should help in the identification of appropriate entry points for
support of livelihoods.
The arrows within the
framework are used as
shorthand to denote a variety
of different types of
relationships, all of which are
highly dynamic. None of the
arrows imply direct causality,
though all imply a certain level
of influence.
Figure 1. Sustainable livelihoods framework
LIVELIHOOD
STRATEGIES
Influence
& access
VULNERABILITY
CONTEXT
TRANSFORMING
STRUCTURES &
PROCESSES
STRUCTURES
PROCESSES
LIVELIHOOD
OUTCOMES
H
S
P F
N
LIVELIHOOD ASSETS
• SHOCKS
• TRENDS
• SEASONALITY
• Levels of
government
• Private
sector
• Laws
• Policies
• Culture
• Institutions
• More income
• Increased
well-being
• Reduced
vulnerability
• Improved food
security
• More sustainable
use of NR base
Key
H = Human Capital S = Social Capital
N = Natural Capital P = Physical Capital
F = Financial Capital
i
n
o
r
d
e
r
t
o
a
c
h
i
e
v
e

Sustainable livelihoods guidance sheets
These Guidance Sheets aim to stimulate reflection and learning.
Readers are encouraged to send comments and contributions to: livelihoods@dfid.gov.uk
April 1999
INTRODUCTION FRAMEWORK
Understanding the framework
• The form of the framework is not intended to suggest that the starting point for all livelihoods (or
livelihood analysis) is the Vulnerability Context which through a series of permutations yields
LivelihoodsOutcomes.Livelihoods are shaped by a multitude of different forces and factors that are
themselves constantly shifting. People-centred analysis is most likely to begin with simultaneous
investigation of people’s assets, their objectives (the LivelihoodOutcomes which they are seeking)
and the LivelihoodStrategies which they adopt to achieve these objectives.
• Important feedback is likely between:
(a) Transforming Structures and Process and the Vulnerability Context; and
(b) Livelihood Outcomes and Livelihood Assets.
There are other feedback relationships that affect livelihoods which are not shown. For example, it
has been shown that if people feel less vulnerable (LivelihoodOutcome) they frequently choose to
have fewer children. This has implications for population trends which might be an important part
of the VulnerabilityContext.
Using the framework to help eliminate poverty
The framework is intended to be a versatile tool for use in planning and management. It offers a way of
thinking about livelihoods that helps order complexity and makes clear the many factors that affect
livelihoods.
A more important task than perfecting the framework itself is putting the ideas that it represents into
practice. If that calls for adaptation of certain boxes or revision of certain definitions to make the
framework more useful, all the better; the framework becomes a living tool.
Use of the framework is intended to make a distinct contribution to improving DFID’s ability to eliminate
poverty. It is not simply a required step in project/programme preparation, nor does it provide a magic
solution to the problems of poverty elimination. In order to get the most from the framework:
• The core ideas that underlie it should not be compromised during the process of adaptation. One of
these core ideas is that (most) analysis should be conducted in a participatory manner.
• Use of the framework should be underpinned by a serious commitment to poverty elimination. This
should extend to developing a meaningful dialogue with partners about how to address the
underlying political and economic factors that perpetuate poverty.
• Those using the framework must have the ability to recognise deprivation in the field even when
elites and others may want to disguise this and skew benefits towards themselves (this will require
skill and rigour in social analysis).
The sustainable livelihoods
framework continues to
develop. Use it as a flexible tool
and adapt it as necessary. You
can focus on any part of the
framework, but it is important
to keep the wider picture in
mind.
The framework summarises the
main components of and
influences on livelihoods; it
does not provide an exhaustive
list of the issues to be
considered. It should be
adapted to meet the needs of
any given circumstance.

FRAMEWORK VULNERABILITY CONTEXT 2.2
What is the vulnerability context?
The VulnerabilityContext frames the external environment in which people exist. People’s livelihoods
and the wider availability of assets are fundamentally affected by critical trends as well as by shocks
and seasonality – over which they have limited or no control. The box below provides examples (this
is not a complete list):
Why is it important?
The factors that make up the VulnerabilityContext are important because they have a direct impact
upon people’s asset status and the options that are open to them in pursuit of beneficial livelihood
outcomes.
• Shocks can destroy assets directly (in the case of floods, storms, civil conflict, etc.). They can also
force people to abandon their home areas and dispose of assets (such as land) prematurely as part
of coping strategies. Recent events have highlighted the impact that international economic
shocks, including rapid changes in exchange rates and terms of trade, can have on the very poor.
• Trends may (or may not) be more benign, though they are more predictable. They have a particularly
important influence on rates of return (economic or otherwise) to chosen livelihood strategies.
• Seasonal shifts in prices, employment opportunities and food availability are one of the greatest
and most enduring sources of hardship for poor people in developing countries.
Is it always negative?
Not all the trends listed above are negative or cause vulnerability. For example, economic indicators
can move in favourable directions, diseases can be eradicated and new technologies may be very
valuable to poor people.
However, use of the term Vulnerability Context draws attention to the fact that this complex of
influences is directly or indirectly responsible for many of the hardships faced by the poorest people in
the world. It is common for there to be a vicious circle in action. The inherent fragility of poor people’s
livelihoods makes them unable to cope with stresses, whether predictable or not. It also makes them
less able to manipulate or influence their environment to reduce those stresses; as a result they
become increasingly vulnerable. And even when trends move in the right direction, the poorest are
often unable to benefit because they lack assets and strong institutions working in their favour.
Trends
• Population trends
• Resource trends
(including conflict)
• National/international
economic trends
• Trends in governance
(including politics)
• Technological trends
Shocks
• Human health shocks
• Natural shocks
• Economic shocks
• Conflict
• Crop/livestock health shocks
Seasonality
• Of prices
• Of production
• Of health
• Of employment opportunities
Different types of conflict can
have profound adverse effects
on the livelihoods of the poor.
In areas of civil conflict people
suffer from lawlessness and
physical damage. Conflicts
over access to resources are of
increasing importance as
populations expand and
resource use intensifies.
If unaddressed, such conflicts
may further marginalise
already poor groups.

April 1999
VULNERABILITY CONTEXT FRAMEWORK
What can be done to alter the vulnerability context?
The VulnerabilityContext is the part of the framework that lies furthest outside people’s control. In the
short to medium term and on an individual or small group basis there is little that can be done to alter
it directly (though there are exceptions: for example, direct intervention to diffuse conflict).
Most externally-driven change in the Vulnerability Context is a product of activity at the level of
Transforming Structures and Processes (e.g. changes in policy). Another way of managing the
Vulnerability Context is to help people to become more resilient and better able to capitalise on its
positive aspects. This is a core aim of the sustainable livelihoods approach. It can be achieved through
supporting poor people to build up their assets. For example, increasing people’s access to appropriate
financial services – including insurance – is one way of reducing vulnerability. Another approach is to
help ensure that critical institutions and organisations are responsive to the needs of the poor.
What type of information is required to analyse the vulnerability context?
Livelihoods analysis does not have to be exhaustive to be effective. Rather than trying to develop a full
understanding of all dimensions of the VulnerabilityContext, the aim is to identify those trends, shocks
and aspects of seasonality that are of particular importance to livelihoods. Effort can then be
concentrated on understanding the impact of these factors and how negative aspects can be minimised.
This requires a prior understanding of the nature of local livelihoods – what types of livelihood strategies
are employed by local people and what factors constrain them from achieving their objectives. Such
understanding cannot be gained without social analysis so that particular social groups and their
relationship with factors within the VulnerabilityContext can be identified.
While it is important to narrow down the extent of analysis, it is also important to think broadly about
factors within the Vulnerability Context that might affect local people, so that less-obvious issues are
not neglected. For example, when thinking about seasonality, it is important to consider both immediate
and more distant effects.
In a rural setting, it may be necessary to find answers to the following types of question:
• Which groups produce which crops?
• How important is each crop to the livelihoods of the groups that produce it?
• Is the revenue from a given crop used for a particular purpose – e.g. if it is controlled by women is
it particularly important to child health or nutrition?
• What proportion of output is marketed?
• How do prices for different crops vary through the year?
• How predictable is seasonal price fluctuation?
• Are the price cycles of all crops correlated?
• Whatproportionofhouseholdfoodneedsismetbyownconsumptionandwhat portionis purchased?
• At what time of year is cash income most important (e.g. school fees might be collected one or more
times during the year)? Does this coincide with the time at which cash is most available?
• Do people have access to appropriate financial service institutions to enable them to save for the
future? Does access to these vary by social group?
• How long and intense is the ‘hungry period’?
• What effect do the ‘hungry period’ and other seasonal natural events (e.g. the advent of the rainy
season) have on human health and the ability to labour?
• Has the length of the ‘hungry period’ been increasing or decreasing?
• How do income-earning opportunities vary throughout the year? Are they agricultural or non-farm?
• How does remittance income vary throughout the year (e.g. falling off at times when it is most
needed because of food price rises)?
Methodologies for conducting this type of analysis will be investigated in more detail in Section 3.
Different components of the
Vulnerability Context affect
different people in different
ways. Thus, natural shocks may
have a more adverse effect on
agricultural activity than on
urban employment. Likewise,
changes in international
commodity prices will affect
those who grow, process or
export such commodities but
have little direct effect on
those who produce for, or trade
in, the local market.
Understanding the nature of
vulnerability is a key step in
sustainable livelihoods analysis.
Seasonality is usually
associated with rural
economies. It can, however, be
equally problematic for poor
people in urban areas,
especially when these people
spend a large proportion of
their income on foodstuffs, the
prices of which may be very
volatile.

