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Making Spaces For Community Development Michael Pitchford Paul Withhenderson
Making spaces
community
development
for
Michael Pitchford
with Paul Henderson
MAKING SPACES
FOR COMMUNITY
DEVELOPMENT
Michael Pitchford
with Paul Henderson
This edition published in Great Britain in 2008 by
The Policy Press in association with the Community Development Foundation
University of Bristol
Fourth Floor
Beacon House
Queen’s Road
Bristol BS8 1QU
UK
Tel +44 (0)117 331 4054
Fax +44 (0)117 331 4093
e-mail tpp-info@bristol.ac.uk
www.policypress.org.uk
North American office:
c/o The University of Chicago Press
1427 East 60th Street
Chicago, IL 60637, USA
t: +1 773 702 7700
f: +1 773-702-9756
e:sales@press.uchicago.edu
www.press.uchicago.edu
© The Policy Press 2008
Reprinted 2011
British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
A catalog record for this book has been requested.
ISBN 978 1 84742 259 0 paperback
The right of Michael Pitchford to be identified as author of this work has been
asserted by him in accordance with the 1988 Copyright, Designs and Patents
Act.
All rights reserved: no part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in
a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic,
mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise without the prior
permission of The Policy Press.
The statements and opinions contained within this publication are solely those
of the author and not of The University of Bristol, The Policy Press and The
Community Development Foundation. The University of Bristol, The Policy
Press and The Community Development Foundation disclaim responsibility for
any injury to persons or property resulting from any material published in this
publication.
The Policy Press works to counter discrimination on grounds of gender, race,
disability, age and sexuality.
Cover design by Qube Design Associates, Bristol
Front cover: image kindly supplied by www.alamy.com
Printed and bound in Great Britain by www.4edge.co.uk
iii
Contents
Foreword iv
Community Development Foundation (CDF) v
Acknowledgements vi
one Introduction 1
two Community development: historical overview 7
Paul Henderson
three A seat at the table? The changing context for community 17
development
four Can we do more? Assessing the purpose and role of 31
community development
five Achieving change: the rise of partnerships and their impact 55
on community development practice
six Who is it for? Accountability and community development 75
seven Where is community development today? 93
References 113
Appendix:The interviewees 117
Index		 129
iv
Making spaces for community development
Foreword
Community development has a long and rich history and this publication
brings forth the experiences and insights of a group of experienced
practitioners with a wealth of knowledge and insights that will help
those of you who are practising community development today.The
book provides a useful historical context for community development,
the changing sponsors and focus for community development practice,
from the late 1960s until the present day. I was particularly interested
to read about the different approaches and tactics used by practitioners
to effect change and in part how these have evolved over the years.
At the heart of community development is the principle of learning
from practice and what better way to start than to reflect on the
experiences of those who have been there and done it over many
years.While the context for community development today is radically
different to that of the late 1970s, I can see within these descriptions
how many practice challenges are still topical:for example,the challenge
to ensure that the community development approach is given space and
time to realise the benefits for both communities and government.
The purpose of the publication is both to provide valuable insights,
as well as kick-start a debate within the community development field,
which we would like to work with our national partners to lead. In
terms of profile,community development has received greater attention
and focus in recent years.Nothing can be taken for granted,though,as
increasingly our communities experience rapid and often unexpected
change and community development practice has to be prepared and
equipped to continuously respond to this.What is most important is
that together with government and public sector agencies,community
development is able to empower communities to achieve the positive
changes they perceive as necessary.This book is a valuable contribution
and catalyst to what I hope will be both a national discussion combined
with local actions.
Alison Seabrooke
Chief Executive
Community Development Foundation
v
Community Development
Foundation (CDF)
CDF is the leading source of intelligence, guidance and delivery on
community development in England and across the UK.Our mission
is to lead community development analysis and strategy to empower
people to influence decisions that affect their lives.
CDF’s key aim is to spread ways of building engaged, cohesive and
stronger communities and a more effective community sector:
• by advising government and other bodies on community
development
• by analysing policy to identify good community development
practices
• by conducting research and evaluation
• by supporting community development work through networks,
links with practitioners and work with partner organisations
• by managing funding schemes for local projects
• through training, events publications and consultancy.
We work with government departments, regional and local public
agencies and community and voluntary sectors.We also operate at a
European and international level.We are a non-departmental public
body sponsored by Communities and Local Government (CLG) and a
charity registered in England and Wales and recognised in Scotland.
Community Development Foundation
Unit 5,Angel Gate
320–326 City Road
London EC1V 2PT
Registered Charity Number 306130
Tel: 020 7833 1772
Fax: 020 7837 6584
Email: admin@cdf.org.uk
Website: www.cdf.org.uk/
vi
Making spaces for community development
Acknowledgements
I am indebted to many people who helped me from start to finish
with the publication, in particular, Mick Hamilton at Laings who was
willing to fund the initial idea. I want to thank all those individuals I
interviewed to whom I’m so grateful for their generosity of time and
patience with my questions. I learnt so much from listening to them
and I hope they recognise their insights and reflections in what follows.
Paul Henderson and Catriona May have been a continual support
throughout; the publication would not have happened in the form
it has without them.Alison Gilchrist, Marj Mayo, Beth Longstaff, Sal
Hampson and Jill Bedford were kind enough to act as readers providing
valuable and considerate feedback. Other friends and colleagues who
have guided me to a clearer understanding include Melanie Bowles,
Cara Macdowall,Jayne Humm,Jenny Fisher,Lesley Graham and Mae
Shaw.
Last but far from least a huge gratitude to Sacramenta Rodrigues
and John Stone for the endless administrative support they provide
me with which allows me the luxury to wander off and interview
practitioners from the past.To all those who’ve helped,challenged and
argued – thank you.
1
ONE
Introduction
When I started in my first job as a community development practitioner,
I assumed that community development was in its infancy,a completely
new way of working. I was consumed by what was happening at the
time,primarily what funding was available for the next project we had
up our sleeve.Theory did not really figure in my work and in many ways
we discovered for ourselves through trial and many errors,what others
had already learnt a long time ago.We rolled up our sleeves, got stuck
in and placed an emphasis on learning from those we worked with.
It was not until the project I worked within recruited an older
worker with a community development background that it began to
dawn on me that while our work was proving successful, it was not
necessarily ground-breaking and perhaps we could be achieving much
more. In her gentle and understated way, not to offend my sense of
self-importance, this worker showed me how much of what we were
doing had been done by her and many others back in the 1960s and
1970s.What obstacles had they faced? What paths did they take and
what did they learn? Slowly a light turned on and I became intrigued
at the thought of learning from those who had been working within
communities for many years and relating this to my current practice.
There is no learning like learning from your own mistakes but what
a wonderful resource there is in those who have been practising for
many years.
Thus began the idea of interviewing experienced community
development practitioners to extract their learning, experiences and
insights and to relate these to present-day practice and contexts.What
light, if any, could these reflections shed on current opportunities,
dilemmas and tensions within community development?
What follows is an account of the key changes to the context and
practice of community development since the 1970s, told through
the experiences and insights of a group of highly experienced
practitioners.The book is intended for those practising and interested in
practising community development today,and is aimed at encouraging
practitioners to think and reflect on their work.Ideally,it will contribute
and in some cases kick-start debate within the field of community
development.The book is not a history of community development,
nor is it an attempt to analyse community development theory.It asks
2
Making spaces for community development
questions rather than gives answers and provides an opportunity to
listen to the insights from previous practice and judge for ourselves if
these contributions have something to tell us today.
First, a few words about how interviewees were identified.As with
community development,it was largely common sense:advertisements
in community development magazines, use of networks and key
contacts and direct approaches to individuals whose names were
recommended.The emphasis within our search was to focus on those
with approximately 20-25 years of experience or more, and to ensure
that each interviewee would be able to reflect back critically on their
experiences.Thirty-three community development practitioners were
identified with great depth and variety of experiences, and many had
over 25 years of experience.
Those interviewed do not equally represent gender and ethnicity
– 36% female interviewees and 18% black practitioners.We made use
of black networks and tried to identify practitioners through black
professionals in other fields, but were unable to identify any more
practitioners from this earlier period.It was suggested that in the 1970s
there were few black practitioners and most were involved as activists.
What follows needs to be read in the light of this imbalance.
The combined experience of those practitioners interviewed
totals over 800 years of practice from the late 1960s through to the
present day. Experiences range across areas of play-work and youth
through to the environment, community enterprise, ‘race’ equality,
immigration and housing.Interviewees were evenly balanced between
statutory and voluntary sector experiences and were spread around
the country with two interviewees describing their work in Wales
and three interviewees talking in the context of Scotland; we were
unable to identify practitioners from Northern Ireland.The bulk of
the experiences drawn on are from the perspective of neighbourhood-
based community development, in which the worker had a generic
role across a range of issues that today would be themed into the likes
of housing, equalities, capacity building, training and so on.
While experiences and insights differed widely,each interviewee was
keen not to appear nostalgic. If what follows reads as rose-tinted then
that is my responsibility, as interviewees were trying to draw out their
learning rather than harking back to what it used to be like.I was struck
by the interest shown by interviewees and their generosity of time in
being interviewed,for which I am extremely grateful.Each interview
was packed with learning as I listened to different experiences and was
left feeling both privileged yet panicked at the thought of having to
recount these insights.The interviews gave voice to a diverse range of
3
Introduction
views from community organising and grass-roots action through to
community development in the context of partnerships and service
delivery.While I have not quoted from every interview, each one has
influenced both myself and the points made in the book. I have not
tried to take sides where views have differed, but simply tried to look
at what is being said and its relevance in the light of practice today.
The book has six chapters. In Chapter Two, Paul Henderson
provides a brief historical overview of community development over
the past 40 years to act as a ‘backcloth’ for the experiences of the
practitioners interviewed.Beginning in the 1960s with the dominance
of social work and the appointment for the first time of community
development officers within local authority social work departments,
the chapter moves through the radical campaigns of the 1970s and
the challenging reports from the community development projects
(CDPs). Community development in the 1980s suffered significant
cutbacks and there was a move away from social services departments
as the‘sponsor’of community development towards that of economic
development.This was developed further in the 1990s with the urban
regeneration programmes in which community development became
intertwined with the community involvement aspects of regeneration
programmes.Community development in the 21st century has gained
a higher prominence with a New Labour government that emphasised
the role of the‘community’in improving public services and promoting
local democracy, but has brought with it tensions around the lack of
a community voice, which is vital for community development work
to take place.
In Chapter Three, some of the key shifts in terms of the landscape
of community development are highlighted, in particular the change
from a confrontational approach to the model of partnership working
which predominates in all areas of regeneration and urban renewal.
Today, participation in the partnership model has brought with it a
greater recognition of the potential role of community development
in achieving policy objectives and thus the community development
workforce has grown substantially. Practitioners are now required to
be far more accountable for how they carry out their roles, although
this accountability is upwards to the funder or authority rather than
to the communities in question.The professionalisation of community
development poses challenges for today’s practitioners trying to
combine a passion for social change and justice with their day-to-day
practice.
In Chapter Four we begin to look at the fundamental questions of
what community development is and why we are doing it.The chapter
4
Making spaces for community development
describes the differing aims of ‘well-being’ and relationships, and
social justice and equality, and discusses the tensions that have always
existed within community development between differing interests
and priorities. Community development today is focused very much
on the well-being agenda and in the context of persistent poverty and
rising inequalities we ask if community development can do more to
connect with anti-poverty initiatives and social justice, or would that
simply result in unfulfilled aspirations?
Chapter Five looks at the earlier confrontational approaches used by
practitioners and contrasts this with the shift towards practice within
a community planning framework.Within campaigning community
work during the 1970s, the purpose of the community development
role was to support local communities to challenge and make demands
on the local state.Pressure was viewed as the way to achieving change.
How do practitioners today go about achieving change and to what
extent are conflicts between the interests of communities and the state
avoided through a focus on ‘engagement’?
In Chapter Six we look at the fundamental issue of accountability
and its impact on community development practice and relationships
between practitioners and communities. Upward accountability has
increased considerably as part of the government’s overall approach
to driving up standards in public services. The resulting focus on
programme outputs and targets is skewing practice away from
empowerment and social change activity towards a greater emphasis
on service delivery.The process of community development has also
come under increasing pressure as the emphasis on short-term outputs
does not fit easily with the sustained,long-term nature of community
development. How have these changes impacted on the ability of
practitioners to develop trusting relationships within the communities
they work?Within the new policy context of neighbourhood decision
making what opportunities exist for practitioners and communities to
work together to exert greater influence and control within the setting
of local priorities?
In the final chapter, Chapter Seven, we assess where community
development is at today, try to identify the direction in which it is
travelling and extract the key points of learning from the practitioner
interviews as a way of guiding future discussions and decisions about
community development. Community development is increasingly
synonymous with engagement and involvement in order to meet
the government priorities of public service reform and increased
democratic participation.Sustained community development results in
increased community involvement but this should neither be its starting
5
Introduction
point nor its end.To what extent is community development in the
UK losing a sense of purpose and direction and becoming increasingly
disconnected from its origins in social change?
Opportunities do exist in the current environment for community
development to get back to what it does well, ensuring that
communities have real voice and influence in the issues affecting their
lives. In order to take advantage of these opportunities it requires that
the community development field clarifies its vision and purpose.
Community development must surely set goals for itself beyond the
policies and programmes of the current government and begin to plan
and organise itself in order to achieve these goals.The key message of
this publication is that a debate needs to start within the community
development field to review the current position and future directions
for community development, to ensure that communities receive the
support they need to achieve the changes they themselves identify.
Making Spaces For Community Development Michael Pitchford Paul Withhenderson
7
TWO
Community development:
historical overview
Paul Henderson
A number of commentators have pointed to the mistake of assuming
that community development is a recent arrival on the professional,
social movement and social policy scenes,whether this was following the
election in 1997 of the first Blair government or the new horizons that
opened up for community development at the end of the 1960s.
The starting point of the history of community development is a
matter of debate; it certainly goes back more than 100 years. In the
following overview we have chosen to go back as far as 1968.This
is because our purpose is simply to provide a backcloth or ‘map’ for
the changing practice of community development,which is the focus
of the publication.The intention is to refer to the main signposts in
community development,not to weigh up or discuss all the twists and
turns that have been experienced.This overview is not designed to be
comprehensive. Nor does it expand on the different social policy and
political contexts. By keeping a focus on community development
we hope to give the reader the essential background required for the
book as a whole.
The danger of providing a narrative account is that the significance of
underlying themes and developments will be missed.The interviewees
referred to many of these.Three themes that have been particularly
important are as follows.
Auspices: throughout most of its history, community development has
turned to more powerful professions for support.It has needed a‘backer’
or sponsor that could organise funding, employment and training.
Community development has shifted from one sponsoring profession
to another.Being aware of this process is important because it helps to
explain why,at different points in time,community development took
a particular direction.We refer to the different periods,which inevitably
overlap with each other, in the course of the narrative.
8
Making spaces for community development
Changing policy contexts:intertwined with the political imperatives,all of
which had major implications for community development throughout
the period, have been significant policy changes.A clear example was
the decision of the Callaghan government in 1976 to comply with the
economic requirements set out by the International Monetary Fund,
followed by stringent public expenditure cuts.We shall see that, on a
number of occasions,community development was forced to respond
to major policy changes.The booklet by Taylor and West (2001) and
the chapter by MarilynTaylor on the changing context of UK practice
(in Craig and Mayo, 1995) give a more expansive summary of this
dimension of community development.
Responding to new ideas: the theory and practice of community
development has been informed and influenced by new or re-fashioned
ideas during the period.It is,of course,very difficult to gauge the extent
of such processes.Community development,however,has always been
interested in debating ideas and it is reasonable to assume that,in their
different ways, they have been of critical importance.This is certainly
true of black and feminist thinking during the 1970s and 1980s.Current
ideas about civil society (Mayo,2005) and social capital (Putnam,2000)
are undoubtedly impacting on community development.
The 1960s
The hold that the social work profession obtained over community
development from the late 1960s stemmed from the thinking and
writing of people such as Murray Ross and EileenYounghusband.A
working group chaired byYounghusband conceptualised community
work as part of social work (Younghusband,1959).Prior to this,it had
been the education profession that had helped to support community
development, particularly through the development of community
associations and community centres (see Thomas, 1983).
The Seebohm Report (1968) set an operational framework for
community work to be located in a social work context and this led,a
year or two later,to community development officers being appointed
by the new social services departments (social work departments in
Scotland).1968 was the key year for community development:‘If there
was a “golden age” of community work it was the period from 1968
until the mid-to-late 1970s’ (Popple, 1995, p 15). 1968 saw both the
publication of influential reports and the emergence of government
funding for community development. Previously, projects such as
the North Kensington Family Study project in London had been
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twenty, but one day to be pronounced insufferable;) she flutters
about the literary man, the rhetorician, the scholar, retires to put on
her hat, comes back, seats herself, springs up again, flits back and
forth before the mirror, takes her gloves, and finally bursts out into
execrations against books and reading, which are good for nothing
except to making a man stupid and preoccupied. For the sake of
peace the husband throws down his book, loses the habit of
reading, suffers gradual annihilation by a conjugal process, and,
having failed to raise his companion to his own level, sinks to hers.
Here we have a deplorable vicious circle. So long as women know
nothing, they will prefer unoccupied men; and so long as men
remain idle, they will prefer ignorant and frivolous women. Men in
office are no less persecuted than others. Many women torment a
magistrate, a lawyer, a notary, making them fail in exactitude and
in application to business, instead of encouraging a strict and
complete fulfilment of duty. They consider punctuality a bore and
assiduity insufferable. When they succeed in accomplishing the
neglect of an appointment or of some important occupation, one
would think they had achieved a victory. The case is worse still for
certain careers generally adopted by rich men or by those whose
families were formerly wealthy, such as the army and navy. An
officer must remain unmarried, or marry a girl without fortune.
Otherwise, in discussing the marriage, the first thing demanded is a
resignation. Every young lady of independent fortune wishes her
husband to do nothing. In view of this ignorant prejudice, this
conjugal ostracism, even sensible mothers hesitate about
recommending their sons to adopt careers which will make
marriage possible to them only at the expense of a noble fortune;
or else they say in words too often heard: "My son will serve for a
few years, and then resign. A married man cannot pursue a
career."
And young men are asked to work with this perspective before
them! How can one love a position which is to be abandoned on
such or such a day in accordance with a caprice? What zeal, what
emulation, what ambition can a man have who is to leave the
service at twenty-five or twenty-eight years of age, when he is
perhaps captain of artillery or lieutenant of a ship, that is to say,
when he has worked his way through the difficulties that beset
every career at its outset?
I have known mothers fairly reduced to despair at seeing a son,
just on the point of attaining an elevated position, forced to
renounce the thought merely in accordance with the exigence of a
young girl and the blindness of her mother, who ought to foresee
and dread the inevitable regrets and inconveniences of idleness
succeeding to the charm of an occupied life, of the monotony of a
tête-à-tête coming after the excitements of Solferino, or the
perpetual qui vive of our Algerian garrisons, or the adventurous
and almost constantly heroic life of the navy.
It is the duty of an intelligent Christian wife or mother to point out
the dangers of idleness and stultification; the social and intellectual
suicide resulting from standing aloof from every office and all
occupation; the political and religious necessity of occupying
responsible places, distinguishing one's self in them, and holding
them permanently in order to exercise one's influence in favor of
morals and religion. This is a vital matter which will never be
understood until mothers teach it with the catechism to their little
children. This is the commentary which every mother and every
catechist must give, in explaining the important chapter on sloth,
one of the seven deadly sins. And the same ideas must be
inculcated in instructing their daughters until they are twenty years
old; teaching them to be reasonable and capable, showing them
the evil consequences of idleness in a young husband, the difficulty
of amusing him all day long, of pleasing without wearying him, of
averting ennui, ill-humor, and monotony. And let the teacher never
fail to add the truth so often proved that it is impossible to induce
a son to work after having dissuaded his father from working. Of
course, there are moments of pain in an occupied life. It is hard to
see a husband embark for two or three years, going perhaps to
Sebastopol or to Kabylia. But it is sadder still to see a husband
bored to death, and thinking his wife tedious, his home unbearable,
his affairs drudgery; and this is not uncommon. I have heard wives
who had consented to necessary separations say that the trial had
its compensations; that the consciousness of duty fulfilled was a
source of inestimable satisfaction; that the agony was followed by a
joy that obliterated the memory of suffering; that as the time of
return drew near, as the regiment or the ship appeared in sight,
they experienced a happiness unknown to other women. It must be
so; God leaves nothing unrewarded; every sacrifice has its
compensation, every wound its balm. I am told that the most
admirable households are to be found in our seaport towns, our
great manufacturing centres, and even in our large garrison towns
in spite of the bustle, agitation, and dissipation reigning there. I
can easily believe this—every one is busy in such places. A husband
who has spent the day in barrack or factory (still more, one who
has been at sea a long time) thirsts for home, longs to be again by
his own hearth, enjoying domestic life. The wife on her side,
separated for several hours from her husband, reserves for him her
most cheerful mood and her pleasantest smile. She saves him from
the thousand annoyances of the day, the household perplexities,
the little embarrassments of life, the children's romping. The little
ones run to meet their father, and recreate him after his work with
caresses and prattle. This is the way in which men enjoy children;
as a necessity of every day and all day, they dread them.
But without rising so high, I ask simply what can be more
agreeable, even for a husband who spends his life in hunting or
anywhere else out of his own house, than to find on coming home
his wife cheerful and good-tempered, because after getting him a
good dinner she has amused herself with painting a pretty picture,
or studying with genuine interest a little natural history, or trying
some experiment in domestic chemistry, or even solving a problem
in géométrie agricole, instead of finding her languid and
melancholy, a femme incomprise, with some novel or another in
her hand.
If I persist in preaching industry to men and women, it is for very
urgent reasons, not only domestic and political, but social. Who
does not see that we verge on socialism at present? The masses
will not work, they detest labor. Salaries have been raised again
and again; for many trades they go beyond necessity, and so the
workman, instead of giving six days in the week to his trade, gives
but four, three, or even two days. It is for the higher classes who
are supposed to understand their duties and to feel the import of
their responsibilities, it is for them to reinstate labor in popular
estimation. In this as in all other things, example must come from
above; for here, as in religion and morals, the higher classes owe
to society and to their country some expiation. The eighteenth
century, with its corruptions, its scandals, and its irreligion, hangs
upon us with the weight of a satanic heritage. Like original sin,
these errors have been washed in blood; it is the history of all
great errors. It remains for us to expiate the idleness, the inaction,
inutility, annihilation to which we have hitherto surrendered
ourselves, setting a fatal example to those around us.
Our generation must be steeped in labor. There and only there is to
be found our safety, and mothers must be convinced of this truth.
The mother is the centre of home, everything radiates from her—
on one condition, that she is a mother worthy of the name and
mission—and such mothers are rare.
We know what is in general the education of women. Add to it the
indulgence and weakness of parents, the species of idolatry they
have for their daughters, the premature pleasures lavished upon
young girls, the pains taken to praise them, to adorn them from
their earliest infancy, and afterward to show them off and make
them shine in a sort of matrimonial exhibition. How can we hope to
find earnest mothers of families among those whose youth has
been spent in balls, fetes, and morning visits? Alas! it is not
possible. Reasonable ideas rarely come to them until age or
misfortune has withdrawn their surest means of influence.
And the greatest sufferers from this calamity are society and
religion; it cannot be otherwise. A little drawing, a little more music,
enough grammar and orthography to pass muster, sufficient history
and geography to know Gibraltar from the Himalaya and to
recognize Cyrus as King of Persia, but not enough to avenge noble
memories outraged or to rectify erroneous estimates; of foreign
languages a slight smattering, enough to enable one to read
English and German novels, but not to appreciate the glorious
pages of Shakespeare, Milton, or Klopstock; no literature, nothing
of our great authors, unless a few fables of La Fontaine and
perhaps a chorus out of Esther learned in childhood; of religious
knowledge a sufficiency to allow of being admitted to first
communion, not enough to answer the most vulgar objections, the
most notorious calumnies, not enough to understand one's position
and duties, to impose silence on the detractors of religion, or the
adversaries of reason and Christian evidence, to refute the grossest
sophistry, to lead back to faith and holy practices a young husband
or perhaps an aged father; with such an education what influence
can a young woman exercise?
If the poor young creature so insufficiently prepared by education
never reads, or reads only romances, where will she find arms to
defend her against error and blasphemy? In spite of sincere piety,
she must, useless and timid soldier that she is, desert the holy
cause of God and truth for fear of compromising it by an ignorant
defence. And yet it is a noble cause, and one that belongs
especially to her, for it is the cause of the weak and defenceless,
and only asks in its service a sincere conviction, a devout heart,
and a little knowledge. But the knowledge is wanting. Because she
has acquired neither a habit of reflection nor of seeking in good
books necessary information, she must be silent, and, while God
and his faith are outraged in her presence with impunity, drop her
eyes upon her worsted work and sigh.
Yes, sigh—that is right; and sigh not only for the poor men who
read such wretched books and intoxicate themselves with vile
poisons, but also for the fact that there is no one to open their
eyes, to lead these misled hearts back into the right path, or, at
least, to excite a doubt in their perverted minds and warped
consciences; no mother, sister, daughter, wife, no intelligent,
enlightened, educated woman to fulfil woman's essential mission.
No one else can do the work. If women are not the first apostles of
the home circle, no one else can penetrate it. But they must render
themselves thoroughly capable of fulfilling their apostleship.
Nowadays, when all the world reasons or rather cavils, when
everything is discussed and proved, when even light and life must
be demonstrated, it is necessary that women should participate in
the general movement. To speak without reserve—in the face of a
masculine generation who graft on to the hauteurs which
especially belong to them feminine indifference, affectation,
idleness, frivolity, and weakness—women must show themselves
serious, thoughtful, firm, and courageous. When men copy their
defects, it behooves them to borrow a few manly virtues. "It is
time," nobly says M. Caro, "that minds possessed of any intellectual
claims awoke to full vitality. Let every being endowed with reason
learn to protect himself against literary evil-doers and to repulse
their attacks upon God, soul, virtue, purity, and faith."
To Be Continued.
In Memoriam.
When souls like thine rise up and leave
This Earth's dark prison-place,
'Tis foolishness to grieve:
Or think thou dost thy life regret,
And would return if God would let
Thy feet their steps retrace.
'Tis he who ends thy banishment,
And by an angel's hand has sent
A merciful reprieve.
The Early Christian Schools and Scholars.
[Footnote 7]
[Footnote 7: Christian Schools and Scholars; or,
Sketches of Education from the Christian Era to the
Council of Trent. By the author of The Three
Chancellors, etc. Two vol. London: Longmans, Green &
Co.]
The history of the schools and scholars of the early ages of the
church is not only interesting as forming an important chapter in
the history of the church itself, but is full of most remarkable facts
and valuable suggestions bearing on the as yet apparently unsolved
problem of education. It is replete with matter well worthy the
profound attention of all who consider the proper training of youth
one of the gravest and most important of public questions; and one
which, in this age of advanced enlightenment, still remains the
subject of many crude and conflicting opinions. Not only do we
recommend its perusal to the Catholic teacher, who is manfully
overcoming the peculiar obstacles presented in our unsettled
community, as a source of consolation and encouragement; but we
call it to the notice of those gentlemen who spend so much of their
time during summer vacations debating on the quantity and quality
of discipline necessary to enforce the time-honored authority of the
teacher, and in endeavoring to define the exact minimum of moral
training required to be administered to the secular student to fit
him for the proper discharge of the duties of life. We do this in all
sincerity; for with this latter class of persons we are not inclined to
find too much fault. Many of them are men of intelligence and
good intentions; but, groping as they are in utter darkness, and
bringing to their deliberations a lamentable ignorance of the
essential principles of Christian education, it is not wonderful that
their counsels should be divided, and their labors as unprofitable as
that of Sisyphus. Disguise it as we may, it cannot be doubted that
the state colleges and schools of our country, after a very fair trial,
have not answered the expectations of even those who profess
themselves their warmest admirers. There is a feeling in the public
mind, as yet partially expressed, that there is something lacking in
our method of dealing with the ever-constant flood of young hearts
and minds which is daily looking to us for direction and guidance. It
is becoming more and more painfully apparent that the mere
intellect of the children who attend our public institutions is
stimulated into unnatural and unhealthy activity, while their moral
nature is left wholly uncultivated and undeveloped. Conducted, as
such institutions must necessarily be, by persons unqualified or
unauthorized to administer moral instruction, it cannot, of course,
be expected that the souls for a time entrusted to their care can be
fortified by wise counsels and that moral discipline which was
considered in past ages and in all nations as the fundamental basis
of all Christian education.
Even in a worldly sense, it ought to be a source of our greatest
solicitude that the generation which is to hold the honor and
integrity of the nation in its keeping should be schooled in the
principles of justice and rectitude upon which all true individual and
national greatness must depend. If, then, we have exhausted the
wisdom of the present, with all its examples before our eyes, to no
good purpose, let us turn reverently to the experience of the past,
and see if we cannot find something fit for meditation in the varied
pages of the history of the Christian church, in her struggles
against ignorance and false philosophy.
From the very beginning the church had to contend against three
distinct elements, positively or negatively, opposed to her teachings.
In the East, as then known, what was called the Greek civilization,
superimposed on the Roman, denied all particular gods while
worshipping many, and culminated either in refined atheism or the
deification of man himself: proud of its disputants, its arts and
literature, it affected to feel, and perhaps actually felt, a contempt
for the simple doctrines of Christianity, accompanied, as they were,
by self-denial, poverty, and lowliness. Over continental Europe and
many of its islands the wave of Roman conquest had swept
irresistibly and receded reluctantly, leaving behind it the sediment
of an intelligence which served only to nourish the latent weeds of
ignorance and paganism; while in the far West existed a people
with a peculiar and, in its way, a high order of civilization,
untouched, it is true, by Roman or Greek pantheism, but
completely shut out from the light of the gospel.
To overcome the scattered and diversified opposition thus
presented, to overturn false gods and uproot false opinions, to
bend the stubborn neck of the barbarian beneath the yoke of
Christian meekness, and to mould whatever was brilliant and
intellectual in mankind to the service of the true God, was the task
assumed by the church through the means of education.
During the first three centuries of our era schools were established
at Alexandria, Jerusalem, Edessa, Antioch, and other centres of
Eastern wealth and learning; of these, that at Alexandria, founded
by St. Mark, A.D. 60, was the most celebrated, and had for its
teachers and scholars some of the most learned men of the period.
They were catechetical in their nature, and at first were confined to
oral instructions on the chief articles of the faith and the nature of
the sacraments; but in process of time their sphere of usefulness
was greatly enlarged, and the character of the studies pursued in
them assumed a wider and higher tone, till not only dogmatic
theology and Christian ethics, but human sciences and profane
literature, were freely taught. Thus we read that, toward the close
of the second century, St. Pantaeus, a converted Stoic of great
erudition, and Clement of Alexandria, who is said to have "visited
all lands and studied in all schools in search of truth," taught in the
school of St. Mark, with an eloquence so convincing, and a
knowledge of Grecian philosophy so thorough, that multitudes of
Gentiles flocked to hear them, astonished to find the doctrines of
the new faith expounded in the polished language of Cicero, and
the very logic of Aristotle turned against the pantheistic philosophy
of Greece. Their successor, the celebrated Origen, whose reputation
has outlived all the attacks of time, in a letter to his friend St.
Gregory, gives us some idea of the course of instruction pursued in
his time, in this school, in regard to the study of the human
sciences. "They are to be used," he writes, "so that they may
contribute to the understanding of the Scriptures; for just as
philosophers are accustomed to say that geometry, music,
grammar, rhetoric, and astronomy, all dispose us to the study of
philosophy, so we may say that philosophy, rightly studied, disposes
us to the study of Christianity. We are permitted, when we go out
of Egypt, to carry with us the riches of the Egyptians wherewith to
adorn the tabernacle; only let us beware how we reverse the
process, and leave Israel to go down into Egypt and seek for
treasure; that is what Jeroboam did in olden time, and what
heretics do in our own." Here we find expressed, at so early a day,
the beautiful idea of the church respecting education; that enduring
pyramid which she would build up, whose base is human science,
and whose apex is the knowledge of God.