FRAMEWORK LIVELIHOOD ASSETS 2.3
The livelihoods approach is concerned first and foremost with people. It seeks to gain an accurate and
realistic understanding of people’s strengths (assets or capital endowments) and how they endeavour
to convert these into positive livelihood outcomes. The approach is founded on a belief that people
require a range of assets to achieve positive livelihood outcomes; no single category of assets on its
own is sufficient to yield all the many and varied livelihood outcomes that people seek. This is particularly
true for poor people whose access to any given category of assets tends to be very limited. As a result
they have to seek ways of nurturing and combining what assets they do have in innovative ways to
ensure survival.
The asset pentagon
The asset pentagon lies at the core of the livelihoods framework, ‘within’ the vulnerability context. The
pentagon was developed to enable information about people’s assets to be presented visually, thereby
bringing to life important inter-relationships between the various assets.
The shape of the pentagon can be used to show schematically the variation in people’s access to
assets. The idea is that the centre point of the pentagon, where the lines meet, represents zero access
to assets while the outer perimeter represents maximum access to assets. On this basis different
shaped pentagons can be drawn for different communities or social groups within communities.
It is important to note that a single physical asset can generate multiple benefits. If someone has
secure access to land (natural capital) they may also be well-endowed with financial capital, as they
are able to use the land not only for direct productive activities but also as collateral for loans. Similarly,
livestock may generate social capital (prestige and connectedness to the community) for owners
while at the same time being used as productive physical capital (think of animal traction) and
remaining,initself,asnaturalcapital.Inordertodevelopanunderstandingofthesecomplexrelationships
it is necessary to look beyond the assets themselves, to think about prevailing cultural practices and
the types of structures and processes that ‘transform’ assets into livelihood outcomes (see 2.4).
Pentagons can be useful as a focus point for debate about suitable entry points, how these will serve
the needs of different social groups and likely trade-offs between different assets. However, using the
pentagon in this way is necessarily representative. At a generic level there is no suggestion that we
can – or should – quantify all assets, let alone develop some kind of common currency that allows
direct comparison between assets. This does not, of course, rule out the development of specific,
quantifiable indicators of assets where these are thought to be useful.
The livelihood framework
identifies five core asset
categories or types of capital
upon which livelihoods are
built. Increasing access –
which can take the form of
ownership or the right to use –
to these assets is a primary
concern for DFID in its support
of livelihoods and poverty
elimination.
Although the term ‘capital’ is
used, not all the assets are
capital stocks in the strict
economic sense of the term
(in which capital is the product
of investment which yields a
flow of benefits over time).
The five capitals are perhaps
best thought of as livelihood
building blocks; the term
‘capital’ is used because this is
the common designation in the
literature.
Social capital Natural capital
Physical capital Financial capital
Human capital
For definitions and
explanations of the different
types of capital, please refer
to the following sheets:
2.3.1:Human capital
2.3.2:Social capital
2.3.3:Natural capital
2.3.4:Physical capital
2.3.5:Financial capital

April 1999
LIVELIHOOD ASSETS FRAMEWORK
Change in asset status
Asset endowments are constantly changing, therefore pentagons are constantly shifting. A three
dimensional framework, with the third dimension representing time, would enable this change to
be visualised. A two dimensional framework does not. However, it is imperative to incorporate a time
dimension into any analysis of assets. Information should be gathered on trends in overall asset
availability (e.g. if societies fragment, the overall ‘stock’ of social capital might decline) as well as on
which groups are accumulating assets, which are losing and why. Where processes of ‘social
exclusion’ are at work, those who are already poorly endowed with assets may well be becoming
gradually, but notably, more marginalised.
Relationships within the framework
Relationships between assets
Assets combine in a multitude of different ways to generate positive livelihood outcomes.
Two types of relationship are particularly important:
• SequencingSequencingSequencingSequencingSequencing: Do those who escape from poverty tend to start with a particular combination of
assets? Is access to one type of asset (or a recognisable sub-set of assets) either necessary or
sufficient for escape from poverty? If so, this may provide important guidance on where livelihood
support should be focused, at least at the outset.
• SubstitutionSubstitutionSubstitutionSubstitutionSubstitution: Can one type of capital be substituted for others? For example, can increased
human capital compensate for a lack of financial capital in any given circumstance? If so, this
may extend the options for support.
Relationships with other framework components
Relationships within the framework are highly complex. Understanding them is a major challenge
of, and a core step in, the process of livelihoods analysis leading to action to eliminate poverty.
• Assets and the Vulnerability ContextAssets and the Vulnerability ContextAssets and the Vulnerability ContextAssets and the Vulnerability ContextAssets and the Vulnerability Context: assets are both destroyed and created as a result of the
trends, shocks and seasonality of the Vulnerability Context.
• Assets and Transforming Structures and ProcessesAssets and Transforming Structures and ProcessesAssets and Transforming Structures and ProcessesAssets and Transforming Structures and ProcessesAssets and Transforming Structures and Processes: The institutions and policies of the
Transforming Structures and Processes have a profound influence on access to assets. They:
(a) Create assets – e.g. government policy to invest in basic infrastructure (physical capital) or
technology generation (yielding human capital) or the existence of local institutions that
reinforce social capital.
(b) Determine access – e.g. ownership rights, institutions regulating access to common resources.
(c) Influence rates of asset accumulation – e.g. policies that affect returns to different livelihood
strategies, taxation, etc.
However, this is not a simple one way relationship. Individuals and groups themselves influence
TransformingStructuresandProcesses. Generally speaking the greater people’s asset endowment,
the more influence they can exert. Hence one way to achieve empowerment may be to support
people to build up their assets.
• Assets and Livelihood StrategiesAssets and Livelihood StrategiesAssets and Livelihood StrategiesAssets and Livelihood StrategiesAssets and Livelihood Strategies: Those with more assets tend to have a greater range of
options and an ability to switch between multiple strategies to secure their livelihoods.
• Assets and Livelihood OutcomesAssets and Livelihood OutcomesAssets and Livelihood OutcomesAssets and Livelihood OutcomesAssets and Livelihood Outcomes: Poverty analyses have shown that people’s ability to escape
from poverty is critically dependent upon their access to assets. Different assets are required to
achieve different livelihood outcomes. For example, some people may consider a minimum
level of social capital to be essential if they are to achieve a sense of well-being. Or in a remote
rural area, people may feel they require a certain level of access to natural capital to provide
security. Such relationships will need to be investigated case by case.
Different shaped pentagons
– changes in access to assets
HHHHH
NNNNN
SSSSS
PPPPP
FFFFF
HHHHH
FFFFF
SSSSS NNNNN
PPPPP
The upper pentagon shows
reasonable, but declining,
access to physical capital and
limited access to natural
capital.Socialcapitalisalso
falling. Perhaps the people
whose livelihood assets are
represented live in an urban
area but do not have the skills
or finance to invest in
infrastructure maintenance.
The decline of social capital
also constrains their ability to
form shared work groups. The
lower pentagon shows the
situationafter supportthat
has extended access to
financial capital (perhaps
throughgroup-basedmicro-
finance schemes that also help
build social capital) as well as
providing skills and training
(human capital). Together
these enable the people to
maintain and extend their
physical capital. Access to
natural capital remains
unchanged.

FRAMEWORK HUMAN CAPITAL 2.3.1
What is human capital?
Human capital represents the skills, knowledge, ability to labour and good health that together enable
people to pursue different livelihood strategies and achieve their livelihood objectives. At a household
level human capital is a factor of the amount and quality of labour available; this varies according to
household size, skill levels, leadership potential, health status, etc.
Human capital appears in the generic framework as a livelihood asset, that is, as a building block or
means of achieving livelihood outcomes. Its accumulation can also be an end in itself. Many people
regard ill-health or lack of education as core dimensions of poverty and thus overcoming these
conditions may be one of their primary livelihood objectives.
As well as being of intrinsic value, human capital (knowledge and labour or the ability to command
labour) is required in order to make use of any of the four other types of assets. It is therefore necessary,
though not on its own sufficient, for the achievement of positive livelihood outcomes.
What can be done to build human capital for the poor?
Support to the accumulation of human capital can be both direct and indirect. In either case it will only
achieve its aims if people themselves are willing and able to invest in their own human capital by
attending training sessions or schools, accessing preventative medical services, etc. If they are prevented
from doing so by adverse structures and processes (e.g. formal policies or social norms that prevent
girls from attending school) then indirect support to human capital development will be particularly
important.
In many cases it will be necessary to combine both types of support. The most appropriate mechanism
for such combined support may well be a sector programme. Sector programmes can adopt an integrated
approach to human capital development, drawing on information gathered through livelihoods analysis
to ensure that effort is focused where it is most needed (for example, on disadvantaged groups).
In its StatementofPurpose
DFID commits itself to
promoting ‘better education,
health and opportunities for
poor people’ through various
means. These range from
providing direct support to
education and health to
helping to provide safe drinking
water and emergency
assistance in times of crisis.
DFID sustainable livelihoods objective: Improved access to high-quality education, information,
technologies and training and better nutrition and health. Achieved through, for example:
Direct support to asset
accumulation
Indirect support
(through TransformingTransformingTransformingTransformingTransforming
Structures and ProcessesStructures and ProcessesStructures and ProcessesStructures and ProcessesStructures and Processes)
Feedback from achievement
of livelihood outcomes
(virtuous circles)
• To health/education/training
infrastructure
• To health/education/training
personnel
• To the development of relevant
knowledge and skills (these
should be developed with and
made readily available to the poor)
• Reform of health/education/
training policies
• Reform of health/education/
training organisations
• Changes in local institutions –
culture, norms – that limit
access to health/education/
training (e.g. for women)
• Health status is directly related
to income/food security
(with relevant knowledge)
• Higher income is often
reinvested in education
• Reduced vulnerability can
reduce the birth rate (with
knock-on effects on nutrition
and labour)

April 1999
HUMAN CAPITAL FRAMEWORK
Another indirect way of promoting education is to increase its value, by helping to open up opportunities
for those who have invested in education. This can be done through providing direct support in other
areas, for example through extending access to financial capital thereby enabling people to put their
knowledge to productive use. Helping to reduce the drudgery of day-to-day activities can also help free
people up so that they have the time for education and can then make better use of that education.
Specialist training – as opposed to general education – will be effective only when trainers have access
to relevant information. If investments in knowledge generation (research) are considered in terms of
the contribution that they make to human capital it is immediately apparent that:
• The knowledge generated must be relevant to existing or potential future livelihood strategies.
One way to ensure this is to adopt participatory processes of knowledge generation that build
upon and complement existing local knowledge.
• Provision must be made for extending access to the knowledge generated. Just as school buildings
do nothing for human capital if they are not brought to life with learning, so new technologies and
ideas are redundant if they do not reach people. Sharing knowledge with the poor has proved to be
a particular problem in the past, hence the need to consider new options for supporting information
networks using new types of communication channels, etc.
What type of information is required to analyse human capital?
There are many quite well-developed indicators of human health, though some – such as life expectancy
– may be difficult to assess at local level. Rather than focusing on exact measures, it may be more
appropriate to investigate variations. Do different social groups have obviously lower or higher life
expectancy? Are the children of indigenous groups, for example, more poorly nourished than other
children? Does the quality of health care available to different groups differ markedly?
Education indicators may be easier to assess. It is relatively simple to determine the average number of
years a child spends in school, or the percentage of girls who are enrolled in school. What is far more
difficult is understanding the quality, impact and value to livelihoods of these years in school, the
correlation – if there is one – between years in school and knowledge, and the relationship between
either of these and leadership potential.
Formal education is certainly not the only source of knowledge-based human capital. It is equally
important to understand existing local knowledge, how this is shared, added to and what purpose it
serves. For example, some knowledge can be highly useful for production – think of knowledge about
modern, intensive farming techniques – but be neutral or negative in terms of its effect upon the
environment and environmental sustainability. Or some knowledge – again, think of knowledge for
production, either agricultural or industrial – may be effectively useless unless it is coupled with other
types of knowledge (knowledge about how to market goods, about appropriate quality standards, etc.)
The following types of questions are likely to be important when thinking about human capital:
• How complex is the local environment (the more complex the problems, the greater the importance
of knowledge)?
• From where (what sources, networks) do people access information that they feel is valuable to
their livelihoods?
• Which groups, if any, are excluded from accessing these sources?
• Does this ‘exclusion’ affect the nature of information available? (e.g. if women are excluded, then
knowledge of traditionally female production activities may be limited.)
• Are knowledge ‘managers’ (e.g. teachers or core members of knowledge networks) from a particular
social background that affects the type of knowledge that exists in the community?
• Is there a tradition of local innovation? Are technologies in use from ‘internal’ or ‘external’ sources?
• Do people feel that they are particularly lacking in certain types of information?
• How aware are people of their rights and of the policies, legislation and regulation that impact on
their livelihoods? If they do consider themselves to be aware, how accurate is their understanding?
Knowledge generation should
be based upon a broad
understanding of the current
livelihood strategies of the
poor and the internal and
external factors that may
cause these to change.
Clearly there is a close
relationship between the way
that knowledge is generated
and transmitted and social
capital (see 2.3.2). High levels
of social capital can therefore
substantially add to human
capital. Minimum levels of
other types of capital – plus
broadly conducive transforming
structures and processes – may
be necessary to give people the
incentive to invest in their own
human capital.

FRAMEWORK SOCIAL CAPITAL 2.3.2
What is social capital?
There is much debate about what exactly is meant by the term ‘social capital’. In the context of the
sustainable livelihoods framework it is taken to mean the social resources upon which people draw in
pursuit of their livelihood objectives. These are developed through:
• networks and connectedness, either vertical (patron/client) or horizontal (between individuals
with shared interests) that increase people’s trust and ability to work together and expand their
access to wider institutions, such as political or civic bodies;
• membership of more formalised groups which often entails adherence to mutually-agreed or
commonly accepted rules, norms and sanctions; and
• relationships of trust, reciprocity and exchanges that facilitate co-operation, reduce transaction
costs and may provide the basis for informal safety nets amongst the poor.
The above are all inter-related. For example, membership of groups and associations can extend
people’s access to and influence over other institutions. Likewise trust is likely to develop between
people who are connected through kinship relations or otherwise.
Of all the five livelihood building blocks, social capital is the most intimately connected toTransforming
Structures and Processes (see 2.4). In fact, it can be useful to think of social capital as a product of
these structures and processes, though this over-simplifies the relationship. Structures and processes
might themselves be products of social capital; the relationship goes two ways and can be self-
reinforcing. For example:
• when people are already linked through common norms and sanctions they may be more likely to
form new organisations to pursue their interests; and
• strong civil society groups help people to shape policies and ensure that their interests are reflected
in legislation.
Mutual trust and reciprocity lower the costs of working together. This means that social capital has a
direct impact upon other types of capital:
• By improving the efficiency of economic relations, social capital can help increase people’s incomes
and rates of saving (financial capital). (Isolated studies have shown that communities with ‘higher
levels’ of social capital are wealthier – but questions remain about measuring social capital.)
• Social capital can help to reduce the ‘free rider’ problems associated with public goods. This means
that it can be effective in improving the management of common resources (natural capital) and
the maintenance of shared infrastructure (physical capital).
• Social networks facilitate innovation, the development of knowledge and sharing of that knowledge.
There is, therefore, a close relationship between social and human capital.
Social capital, like other types of capital, can also be valued as a good in itself. It can make a particularly
important contribution to people’s sense of well-being (through identity, honour and belonging).
Is it always positive?
Social capital can be used in negative as well as positive ways.
• Those who are excluded from strong groups that convey multiple benefits may be disadvantaged in a
variety of other ways (e.g. landless women with few skills).
• Networks may be based upon strictly hierarchical or coercive relationships that limit mobility and
prevent people from escaping from poverty.
• Membership of a group or network often entails obligations (e.g. to assist others in times of distress)
as well as rights (to call upon assistance). Calls for assistance may come at difficult times.
Some people choose to
distinguish between social
capital and ‘political capital’,
derived from access to wider
institutions of society. Though
we do not make this distinction
here, this should not be taken
to suggest a ‘downgrading’ of
the importance of political
factors and issues of access
beyond the community.
As well as having its own
intrinsic value, social capital
may be particularly important
as a ‘resource of last resort’
for the poor and vulnerable.
It can:
• provide a buffer that helps
them cope with shocks,
such as death in the family;
• act as an informal safety
net to ensure survival
during periods of intense
insecurity; and
• compensate for a lack of
other types of capital (e.g.
shared labour groups
compensating for limited
human capital within the
household).

April 1999
SOCIAL CAPITAL FRAMEWORK
What can be done to build the social capital of the poor?
Social capital has the fortunate quality of being, in some cases, self-reinforcing; stocks can be
increased, rather than depleted, by the right type of use. Neglect, on the other hand, can undermine
social capital and trust (unlike savings in the bank which, if neglected, continue to accrue). Social
capital can also be actively, though often unintentionally, destroyed through heavy-handed
interventions that impose new social relations without taking into account the strengths of the old.
Most attempts to build social capital focus on strengthening local institutions, either directly (through
capacity building, leadership training or injection of resources) or indirectly through creating an
open, democratic environment in which they flourish.
While empowerment of groups may be a primary objective, social capital can also be a by-product
of other activities (e.g. participatory research groups formed to develop and test technologies may
develop a life of their own). Most commonly, increases in social capital are pursued in conjunction
with, or as a necessary component of, support in other areas. Thus joint responsibility savings and
credit groups rely on social capital, as do integrated pest management efforts which require joint
action to combat a problem.
What type of information is required to analyse social capital?
Levels of social capital are hard to gauge from the outside. They may be discernible only after
lengthy analysis (which may be beyond project/programme resources) and it is unlikely that they
will be quantifiable. For example, simply counting the number of registered groups in a community
is not likely to yield a measure of social capital; group nature and quality is as important as group
numbers. Often we will be looking at trends – whether the state of social organisation appears to be
becoming better or worse for livelihoods – rather than trying to gauge exact levels of social capital.
It is very important not to permit these difficulties to cause neglect of social factors when working
with communities. Over time it will be vital to develop an understanding of the nature of civic
relations at a wider community level, of the types of social resources upon which households rely
and of who is excluded from these benefits. Groups with overlapping membership can be particularly
problematic if it emerges that people with a particular social profile are excluded from all groups.
Another important point for observation is people’s coping strategies in times of crisis and the extent
to which they have relied on social resources to see them through.
(For further suggestions in this area see the KeySheet on social capital. KeySheets are available on
the Internet at: http://www.oneworld.org/odi/keysheets/)
There is clearly much to learn
about building social capital,
including:
• how best to support groups
(especially of the poor who
may lack time for group
activities);
• what are appropriate
indicators of effective group
functioning; and
• what is the relationship
between various types of
government structure and
ideology and the ‘density’ of
social capital at the
community level.
DFID sustainable livelihoods objective: A more supportive and cohesive social environment.
Achieved through (for example):
• To improve the internal
functioning of groups
- leadership
- management
• To extend external links of local
groups
• To group/network formation and
structure
• To the development of more open
and reliable policy environment
(‘good governance’)
• To organisations to help them
develop systems for external
consultation with civil society
• Self-reinforcing relationships
(e.g. success in increasing the
sustainability of natural
resource use can strengthen
the managing group)
• Greater household income may
extend scope for participation in
external activities
accumulation
Indirect support
(virtuous circles)