The episcopal seminaries, intended exclusively for the training of
ecclesiastics, were coeval with, if not anterior to, the catechetical
schools, for we find the germ of the system in the very earliest
apostolic times. They originally formed but part of the bishops'
households; and the students were taught by him personally, or by
his deputy. When the community life became more general and the
number of ecclesiastical pupils increased, the seminaries assumed
more extensive proportions, the school being held in the church
attached to the bishop's house, but the scholars still living under
his roof. Great care was always manifested by the early fathers of
the church in the moral and intellectual training of ecclesiastical
students. Thus, Pope St. Siricius, in his decretal, A.D. 385, to the
Bishop of Tarragona, lays down the following rules to be observed
in preparing candidates for the priesthood. He orders that they
shall be selected principally from those who have been devoted to
the service of the church from childhood. At thirty years of age
they are to be advanced through inferior orders to subdiaconate
and diaconate, and after five years thus spent they may be
ordained priests. In several provincial councils held in the early
centuries we find the greatest stress laid on the importance of the
careful culture of seminarians, and the second council of Toledo,
A.D. 531, fixes the ordination of subdeacons at twenty, and of
deacons at twenty-five years of age. As to the course of studies
pursued, besides the reading of the Scriptures, the Psalter, and a
knowledge of the duties of the holy offices, Latin, Greek, and
generally Hebrew were taught, together with the liberal sciences,
and sometimes even law and medicine.
Thus did the church gradually but firmly lay the foundation of her
system. First, by giving to the adult neophyte such instruction as
befitted his age and condition, to enable him to become a worthy
member of her fold; and next, by providing, under the direct
inspection of each bishop, a school where children, disciplined in his
household, taught from his mouth and by his example lessons of
piety, humility and self-control, and armed with all the resources of
sacred and profane learning, were at mature years sent forth to
convert a gentile world, and in turn become teachers of men.
While the catechetical schools were flourishing in the East and the
episcopal seminaries assuming form in Spain and Gaul, the bloody
persecutions which prevailed intermittingly at Rome retarded for a
long time education in that city. Many of her first citizens, it is true,
regardless alike of family considerations and imperial edicts, were
to be daily found by the side of her humblest bondmen, listening,
through the gloom of the catacombs, to the teachings of the
gospel; and to this day their places can be pointed out beside the
rough hewn seat of their teachers. The Roman pontiffs also labored
in their own dwellings to educate their young priests, many of
whom, like St. Felicitanus, passed only from their care to testify
their devotion to the faith by a glorious martyrdom. When the
Emperor Constantine was converted, the palace of the Laterni
became the residence of the popes, and here was established the
Patriarchium, or seminary, which for several centuries gave so many
distinguished occupants to the chair of Peter. The schools of the
empire were also thrown open to the Christians, who largely availed
themselves of their superior advantages to become acquainted with
the old authors. But the professors of the imperial academies were
but semi-christianized, and, though conforming outwardly to the
new order of things, they retained not a little of their old ideas and
customs. Hence, we find a variety of opinions entertained by
contemporary authorities as to the propriety of Christians studying
in them. In most cases, however, where the danger of
contamination was not imminent, or where, as in the case of
Victorinus, the academicians were bona-fidè Christians, the
practice was permitted, so eager were the fathers to encourage
learning.
Tertullian was of opinion that, while Christians could not lawfully
teach in the schools with pagans, they might be listeners, without,
however, taking part in idolatrous ceremonies. St. Basil, who
studied for a time in them, and who was a devoted lover of
classical learning, entertained much the same views, comparing the
student to a bee who sucks honey out of the poisoned flower. St.
Chrysostom, who cannot be accused of any antipathy to education
in all its most elegant branches, but who had in his own person
experienced the dangers which beset the young Christian in the
academies, after great deliberation, and with evident reluctance,
decided against the public schools as then conducted. His words
have a significant sound, even in these days. He writes:
"If you have masters among you who can answer for the virtue
of your children, I should be very far from advocating your
sending them to a monastery. On the contrary, I should strongly
insist on them remaining where they are. But, if no one can
give such a guarantee, we ought not to send our children to
schools where they will learn vice before they learn science, and
where, in acquiring learning of relatively small value, they will
lose what is far more precious, their integrity of soul. … 'Are we,
then, to give up literature?' you will exclaim. I do not say that;
but I do say that we must not kill souls. … When the
foundations of a building are sapped, we should seek rather for
architects to reconstruct the whole edifice, than for artists to
adorn the walls. In fact, the choice lies between two alternatives
a liberal education, which you may get by sending your children
to the public schools, or the salvation of their souls, which you
secure by sending them to the monks. Which is to gain the day,
science or the soul? If you can unite both advantages, do so, by
all means; but, if not, choose the most precious."
The character of the academies must have soon changed for the
better; for, when Julian some time after closed them to the
Christians, ostensibly with a view to the purity of morals, but
actually to deprive Christian students of the benefit of any
education, St. Gregory, who quickly saw through the Apostate's
designs, protested in the strongest terms against the injustice. "For
my part," he says, "I trust that every one who cares for learning
will take part in my indignation. I leave to others fortune, birth, and
every other fancied good which can flatter the imagination of man.
I value only science and letters, and regret no labor that I have
spent in their acquisition. I have preferred, and ever shall prefer,
learning to all earthly riches, and hold nothing dearer on earth next
to the joys of heaven and the hopes of eternity." The decree was
afterward revoked by the Emperor Valentinian at the request of St.
Ambrose, and the academies gradually fell into decay; and, growing
dim in the light of the new Christian foundations of other countries,
finally ceased to be objects of discussion.
Perhaps the greatest good that resulted from the evils complained
of by St. Chrysostom was the establishment of the Benedictine
order; an organization destined to exercise for centuries a
controlling influence over the educational system of Christendom.
In the year A.D. 522, a poor solitary named Benedict, while
engaged at his devotions in the grotto of Subiaco, was visited by
two Roman senators, who desired him to take charge of the
education of their sons, Maurus and Placidus. He consented, and
other children of the same rank, whose parents feared the
contagion of the imperial schools, were soon after placed in his
care. For their government he established a rule, and from this
apparently slight foundation sprang the numberless monasteries
which were the custodians and dispensaries of learning in the
middle ages. In 543, St. Maurus carried the Benedictine rule into
Gaul, where under his charge and that of his successors
monasteries multiplied with great rapidity. We have seen that at
first this illustrious order was designed only for the education of the
children of the rich, who were to be instructed "non solum in
Scripturis divinas, sed etiam in secularibus litteris;" but so
great did its reputation become that, in a short time, we find the
doors of its schools thrown open to all classes.
It was not, however, in the polished circles of the cities of Greece
and her colonies, nor even in the future centre of Christendom,
that the church was destined to achieve her most substantial
triumphs. The civilization of the East, long in a state of decay,
waned with the decline of the Empire, and its opulent cities and
elaborate literature became part of the débris of the colossal ruins
of that once stupendous power. The soil in which the seeds of
education had been planted by St. Mark and St. Basil, Origen and
Cassian, was already exhausted, and incapable of producing those
hardy plants and gigantic trees which defy time and corruption. We
must, therefore, look to Western Europe as the proper field wherein
were to be sown the germs of a more enduring growth.
The monastic system, more or less defined, was introduced into
Gaul long before the advent of St. Maurus, and the education, not
only of monks, was attended to with care, but of the laity also.
From the earliest times we find traces of the exterior schools
attached to the monasteries for the training of children not
intended for a clerical life. The rules of Saints Pachominus and
Basil, then generally followed, were careful to provide that children
should be taught to read and write, and instructed in psalmody and
such portions of the Holy Scriptures as were suited to their
comprehension. They were to live in the monastery and be allowed
to sit at table with the monks, who were strictly cautioned not to
do or say anything that could disedify their young minds. With a
tenderness truly paternal, the young scholars were allowed a
separate part of the building for themselves, and plenty of time for
amusement. On the subject of punishment, we recommend the
following advice of St. Basil to modern teachers, believing that
juvenile human nature is much the same now as it was sixteen or
seventeen centuries ago. "Let every fault have its own remedy,"
says this experienced teacher, "so that, while the offence is
punished, the soul may be exercised to conquer its passions. For
example: Has a child been angry with his companion? Oblige him
to beg pardon of the other and to do him some humble service; for
it is by accustoming him to humility that you will eradicate anger,
which is always the offspring of pride. Has he eaten out of meals?
Let him remain fasting for a good part of the day. Has he eaten to
excess and in an unbecoming manner? At the hour of repast, let
him, without eating himself, watch others taking their food in a
modest manner, and so he will be learning how to behave at the
same time that he is being punished by his abstinence. And if he
has offended by idle words, by rudeness, or by telling lies, let him
be corrected by diet and silence."
The early Gallican bishops showed as great a desire to encourage
learning among their clergy as did those of Spain, and were never
tired of enforcing the necessity of the attentive study of the
Scriptures and the cultivation of letters, even in religious houses
occupied by women. The result of this zealous spirit is to be found
in the establishment of the schools of Tours and Lyons, Grinni and
Vienne, the abbey of Marmontier and the more famous one of
Lerins, which produced thousands of missionaries, and such
scholars as Apollinaris of Lyons, Maumertius, the author of The
Nature of the Soul, and the poets, Saints Prosper and Avitus. The
"Academy of Toulouse," of disputatious memory, is claimed to have
had a very ancient origin, but was probably not in existence until
the sixth century.
But the first period of literary culture on the continent of Europe
was fast drawing to a close. At the end of the fifth century heresy
and schism; the converted Ostrogoths of Northern Italy were
subdued by the semi-paganized Lombards; the Roman empire
existed but in name; and civil war broke out in Gaul, desolating her
fields and laying in ruins her churches and schools. Darkness
succeeded light, and anarchy and barbarism prevailed on both sides
of the Alps. But the cause of Christian learning was not lost. Driven
from the mainland, the Christian scholars had already taken refuge
in the adjacent islands, where they rekindled their torches, and
kept them burning with an effulgence unknown in the palaces of
kings or the schools of the empire. The providence of God, which
permitted the ravages of war and heresy to prevail for a time in
Gaul, Spain, and Italy, ordained that a newer and more secure
asylum should be provided for the handmaid of the faith, whence
were to issue, when the storm passed over, of hosts of zealous and
learned men to reconquer for the church her desolated and
darkened dominions.
Ireland and England were destined to be this asylum, and, even
humanly speaking, no choice could have been more propitious. The
qualities which distinguished the people of these islands, and which
characterize them even at this day, admirably adapted them for
missionary life. The Anglo-Saxon genius, mollified by contact with
the more imaginative mind of the Briton, developed a strong,
unconquerable will, great tenacity of purpose, vast powers of
cooperation, and a capacity for solid attainments; while the Celts of
the sister island, who had never known a conqueror, exhibited the
indomitable zeal of a free-born people united to an insatiable love
of learning and fine arts, and a subtility of mind which easily
grasped the most beautiful and abstruse dogmas of Christian
philosophy.
The earliest monastic schools of England were destroyed by the
Saxon invaders about the middle of the fifth century, and what
remained of their teachers were driven with the remnant of the
Britons into the mountains of Wales. Yet even before the invasion
many of her youth found their way to the continent, and there
obtaining an education, returned to their native country to teach
their compatriots. Thus St. Ninian, who had studied at Rome under
Pope St. Siricius and had visited Tours, established his episcopal
seminary and a school for the neighboring children at Witherne, in
Galloway, about the beginning of that century. He was, says his
biographer, St. Aelred, "assiduous in reading." St. Germanus of
Auxerre and St. Lupus of Troyes followed in 429, and established at
Caerleon, the capital of the Britons, seminaries and schools, in
which they lectured on the Scriptures and the liberal arts.
Stimulated by their example, monastic schools sprang rapidly into
existence, the most successful of which were those at Hentland;
Laudwit, among whose first scholars was the historian Gildas;
Bangor on the Dee, in which, according to Bede, there were over
two thousand students; Whitland, where St. David studied; and
Llancarvan, founded by St. Cadoc. This latter saint was educated by
an Irish recluse named Fathai, who was induced to leave his
hermitage in the mountains to take charge of the school of Gwent,
in Monmouthshire.
We must not be surprised to find an Irish teacher at that early
period in Wales; for already the wonderful exodus of Irish
missionaries and teachers had commenced. The twenty years'
missionary labors of St. Patrick and his disciples had literally
converted the entire people of Ireland, and, following the lessons
taught him at Tours, Rome, and Lerins, that saint studded the
island with seminaries and monastic schools. His own, at Armagh,
founded A.D. 455, doubtless formed the model upon which the
others were built. "Within a century after the death of St. Patrick,"
says Bishop Nicholson, "the Irish seminaries had so increased that
most parts of Europe sent their children to be educated there, and
drew thence their bishops and teachers." So numerous, indeed,
were the schools of Ireland founded by the successors of St. Patrick
that it is impossible even to enumerate their names in the limits of
an article. The most celebrated were those of Armagh, which at
one time furnished education to seven thousand pupils; Lismore;
Cashel; Aran, "the Holy;" Clonard, the alma mater of Columba the
Great; Conmacnois; Benchor, of which St. Bernard speaks in such
terms of admiration; and Clonfert, founded by St. Brendan the
navigator. When we remember the disturbed condition of the
continent during the sixth and seventh centuries, and the almost
profound peace which prevailed in Ireland during that time, we
cease to be astonished at the influx of foreigners which thronged
her schools. St. AEngus mentions the names of Gauls, Romans,
Germans, and even Egyptians who visited her shore; and St.
Aldhelm of Westminster, in the seventh century, rather petulantly
complains of his countrymen neglecting their own schools for those
of Ireland. "Nowadays," he remarks, "the renown of the Irish is so
great that one sees them daily going or returning; and crowds flock
over to their island to gather up, not merely the liberal arts and
physical sciences, but also the four senses of Holy Scripture and
the allegorical and tropological interpretation of its sacred oracles."
As to the course of study pursued in the Irish monastic schools,
there is reason to believe that not only were theology, grammar,
that is, languages, and the physical sciences taught, but poetry and
music also received special attention. The bardic order were the
first to embrace Christianity, and their love for those two beautiful
arts was proverbial. Latin and Hebrew were studied, but the
sonorous language of Homer and Cicero seems to have been most
in favor, probably on account of its remarkable resemblance, in
euphony at least, to the vernacular Gaelic. Mathematics and
astronomy ranked first on the list of the sciences, and geography,
as far as then known, must have been familiar to St. Brendan and
his adventurous companions.
But, as we have said, the missionary labors of the Irish had already
commenced. Obedient to a law beyond human control, the pent-up
zeal of the people had burst its boundaries and overflowed Europe.
Of the devoted men destined to roll back the tide of paganism, the
first in point of greatness, if not in time, was St. Columba, the
founder of the schools of Iona, A.D. 563. Amid all the Irish
missionaries, this saint stands out in the boldest relief. Of proud
lineage and dauntless spirit, passionately fond of books, yet sharing
willingly with his monks the toils of the field, we fancy we can
almost see his tall, austere figure stalking amid the unknown and
unheeded perils of the barbarous Hebrides and the mountains of
North Britain, with his staff and book, overawing hostile chiefs and
princes by his very presence, and winning the hearts of the humble
shepherds by his sweet voice and gentle demeanor. "He suffered no
space of time," says Adamnan, "no, not an hour to pass, in which
he was not employed either in prayer, or in reading or writing, or
manual work."