FRAMEWORK NATURAL CAPITAL 2.3.3
What is natural capital?
Natural capital is the term used for the natural resource stocks from which resource flows and services
(e.g. nutrient cycling, erosion protection) useful for livelihoods are derived. There is a wide variation in
the resources that make up natural capital, from intangible public goods such as the atmosphere and
biodiversity to divisible assets used directly for production (trees, land, etc.).
Within the sustainable livelihoods framework, the relationship between natural capital and the
Vulnerability Context is particularly close. Many of the shocks that devastate the livelihoods of the
poor are themselves natural processes that destroy natural capital (e.g. fires that destroy forests, floods
and earthquakes that destroy agricultural land) and seasonality is largely due to changes in the value
or productivity of natural capital over the year.
Clearly, natural capital is very important to those who derive all or part of their livelihoods from
resource-based activities (farming, fishing, gathering in forests, mineral extraction, etc.). However, its
importance goes way beyond this. None of us would survive without the help of key environmental
services and food produced from natural capital. Health (human capital) will tend to suffer in areas where
airqualityispooras a result of industrialactivities or naturaldisasters (e.g.forest fires). And although our
understanding of linkages between resources remains limited, we know that we depend for our health
and well-being upon the continued functioning of complex ecosystems (which are often undervalued
until the adverse effects of disturbing them become apparent).
What can be done to build the natural capital of the poor?
Past donor rural development efforts focused largely on building natural capital. Indeed concern with
natural capital itself has tended to detract attention from the more important issue of how natural
capital is used, in combination with other assets, to sustain livelihoods. The livelihoods approach tries
to take a broader view, to focus on people and to understand the importance of structures and processes
(e.g. land allocation systems, rules governing extraction from fisheries, etc.) in determining the way in
which natural capital is used and the value that it creates.
Examples of natural capital and
services deriving from it:
• land
• forests
• marine/wild resources
• water
• air quality
• erosion protection
• waste assimilation
• storm protection
• biodiversity degree and rate
of change.
For all these it is important to
consider access and quality and
how both are changing.
• Reform of organisations that
supply services to those involved
in forests/agriculture/fisheries
• Changes in institutions that
manage, and govern access to,
natural resources
• Environmental legislation and
enforcement mechanisms
• Support to market development
to increase the value of forest/
agricultural/fisheries produce
• To conserve resources and
biodiversity (through technology
and direct action)
• To the provision of services/
inputs for forestry, agriculture,
fisheries
• More sustainable use of natural
resources has a direct impact
upon stocks of natural capital
• Some positive correlation
between higher income and
investment in natural capital
DFID sustainable livelihoods objective: More secure access to, and better management of, natural
resources. Achieved through (for example):
accumulation
Indirect support
(virtuous circles)

April 1999
NATURAL CAPITAL FRAMEWORK
These structures and processes govern access to natural resources and can provide the incentives or
coercion necessary to improve resource management. For example, if markets are well-developed, the
value of resources is likely to be higher, prompting better management (though in some cases, developed
markets can lead to distress sales by the poor resulting in increased poverty).
Though indirect support to natural capital through Transforming Structures and Processes is very
important, direct support – focused on resources themselves as opposed to people’s ability to use those
resources – still has a place when it comes to conservation for future use (e.g. in situ biodiversity
conservation). One of the foundations of the sustainable livelihoods approach is the belief in and
pursuit of various types of sustainability (see 1.4). This includes, but is not limited to, environmental
sustainability (i.e. sustainability of natural capital and the services that derive from it, such as carbon
sinks and erosion control).
What kind of information is required to analyse natural capital?
It is not only the existence of different types of natural assets that is important, but also access, quality
and how various natural assets combine and vary over time (e.g. seasonal variations in value). For
example, degraded land with depleted nutrients is of less value to livelihoods than high quality, fertile
land, and the value of both will be much reduced if users do not have access to water and the physical
capital or infrastructure that enables them to use that water.
With natural resources it is also very important to investigate long-term trends in quality and use. This
is familiar territory for those skilled in the practice of rural appraisal techniques (mapping, transect
walks, etc.). Typical issues for analysis might include:
• Which groups have access to which types of natural resources?
• What is the nature of access rights (e.g. private ownership, rental, common ownership, highly
contested access)? How secure are they? Can they be defended against encroachment?
• Is there evidence of significant conflict over resources?
• How productive is the resource (issues of soil fertility, structure, salinisation, value of different tree
species, etc.)? How has this been changing over time (e.g. variation in yields)?
• Is there existing knowledge that can help increase the productivity of resources?
• Is there much spatial variability in the quality of the resource?
• How is the resource affected by externalities? (For example: the productive potential of different
parts of watersheds is affected by the activities of other users and the way in which resource systems
operate; the value of fisheries depends upon the number of other users who have access and the
choices they make about their catches; biodiversity is often damaged by intensive agriculture.)
• How versatile is the resource? Can it be used for multiple purposes? (This can be important in
cushioning users against particular shocks.)
Environmental economists have invested considerable effort in trying to determine overall values for
natural assets that take into account:
• direct use value (e.g. of land used for agricultural production or of recreational areas);
• indirect use value (e.g. biodiversity, erosion protection and other ecological services); and
• non-use value, or existence value (often calculated on the basis of the amount people would be
willing to pay to see the continued existence of a given resource, regardless of whether they use it).
This type of valuation exercise helps remind us of the many uses of natural resources and also of our
obligations as ‘custodians’ rather than ‘owners’. However, most livelihoods analysis of natural capital
will not go this far. Indirect use values are likely to feature prominently in calculations only when they
are problematic or where they offer significant income prospects. For example:
• Problems might arise where tree felling has caused knock-on erosion problems, or over-exploitation
of coastal areas is leading to increased storm damage in adjacent areas.
• Significant income earning opportunities might exist in areas of high natural biodiversity.
Various organisations
(including the World Bank, the
Royal Tropical Institute in the
Netherlands, various CGIAR
centres and the University of
Bradford, Development and
Project Planning Centre) are
currently working on the
development and refinement of
(participatory) indicators of
environmental sustainability
and resource quality.

FRAMEWORK PHYSICAL CAPITAL 2.3.4
What is physical capital?
Physical capital comprises the basic infrastructure and producer goods needed to support livelihoods.
• Infrastructure consists of changes to the physical environment that help people to meet their basic
needs and to be more productive.
• Producer goods are the tools and equipment that people use to function more productively.
The following components of infrastructure are usually essential for sustainable livelihoods:
• affordable transport;
• secure shelter and buildings;
• adequate water supply and sanitation;
• clean, affordable energy; and
• access to information (communications).
Infrastructure is commonly a public good that is used without direct payment. Exceptions include
shelter, which is often privately owned, and some other infrastructure that is accessed for a fee related
to usage (e.g. toll roads and energy supplies). Producer goods may be owned on an individual or group
basis or accessed through rental or ‘fee for service’ markets, the latter being common with more
sophisticated equipment.
Many participatory poverty assessments have found that a lack of particular types of infrastructure is
considered to be a core dimension of poverty. Without adequate access to services such as water and
energy, human health deteriorates and long periods are spent in non-productive activities such as the
collection of water and fuel wood. The opportunity costs associated with poor infrastructure can
preclude education, access to health services and income generation. For example, without transport
infrastructure, essential fertiliser cannot be distributed effectively, agricultural yields remain low and
it is then difficult and expensive to transport limited produce to the market. The increased cost (in
terms of all types of capital) of production and transport means that producers operate at a comparative
disadvantage in the market.
Insufficient or inappropriate producer goods also constrain people’s productive capacity and therefore
the human capital at their disposal. More time and effort are spent on meeting basic needs, production
and gaining access to the market.
What can be done to build physical capital for the poor?
In the past DFID has supported the direct provision of producer goods for poor people. This can be
problematic for a number of reasons:
• Acting as a direct supplier of producer goods can cause dependence and disrupt private markets.
• Direct provision can detract attention from the need to reform StructuresandProcesses to ensure
that gains are sustainable and producer goods are put to the best use.
• Many producer goods are private goods – direct provision through an external agency entails
favouring one set of potential recipients over another. This can be divisive and counter-productive.
In addition, when goods are ‘rationed’, the rich often manage to gain access at the expense of the
poor, for whom the goods were intended.
The livelihoods approach therefore focuses on helping to provide access to appropriate infrastructure
that enables poor people to achieve their livelihood objectives. Participatory approaches are essential
to establish users’ priorities and needs.
Infrastructure – such as roads,
rails and telecommunications –
are key to the integration of the
remote areas where many of
the poor live. Not only are
people able to move between
rural and urban areas more
easily if the transport
infrastructure is good, but they
are also more likely to be better
informed about opportunities
(or the lack of them) in areas to
which they are thinking of
migrating, either temporarily or
permanently.
Development of physical capital
must be led by demand from
the intended users. Without a
perceived need for the service
it is unlikely that the required
infrastructure maintenance
will be carried out, meaning
that the service is likely to
become unsustainable.

April 1999
PHYSICAL CAPITAL FRAMEWORK
‘Assistance for basic
infrastructure provision is most
effective when it is part of a
broader plan for improving the
effectiveness and coherence of
government.’
Basic infrastructure for poor
people. London: DFID (March
1998).
What kind of information is required to analyse physical capital?
The approach to analysing physical capital must be participatory. Users may place a greater importance
on some services than others and these priorities must be taken into account. For example, people may
prefer to use a surface water supply a long way away rather than to pump a well near at hand.
• Does the infrastructure support a service? There is little benefit in a school building if there are no
teachers, or the pupils cannot get to it when classes are being held.
• Is the infrastructure appropriate? Can the physical capital provided meet the needs of the users in
the long term. This involves not just the sustainability of the service as it stands but an analysis of
the ability of the capital to be adapted and upgraded in response to changing demand.
Access is also a key concern. Sometimes costly infrastructure exists in an area, but this does not mean
that the poor have access to it. This might be because the user-fees are too expensive for them, or
because richer groups use their strength and influence to control or monopolise access.
Physical capital (in particular infrastructure) can be expensive. It requires not only the initial capital
investment but an ongoing commitment of financial and human resources to meet the operation and
maintenance costs of the service. The emphasis is therefore on providing a level of service that not
only meets the immediate requirements of users but is affordable in the long term. It can also be
important to provide simultaneous support to skill- and capacity-development to ensure effective
management by local communities.
Infrastructure is only an asset in as far as it facilitates improved service provision to enable the poor to
meet their needs. For example, a participatory assessment may reveal that a key constraint to the
livelihoods of a particular group is the difficulty of carrying produce to market, especially during the
rainy season. A livelihoods `response’ to this problem will include not only improvements to the
physical infrastructure to improve water crossings, or drain a track during the rains, but also would also
consider encouraging an affordable transport service using appropriate vehicles, for example ox carts.
• Service provision
(e.g. development of
intermediate means of transport)
• Infrastructure provision
(e.g. pumped wells and latrines)
DFID sustainable livelihoods objective: Better access to basic and facilitating infrastructure.
accumulation
Indirect support
(virtuous circles)
• Reform within managing ministries
(possibly through sector programmes)
• Supporttosectorstrategiesand
regulatory frameworks – including
participatory processes with the poor
• Support tothe development of private
sectoralternatives
• Capacity building for community-
based construction and management
• Increased income is often spent
on shelter, water and power
supplies
• Better domestic infrastructure is
often a core component of well-
being

FRAMEWORK FINANCIAL CAPITAL 2.3.5
What is financial capital?
Financial capital denotes the financial resources that people use to achieve their livelihood objectives.
The definition used here is not economically robust in that it includes flows as well as stocks and it can
contribute to consumption as well as production. However, it has been adopted to try to capture an
important livelihood building block, namely the availability of cash or equivalent, that enables people
to adopt different livelihood strategies.
There are two main sources of financial capital.
• Available stocks: Savings are the preferred type of financial capital because they do not have
liabilities attached and usually do not entail reliance on others. They can be held in several forms:
cash, bank deposits or liquid assets such as livestock and jewellery. Financial resources can also be
obtained through credit-providing institutions.
• Regular inflows of money: Excluding earned income, the most common types of inflows are
pensions, or other transfers from the state, and remittances. In order to make a positive contribution
to financial capital these inflows must be reliable (while complete reliability can never be guaranteed
there is a difference between a one-off payment and a regular transfer on the basis of which
people can plan investments).
Financial capital is probably the most versatile of the five categories of assets.
• It can be converted – with varying degrees of ease, depending upon TransformingStructuresand
Processes – into other types of capital.
• It can be used for direct achievement of livelihood outcomes – for example when food is purchased
to reduce food insecurity.
• Rightly or wrongly, it can also be transformed into political influence and can free people up for
more active participation in organisations that formulate policy and legislation and govern access
to resources.
However, it is also the asset that tends to be the least available to the poor. Indeed, it is because the poor
lack financial capital that other types of capital are so important to them.
There are, in addition, assets or desirable outcomes that may not be achievable through the medium of
money (such as different components of well-being and knowledge of human rights).
What can be done to build financial capital for the poor?
Development agencies are not in the business of handing out money to poor people (direct support to
financial capital). Access to financial capital is instead supported through indirect means. These may be:
• Organisational – increasing the productivity of existing savings and financial flows by helping to
develop effective, tailored financial services organisations for the poor. So long as they are well-
trusted, accessible and widely-known they may encourage people to save. Another option might
be to help develop organisations that transit remittance income more efficiently to final recipients.
• Institutional – increasing access to financial services, including overcoming barriers associated
with poor people’s lack of collateral (either by providing some sort of umbrella guarantee or by
identifying mechanisms that enable people’s existing assets to act as collateral).
• Legislative/regulatory – working to reform the environment in which financial services operate or
to help governments provide better safety nets for the poor (including pensions).
The issue of institutional sustainability is of particularly importance in the area of micro-finance.
Unless people believe that financial service organisations will persist over time, and will continue to
charge reasonable rates of interest, they will not entrust their savings to them, or be reliable in making
their loan repayments.
Two important characteristics
of savings are varying levels of:
• productivity (how much
value do they gain when
they are left untouched?)
• liquidity (how readily they
can be turned into cash?).
Generally speaking, both are
desirable characteristics,
though liquidity also has a
downside: the more liquid one’s
savings, the more difficult it
tends to be to defend them
from claims from family
members or others.
There may also be trade-offs
between liquidity and
productivity as well as between
productivity and risk.

April 1999
FINANCIAL CAPITAL FRAMEWORK
Although financial capital tends to be quite versatile, it cannot alone solve all the problems of
poverty. People may not be able to put their financial resources to good use because:
• they lack knowledge (and cannot purchase this knowledge with small amounts of money); or
• they are constrained by inappropriate Transforming Structures and Processes (e.g. under-
developed markets, a policy environment that hinders micro-enterprise, etc.).
It is important to take these factors into consideration when planning support. On the positive side,
it is also important to be aware of the way in which existing social structures and relations (forms
of social capital) can help facilitate group-based lending approaches.
When savings are held in unconventional forms, particular to the needs and culture of owners,
different modes of support may be appropriate. For example, pastoralists may be more likely to
benefit from improved animal health or marketing systems that reduce the risks associated with
their savings (held in the form of livestock) than the establishment of a local bank.
There is ample literature on the
subject of building financial
services. For a summary of
issues in rural areas, please
refer to the Key Sheet on rural
finance. This Key Sheet stresses
the importance of considering
credit as one of a range of
financial services to which the
poor should have access.
What kind of information is required to analyse financial capital?
First it is important to gain a straightforward understanding of:
• Which types of financial service organisations exist (both formal and informal)?
• What services do they provide, under what conditions (interest rates, collateral requirements, etc.)?
• Who – which groups or types of people – has access? What prevents others from gaining access?
• What are the current levels of savings and loans?
Understanding the nature of savings behaviour requires finding answers to questions such as:
• In what form do people currently keep their savings (livestock, jewellery, cash, bank deposits, etc.)?
• What are the risks of these different options? How liquid are they? How subject to changes in value
depending upon when they are liquidated?
In the past, the existence and effects of what can be quite sizeable flows of remittance income have
often been over-looked. To correct this, it is important to understand:
• How many households (and what type) have family members living away who remit money?
• How is remittance income transmitted?
• How reliable are remittances? Do they vary by season? How much money is involved?
• Who controls remittance income when it arrives? How is it used? Is it reinvested?
DFID sustainable livelihoods objective: More secure access to financial resources.
accumulation
Indirect support
(virtuous circles)
• NONE • Support to the development of
financial services organisations
(savings, credit, insurance)
• Extending access to financial
services organisations
• Reform of financial sector
legislation/regulation
• Support to develop marketing
(e.g. for pastoralists)
• Increased income increases the
scope for saving
• More sustainable resource
management prolongs financial
flows from natural capital

FRAMEWORK TRANSFORMING STRUCTURES & PROCESSES 2.4
Transforming Structures and Processes within the livelihoods framework are the institutions,
organisations, policies and legislation that shape livelihoods. Their importance cannot be over-
emphasised. They operate at all levels, from the household to the international arena, and in all
spheres, from the most private to the most public. They effectively determine:
• access (to various types of capital, to livelihood strategies and to decision-making bodies and
sources of influence);
• the terms of exchange between different types of capital; and
• returns (economic and otherwise) to any given livelihood strategy.
In addition, they have a direct impact upon whether people are able to achieve a feeling of inclusion
and well-being. Because culture is included in this area they also account for other ‘unexplained’
differences in the ‘way things are done’ in different societies.
Examples: Access to shelter and land
In order to understand the basis for the asset distribution at the level of the individual or community,
it is necessary to extend the analysis well beyond to the relevantTransformingStructuresandProcesses.
Table 2 provides an example of the various types and levels of structure and process that affect access
to shelter and land.
It is through activity at the
level of structures and
processes that DFID aims to
secure its sixth livelihood
objective: a policy and
institutional environment
that supports multiple
livelihood strategies and
promotes equitable access to
competitive markets for all.
Table 2
Shelter Land
ACCESS TO
STRUCTURES
PROCESSES
• Efficacy of organisations that make and enforce
legislation
• Efficacy of organisations that make and enforce
legislation
Public sector
• Existence of building organisations, material
suppliers, transport, credit organisations
• Existence of credit organisations and land
traders
Private commercial
• Existence of self-help, self-build groups • Existence of local resource management
organisations
Civil society
• National land use policies
• Policies on settlement priorities, credit
availability, etc.
• National land use policies
• Policies on decentralisation of resource
management
Policy
• Local conventions on land allocation/inheritance
• Informal restrictions on land ownership
• Existing ownership rights and power relations
• The state of land markets
• Local conventions on land allocation/inheritance
• Informal restrictions on shelter ownership
• Existing ownership rights and power relations
• The state of housing/land markets
Institutions
• Within household power relations and
conventions on access to shelter
• Within household power relations and
conventions on access to land
Culture
• National/district land legislation
• The rule of law in general
(security of persons/transactions)
• Housing, health and social law
• National/district land legislation
• The rule of law in general
(security of persons/transactions)
Legislation