Leaving Ireland forging the weapons of spiritual and intellectual
combat, and the Albanian Scots to the care of Columba and his
monks, we turn again to England, which, with the exception of
Wales, was up to the end of the sixth century sunk in the grossest
paganism. In the year 596, when, to use the words of Pope
Gregory, "all Europe was in the hands of the barbarians," that
pontiff conceived the idea of converting the Saxons of England. He
accordingly despatched St. Augustine and some monks from Monte
Cassino, lately reduced to ruins. St. Augustine brought with him a
Bible, a psalter, the gospels, an apocryphal lives of the apostles, a
martyrology, and the exposition of certain epistles and gospels,
besides sacred vessels, vestments, church ornaments, and holy
relics. He forthwith established a seminary and school at
Canterbury, which afterward attained great celebrity. But the
schools of Lindisfarne, founded by St. Aiden, A.D. 635, eclipsed all
lesser luminaries. Aiden was a worthy descendant of Columba, and
brought to his task all the learning and discipline of Iona. "All who
bore company with Aiden," says the Venerable Bede, "whether
monks or laymen, were employed either in studying the Scriptures
or in singing psalms. This was his own daily employment wherever
he went." In the south of England, Maidulf, also an Irish missionary,
founded the schools of Malmsbury; Wilfred, a student of
Lindisfarne, the abbey and school of Ripon, introducing the
Benedictine rule into England; while Archbishop Theodore, a native
of Tarsis, and Adrian, described as a "fountain of letters and a river
of arts,"' gave a wonderful impetus to the study of letters in
Canterbury. These latter added to St. Augustine's library the works
of St. Chrysostom, the history of Josephus, and a copy of Homer.
The studies pursued at Canterbury consisted of theology, Latin and
Greek, geometry, arithmetic, music, mechanics, astronomy, and
astrology. The most illustrious pupil of the early schools of
Canterbury were St. Aldhelm, who was thoroughly familiar with the
classical authors, himself a writer of no mean order, and who
afterward became teacher at Malmsbury; St. Bennet Biscop, who
founded schools at Monk Wearmouth, Yarrow, and various other
places, endowing them with valuable books which he had collected
on the continent. He first introduced the use of glass in England.
In the school at Yarrow, Bede commenced his studies. This
extraordinary man, besides attending to his duties as a missionary
and teacher, found time to compose forty-five books on the most
diverse subjects, including commentaries on the Holy Scriptures,
works on grammar, astronomy, the logic of Aristotle, music,
geography, arithmetic, orthography, versification, the computum or
method of calculating Easter, and natural philosophy, besides his
Ecclesiastical History and Lives of the Saints. He was well
versed in the Latin, Greek, and Hebrew languages, and, for his
success in reducing the barbarous Anglo-Saxon tongue to
something like grammatical rules, he has been justly styled the
father of the English language. For the immense knowledge which
he displayed in his various writings, he was indebted, doubtless, to
the valuable libraries collected by St. Bennet, who, like a true son
of Iona, seized upon a book whenever or wherever an opportunity
was afforded. At the beginning of the eighth century, the schools of
York attained general notoriety under the management of Egbert,
who taught the seven liberal sciences, chronology, natural history,
mathematics, and jurisprudence. Here Alcuin, the adviser and friend
of Charlemagne, received his first lessons.
Nor are we to suppose that the great schools above mentioned
occupied the entire attention of the hierarchy of England. On the
contrary, every bishop had his own seminary; and every monastery,
of which there were hundreds in the seventh and eighth centuries,
had its interior or claustral, and its exterior school for the
education of the children of its neighborhood. In England, as
elsewhere, wherever a monastery was built, no matter how remote
the situation or how barren the soil, people flocked round it not
only to hear the gospel preached, but to learn the mechanical arts
and the laws of agriculture. Besides this, parish priests, or, as they
were called in the Anglo-Saxon, "mass priests," were obliged to
open and sustain parochial free schools for the children of the
peasantry and serfs.
It is acknowledged by all writers, no matter how sceptical they may
be on other points, that the church was the first to raise woman to
her true place in society. In pagan times woman was treated much
the same as she now is in Mohammedan countries, and only the
very vilest of the sex enjoyed any freedom of speech or action; but
Christianity not only threw its aegis around her, but provided for
her education with a care only second, if indeed not fully equal, to
that bestowed on ecclesiastics. We find by the correspondence
between St. Boniface and his relative Lioba, that the nuns of
England at that time understood and could write the Latin
language, and were well versed in the Scriptures and the writings
of the fathers. Nunneries were, in fact, in the middle ages almost
as numerous as monasteries, and in their sphere as powerful
agents in the advancement of religion and education.
By the close of the eighth century England had reached the zenith
of her first period of literary glory. Not only were her people
thoroughly instructed according to their degree and rank, but the
island abounded in saints and scholars, many of whom, like those
of Ireland, went forth, from time to time, to repay to benighted
Europe a portion of the debt contracted two centuries earlier.
It were an interesting study, if space permitted, to trace the
divergent paths pursued by Irish and English scholars on the
continent, in what may be called their initial campaigns against
ignorance. We find the Irish invading France, Switzerland, Italy, and
even Spain, while the Anglo-Saxons, with a like affinity for race and
habits, preferred the northern part of Europe, the cradle of their
ancestors. St. Columbanus, whose rule, next to that of St. Benedict,
was the most generally adopted in the continental monasteries,
founded the schools of Luxeuil in Burgundy and of Bobbio in Italy;
St. Gall, one of his companions, laid the foundation of the famous
schools of that name in Switzerland; St. Cathal of Lismore became
the patron saint of Tarentum, and Donatus and Frigidan were
bishops of Fiesole in Tuscany and Lucca.
St. Winifred, or, as he was afterward called, Boniface, the first great
English missionary to the continent, achieved great successes in the
north about 723, and, being desirous of training up a native
priesthood to perpetuate his works, invited several of his
countrymen to Germany to take charge of the seminaries of the
different bishoprics he had founded. Among those who accepted
the invitation were his two nephews, one of whom, Willibald,
established a college at Ordorp. The seminary of Utrecht owes its
origin to one of his earliest pupils, Luidger, a direct descendant of
Dagobert II., who also built several seminaries and monastic
schools in Saxony. Another of St. Boniface's students, Strum, laid
the foundation of the celebrated abbey and school of Fulda in 744;
and, to complete the work of regeneration, thirty nuns were
brought over from England, who established religious houses
innumerable, and introduced among the rude Germans the learning
and refinement which marked the nunneries of their native land. St.
Boniface, having been appointed papal legate and vicar with
jurisdiction over the bishops of Gaul and Germany, applied several
years of his life to the reformation of abuses and the establishment
of strict rules of life among the clergy of both countries. To this end
we are told that in every place where he planted a monastery he
added a school, not only for the benefit of young monks, "but in
order that the rude population by whom they were surrounded
might be trained in holy discipline, and that their uncivilized
manners might be softened by the influence of humane learning."
His grand work having been accomplished, he resigned his
delegated powers, resumed his missionary life, and, with nothing
but his "books and shroud," proceeded to Friesland, the scene of
his first labors, where he suffered martyrdom in 755. This saint was
a devoted friend to education, and that portion of the decrees of
the council of Cloveshoe, held in 747, in which the subject of
learning is treated, is ascribed to his pen. The council ordered that
"bishops, abbots, and abbesses do by all means diligently provide
that all their people incessantly apply their minds to reading; that
boys be brought up in the ecclesiastical schools, so as to be useful
to the church of God; and that their masters do not employ them
in bodily labor on Sundays."
While Germany was being reclaimed from its primitive barbarism,
Gaul, which had given so many missionaries to the Western
Islands, was not neglected. For more than two hundred years this
country, once so fertile in pious men and learned institutions, was
the theatre of the most frightful disorders, consequent on domestic
wars and foreign invasions. There were but few monasteries
surviving, but even these were true to the design of their founders,
and in them learning, to use the eloquent remark of the Protestant
historian, Guizot, "proscribed and beaten down by the tempest that
raged around, took refuge under the shelter of the altar, till happier
times should suffer it to appear in the world." But a memorable
epoch had arrived in the history of France. In 771 Charlemagne
became monarch of all the Franks, and by his extraordinary military
successes and political wisdom soon made himself master of the
entire continent north of the Pyrenees. But great as were his
conquests in the field, his victories in the cause of letters in France
were more splendid and far more durable. Under his long and
brilliant sway the evils of previous centuries were swept away;
churches were restored, monasteries rebuilt, seminaries and schools
everywhere opened. Like all great practical men, the Frankish
monarch knew admirably well how to choose his assistants when
grand ends were to be reached, and in this instance he selected
Alcuin of York as his agent in restoring to his dominions religious
harmony and Christian education. The result showed the wisdom of
his choice, for to no man of that day could so herculean a task be
assigned with better hope of its execution. Trained in the schools of
York, then among the best in England, he united to a solid
judgment profound learning and an energy of mind as untiring as
that even of his royal patron. The Palatine school, though in
existence previous to the reign of Charlemagne, was placed under
the charge of Alcuin, and the emperor and various members of his
family became his first and most attentive pupils. It consisted of
two distinct parts: one, composed of the royal family and the
courtiers, followed the emperor's person; the other necessarily
stationary, in which were educated young laymen as well as those
intended for the cloister; Charlemagne, himself setting the example
of diligent study, managed to acquire, amid the turmoil of war and
the labors of the cabinet, a considerable knowledge of Latin, Greek,
and Hebrew, the liberal sciences and astronomy, of the latter of
which he seems to have been particularly fond.
The first step taken by Alcuin was the correction of the copies of
the Holy Scriptures, which had become almost unintelligible from
the accumulated errors of former transcribers. This he succeeded in
doing about the year 800. He next turned his attention to the
multiplication and replenishing of libraries. "A staff of skilful copyists
was gradually formed, and so soon as any work had been revised
by Alcuin and his fellow-laborers, it was delivered over to the hands
of the monastic scribes."
The capitulars of Charlemagne in relation to civil affairs and
municipal laws mark him as one of the ablest statesmen of any
age, and are peculiarly his own; but those on education are so
comprehensive, and of so elaborate a nature, that we cannot help
thinking them the fruits of Alcuin's suggestions, embodying, as they
do, in an official form the precise views so often expressed by him
in letters and lectures. By these decrees monastic schools were
divided into minor and major schools, and public schools, which
answered to the free parochial schools of England. In the minor
schools, which were to be attached to all monasteries, were to be
taught the "Catholic faith and prayers, grammar, church music, the
psalter, and computum;" in the major schools, the sciences and
liberal arts were added; while in the public schools, the children of
all, free and servile, were to receive gratis such instruction as was
suitable to their condition and comprehension. Those monks who,
either from neglect or want of opportunity, had not acquired
sufficient education to enable them to teach in their own
monasteries, were allowed to study in others in order to become
duly qualified for the duty imposed on them. A more complete
system of general education could not well be devised nor more
rigidly carried out.
Alcuin ended his well-spent life in 804, and Charlemagne ten years
later; but their reforms lived after them, and were perpetuated in
succeeding reigns with equal vigor, if not with equal munificence.
Theodulph, Bishop of Orleans, not only established schools in every
part of his large diocese, but compiled class-books for the use of
their pupils; the diocese of Verdun was similarly supplied by the
Abbot Smaragdus; Benedict of Anian, reformed the Benedictine
order, and like Leidrade, was a zealous teacher and a great
collector of books; and Adalhard, the emperor's cousin, became, as
it were, the second founder of Old Corby.
During the ninth and tenth centuries, so fruitful of scholars in every
part of Europe, the monastic schools may be said to have reached
their highest development. Of those north of the Alps we may
mention Fulda, Old and New Corby, Richneau, and St. Gall, though
there were a great many others of nearly equal extent and
reputation.
Fulda, as we have seen, was founded by Strum, a pupil of St.
Boniface, who adopted the Benedictine rule. After its founder, its
greatest teacher was Rabanus, a pupil of Alcuin, who assumed the
charge of the school about 813. His success in teaching was so
great that it is said that all the German nobles sent their sons to be
educated by him, and that the abbots of the surrounding
monasteries were eager to have his students for professors. He
taught grammar so thoroughly that he is mentioned by Trithemius
as being the first who indoctrinated the Germans in the proper
articulation of Latin and Greek. His course embraced all sacred and
profane literature, science, and art; yet he still found time to
compose, and afterward, when Archbishop of Mentz, to publish his
treatise De Institutione Clericorum. Among his pupils were
Strabo, author of the Commentaries on the Text of Scripture;
Otfried, called the father of the Tudesque, or German literature;
Lupus, author of Roman History; Heinie, author of the Life of St.
Germanus; Regimus, of Auxerre; and Ado, compiler of the
Martyrology. While those great scholars were teaching and
writing, it is worth our while to inquire what the lesser lights of the
monastery were doing. Here is the picture:
"Every variety of useful occupation was embraced by the
monks; while some were at work hewing down the old forest
which a few years before had given shelter to the mysteries of
pagan worship, or tilling the soil on those numerous farms
which to this day perpetuate the memory of the great abbey in
the names of the towns and villages which have sprung up on
their site, other kinds of industry were kept up within doors,
where the visitor might have beheld a huge range of
workshops, in which cunning hands were kept constantly busy
on every description of useful and ornamental work, in wood,
stone, and metal. It was a scene not of artistic dilettanteism,
but of earnest, honest labor, and the treasurer of the abbey was
charged to take care that the sculptors, engravers, and carvers
in wood were always furnished with plenty to do. Passing on to
the interior of the building, the stranger would have been
introduced to the scriptorium, over the door of which was an
inscription warning copyists to abstain from idle words, to be
diligent in copying books, and to take care not to alter the text
by careless mistakes. Twelve monks always sat here, employed
in the labor of transcribing, as was the custom at Hirsauge, a
colony sent out from Fulda in 830, and the huge library which
was thus gradually formed, survived till the beginning of the
seventeenth century, when it was destroyed in the troubles of
the Thirty Years' War. Not far from the scriptorium was the
interior school, where studies were carried on with an ardor and
a largeness of views which might have been little expected from
an academy of the ninth century. Our visitor, were he from the
more civilized south, might well have stood in mute surprise in
the midst of these fancied barbarians, whom he would have
found engaged in pursuits not unworthy of the schools of Rome.
The monk Probus is perhaps lecturing on Virgil and Cicero, and
that with such hearty enthusiasm that his brother professors
accuse him, in good-natured jesting, of ranking them with the
saints. Elsewhere disputations are being carried on over the
Categories of Aristotle, and an attentive ear will discover that
the controversy which made such a noise in the twelfth century,
and divided the philosophers of Europe into the rival sects of
the nominalists and realists, is perfectly well understood at
Fulda, though it does not seem to have disturbed the peace of
the school. To your delight, if you be not altogether wedded to
the dead languages, you may find some engaged on the
uncouth language of their fatherland, and, looking over their
shoulders, you may smile to see the barbarous words which
they are cataloguing in their glossaries; words, nevertheless,
destined to reappear centuries hence in the most philosophical
literature of Europe." [Footnote 8]
[Footnote 8: Christian Schools and Scholars, pp.
205-206.]
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Making Spaces For Community Development Michael Pitchford Paul Withhenderson

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  • 6. MAKING SPACES FOR COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT Michael Pitchford with Paul Henderson
  • 7. This edition published in Great Britain in 2008 by The Policy Press in association with the Community Development Foundation University of Bristol Fourth Floor Beacon House Queen’s Road Bristol BS8 1QU UK Tel +44 (0)117 331 4054 Fax +44 (0)117 331 4093 e-mail tpp-info@bristol.ac.uk www.policypress.org.uk North American office: c/o The University of Chicago Press 1427 East 60th Street Chicago, IL 60637, USA t: +1 773 702 7700 f: +1 773-702-9756 e:sales@press.uchicago.edu www.press.uchicago.edu © The Policy Press 2008 Reprinted 2011 British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data A catalog record for this book has been requested. ISBN 978 1 84742 259 0 paperback The right of Michael Pitchford to be identified as author of this work has been asserted by him in accordance with the 1988 Copyright, Designs and Patents Act. All rights reserved: no part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise without the prior permission of The Policy Press. The statements and opinions contained within this publication are solely those of the author and not of The University of Bristol, The Policy Press and The Community Development Foundation. The University of Bristol, The Policy Press and The Community Development Foundation disclaim responsibility for any injury to persons or property resulting from any material published in this publication. The Policy Press works to counter discrimination on grounds of gender, race, disability, age and sexuality. Cover design by Qube Design Associates, Bristol Front cover: image kindly supplied by www.alamy.com Printed and bound in Great Britain by www.4edge.co.uk
  • 8. iii Contents Foreword iv Community Development Foundation (CDF) v Acknowledgements vi one Introduction 1 two Community development: historical overview 7 Paul Henderson three A seat at the table? The changing context for community 17 development four Can we do more? Assessing the purpose and role of 31 community development five Achieving change: the rise of partnerships and their impact 55 on community development practice six Who is it for? Accountability and community development 75 seven Where is community development today? 93 References 113 Appendix:The interviewees 117 Index 129
  • 9. iv Making spaces for community development Foreword Community development has a long and rich history and this publication brings forth the experiences and insights of a group of experienced practitioners with a wealth of knowledge and insights that will help those of you who are practising community development today.The book provides a useful historical context for community development, the changing sponsors and focus for community development practice, from the late 1960s until the present day. I was particularly interested to read about the different approaches and tactics used by practitioners to effect change and in part how these have evolved over the years. At the heart of community development is the principle of learning from practice and what better way to start than to reflect on the experiences of those who have been there and done it over many years.While the context for community development today is radically different to that of the late 1970s, I can see within these descriptions how many practice challenges are still topical:for example,the challenge to ensure that the community development approach is given space and time to realise the benefits for both communities and government. The purpose of the publication is both to provide valuable insights, as well as kick-start a debate within the community development field, which we would like to work with our national partners to lead. In terms of profile,community development has received greater attention and focus in recent years.Nothing can be taken for granted,though,as increasingly our communities experience rapid and often unexpected change and community development practice has to be prepared and equipped to continuously respond to this.What is most important is that together with government and public sector agencies,community development is able to empower communities to achieve the positive changes they perceive as necessary.This book is a valuable contribution and catalyst to what I hope will be both a national discussion combined with local actions. Alison Seabrooke Chief Executive Community Development Foundation
  • 10. v Community Development Foundation (CDF) CDF is the leading source of intelligence, guidance and delivery on community development in England and across the UK.Our mission is to lead community development analysis and strategy to empower people to influence decisions that affect their lives. CDF’s key aim is to spread ways of building engaged, cohesive and stronger communities and a more effective community sector: • by advising government and other bodies on community development • by analysing policy to identify good community development practices • by conducting research and evaluation • by supporting community development work through networks, links with practitioners and work with partner organisations • by managing funding schemes for local projects • through training, events publications and consultancy. We work with government departments, regional and local public agencies and community and voluntary sectors.We also operate at a European and international level.We are a non-departmental public body sponsored by Communities and Local Government (CLG) and a charity registered in England and Wales and recognised in Scotland. Community Development Foundation Unit 5,Angel Gate 320–326 City Road London EC1V 2PT Registered Charity Number 306130 Tel: 020 7833 1772 Fax: 020 7837 6584 Email: admin@cdf.org.uk Website: www.cdf.org.uk/
  • 11. vi Making spaces for community development Acknowledgements I am indebted to many people who helped me from start to finish with the publication, in particular, Mick Hamilton at Laings who was willing to fund the initial idea. I want to thank all those individuals I interviewed to whom I’m so grateful for their generosity of time and patience with my questions. I learnt so much from listening to them and I hope they recognise their insights and reflections in what follows. Paul Henderson and Catriona May have been a continual support throughout; the publication would not have happened in the form it has without them.Alison Gilchrist, Marj Mayo, Beth Longstaff, Sal Hampson and Jill Bedford were kind enough to act as readers providing valuable and considerate feedback. Other friends and colleagues who have guided me to a clearer understanding include Melanie Bowles, Cara Macdowall,Jayne Humm,Jenny Fisher,Lesley Graham and Mae Shaw. Last but far from least a huge gratitude to Sacramenta Rodrigues and John Stone for the endless administrative support they provide me with which allows me the luxury to wander off and interview practitioners from the past.To all those who’ve helped,challenged and argued – thank you.
  • 12. 1 ONE Introduction When I started in my first job as a community development practitioner, I assumed that community development was in its infancy,a completely new way of working. I was consumed by what was happening at the time,primarily what funding was available for the next project we had up our sleeve.Theory did not really figure in my work and in many ways we discovered for ourselves through trial and many errors,what others had already learnt a long time ago.We rolled up our sleeves, got stuck in and placed an emphasis on learning from those we worked with. It was not until the project I worked within recruited an older worker with a community development background that it began to dawn on me that while our work was proving successful, it was not necessarily ground-breaking and perhaps we could be achieving much more. In her gentle and understated way, not to offend my sense of self-importance, this worker showed me how much of what we were doing had been done by her and many others back in the 1960s and 1970s.What obstacles had they faced? What paths did they take and what did they learn? Slowly a light turned on and I became intrigued at the thought of learning from those who had been working within communities for many years and relating this to my current practice. There is no learning like learning from your own mistakes but what a wonderful resource there is in those who have been practising for many years. Thus began the idea of interviewing experienced community development practitioners to extract their learning, experiences and insights and to relate these to present-day practice and contexts.What light, if any, could these reflections shed on current opportunities, dilemmas and tensions within community development? What follows is an account of the key changes to the context and practice of community development since the 1970s, told through the experiences and insights of a group of highly experienced practitioners.The book is intended for those practising and interested in practising community development today,and is aimed at encouraging practitioners to think and reflect on their work.Ideally,it will contribute and in some cases kick-start debate within the field of community development.The book is not a history of community development, nor is it an attempt to analyse community development theory.It asks
  • 13. 2 Making spaces for community development questions rather than gives answers and provides an opportunity to listen to the insights from previous practice and judge for ourselves if these contributions have something to tell us today. First, a few words about how interviewees were identified.As with community development,it was largely common sense:advertisements in community development magazines, use of networks and key contacts and direct approaches to individuals whose names were recommended.The emphasis within our search was to focus on those with approximately 20-25 years of experience or more, and to ensure that each interviewee would be able to reflect back critically on their experiences.Thirty-three community development practitioners were identified with great depth and variety of experiences, and many had over 25 years of experience. Those interviewed do not equally represent gender and ethnicity – 36% female interviewees and 18% black practitioners.We made use of black networks and tried to identify practitioners through black professionals in other fields, but were unable to identify any more practitioners from this earlier period.It was suggested that in the 1970s there were few black practitioners and most were involved as activists. What follows needs to be read in the light of this imbalance. The combined experience of those practitioners interviewed totals over 800 years of practice from the late 1960s through to the present day. Experiences range across areas of play-work and youth through to the environment, community enterprise, ‘race’ equality, immigration and housing.Interviewees were evenly balanced between statutory and voluntary sector experiences and were spread around the country with two interviewees describing their work in Wales and three interviewees talking in the context of Scotland; we were unable to identify practitioners from Northern Ireland.The bulk of the experiences drawn on are from the perspective of neighbourhood- based community development, in which the worker had a generic role across a range of issues that today would be themed into the likes of housing, equalities, capacity building, training and so on. While experiences and insights differed widely,each interviewee was keen not to appear nostalgic. If what follows reads as rose-tinted then that is my responsibility, as interviewees were trying to draw out their learning rather than harking back to what it used to be like.I was struck by the interest shown by interviewees and their generosity of time in being interviewed,for which I am extremely grateful.Each interview was packed with learning as I listened to different experiences and was left feeling both privileged yet panicked at the thought of having to recount these insights.The interviews gave voice to a diverse range of
  • 14. 3 Introduction views from community organising and grass-roots action through to community development in the context of partnerships and service delivery.While I have not quoted from every interview, each one has influenced both myself and the points made in the book. I have not tried to take sides where views have differed, but simply tried to look at what is being said and its relevance in the light of practice today. The book has six chapters. In Chapter Two, Paul Henderson provides a brief historical overview of community development over the past 40 years to act as a ‘backcloth’ for the experiences of the practitioners interviewed.Beginning in the 1960s with the dominance of social work and the appointment for the first time of community development officers within local authority social work departments, the chapter moves through the radical campaigns of the 1970s and the challenging reports from the community development projects (CDPs). Community development in the 1980s suffered significant cutbacks and there was a move away from social services departments as the‘sponsor’of community development towards that of economic development.This was developed further in the 1990s with the urban regeneration programmes in which community development became intertwined with the community involvement aspects of regeneration programmes.Community development in the 21st century has gained a higher prominence with a New Labour government that emphasised the role of the‘community’in improving public services and promoting local democracy, but has brought with it tensions around the lack of a community voice, which is vital for community development work to take place. In Chapter Three, some of the key shifts in terms of the landscape of community development are highlighted, in particular the change from a confrontational approach to the model of partnership working which predominates in all areas of regeneration and urban renewal. Today, participation in the partnership model has brought with it a greater recognition of the potential role of community development in achieving policy objectives and thus the community development workforce has grown substantially. Practitioners are now required to be far more accountable for how they carry out their roles, although this accountability is upwards to the funder or authority rather than to the communities in question.The professionalisation of community development poses challenges for today’s practitioners trying to combine a passion for social change and justice with their day-to-day practice. In Chapter Four we begin to look at the fundamental questions of what community development is and why we are doing it.The chapter
  • 15. 4 Making spaces for community development describes the differing aims of ‘well-being’ and relationships, and social justice and equality, and discusses the tensions that have always existed within community development between differing interests and priorities. Community development today is focused very much on the well-being agenda and in the context of persistent poverty and rising inequalities we ask if community development can do more to connect with anti-poverty initiatives and social justice, or would that simply result in unfulfilled aspirations? Chapter Five looks at the earlier confrontational approaches used by practitioners and contrasts this with the shift towards practice within a community planning framework.Within campaigning community work during the 1970s, the purpose of the community development role was to support local communities to challenge and make demands on the local state.Pressure was viewed as the way to achieving change. How do practitioners today go about achieving change and to what extent are conflicts between the interests of communities and the state avoided through a focus on ‘engagement’? In Chapter Six we look at the fundamental issue of accountability and its impact on community development practice and relationships between practitioners and communities. Upward accountability has increased considerably as part of the government’s overall approach to driving up standards in public services. The resulting focus on programme outputs and targets is skewing practice away from empowerment and social change activity towards a greater emphasis on service delivery.The process of community development has also come under increasing pressure as the emphasis on short-term outputs does not fit easily with the sustained,long-term nature of community development. How have these changes impacted on the ability of practitioners to develop trusting relationships within the communities they work?Within the new policy context of neighbourhood decision making what opportunities exist for practitioners and communities to work together to exert greater influence and control within the setting of local priorities? In the final chapter, Chapter Seven, we assess where community development is at today, try to identify the direction in which it is travelling and extract the key points of learning from the practitioner interviews as a way of guiding future discussions and decisions about community development. Community development is increasingly synonymous with engagement and involvement in order to meet the government priorities of public service reform and increased democratic participation.Sustained community development results in increased community involvement but this should neither be its starting
  • 16. 5 Introduction point nor its end.To what extent is community development in the UK losing a sense of purpose and direction and becoming increasingly disconnected from its origins in social change? Opportunities do exist in the current environment for community development to get back to what it does well, ensuring that communities have real voice and influence in the issues affecting their lives. In order to take advantage of these opportunities it requires that the community development field clarifies its vision and purpose. Community development must surely set goals for itself beyond the policies and programmes of the current government and begin to plan and organise itself in order to achieve these goals.The key message of this publication is that a debate needs to start within the community development field to review the current position and future directions for community development, to ensure that communities receive the support they need to achieve the changes they themselves identify.
  • 18. 7 TWO Community development: historical overview Paul Henderson A number of commentators have pointed to the mistake of assuming that community development is a recent arrival on the professional, social movement and social policy scenes,whether this was following the election in 1997 of the first Blair government or the new horizons that opened up for community development at the end of the 1960s. The starting point of the history of community development is a matter of debate; it certainly goes back more than 100 years. In the following overview we have chosen to go back as far as 1968.This is because our purpose is simply to provide a backcloth or ‘map’ for the changing practice of community development,which is the focus of the publication.The intention is to refer to the main signposts in community development,not to weigh up or discuss all the twists and turns that have been experienced.This overview is not designed to be comprehensive. Nor does it expand on the different social policy and political contexts. By keeping a focus on community development we hope to give the reader the essential background required for the book as a whole. The danger of providing a narrative account is that the significance of underlying themes and developments will be missed.The interviewees referred to many of these.Three themes that have been particularly important are as follows. Auspices: throughout most of its history, community development has turned to more powerful professions for support.It has needed a‘backer’ or sponsor that could organise funding, employment and training. Community development has shifted from one sponsoring profession to another.Being aware of this process is important because it helps to explain why,at different points in time,community development took a particular direction.We refer to the different periods,which inevitably overlap with each other, in the course of the narrative.
  • 19. 8 Making spaces for community development Changing policy contexts:intertwined with the political imperatives,all of which had major implications for community development throughout the period, have been significant policy changes.A clear example was the decision of the Callaghan government in 1976 to comply with the economic requirements set out by the International Monetary Fund, followed by stringent public expenditure cuts.We shall see that, on a number of occasions,community development was forced to respond to major policy changes.The booklet by Taylor and West (2001) and the chapter by MarilynTaylor on the changing context of UK practice (in Craig and Mayo, 1995) give a more expansive summary of this dimension of community development. Responding to new ideas: the theory and practice of community development has been informed and influenced by new or re-fashioned ideas during the period.It is,of course,very difficult to gauge the extent of such processes.Community development,however,has always been interested in debating ideas and it is reasonable to assume that,in their different ways, they have been of critical importance.This is certainly true of black and feminist thinking during the 1970s and 1980s.Current ideas about civil society (Mayo,2005) and social capital (Putnam,2000) are undoubtedly impacting on community development. The 1960s The hold that the social work profession obtained over community development from the late 1960s stemmed from the thinking and writing of people such as Murray Ross and EileenYounghusband.A working group chaired byYounghusband conceptualised community work as part of social work (Younghusband,1959).Prior to this,it had been the education profession that had helped to support community development, particularly through the development of community associations and community centres (see Thomas, 1983). The Seebohm Report (1968) set an operational framework for community work to be located in a social work context and this led,a year or two later,to community development officers being appointed by the new social services departments (social work departments in Scotland).1968 was the key year for community development:‘If there was a “golden age” of community work it was the period from 1968 until the mid-to-late 1970s’ (Popple, 1995, p 15). 1968 saw both the publication of influential reports and the emergence of government funding for community development. Previously, projects such as the North Kensington Family Study project in London had been
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  • 21. is more familiar to her than the Imitation; last year she voted for La Tonque, this year for Vermouth, and gravely assures us that Bois-Roussel is full of promise; the grand Derby drives her wild, and the triumph of Fille de l'Air seems to her a national victory. She can tell who are the best dressmakers, what saddler is most in vogue, what shop is most frequented. She can weigh the respective merits of the equipages of Comte de la Grange, Duc de Morny, and M. Delamarre. But, alas! turn the conversation to a matter of history or geography; speak of the middle ages, the crusades, the institutions of Charlemagne or St. Louis; compare Bossuet with Corneille, Racine with Fênélon; utter the names of Camoëns or Dante, of Royer-Collard, Frédéric Ozanam, Comte de Montalembert, or Père Gratry; the poor thing is struck dumb. She can only amuse young women and frivolous young men; incapable of talking of business, art, politics, agriculture, or science, she cannot converse with her father-in-law, with the curé, or any other sensible man. And yet it is a woman's first talent to be able to converse with every one. If her mother-in-law visits schools and poor people, and wishes to enroll her in charitable associations, she understands neither their aim nor their importance, for compassion and kindness of heart do not suffice in a certain class for the execution of good works. To acquire influence and give to a benefit its true worth, its whole moral significance, one needs an intelligence only to be acquired by study and attentive reflection." And, now, I must go further, and indicate the fatal results of the present condition of things to domestic life, to society, and to religion; and I will tell the entire truth. I know, I have seen, and thanked God in seeing, the sway exercised in her family by a Christian wife and mother; the pursuits introduced under her guidance; the ideas, at first indignantly rejected, adopted to please her; thoughts of religion, of charity, of devotion, resignation, and forgiveness; but more rarely, I must confess, principles of industry.