April 1999
The value of shelter and land
The value to livelihoods of assets depends upon a further range of structures and processes, for example:
• Shelter: the value of shelter is particularly affected by the existence of organisations that supply
services, such as water, waste disposal and electricity, and policies/institutions that regulate
access to these. The value of the location of any shelter may be affected by cultural beliefs.
• Land: the value of land will be affected by policies and laws on agriculture, environment, import/
export, marketing, etc. It will also depend upon the existence and effectiveness of agricultural
technology organisations, private sector trading/financing organisations and membership
organisations that can influence policy and draw down services for those engaged in agriculture.
Cultural issues will affect land and labour use and local institutions will govern share-cropping
percentages (where relevant).
Analysing transforming structures and processes
Methods for conducting cost effective, linked policy and institutional analysis at multiple levels are
not well developed. However, a useful starting point for analysis may be to investigate the overall
relationship between Transforming Structures and Processes and communities/individuals. This is
the context – or governance structure – that confers legitimacy on different organisations and
provides the framework within which they operate.
The following general ideas – drawn from work in progress at IIED – may be useful when thinking
about both governance and the individual structures and processes that affect livelihoods.
• Roles: Who (which organisations) actually does what? (i.e. reality as opposed to theory)
• Responsibilities: What responsibilities do different organisations have? Is there adequate
responsibility at lower levels and outside formal structures? How are responsibilities established
and enforced? Are they reflected in policy/legislation?
• Rights: How aware are different groups/organisations of their basic human and political rights?
Do given groups have other rights (including rights to collect revenue)? Are these commensurate
with responsibilities? How are they enforced/safeguarded?
• Relations: What is the current state of relations between different groups? How do policies
(and the bodies that make them) relate to legislation (and the bodies that implement this)?
It is always important to think beyond the state of the structures and processes themselves to the
effect that these have on the livelihoods of different groups.
Relationships within the framework
The influence of Transforming Structures and Processes extends throughout the framework:
• There is direct feedback to the Vulnerability ContextVulnerability ContextVulnerability ContextVulnerability ContextVulnerability Context. Processes (policies), established and
implemented through structures, affect trends both directly (e.g. fiscal policy/economic trends)
and indirectly (e.g. health policy/population trends). They can also help cushion the impact of
externalshocks(e.g.policyondroughtreliefandthedensity of relief providingagencies).Other types
ofprocessesarealsoimportant.Forexample,well-functioningmarketscanhelpreducetheeffectsof
seasonality by facilitating inter-area trade.
• Institutions can absolutely restrict people’s choice of Livelihood StrategiesLivelihood StrategiesLivelihood StrategiesLivelihood StrategiesLivelihood Strategies (e.g. in rigid caste
systems). More common are policies and regulations that affect the attractiveness of particular
livelihood choices through their impact upon expected returns.
• There may also be a direct impact on Livelihood OutcomesLivelihood OutcomesLivelihood OutcomesLivelihood OutcomesLivelihood Outcomes. Responsive political structures that
implement pro-poor policies, including extending social services into the areas in which the poor
live, can significantly increase people’s sense of well-being. They can promote awareness of
rights and a sense of self-control. They can also help reduce vulnerability through the provision of
social safety nets. Relationships between various policies and the sustainability of resource use
are complex and sometimes quite significant.
TRANSFORMING STRUCTURES AND PROCESSES FRAMEWORK
Governance has much to do
with the two-way ‘influence
& access’ arrows between
people’s assets and
TransformingStructuresand
Processes.
A priority for future work will
be to develop both:
• a better understanding of
overall governance
structures and their effect
onlivelihoods; and
• better ways to understand
the relationships between
the micro and the macro to
enable us to pinpoint, with
confidence, where
constraints to the
development of more
sustainable livelihoods lie.
influenceinfluenceinfluenceinfluenceinfluence
&&&&& accessaccessaccessaccessaccess
TTTTT
SSSSS
&
PPPPP
H
P
S N
F

FRAMEWORK STRUCTURES 2.4.1
What are structures?
Structures in the framework are the hardware – the organisations, both private and public – that set
and implement policy and legislation, deliver services, purchase, trade and perform all manner of other
functions that affect livelihoods. They draw their legitimacy from the basic governance framework.
Structures exist at various levels. This is most obvious in the case of governmental organisations. These
operate in cascading levels with varying degrees of autonomy and scope of authority, depending upon
the extent and nature of decentralisation. Private commercial organisations also operate at different
levels from the multi-national to the very local; it is not only the local level that is relevant to
livelihoods. Analysis should therefore be sensitive to the roles and responsibilities of the different
levels of structures and seek to identify those that are of greatest importance to livelihoods.
Why are structures important?
Structures are important because they make processes function. Without legislative bodies there is
no legislation. Without courts to enforce it, legislation is meaningless. Without traders, markets
would be limited to direct trades between buyers and sellers. An absence of appropriate structures can
be a major constraint to development. This is a particular problem in remote rural areas. Many
important organisations – both private and public sector – do not reach these areas. As a result
services go undelivered, markets do not function and people’s overall vulnerability and poverty
increases. Moreover, when people do not have access to organisations of the state they often have
little knowledge of their rights and only a very limited understanding of the way in which government
functions. This disenfranchises them and makes it hard for them to exert pressure for change in the
processes (policies, legislation, etc.) that affect their livelihoods.
What can be done to build structures for the poor?
One of the most common problems in development is that TransformingStructuresandProcesses do
not work to the benefit of the poor. This can be a deliberate outcome driven by the failure of prevailing
– elite controlled – governance arrangements to recognise the legitimate interests of the poor. Or it
can be more accidental, the result of an evolutionary process in which the poor have played little part.
External support can help solve these problems through building structures for the poor. However,
structures on their own – without accompanying processes – have only ‘potential’ or ‘option’ value;
the two must be considered together. It is not effective to invest in building impressive organisations
if the processes that govern their activity prevent them from providing benefits to the poor. For
example, it is not a good use of money to provide capacity-building support to micro-finance
organisations if national legislation precludes the provision of financial services except by registered
banks. Likewise, it makes little sense to invest in building up networks of para-veterinarians if legislation
outlaws practice by non-registered vets. In such instances the primary, or at least simultaneous,
focus must be on processes and ensuring that these work to the benefit of the poor.
Farmers make their cultivation
choices based upon a number
of factors, including the
availability of germplasm. If
they are purchasing
germplasm, their choice will
be limited to the varieties
stocked by local traders.
These, in turn, will depend
upon the R&D choices made
by giant, multinational seed
companies. Farmers are
therefore affected by the
actions of both local and very
distant private organisations.
Public sector
• Political (legislative) bodies at various
levels from local through to national
• Executive agencies
(ministries, departments)
• Judicial bodies (courts)
• Parastatals/quasi-governmental
agencies
Private sector
• Commercial enterprises and
corporations
• Civil society/membership organisations
(of varying degrees of formality)
• NGOs (international, national, local)

April 1999
STRUCTURES FRAMEWORK
As long as due consideration is given to processes, the following types of activity at the level of
structures can achieve positive outcomes.
• Building structures that represent the poor: Membership organisations can help people to draw
down services, increase local information flows and innovation, exert influence on higher-level
structures and processes and perform numerous other functions. These can all be thought of as
dimensions of empowerment. However, capacity-building support is frequently required to ensure
that membership organisations remain representative of all their members – including the poorest
– and that they develop financial and internal management systems that facilitate effective
operation and interaction with other organisations.
• Promoting reform within structures that make policy and provide services to the poor:
Increasingtheresponsivenessofvariousorganisationstothepoorisanimportantobjective.Sometimes
thiscanbeachievedthroughhelpingorganisationstoextendthescopeoftheiractivity.Theremayalso
beaneedforstructuralchangewithinorganisations(e.g.decentralisation,rationalisationofdepartments,
etc.). More often it is a question of facilitating change in the way that organisations operate, their
organisational behaviour, reward systems and culture – i.e. processes rather than structures.
• Providing support to the establishment or expansion of scope of private sector organisations:
Competitive markets are valued for their economic efficiency and ‘built in’ responsiveness to
clients. But they will not function in the absence of traders (individuals and organisations). Where
missing markets seem to be a particular constraint, it may be appropriate to provide short-term
support (information, start-up finance, training, etc.) to certain types of private sector organisation
to stimulate their development.
• Supporting joint forums for decision-making and action: There are many dangers associated
with the creation of entirely new organisations. However, it can be important to support the
establishment and operation of new forums that bring together existing interests and organisations.
Such forums may be problem-oriented and temporary (e.g. if they are formed to resolve a particular
conflict) or more lasting (e.g. if they oversee common resource management). Problem-oriented
organisations may also develop into more permanent bodies if are successful and gain the trust of
local people.
What type of information is required to analyse structures?
It is relatively straightforward – though time-consuming – to analyse through observation and survey
which structures exist and what they do. What is more difficult to understand is how different structures
relate to each other (the processes that govern their interactions) and how, in conjunction with
various processes, they impact upon the poor, and vice versa.
Depending upon the importance attributed to various structures it may be important to understand
their:
• legal/constitutional basis, authority and jurisdiction (including degree of decentralisation);
• membership/ownership structure;
• leadership/management structure;
• objectives and activities;
• financial basis (sustainability); and
• geographic location/extent.
At the same time it is obviously important to understand how they operate (processes), the extent to
which they are held in popular trust and the nature of their relations with other structures.
This type of information is required in order to establish whether and how existing structures can act
as building blocks for the promotion of the interests of the poor.
At various times and in various
places, private sector –
particularly civil society –
organisations have been either
ignored or outlawed. As a
result, many of the private
sector organisations that exist
now are quite ‘young’, under-
developed and rather informal.
This can make them more
difficult to understand.
However, it may also mean
that they have significant
unrealised potential to
contribute to livelihoods.
In some cases appropriate
membership organisations may
not exist, in which case they
can be externally catalysed,
though this can create
problems of unsustainability
and dependence and is usually
best avoided.