  • 22. It is a painful fact that education, not excepting religious education, rarely gives a serious taste for study to young girls or young women. Envoys from God to the domestic hearth, guardians of the holy traditions of faith, honor, and loyalty, women, even devout Christian women, seem to be the adversaries of work whether for their husbands or their children, but especially for their sons. I have seen women who found it difficult not to regard the time given to study as stolen from them. Is this for want of intelligence or aptitude? I think not. I attribute this prejudice, first, to the education we give them, light, frivolous, and superficial, if not absolutely false; and, secondly, to the part assigned to them in the world, and the place reserved for them in families, and even in some Christian families. We do not wish women to study; they do not wish those about them to study. We do not like to see them employed; they do not like to see others employed, and they succeed only too well in preventing their husbands and children from working. This is an immense misfortune, a most fatal influence. It is useless to say to men, "Work, accept offices, occupy your time." While women seek to destroy the effect of our advice, it will never produce results. So long as mothers advise their daughters not to marry men in office; so long as the young wife uses her whole art to disgust her husband with employment, and the young mother fails to inculcate in her children the necessity of self-culture, of training the mind and talents as one cultivates a precious plant, so long will the law of labor remain, with rare exceptions, unobserved. In the present stage of customs and manners, home life being what it is, women only can effectively protect a spirit of industry; make it habitual; inculcate, foster, facilitate, and even enforce it upon those around them; early preparing the way for it, rendering it possible and easy, according to it esteem, encouragement, and admiration.
  • 23. Now, on the contrary, children are placed as soon as possible en pension; that is the word; or for the boys a tutor is appointed, for the girls a governess. The mother, out of love of amusement, deprives herself as early as possible of the supreme happiness of bestowing upon her children the first gleam of intellectual and spiritual life—she who gave them corporeal existence. The children then go to college or to a convent, and what becomes the mother's chief care? That they should not work too hard! If there is a tutor or governess, the case is far worse. The mother often appears to be the born adversary of both, bent upon finding fault, upon alienating her children from them, and extorting privileges, walks, exemptions, and incessant interruptions. The only dream of this weak and blind mother, her only idea of occupation for her son, is to plan hunting parties for him, gatherings of young people, hippodromes, plays, watering-places, and balls, where she follows him with her eyes, enchanted with his triumphs in society, which should perhaps rather make her sigh. No longer daring to be vain for herself, she is vain for him. What defects does she blame? An ungraceful gesture, an unrefined expression, or the omission of some courtesy. She never says to him: "Aim at higher things; cultivate your mind; learn to think, to know men, things, yourself; become a distinguished man; serve your country; make for yourself a name, unless you have one already, and in that case be worthy to bear it." Few mothers give such counsel to their children—still less, young wives to their husbands. They seem to marry in order to run about in search of amusement or of the principle of perpetual motion. Country places, city life, baths, watering-places, the turf, balls, concerts, and morning calls leave not a moment's rest for them day or night. Willingly or unwillingly, the husband must share this restlessness. He yawns frequently, scolds sometimes, but no matter for that; he must yield, longing for the blessed moment when he can shake off the yoke and take refuge at his club. The young wife employs every gift of art and nature, everything that God bestowed upon her for better purposes, grace, beauty, sweetness, address,
  • 24. fascination, to make him yield. Oh! that she would employ half these providential resources to prove to her husband that she would be proud to be the wife of a distinguished man; that she longs to see him cultivated, clever, worthy of his name, worthy one day to be held up as an example to his son; to persuade him either to take some office, or to live upon his estates and exercise a righteous influence, protecting elective places, gaining the confidence and esteem of his fellow-citizens, setting a noble example, and thus serving God and society! But far from behaving thus, if the poor husband ventures to take up a book and seek repose from the whirlwind he is condemned to live in, madam makes a little face, (considered bewitching at twenty, but one day to be pronounced insufferable;) she flutters about the literary man, the rhetorician, the scholar, retires to put on her hat, comes back, seats herself, springs up again, flits back and forth before the mirror, takes her gloves, and finally bursts out into execrations against books and reading, which are good for nothing except to making a man stupid and preoccupied. For the sake of peace the husband throws down his book, loses the habit of reading, suffers gradual annihilation by a conjugal process, and, having failed to raise his companion to his own level, sinks to hers. Here we have a deplorable vicious circle. So long as women know nothing, they will prefer unoccupied men; and so long as men remain idle, they will prefer ignorant and frivolous women. Men in office are no less persecuted than others. Many women torment a magistrate, a lawyer, a notary, making them fail in exactitude and in application to business, instead of encouraging a strict and complete fulfilment of duty. They consider punctuality a bore and assiduity insufferable. When they succeed in accomplishing the neglect of an appointment or of some important occupation, one would think they had achieved a victory. The case is worse still for certain careers generally adopted by rich men or by those whose families were formerly wealthy, such as the army and navy. An officer must remain unmarried, or marry a girl without fortune.
  • 25. Otherwise, in discussing the marriage, the first thing demanded is a resignation. Every young lady of independent fortune wishes her husband to do nothing. In view of this ignorant prejudice, this conjugal ostracism, even sensible mothers hesitate about recommending their sons to adopt careers which will make marriage possible to them only at the expense of a noble fortune; or else they say in words too often heard: "My son will serve for a few years, and then resign. A married man cannot pursue a career." And young men are asked to work with this perspective before them! How can one love a position which is to be abandoned on such or such a day in accordance with a caprice? What zeal, what emulation, what ambition can a man have who is to leave the service at twenty-five or twenty-eight years of age, when he is perhaps captain of artillery or lieutenant of a ship, that is to say, when he has worked his way through the difficulties that beset every career at its outset? I have known mothers fairly reduced to despair at seeing a son, just on the point of attaining an elevated position, forced to renounce the thought merely in accordance with the exigence of a young girl and the blindness of her mother, who ought to foresee and dread the inevitable regrets and inconveniences of idleness succeeding to the charm of an occupied life, of the monotony of a tête-à-tête coming after the excitements of Solferino, or the perpetual qui vive of our Algerian garrisons, or the adventurous and almost constantly heroic life of the navy. It is the duty of an intelligent Christian wife or mother to point out the dangers of idleness and stultification; the social and intellectual suicide resulting from standing aloof from every office and all occupation; the political and religious necessity of occupying responsible places, distinguishing one's self in them, and holding them permanently in order to exercise one's influence in favor of morals and religion. This is a vital matter which will never be
  • 26. understood until mothers teach it with the catechism to their little children. This is the commentary which every mother and every catechist must give, in explaining the important chapter on sloth, one of the seven deadly sins. And the same ideas must be inculcated in instructing their daughters until they are twenty years old; teaching them to be reasonable and capable, showing them the evil consequences of idleness in a young husband, the difficulty of amusing him all day long, of pleasing without wearying him, of averting ennui, ill-humor, and monotony. And let the teacher never fail to add the truth so often proved that it is impossible to induce a son to work after having dissuaded his father from working. Of course, there are moments of pain in an occupied life. It is hard to see a husband embark for two or three years, going perhaps to Sebastopol or to Kabylia. But it is sadder still to see a husband bored to death, and thinking his wife tedious, his home unbearable, his affairs drudgery; and this is not uncommon. I have heard wives who had consented to necessary separations say that the trial had its compensations; that the consciousness of duty fulfilled was a source of inestimable satisfaction; that the agony was followed by a joy that obliterated the memory of suffering; that as the time of return drew near, as the regiment or the ship appeared in sight, they experienced a happiness unknown to other women. It must be so; God leaves nothing unrewarded; every sacrifice has its compensation, every wound its balm. I am told that the most admirable households are to be found in our seaport towns, our great manufacturing centres, and even in our large garrison towns in spite of the bustle, agitation, and dissipation reigning there. I can easily believe this—every one is busy in such places. A husband who has spent the day in barrack or factory (still more, one who has been at sea a long time) thirsts for home, longs to be again by his own hearth, enjoying domestic life. The wife on her side, separated for several hours from her husband, reserves for him her most cheerful mood and her pleasantest smile. She saves him from the thousand annoyances of the day, the household perplexities, the little embarrassments of life, the children's romping. The little ones run to meet their father, and recreate him after his work with
  • 27. caresses and prattle. This is the way in which men enjoy children; as a necessity of every day and all day, they dread them. But without rising so high, I ask simply what can be more agreeable, even for a husband who spends his life in hunting or anywhere else out of his own house, than to find on coming home his wife cheerful and good-tempered, because after getting him a good dinner she has amused herself with painting a pretty picture, or studying with genuine interest a little natural history, or trying some experiment in domestic chemistry, or even solving a problem in géométrie agricole, instead of finding her languid and melancholy, a femme incomprise, with some novel or another in her hand. If I persist in preaching industry to men and women, it is for very urgent reasons, not only domestic and political, but social. Who does not see that we verge on socialism at present? The masses will not work, they detest labor. Salaries have been raised again and again; for many trades they go beyond necessity, and so the workman, instead of giving six days in the week to his trade, gives but four, three, or even two days. It is for the higher classes who are supposed to understand their duties and to feel the import of their responsibilities, it is for them to reinstate labor in popular estimation. In this as in all other things, example must come from above; for here, as in religion and morals, the higher classes owe to society and to their country some expiation. The eighteenth century, with its corruptions, its scandals, and its irreligion, hangs upon us with the weight of a satanic heritage. Like original sin, these errors have been washed in blood; it is the history of all great errors. It remains for us to expiate the idleness, the inaction, inutility, annihilation to which we have hitherto surrendered ourselves, setting a fatal example to those around us. Our generation must be steeped in labor. There and only there is to be found our safety, and mothers must be convinced of this truth. The mother is the centre of home, everything radiates from her—
  • 28. on one condition, that she is a mother worthy of the name and mission—and such mothers are rare. We know what is in general the education of women. Add to it the indulgence and weakness of parents, the species of idolatry they have for their daughters, the premature pleasures lavished upon young girls, the pains taken to praise them, to adorn them from their earliest infancy, and afterward to show them off and make them shine in a sort of matrimonial exhibition. How can we hope to find earnest mothers of families among those whose youth has been spent in balls, fetes, and morning visits? Alas! it is not possible. Reasonable ideas rarely come to them until age or misfortune has withdrawn their surest means of influence. And the greatest sufferers from this calamity are society and religion; it cannot be otherwise. A little drawing, a little more music, enough grammar and orthography to pass muster, sufficient history and geography to know Gibraltar from the Himalaya and to recognize Cyrus as King of Persia, but not enough to avenge noble memories outraged or to rectify erroneous estimates; of foreign languages a slight smattering, enough to enable one to read English and German novels, but not to appreciate the glorious pages of Shakespeare, Milton, or Klopstock; no literature, nothing of our great authors, unless a few fables of La Fontaine and perhaps a chorus out of Esther learned in childhood; of religious knowledge a sufficiency to allow of being admitted to first communion, not enough to answer the most vulgar objections, the most notorious calumnies, not enough to understand one's position and duties, to impose silence on the detractors of religion, or the adversaries of reason and Christian evidence, to refute the grossest sophistry, to lead back to faith and holy practices a young husband or perhaps an aged father; with such an education what influence can a young woman exercise? If the poor young creature so insufficiently prepared by education never reads, or reads only romances, where will she find arms to
  • 29. defend her against error and blasphemy? In spite of sincere piety, she must, useless and timid soldier that she is, desert the holy cause of God and truth for fear of compromising it by an ignorant defence. And yet it is a noble cause, and one that belongs especially to her, for it is the cause of the weak and defenceless, and only asks in its service a sincere conviction, a devout heart, and a little knowledge. But the knowledge is wanting. Because she has acquired neither a habit of reflection nor of seeking in good books necessary information, she must be silent, and, while God and his faith are outraged in her presence with impunity, drop her eyes upon her worsted work and sigh. Yes, sigh—that is right; and sigh not only for the poor men who read such wretched books and intoxicate themselves with vile poisons, but also for the fact that there is no one to open their eyes, to lead these misled hearts back into the right path, or, at least, to excite a doubt in their perverted minds and warped consciences; no mother, sister, daughter, wife, no intelligent, enlightened, educated woman to fulfil woman's essential mission. No one else can do the work. If women are not the first apostles of the home circle, no one else can penetrate it. But they must render themselves thoroughly capable of fulfilling their apostleship. Nowadays, when all the world reasons or rather cavils, when everything is discussed and proved, when even light and life must be demonstrated, it is necessary that women should participate in the general movement. To speak without reserve—in the face of a masculine generation who graft on to the hauteurs which especially belong to them feminine indifference, affectation, idleness, frivolity, and weakness—women must show themselves serious, thoughtful, firm, and courageous. When men copy their defects, it behooves them to borrow a few manly virtues. "It is time," nobly says M. Caro, "that minds possessed of any intellectual claims awoke to full vitality. Let every being endowed with reason learn to protect himself against literary evil-doers and to repulse their attacks upon God, soul, virtue, purity, and faith."
  • 30. To Be Continued. In Memoriam. When souls like thine rise up and leave This Earth's dark prison-place, 'Tis foolishness to grieve: Or think thou dost thy life regret, And would return if God would let Thy feet their steps retrace. 'Tis he who ends thy banishment, And by an angel's hand has sent A merciful reprieve.
  • 31. The Early Christian Schools and Scholars. [Footnote 7] [Footnote 7: Christian Schools and Scholars; or, Sketches of Education from the Christian Era to the Council of Trent. By the author of The Three Chancellors, etc. Two vol. London: Longmans, Green & Co.] The history of the schools and scholars of the early ages of the church is not only interesting as forming an important chapter in the history of the church itself, but is full of most remarkable facts and valuable suggestions bearing on the as yet apparently unsolved problem of education. It is replete with matter well worthy the profound attention of all who consider the proper training of youth one of the gravest and most important of public questions; and one which, in this age of advanced enlightenment, still remains the subject of many crude and conflicting opinions. Not only do we recommend its perusal to the Catholic teacher, who is manfully overcoming the peculiar obstacles presented in our unsettled community, as a source of consolation and encouragement; but we call it to the notice of those gentlemen who spend so much of their time during summer vacations debating on the quantity and quality of discipline necessary to enforce the time-honored authority of the teacher, and in endeavoring to define the exact minimum of moral training required to be administered to the secular student to fit him for the proper discharge of the duties of life. We do this in all sincerity; for with this latter class of persons we are not inclined to find too much fault. Many of them are men of intelligence and good intentions; but, groping as they are in utter darkness, and bringing to their deliberations a lamentable ignorance of the essential principles of Christian education, it is not wonderful that their counsels should be divided, and their labors as unprofitable as
  • 32. that of Sisyphus. Disguise it as we may, it cannot be doubted that the state colleges and schools of our country, after a very fair trial, have not answered the expectations of even those who profess themselves their warmest admirers. There is a feeling in the public mind, as yet partially expressed, that there is something lacking in our method of dealing with the ever-constant flood of young hearts and minds which is daily looking to us for direction and guidance. It is becoming more and more painfully apparent that the mere intellect of the children who attend our public institutions is stimulated into unnatural and unhealthy activity, while their moral nature is left wholly uncultivated and undeveloped. Conducted, as such institutions must necessarily be, by persons unqualified or unauthorized to administer moral instruction, it cannot, of course, be expected that the souls for a time entrusted to their care can be fortified by wise counsels and that moral discipline which was considered in past ages and in all nations as the fundamental basis of all Christian education. Even in a worldly sense, it ought to be a source of our greatest solicitude that the generation which is to hold the honor and integrity of the nation in its keeping should be schooled in the principles of justice and rectitude upon which all true individual and national greatness must depend. If, then, we have exhausted the wisdom of the present, with all its examples before our eyes, to no good purpose, let us turn reverently to the experience of the past, and see if we cannot find something fit for meditation in the varied pages of the history of the Christian church, in her struggles against ignorance and false philosophy. From the very beginning the church had to contend against three distinct elements, positively or negatively, opposed to her teachings. In the East, as then known, what was called the Greek civilization, superimposed on the Roman, denied all particular gods while worshipping many, and culminated either in refined atheism or the deification of man himself: proud of its disputants, its arts and literature, it affected to feel, and perhaps actually felt, a contempt
  • 33. for the simple doctrines of Christianity, accompanied, as they were, by self-denial, poverty, and lowliness. Over continental Europe and many of its islands the wave of Roman conquest had swept irresistibly and receded reluctantly, leaving behind it the sediment of an intelligence which served only to nourish the latent weeds of ignorance and paganism; while in the far West existed a people with a peculiar and, in its way, a high order of civilization, untouched, it is true, by Roman or Greek pantheism, but completely shut out from the light of the gospel. To overcome the scattered and diversified opposition thus presented, to overturn false gods and uproot false opinions, to bend the stubborn neck of the barbarian beneath the yoke of Christian meekness, and to mould whatever was brilliant and intellectual in mankind to the service of the true God, was the task assumed by the church through the means of education. During the first three centuries of our era schools were established at Alexandria, Jerusalem, Edessa, Antioch, and other centres of Eastern wealth and learning; of these, that at Alexandria, founded by St. Mark, A.D. 60, was the most celebrated, and had for its teachers and scholars some of the most learned men of the period. They were catechetical in their nature, and at first were confined to oral instructions on the chief articles of the faith and the nature of the sacraments; but in process of time their sphere of usefulness was greatly enlarged, and the character of the studies pursued in them assumed a wider and higher tone, till not only dogmatic theology and Christian ethics, but human sciences and profane literature, were freely taught. Thus we read that, toward the close of the second century, St. Pantaeus, a converted Stoic of great erudition, and Clement of Alexandria, who is said to have "visited all lands and studied in all schools in search of truth," taught in the school of St. Mark, with an eloquence so convincing, and a knowledge of Grecian philosophy so thorough, that multitudes of Gentiles flocked to hear them, astonished to find the doctrines of the new faith expounded in the polished language of Cicero, and
  • 34. the very logic of Aristotle turned against the pantheistic philosophy of Greece. Their successor, the celebrated Origen, whose reputation has outlived all the attacks of time, in a letter to his friend St. Gregory, gives us some idea of the course of instruction pursued in his time, in this school, in regard to the study of the human sciences. "They are to be used," he writes, "so that they may contribute to the understanding of the Scriptures; for just as philosophers are accustomed to say that geometry, music, grammar, rhetoric, and astronomy, all dispose us to the study of philosophy, so we may say that philosophy, rightly studied, disposes us to the study of Christianity. We are permitted, when we go out of Egypt, to carry with us the riches of the Egyptians wherewith to adorn the tabernacle; only let us beware how we reverse the process, and leave Israel to go down into Egypt and seek for treasure; that is what Jeroboam did in olden time, and what heretics do in our own." Here we find expressed, at so early a day, the beautiful idea of the church respecting education; that enduring pyramid which she would build up, whose base is human science, and whose apex is the knowledge of God. The episcopal seminaries, intended exclusively for the training of ecclesiastics, were coeval with, if not anterior to, the catechetical schools, for we find the germ of the system in the very earliest apostolic times. They originally formed but part of the bishops' households; and the students were taught by him personally, or by his deputy. When the community life became more general and the number of ecclesiastical pupils increased, the seminaries assumed more extensive proportions, the school being held in the church attached to the bishop's house, but the scholars still living under his roof. Great care was always manifested by the early fathers of the church in the moral and intellectual training of ecclesiastical students. Thus, Pope St. Siricius, in his decretal, A.D. 385, to the Bishop of Tarragona, lays down the following rules to be observed in preparing candidates for the priesthood. He orders that they shall be selected principally from those who have been devoted to the service of the church from childhood. At thirty years of age
  • 35. they are to be advanced through inferior orders to subdiaconate and diaconate, and after five years thus spent they may be ordained priests. In several provincial councils held in the early centuries we find the greatest stress laid on the importance of the careful culture of seminarians, and the second council of Toledo, A.D. 531, fixes the ordination of subdeacons at twenty, and of deacons at twenty-five years of age. As to the course of studies pursued, besides the reading of the Scriptures, the Psalter, and a knowledge of the duties of the holy offices, Latin, Greek, and generally Hebrew were taught, together with the liberal sciences, and sometimes even law and medicine. Thus did the church gradually but firmly lay the foundation of her system. First, by giving to the adult neophyte such instruction as befitted his age and condition, to enable him to become a worthy member of her fold; and next, by providing, under the direct inspection of each bishop, a school where children, disciplined in his household, taught from his mouth and by his example lessons of piety, humility and self-control, and armed with all the resources of sacred and profane learning, were at mature years sent forth to convert a gentile world, and in turn become teachers of men. While the catechetical schools were flourishing in the East and the episcopal seminaries assuming form in Spain and Gaul, the bloody persecutions which prevailed intermittingly at Rome retarded for a long time education in that city. Many of her first citizens, it is true, regardless alike of family considerations and imperial edicts, were to be daily found by the side of her humblest bondmen, listening, through the gloom of the catacombs, to the teachings of the gospel; and to this day their places can be pointed out beside the rough hewn seat of their teachers. The Roman pontiffs also labored in their own dwellings to educate their young priests, many of whom, like St. Felicitanus, passed only from their care to testify their devotion to the faith by a glorious martyrdom. When the Emperor Constantine was converted, the palace of the Laterni became the residence of the popes, and here was established the
  • 36. Patriarchium, or seminary, which for several centuries gave so many distinguished occupants to the chair of Peter. The schools of the empire were also thrown open to the Christians, who largely availed themselves of their superior advantages to become acquainted with the old authors. But the professors of the imperial academies were but semi-christianized, and, though conforming outwardly to the new order of things, they retained not a little of their old ideas and customs. Hence, we find a variety of opinions entertained by contemporary authorities as to the propriety of Christians studying in them. In most cases, however, where the danger of contamination was not imminent, or where, as in the case of Victorinus, the academicians were bona-fidè Christians, the practice was permitted, so eager were the fathers to encourage learning. Tertullian was of opinion that, while Christians could not lawfully teach in the schools with pagans, they might be listeners, without, however, taking part in idolatrous ceremonies. St. Basil, who studied for a time in them, and who was a devoted lover of classical learning, entertained much the same views, comparing the student to a bee who sucks honey out of the poisoned flower. St. Chrysostom, who cannot be accused of any antipathy to education in all its most elegant branches, but who had in his own person experienced the dangers which beset the young Christian in the academies, after great deliberation, and with evident reluctance, decided against the public schools as then conducted. His words have a significant sound, even in these days. He writes: "If you have masters among you who can answer for the virtue of your children, I should be very far from advocating your sending them to a monastery. On the contrary, I should strongly insist on them remaining where they are. But, if no one can give such a guarantee, we ought not to send our children to schools where they will learn vice before they learn science, and where, in acquiring learning of relatively small value, they will lose what is far more precious, their integrity of soul. … 'Are we,
  • 37. then, to give up literature?' you will exclaim. I do not say that; but I do say that we must not kill souls. … When the foundations of a building are sapped, we should seek rather for architects to reconstruct the whole edifice, than for artists to adorn the walls. In fact, the choice lies between two alternatives a liberal education, which you may get by sending your children to the public schools, or the salvation of their souls, which you secure by sending them to the monks. Which is to gain the day, science or the soul? If you can unite both advantages, do so, by all means; but, if not, choose the most precious." The character of the academies must have soon changed for the better; for, when Julian some time after closed them to the Christians, ostensibly with a view to the purity of morals, but actually to deprive Christian students of the benefit of any education, St. Gregory, who quickly saw through the Apostate's designs, protested in the strongest terms against the injustice. "For my part," he says, "I trust that every one who cares for learning will take part in my indignation. I leave to others fortune, birth, and every other fancied good which can flatter the imagination of man. I value only science and letters, and regret no labor that I have spent in their acquisition. I have preferred, and ever shall prefer, learning to all earthly riches, and hold nothing dearer on earth next to the joys of heaven and the hopes of eternity." The decree was afterward revoked by the Emperor Valentinian at the request of St. Ambrose, and the academies gradually fell into decay; and, growing dim in the light of the new Christian foundations of other countries, finally ceased to be objects of discussion. Perhaps the greatest good that resulted from the evils complained of by St. Chrysostom was the establishment of the Benedictine order; an organization destined to exercise for centuries a controlling influence over the educational system of Christendom. In the year A.D. 522, a poor solitary named Benedict, while engaged at his devotions in the grotto of Subiaco, was visited by two Roman senators, who desired him to take charge of the
  • 38. education of their sons, Maurus and Placidus. He consented, and other children of the same rank, whose parents feared the contagion of the imperial schools, were soon after placed in his care. For their government he established a rule, and from this apparently slight foundation sprang the numberless monasteries which were the custodians and dispensaries of learning in the middle ages. In 543, St. Maurus carried the Benedictine rule into Gaul, where under his charge and that of his successors monasteries multiplied with great rapidity. We have seen that at first this illustrious order was designed only for the education of the children of the rich, who were to be instructed "non solum in Scripturis divinas, sed etiam in secularibus litteris;" but so great did its reputation become that, in a short time, we find the doors of its schools thrown open to all classes. It was not, however, in the polished circles of the cities of Greece and her colonies, nor even in the future centre of Christendom, that the church was destined to achieve her most substantial triumphs. The civilization of the East, long in a state of decay, waned with the decline of the Empire, and its opulent cities and elaborate literature became part of the débris of the colossal ruins of that once stupendous power. The soil in which the seeds of education had been planted by St. Mark and St. Basil, Origen and Cassian, was already exhausted, and incapable of producing those hardy plants and gigantic trees which defy time and corruption. We must, therefore, look to Western Europe as the proper field wherein were to be sown the germs of a more enduring growth. The monastic system, more or less defined, was introduced into Gaul long before the advent of St. Maurus, and the education, not only of monks, was attended to with care, but of the laity also. From the earliest times we find traces of the exterior schools attached to the monasteries for the training of children not intended for a clerical life. The rules of Saints Pachominus and Basil, then generally followed, were careful to provide that children should be taught to read and write, and instructed in psalmody and
  • 39. such portions of the Holy Scriptures as were suited to their comprehension. They were to live in the monastery and be allowed to sit at table with the monks, who were strictly cautioned not to do or say anything that could disedify their young minds. With a tenderness truly paternal, the young scholars were allowed a separate part of the building for themselves, and plenty of time for amusement. On the subject of punishment, we recommend the following advice of St. Basil to modern teachers, believing that juvenile human nature is much the same now as it was sixteen or seventeen centuries ago. "Let every fault have its own remedy," says this experienced teacher, "so that, while the offence is punished, the soul may be exercised to conquer its passions. For example: Has a child been angry with his companion? Oblige him to beg pardon of the other and to do him some humble service; for it is by accustoming him to humility that you will eradicate anger, which is always the offspring of pride. Has he eaten out of meals? Let him remain fasting for a good part of the day. Has he eaten to excess and in an unbecoming manner? At the hour of repast, let him, without eating himself, watch others taking their food in a modest manner, and so he will be learning how to behave at the same time that he is being punished by his abstinence. And if he has offended by idle words, by rudeness, or by telling lies, let him be corrected by diet and silence." The early Gallican bishops showed as great a desire to encourage learning among their clergy as did those of Spain, and were never tired of enforcing the necessity of the attentive study of the Scriptures and the cultivation of letters, even in religious houses occupied by women. The result of this zealous spirit is to be found in the establishment of the schools of Tours and Lyons, Grinni and Vienne, the abbey of Marmontier and the more famous one of Lerins, which produced thousands of missionaries, and such scholars as Apollinaris of Lyons, Maumertius, the author of The Nature of the Soul, and the poets, Saints Prosper and Avitus. The "Academy of Toulouse," of disputatious memory, is claimed to have
  • 40. had a very ancient origin, but was probably not in existence until the sixth century. But the first period of literary culture on the continent of Europe was fast drawing to a close. At the end of the fifth century heresy and schism; the converted Ostrogoths of Northern Italy were subdued by the semi-paganized Lombards; the Roman empire existed but in name; and civil war broke out in Gaul, desolating her fields and laying in ruins her churches and schools. Darkness succeeded light, and anarchy and barbarism prevailed on both sides of the Alps. But the cause of Christian learning was not lost. Driven from the mainland, the Christian scholars had already taken refuge in the adjacent islands, where they rekindled their torches, and kept them burning with an effulgence unknown in the palaces of kings or the schools of the empire. The providence of God, which permitted the ravages of war and heresy to prevail for a time in Gaul, Spain, and Italy, ordained that a newer and more secure asylum should be provided for the handmaid of the faith, whence were to issue, when the storm passed over, of hosts of zealous and learned men to reconquer for the church her desolated and darkened dominions. Ireland and England were destined to be this asylum, and, even humanly speaking, no choice could have been more propitious. The qualities which distinguished the people of these islands, and which characterize them even at this day, admirably adapted them for missionary life. The Anglo-Saxon genius, mollified by contact with the more imaginative mind of the Briton, developed a strong, unconquerable will, great tenacity of purpose, vast powers of cooperation, and a capacity for solid attainments; while the Celts of the sister island, who had never known a conqueror, exhibited the indomitable zeal of a free-born people united to an insatiable love of learning and fine arts, and a subtility of mind which easily grasped the most beautiful and abstruse dogmas of Christian philosophy.