FRAMEWORK PROCESSES 2.4.2
What are processes?
If structures can be thought of as hardware, processes can be thought of as software. They determine
the way in which structures – and individuals – operate and interact. And like software, they are both
crucial and complex: not only are there many types of processes operating at a variety of different
levels, but there is also overlap and conflict between them. The box shows just some of the transforming
processes of importance to livelihoods.
• Policies inform the development of new legislation and provide a framework for the actions of
public sector implementing agencies and their sub-contractors.
• Institutions have been variously defined as the ‘rules of the game’, ‘standard operating practices’,
‘routines, conventions and customs’ or ‘the way things are done’. They are informal practices that
structure relationships and make the behaviour of organisations somewhat predictable. Thus,
informal arrangements on land access are institutions, as are markets. ‘Rules of the game’ operate
both within structures and in interactions between structures.
• Institutions are embedded in and develop out of the culture of communities or larger societies.
• This culture will often include widely recognised hierarchies of power relations that confer a
particular status on people and constrain their behaviour and opportunities according to factors
that are essentially out of their control (age, gender, etc.).
Why are processes important?
Processes are important to every aspect of livelihoods – these are just some examples.
• They provide the incentives – from markets throughcultural constraints to coercion – that stimulate
people to make particular choices (about which livelihood strategy to pursue, where to pursue it,
how much to invest in different types of livelihood assets, how to manage a resource, etc.).
• They grant – or deny – access to assets.
• They enable people to transform one type of asset into another (through markets).
• They have a strong influence on inter-personal relations – how different groups treat each other.
Oneofthemainproblemsfacedbythepooristhattheprocessesthatframetheirlivelihoodssystematically
restrict them and their opportunities for advancement. This is a characteristic of social exclusion and
it is one reason why it is so important that governments adopt pro-poor policies. If higher-level policy
is genuinely pro-poor and designed to protect the rights of excluded minorities, this may in time filter
down and influence not only legislation but also less formal processes.
What can be done to build processes for the poor?
The fact that processes can ‘transform’ livelihoods makes them a key focus for donor activity. The aim
is to build or reform policies, laws and institutions (culture is not an area for direct donor activity) so
that they provide better opportunities for the poor.
It may sometimes be in the
interests of the poor to
substitute ‘formal’ processes
for ‘informal’ ones, extending
the reach of the state into new
areas (for example, when a
government enacts legislation
on equal opportunities or
gender discrimination or when
customary land tenure
arrangements are superseded
by formal legislation). Before
such changes are made, the
impact on livelihoods of
existing arrangements should
be fully understood – formal is
not always better.
Policies
• Macro
• Sectoral
• Redistributive
• Regulatory
Legislation
• International
agreements
• Domestic
Institutions
• Markets
• Institutions that
regulate access
to assets
• ‘Rules of game’
within structures
Culture
• Societal norms
and beliefs
Power Relations
• Age
• Gender
• Caste
• Class
When people engage in market
transactions they have certain
expectations of how different
parties will behave. Markets
cannot function in the absence
of this reliability (and
associated sanctions for those
who ‘break the rules’).

April 1999
PROCESSES FRAMEWORK
This may entail, amongst other things:
• providing information to support a more pro-poor policy-making process;
• deepening and strengthening the contact between the poor and policy makers (reinforcing the
arrow that runs from the asset pentagon towards TransformingStructuresandProcesses);
• supporting participatory processes of policy formulation;
• increasing the accountability and transparency of public decision-making (a key objective of
decentralisation, also achieved by separating delivery from the regulation and financing of services);
• assisting with the planning, drafting and implementation of legislation of importance to the poor
(e.g. land tenure legislation);
• promoting the adoption of redistributive policies and the establishment of social safety nets that
directly benefit the poor;
• promoting the expansion of fair and competitive markets;
• providing support to help local organisations adopt pro-poor ways of operating; and
• improving the institutional context of private decision-making (reducing risk, streamlining
regulation, ensuring fairness, etc.).
One comprehensive means of addressing problems in this area is through sector programmes. The
potential of these to benefit the poor has not yet been fully realised. While their intentions may be very
good, they can become too concerned with the structures that execute processes and fail to ensure
that the processes themselves adequately represent the interests of the poor.
Amongst other things, sector programmes are concerned with defining the appropriate role of the state
and helping it to execute this role better. This improves the efficiency of public sector management. It
also helps to promote markets both directly (the state has a role in facilitating markets) and indirectly
(as the state retreats from areas of the market in which there is no justification for it to remain).
Markets can provide enormous opportunities for poor people (think, for example, of the production
boom when Chinese agriculture was liberalised), but they can also discriminate against the interests
of poor people. Local culture frequently prevents women from accessing markets and markets often
fail to reach the poorest rural areas, thereby further marginalising them. Donors may be able to help
address this problem by both supporting the extension of structures into remote areas and reducing the
costs associated with market development (standardising weights and measures, helping to make
financial regulations more conducive to trading, etc.).
What type of information is required to analyse processes?
In order to understand the impact of existing processes on livelihoods, it is necessary to be able to trace
through the effects of given processes on particular groups. The understanding gained through this
analysis will then assist with the development of more effective processes, if this is a priority.
Analysis of policies and legislation is complicated by the need to know:
• what is written in statute books;
• what the intended effects of policies and associated laws are; and
• what happens in practice.
Some policies and legislation – including some of governments’ more impressive pronouncements -
are never acted upon or are not enforced. In other cases they may have perverse outcomes (e.g.
legislation preventing tree-felling may reduce the amount of trees planted, changes in factor prices
under adjustment policies may not have the expected impact on production). Unless this is known, it
will not be easy to think about the effects of processes on livelihoods and whether change is a priority.
Further work is required to develop more effective methodologies for analysing policies, their effects
on livelihoods and how they themselves are influenced by what happens at local level.
Analysis of processes should be
selective, casting a wide net at
the outset and then - with the
help of participatory exercises
with various groups of local
people - homing in on key
areas for more in-depth work.
influenceinfluenceinfluenceinfluenceinfluence
&&&&& accessaccessaccessaccessaccess
TTTTT
SSSSS
&
PPPPP
H
P
S N
F

FRAMEWORK LIVELIHOOD STRATEGIES 2.5
The livelihoods approach seeks to promote choice, opportunity and diversity. This is nowhere more
apparent than in its treatment of livelihood strategies – the overarching term used to denote the range
and combination of activities and choices that people make/undertake in order to achieve their
livelihood goals (including productive activities, investment strategies, reproductive choices, etc.).
Diversity, straddling and linkages
Recent studies have drawn attention to the enormous diversity of livelihood strategies at every level –
within geographic areas, across sectors, within households and over time. This is not a question of
people moving from one form of employment or ‘own-account’ activity (farming, fishing) to another.
Rather, it is a dynamic process in which they combine activities to meet their various needs at different
times. A common manifestation of this at the household level is ‘straddling’ whereby different members
of the household live and work in different places, temporarily (e.g. seasonal migration) or permanently.
Social patterns such as this clearly complicate analysis and underline the importance of viewing
households and communities within their wider context. Since goods, financial resources and people
are all mobile, an accurate picture of livelihoods cannot be gained if artificial boundaries are drawn.
Thus links between urban and rural centres will need to be explored, as will the implications for
decision-making and asset usage of split families .
What can be done to assist poor people with their livelihood strategies?
In the past rural people were essentially viewed as farmers, foresters or fisherfolk and urban people
were generally considered to be wage labourers seeking employment or participants in the `informal
sector’.Developmenteffortssoughttoimprovetheservicesandopportunitiesavailabletothesecategories
of people. The sustainable livelihoods approach, by contrast, seeks to develop an understanding of the
factors that lie behind people’s choice of livelihood strategy and then to reinforce the positive aspects
(factors which promote choice and flexibility) and mitigate the constraints or negative influences. It
does not try to promote any given livelihood strategy simply because the `raw materials’ (e.g. forests,
land, employment opportunities) for this exist.
This expansion of choice and value is important because it provides people with opportunities for self-
determination and the flexibility to adapt over time. It is most likely to be achieved by working to
improve poor people’s access to assets – the building blocks for livelihood strategies – and to make the
structures and processes that ‘transform’ these into livelihood outcomes more responsive to their
needs.
Access to assets
People’s access to different levels and combinations of assets is probably the major influence on their
choice of livelihood strategies. Some activities require, for example:
• particular skills or may be very labour intensive (high levels of human capital required);
• start-up(financial)capitalorgoodphysicalinfrastructureforthetransportofgoods(physicalcapital);
• a certain type/level of natural capital as the basis for production; or
• access to a given group of people achievable only though existing social connections (social capital).
Different livelihood activities have different requirements, but the general principle is that those who
are amply endowed with assets are more likely to be able to make positive livelihood choices. That is,
they will be choosing from a range of options in order to maximise their achievement of positive
livelihood outcomes, rather than being forced into any given strategy because it is their only option.
Structures and Processes
Transforming Structures and Processes can reinforce positive choices. If they function well, they will
facilitate mobility in labour markets and reduce risk and the transaction costs associated with embarking
Some versions of livelihoods
analysis use the term ‘adaptive
strategies’ instead of ‘livelihood
strategies’. Adaptive strategies
are distinguished from ‘coping
strategies’ adopted in times of
crisis.
This sheet draws on the work of Frank Ellis at UEA.
The more choice and flexibility
that people have in their
livelihood strategies, the
greater their ability to
withstand – or adapt to – the
shocks and stresses of the
VulnerabilityContext.