  • 41. The earliest monastic schools of England were destroyed by the Saxon invaders about the middle of the fifth century, and what remained of their teachers were driven with the remnant of the Britons into the mountains of Wales. Yet even before the invasion many of her youth found their way to the continent, and there obtaining an education, returned to their native country to teach their compatriots. Thus St. Ninian, who had studied at Rome under Pope St. Siricius and had visited Tours, established his episcopal seminary and a school for the neighboring children at Witherne, in Galloway, about the beginning of that century. He was, says his biographer, St. Aelred, "assiduous in reading." St. Germanus of Auxerre and St. Lupus of Troyes followed in 429, and established at Caerleon, the capital of the Britons, seminaries and schools, in which they lectured on the Scriptures and the liberal arts. Stimulated by their example, monastic schools sprang rapidly into existence, the most successful of which were those at Hentland; Laudwit, among whose first scholars was the historian Gildas; Bangor on the Dee, in which, according to Bede, there were over two thousand students; Whitland, where St. David studied; and Llancarvan, founded by St. Cadoc. This latter saint was educated by an Irish recluse named Fathai, who was induced to leave his hermitage in the mountains to take charge of the school of Gwent, in Monmouthshire. We must not be surprised to find an Irish teacher at that early period in Wales; for already the wonderful exodus of Irish missionaries and teachers had commenced. The twenty years' missionary labors of St. Patrick and his disciples had literally converted the entire people of Ireland, and, following the lessons taught him at Tours, Rome, and Lerins, that saint studded the island with seminaries and monastic schools. His own, at Armagh, founded A.D. 455, doubtless formed the model upon which the others were built. "Within a century after the death of St. Patrick," says Bishop Nicholson, "the Irish seminaries had so increased that most parts of Europe sent their children to be educated there, and drew thence their bishops and teachers." So numerous, indeed,
  • 42. were the schools of Ireland founded by the successors of St. Patrick that it is impossible even to enumerate their names in the limits of an article. The most celebrated were those of Armagh, which at one time furnished education to seven thousand pupils; Lismore; Cashel; Aran, "the Holy;" Clonard, the alma mater of Columba the Great; Conmacnois; Benchor, of which St. Bernard speaks in such terms of admiration; and Clonfert, founded by St. Brendan the navigator. When we remember the disturbed condition of the continent during the sixth and seventh centuries, and the almost profound peace which prevailed in Ireland during that time, we cease to be astonished at the influx of foreigners which thronged her schools. St. AEngus mentions the names of Gauls, Romans, Germans, and even Egyptians who visited her shore; and St. Aldhelm of Westminster, in the seventh century, rather petulantly complains of his countrymen neglecting their own schools for those of Ireland. "Nowadays," he remarks, "the renown of the Irish is so great that one sees them daily going or returning; and crowds flock over to their island to gather up, not merely the liberal arts and physical sciences, but also the four senses of Holy Scripture and the allegorical and tropological interpretation of its sacred oracles." As to the course of study pursued in the Irish monastic schools, there is reason to believe that not only were theology, grammar, that is, languages, and the physical sciences taught, but poetry and music also received special attention. The bardic order were the first to embrace Christianity, and their love for those two beautiful arts was proverbial. Latin and Hebrew were studied, but the sonorous language of Homer and Cicero seems to have been most in favor, probably on account of its remarkable resemblance, in euphony at least, to the vernacular Gaelic. Mathematics and astronomy ranked first on the list of the sciences, and geography, as far as then known, must have been familiar to St. Brendan and his adventurous companions. But, as we have said, the missionary labors of the Irish had already commenced. Obedient to a law beyond human control, the pent-up
  • 43. zeal of the people had burst its boundaries and overflowed Europe. Of the devoted men destined to roll back the tide of paganism, the first in point of greatness, if not in time, was St. Columba, the founder of the schools of Iona, A.D. 563. Amid all the Irish missionaries, this saint stands out in the boldest relief. Of proud lineage and dauntless spirit, passionately fond of books, yet sharing willingly with his monks the toils of the field, we fancy we can almost see his tall, austere figure stalking amid the unknown and unheeded perils of the barbarous Hebrides and the mountains of North Britain, with his staff and book, overawing hostile chiefs and princes by his very presence, and winning the hearts of the humble shepherds by his sweet voice and gentle demeanor. "He suffered no space of time," says Adamnan, "no, not an hour to pass, in which he was not employed either in prayer, or in reading or writing, or manual work." Leaving Ireland forging the weapons of spiritual and intellectual combat, and the Albanian Scots to the care of Columba and his monks, we turn again to England, which, with the exception of Wales, was up to the end of the sixth century sunk in the grossest paganism. In the year 596, when, to use the words of Pope Gregory, "all Europe was in the hands of the barbarians," that pontiff conceived the idea of converting the Saxons of England. He accordingly despatched St. Augustine and some monks from Monte Cassino, lately reduced to ruins. St. Augustine brought with him a Bible, a psalter, the gospels, an apocryphal lives of the apostles, a martyrology, and the exposition of certain epistles and gospels, besides sacred vessels, vestments, church ornaments, and holy relics. He forthwith established a seminary and school at Canterbury, which afterward attained great celebrity. But the schools of Lindisfarne, founded by St. Aiden, A.D. 635, eclipsed all lesser luminaries. Aiden was a worthy descendant of Columba, and brought to his task all the learning and discipline of Iona. "All who bore company with Aiden," says the Venerable Bede, "whether monks or laymen, were employed either in studying the Scriptures or in singing psalms. This was his own daily employment wherever
  • 44. he went." In the south of England, Maidulf, also an Irish missionary, founded the schools of Malmsbury; Wilfred, a student of Lindisfarne, the abbey and school of Ripon, introducing the Benedictine rule into England; while Archbishop Theodore, a native of Tarsis, and Adrian, described as a "fountain of letters and a river of arts,"' gave a wonderful impetus to the study of letters in Canterbury. These latter added to St. Augustine's library the works of St. Chrysostom, the history of Josephus, and a copy of Homer. The studies pursued at Canterbury consisted of theology, Latin and Greek, geometry, arithmetic, music, mechanics, astronomy, and astrology. The most illustrious pupil of the early schools of Canterbury were St. Aldhelm, who was thoroughly familiar with the classical authors, himself a writer of no mean order, and who afterward became teacher at Malmsbury; St. Bennet Biscop, who founded schools at Monk Wearmouth, Yarrow, and various other places, endowing them with valuable books which he had collected on the continent. He first introduced the use of glass in England. In the school at Yarrow, Bede commenced his studies. This extraordinary man, besides attending to his duties as a missionary and teacher, found time to compose forty-five books on the most diverse subjects, including commentaries on the Holy Scriptures, works on grammar, astronomy, the logic of Aristotle, music, geography, arithmetic, orthography, versification, the computum or method of calculating Easter, and natural philosophy, besides his Ecclesiastical History and Lives of the Saints. He was well versed in the Latin, Greek, and Hebrew languages, and, for his success in reducing the barbarous Anglo-Saxon tongue to something like grammatical rules, he has been justly styled the father of the English language. For the immense knowledge which he displayed in his various writings, he was indebted, doubtless, to the valuable libraries collected by St. Bennet, who, like a true son of Iona, seized upon a book whenever or wherever an opportunity was afforded. At the beginning of the eighth century, the schools of York attained general notoriety under the management of Egbert, who taught the seven liberal sciences, chronology, natural history,
  • 45. mathematics, and jurisprudence. Here Alcuin, the adviser and friend of Charlemagne, received his first lessons. Nor are we to suppose that the great schools above mentioned occupied the entire attention of the hierarchy of England. On the contrary, every bishop had his own seminary; and every monastery, of which there were hundreds in the seventh and eighth centuries, had its interior or claustral, and its exterior school for the education of the children of its neighborhood. In England, as elsewhere, wherever a monastery was built, no matter how remote the situation or how barren the soil, people flocked round it not only to hear the gospel preached, but to learn the mechanical arts and the laws of agriculture. Besides this, parish priests, or, as they were called in the Anglo-Saxon, "mass priests," were obliged to open and sustain parochial free schools for the children of the peasantry and serfs. It is acknowledged by all writers, no matter how sceptical they may be on other points, that the church was the first to raise woman to her true place in society. In pagan times woman was treated much the same as she now is in Mohammedan countries, and only the very vilest of the sex enjoyed any freedom of speech or action; but Christianity not only threw its aegis around her, but provided for her education with a care only second, if indeed not fully equal, to that bestowed on ecclesiastics. We find by the correspondence between St. Boniface and his relative Lioba, that the nuns of England at that time understood and could write the Latin language, and were well versed in the Scriptures and the writings of the fathers. Nunneries were, in fact, in the middle ages almost as numerous as monasteries, and in their sphere as powerful agents in the advancement of religion and education. By the close of the eighth century England had reached the zenith of her first period of literary glory. Not only were her people thoroughly instructed according to their degree and rank, but the island abounded in saints and scholars, many of whom, like those
  • 46. of Ireland, went forth, from time to time, to repay to benighted Europe a portion of the debt contracted two centuries earlier. It were an interesting study, if space permitted, to trace the divergent paths pursued by Irish and English scholars on the continent, in what may be called their initial campaigns against ignorance. We find the Irish invading France, Switzerland, Italy, and even Spain, while the Anglo-Saxons, with a like affinity for race and habits, preferred the northern part of Europe, the cradle of their ancestors. St. Columbanus, whose rule, next to that of St. Benedict, was the most generally adopted in the continental monasteries, founded the schools of Luxeuil in Burgundy and of Bobbio in Italy; St. Gall, one of his companions, laid the foundation of the famous schools of that name in Switzerland; St. Cathal of Lismore became the patron saint of Tarentum, and Donatus and Frigidan were bishops of Fiesole in Tuscany and Lucca. St. Winifred, or, as he was afterward called, Boniface, the first great English missionary to the continent, achieved great successes in the north about 723, and, being desirous of training up a native priesthood to perpetuate his works, invited several of his countrymen to Germany to take charge of the seminaries of the different bishoprics he had founded. Among those who accepted the invitation were his two nephews, one of whom, Willibald, established a college at Ordorp. The seminary of Utrecht owes its origin to one of his earliest pupils, Luidger, a direct descendant of Dagobert II., who also built several seminaries and monastic schools in Saxony. Another of St. Boniface's students, Strum, laid the foundation of the celebrated abbey and school of Fulda in 744; and, to complete the work of regeneration, thirty nuns were brought over from England, who established religious houses innumerable, and introduced among the rude Germans the learning and refinement which marked the nunneries of their native land. St. Boniface, having been appointed papal legate and vicar with jurisdiction over the bishops of Gaul and Germany, applied several years of his life to the reformation of abuses and the establishment
  • 47. of strict rules of life among the clergy of both countries. To this end we are told that in every place where he planted a monastery he added a school, not only for the benefit of young monks, "but in order that the rude population by whom they were surrounded might be trained in holy discipline, and that their uncivilized manners might be softened by the influence of humane learning." His grand work having been accomplished, he resigned his delegated powers, resumed his missionary life, and, with nothing but his "books and shroud," proceeded to Friesland, the scene of his first labors, where he suffered martyrdom in 755. This saint was a devoted friend to education, and that portion of the decrees of the council of Cloveshoe, held in 747, in which the subject of learning is treated, is ascribed to his pen. The council ordered that "bishops, abbots, and abbesses do by all means diligently provide that all their people incessantly apply their minds to reading; that boys be brought up in the ecclesiastical schools, so as to be useful to the church of God; and that their masters do not employ them in bodily labor on Sundays." While Germany was being reclaimed from its primitive barbarism, Gaul, which had given so many missionaries to the Western Islands, was not neglected. For more than two hundred years this country, once so fertile in pious men and learned institutions, was the theatre of the most frightful disorders, consequent on domestic wars and foreign invasions. There were but few monasteries surviving, but even these were true to the design of their founders, and in them learning, to use the eloquent remark of the Protestant historian, Guizot, "proscribed and beaten down by the tempest that raged around, took refuge under the shelter of the altar, till happier times should suffer it to appear in the world." But a memorable epoch had arrived in the history of France. In 771 Charlemagne became monarch of all the Franks, and by his extraordinary military successes and political wisdom soon made himself master of the entire continent north of the Pyrenees. But great as were his conquests in the field, his victories in the cause of letters in France were more splendid and far more durable. Under his long and
  • 48. brilliant sway the evils of previous centuries were swept away; churches were restored, monasteries rebuilt, seminaries and schools everywhere opened. Like all great practical men, the Frankish monarch knew admirably well how to choose his assistants when grand ends were to be reached, and in this instance he selected Alcuin of York as his agent in restoring to his dominions religious harmony and Christian education. The result showed the wisdom of his choice, for to no man of that day could so herculean a task be assigned with better hope of its execution. Trained in the schools of York, then among the best in England, he united to a solid judgment profound learning and an energy of mind as untiring as that even of his royal patron. The Palatine school, though in existence previous to the reign of Charlemagne, was placed under the charge of Alcuin, and the emperor and various members of his family became his first and most attentive pupils. It consisted of two distinct parts: one, composed of the royal family and the courtiers, followed the emperor's person; the other necessarily stationary, in which were educated young laymen as well as those intended for the cloister; Charlemagne, himself setting the example of diligent study, managed to acquire, amid the turmoil of war and the labors of the cabinet, a considerable knowledge of Latin, Greek, and Hebrew, the liberal sciences and astronomy, of the latter of which he seems to have been particularly fond. The first step taken by Alcuin was the correction of the copies of the Holy Scriptures, which had become almost unintelligible from the accumulated errors of former transcribers. This he succeeded in doing about the year 800. He next turned his attention to the multiplication and replenishing of libraries. "A staff of skilful copyists was gradually formed, and so soon as any work had been revised by Alcuin and his fellow-laborers, it was delivered over to the hands of the monastic scribes." The capitulars of Charlemagne in relation to civil affairs and municipal laws mark him as one of the ablest statesmen of any age, and are peculiarly his own; but those on education are so
  • 49. comprehensive, and of so elaborate a nature, that we cannot help thinking them the fruits of Alcuin's suggestions, embodying, as they do, in an official form the precise views so often expressed by him in letters and lectures. By these decrees monastic schools were divided into minor and major schools, and public schools, which answered to the free parochial schools of England. In the minor schools, which were to be attached to all monasteries, were to be taught the "Catholic faith and prayers, grammar, church music, the psalter, and computum;" in the major schools, the sciences and liberal arts were added; while in the public schools, the children of all, free and servile, were to receive gratis such instruction as was suitable to their condition and comprehension. Those monks who, either from neglect or want of opportunity, had not acquired sufficient education to enable them to teach in their own monasteries, were allowed to study in others in order to become duly qualified for the duty imposed on them. A more complete system of general education could not well be devised nor more rigidly carried out. Alcuin ended his well-spent life in 804, and Charlemagne ten years later; but their reforms lived after them, and were perpetuated in succeeding reigns with equal vigor, if not with equal munificence. Theodulph, Bishop of Orleans, not only established schools in every part of his large diocese, but compiled class-books for the use of their pupils; the diocese of Verdun was similarly supplied by the Abbot Smaragdus; Benedict of Anian, reformed the Benedictine order, and like Leidrade, was a zealous teacher and a great collector of books; and Adalhard, the emperor's cousin, became, as it were, the second founder of Old Corby. During the ninth and tenth centuries, so fruitful of scholars in every part of Europe, the monastic schools may be said to have reached their highest development. Of those north of the Alps we may mention Fulda, Old and New Corby, Richneau, and St. Gall, though there were a great many others of nearly equal extent and reputation.
  • 50. Fulda, as we have seen, was founded by Strum, a pupil of St. Boniface, who adopted the Benedictine rule. After its founder, its greatest teacher was Rabanus, a pupil of Alcuin, who assumed the charge of the school about 813. His success in teaching was so great that it is said that all the German nobles sent their sons to be educated by him, and that the abbots of the surrounding monasteries were eager to have his students for professors. He taught grammar so thoroughly that he is mentioned by Trithemius as being the first who indoctrinated the Germans in the proper articulation of Latin and Greek. His course embraced all sacred and profane literature, science, and art; yet he still found time to compose, and afterward, when Archbishop of Mentz, to publish his treatise De Institutione Clericorum. Among his pupils were Strabo, author of the Commentaries on the Text of Scripture; Otfried, called the father of the Tudesque, or German literature; Lupus, author of Roman History; Heinie, author of the Life of St. Germanus; Regimus, of Auxerre; and Ado, compiler of the Martyrology. While those great scholars were teaching and writing, it is worth our while to inquire what the lesser lights of the monastery were doing. Here is the picture: "Every variety of useful occupation was embraced by the monks; while some were at work hewing down the old forest which a few years before had given shelter to the mysteries of pagan worship, or tilling the soil on those numerous farms which to this day perpetuate the memory of the great abbey in the names of the towns and villages which have sprung up on their site, other kinds of industry were kept up within doors, where the visitor might have beheld a huge range of workshops, in which cunning hands were kept constantly busy on every description of useful and ornamental work, in wood, stone, and metal. It was a scene not of artistic dilettanteism, but of earnest, honest labor, and the treasurer of the abbey was charged to take care that the sculptors, engravers, and carvers in wood were always furnished with plenty to do. Passing on to the interior of the building, the stranger would have been
  • 51. introduced to the scriptorium, over the door of which was an inscription warning copyists to abstain from idle words, to be diligent in copying books, and to take care not to alter the text by careless mistakes. Twelve monks always sat here, employed in the labor of transcribing, as was the custom at Hirsauge, a colony sent out from Fulda in 830, and the huge library which was thus gradually formed, survived till the beginning of the seventeenth century, when it was destroyed in the troubles of the Thirty Years' War. Not far from the scriptorium was the interior school, where studies were carried on with an ardor and a largeness of views which might have been little expected from an academy of the ninth century. Our visitor, were he from the more civilized south, might well have stood in mute surprise in the midst of these fancied barbarians, whom he would have found engaged in pursuits not unworthy of the schools of Rome. The monk Probus is perhaps lecturing on Virgil and Cicero, and that with such hearty enthusiasm that his brother professors accuse him, in good-natured jesting, of ranking them with the saints. Elsewhere disputations are being carried on over the Categories of Aristotle, and an attentive ear will discover that the controversy which made such a noise in the twelfth century, and divided the philosophers of Europe into the rival sects of the nominalists and realists, is perfectly well understood at Fulda, though it does not seem to have disturbed the peace of the school. To your delight, if you be not altogether wedded to the dead languages, you may find some engaged on the uncouth language of their fatherland, and, looking over their shoulders, you may smile to see the barbarous words which they are cataloguing in their glossaries; words, nevertheless, destined to reappear centuries hence in the most philosophical literature of Europe." [Footnote 8] [Footnote 8: Christian Schools and Scholars, pp. 205-206.]
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