April 1999
LIVELIHOOD STRATEGIES FRAMEWORK
upon new ventures. They can also increase the efficiency of investment. However, in other cases they
can act as a major constraint to choice, restricting access (e.g. in the case of rigid caste systems or
state-dominated marketing systems), reducing the mobility of goods and labour and manipulating
returns to given activities to make them more or less attractive (e.g. heavy-handed pricing policies).
Under such circumstances, people might be viewed as making ‘negative choices’ as to their livelihood
strategies, or they may have no choice at all. Effort in this area should therefore focus on turning the
negative into positive – widening choice, reducing costs and extending access.
What type of information is required to analyse livelihood strategies?
It is very important that preconceptions about what the poor do – what their livelihood strategies are
– should be put aside. It has been common in the past to make untested assumptions about the poor,
and as a consequence, to misdirect support (e.g. supporting agriculture on the assumption that most
of the poor are farmers, when the poorest of the poor may be wage labourers outside agriculture).
The following types of issues are important when thinking about livelihood strategies.
• What does the livelihood ‘portfolio’ of different social groups look like (percentage of income from
different sources, amount of time and resources devoted to each activity by different household
members, etc.)?
• How and why is this changing over time? (Changes may be, for example: long-term, in response to
external environmental change; medium-term as part of the domestic cycle; or short-term in
response to new opportunities or threats.)
• How long-term is people’s outlook? Are they investing in assets for the future (saving)? If so, which
types of assets are a priority?
• How ‘positive’ are the choices that people are making? (e.g. would people migrate seasonally if
there were income earning opportunities available closer to home or if they were not saddled with
unpayable debt? are they ‘bonded’ in any way? are women able to make their own choices or are
they constrained by family pressure/local custom?)
• Which combinations of activities appear to be ‘working’ best? Is there any discernible pattern of
activities adopted by those who have managed to escape from poverty?
• Which livelihood objectives are not achievable through current livelihood strategies?
As always, it is important to take a socially differentiated view of livelihood strategies in order to focus
support in the most appropriate area. This means thinking about variations in livelihoods strategies
between different social groups, why these exist and what effect they have.
Caveat: Competing livelihood strategies
One of the many problems of development is that projects while favouring some, can disadvantage
others. When considering livelihood strategies it is important to recognise that people compete (for
jobs, for markets, to secure better prices, etc.). This makes it difficult for everyone to achieve simultaneous
improvements in their livelihoods.
The sustainable livelihoods approach values social sustainability, inclusion and equity and prioritises the
interests of the poor. But the poor are themselves a heterogeneous, and internally competitive, grouping.
There is no ‘solution’ to this problem. However, its existence does underscore the importance of:
• extending choice and opportunities for the poor and building up their ability to take advantage of
these opportunities (through building capital assets) while leaving them to make the final choice
of what they will do; and
• thinking about safety nets for those who remain unable to achieve their livelihood objectives in
what will always be a competitive environment.
Strategies are intimately
connected with people’s
objectives – the beneficial
Livelihood Outcomes that they
seek.
IDS has developed a useful
checklist of questions about
livelihood strategies.
• Sequencing – what is the
starting point for
successfully establishing a
particular livelihood
strategy? Is one type of
resource essential?
• Clustering – is there a
clustering of particular
livelihood assets associated
with particular livelihood
strategies?
• Trade-offs – in pursuing a
particular portfolio of
livelihood strategies, what
are the trade-offs faced by
different people with access
to different assets?
Adapted from: Scoones, I. (1998)
Sustainable rural livelihoods: A
framework for analysis. IDS Working
Paper 72. Brighton: IDS.

FRAMEWORK LIVELIHOOD OUTCOMES 2.6
LivelihoodOutcomes are the achievements or outputs of LivelihoodStrategies.Once again, theimportant
idea associated with this component of the framework is that we, as outsiders, investigate, observe
and listen, rather than jumping to quick conclusions or making hasty judgements about the exact
nature of the outcomes that people pursue. In particular, we should not assume that people are
entirely dedicated to maximising their income. Rather, we should recognise and seek to understand
the richness of potential livelihood goals. This, in turn, will help us to understand people’s priorities,
why they do what they do, and where the major constraints lie.
Terminology: Outcomes not objectives
In the framework the term ‘outcomes’ is used in preference to ‘objectives’ for two main reasons.
• Sustainability: The framework provides a way of thinking about livelihoods and tries to promote
responsiveness. However,italsohasanormativedimension:DFID’sobjectiveistopromote sustainable
livelihoods (sheet 1.4 investigates the various dimensions of sustainability). The difficulty is that this
broad sustainability objective is unlikely to be shared by all those involved. Hence the Livelihood
Outcomes component of the framework is something of a hybrid, combining the aims of both DFID
and its clients. Using the term ‘objectives’ would raise the question of ‘whose objectives?’ while the
term ‘outcome’ is more neutral and encourages us to focus on what actually happens.
• Achievement-orientation: The framework is not just an analytical tool. It is intended to provide
the basis for action. Thinking about ‘objectives’ can be descriptively interesting. Thinking about
outcomes focuses attention on achievements, the development of indicators and progress in
poverty elimination.
What are livelihood outcomes?
The livelihood outcomes that appear in the generic framework are effectively categories introduced to
make this section of the framework manageable. Each one may or may not be relevant in any given
situation – this can only be established through participatory enquiry.
• More income: Although income measures of poverty have been much criticised, people certainly
continue to seek a simple increase in net returns to the activities they undertake and overall
increases in the amount of money coming into the household (or their own pocket). Increased
income also relates to the idea of the economic sustainability of livelihoods.
• Increased well-being: In addition to income and things that money can buy, people value non-
material goods. Their sense of well-being is affected by numerous factors, possibly including: their
self-esteem, sense of control and inclusion, physical security of household members, their health
status, access to services, political enfranchisement, maintenance of their cultural heritage, etc.
• Reduced vulnerability: Poor people are often forced to live very precariously, with no cushion
against the adverse effects of the Vulnerability Context; their livelihoods are to all intents and
purposes unsustainable. For such people, reducing their vulnerability to the downside and
increasing the overall social sustainability of their livelihoods may well take precedence over
seeking to maximise the upside.
• Improved food security: Food insecurity is a core dimension of vulnerability. It appears as a
separate category in the framework in order to emphasise its fundamental importance, and because
this helps to locate the activities of those governments and donors that focus on food security. It is
also worth noting that participatory poverty assessments have shown hunger and dietary inadequacy
to be a distinct dimension of deprivation.
• More sustainable use of the natural resource base: Environmental sustainability, or sustainability
of the natural resource base, is not the only dimension of sustainability that is important to DFID.
However, it is a major concern that is not adequately captured in the other livelihood outcome
categories. Although often viewed as a donor objective, it is of course shared by many who
recognise the long-term benefits of prudent resource use.
The right to ‘a standard of living
adequate for health and well-
being, including food and
housing’ is enshrined in
international agreements. It is
not, however, achieved for
many of the poor whose
primary day-to-day objective
continues to be to secure
enough food to eat.
Why are livelihood
outcomes important?
Livelihood outcomes are
important because they help us
to understand:
• the ‘output’ of the current
configuration of factors
within the livelihoods
framework (a first step to
understanding the nature of
causality);
• what motivates people to
behave as they do;
• what their priorities are
(as a basis for planning
support activities);
• how they are likely to
respond to new
opportunities; and
• which performance
indicators should be used to
assess support activity.

April 1999
LIVELIHOOD OUTCOMES FRAMEWORK
Trade-offs between livelihood outcomes
Oneofthemaindifficultieswiththispartoftheframeworkisthatlivelihoodoutcomesarenotnecessarily
coherent and are certainly incommensurable. It is hard to weigh up the relative value of increased
well-being as opposed to increased income, but this is the type of decision that people must make
every day when deciding which strategies to adopt.
There may also be conflict between livelihood outcomes. An obvious example is when increased
income for particular groups is achieved through practices that are detrimental to the natural
resource base. Or perhaps different family members prioritise different livelihood objectives – some
seeking to reduce vulnerability, while others seek to maximise income streams. The framework does
not offer any answers to these dilemmas but does provide a structure for thinking them through,
considering how they affect other aspects of livelihoods (e.g. strategies adopted) and perhaps
coming to a mutually acceptable ‘solution’.
Outcomes as a basis for indicator development
The sustainable livelihoods approach is about supporting people to achieve their own livelihood
goals (with the proviso about sustainability). Livelihoods programmes should therefore be judged on
whether they contribute to the achievement of the livelihood outcomes that people consider
important. One way of ensuring this is to negotiate indicators with particular groups and to draw
these groups into monitoring processes. Care should also be taken to observe unplanned changes
associated with development activity (for example, changes in social relations, accumulation or
loss of assets by particular groups, etc.).
There are, though, several difficulties in this area, including that:
• different outcomes may conflict (as above);
• some outcomes (such as increased well-being) may be extremely difficult to translate into
monitorable indicators; and
• it is hard to ensure objective monitoring of impact by groups with different interests, especially
when they themselves do not prioritise a given outcome (e.g. environmental sustainability).
As always with development activity, it is hard to achieve an adequate understanding of the nature
of causality, though the comprehensive approach of the livelihoods framework may provide some
assistance here.
What information is required to analyse livelihood outcomes?
When thinking about Livelihood Outcomes, it is important to understand not only the aims of
particular groups but also the extent to which these are already being achieved. If certain social
groups are systematically failing to achieve their aims, it may be because their aims conflict with
the aims of other, more powerful groups. Or it may be because they do not have the means (assets)
to achieve them. This distinction will help inform activity in support of the weaker groups.
Assessing non-tangible outcomes, that may be very subjective and private, is a challenge. When
thinking about well-being, for example, the following types of issues might be important:
• To what extent are people aware of their rights (political, human, social, and economic)?
• Do they have any access to means of ensuring that their rights are met?
• How ‘secure’ (against physical damage, violence, seizure by the state, natural and economic
shocks, etc.) are people and their assets?
• What sources of information are open to people? How high is the quality of that information?
• To what extent are particular groups represented within the political process?
• How good is the access of different groups to core services (e.g. education, sanitation, health)?
For all issues it will be important to investigate what the current situation is, how it is changing over
time, and whether securing change is a priority for local people.
There is a close relationship –
note the feedback arrow in the
framework – between
Livelihood Outcomes and
LivelihoodAssets, the two
being linked through Livelihood
Strategies. For example, a
person may choose to reinvest
most or all of any increased
income in assets, with a view
to catalysing a virtuous circle
of asset accumulation and
increased income.
Participatory poverty
assessments provide some
important lessons about the
wide range of people’s
objectives and how best to
gather reliable information on
these.
Following sections of the
Guidance Sheets will address
issues of indicator development
and monitoring in more detail.
This is certainly an area that
requires further work.

Livelihood mapping

More Related Content

What's hot (20)

Similar to Livelihood mapping (20)

More from Arundhati Mitter (12)

Recently uploaded (20)

Livelihood mapping