Mathematical Geosciences Hybrid Symbolicnumeric Methods Joseph L Awange
Mathematical Geosciences Hybrid Symbolicnumeric Methods Joseph L Awange
Mathematical Geosciences Hybrid Symbolicnumeric Methods Joseph L Awange
Mathematical Geosciences Hybrid Symbolicnumeric Methods Joseph L Awange
1. Mathematical Geosciences Hybrid Symbolicnumeric
Methods Joseph L Awange download
https://ebookbell.com/product/mathematical-geosciences-hybrid-
symbolicnumeric-methods-joseph-l-awange-6835610
Explore and download more ebooks at ebookbell.com
2. Here are some recommended products that we believe you will be
interested in. You can click the link to download.
Mathematical Geosciences Hybrid Symbolicnumeric Methods Joseph L
Awange
https://ebookbell.com/product/mathematical-geosciences-hybrid-
symbolicnumeric-methods-joseph-l-awange-48491252
Mathematical Geosciences Hybrid Symbolicnumeric Methods 2nd Edition
Joseph L Awange
https://ebookbell.com/product/mathematical-geosciences-hybrid-
symbolicnumeric-methods-2nd-edition-joseph-l-awange-49468502
Spherical Functions Of Mathematical Geosciences A Scalar Vectorial And
Tensorial Setup Second Edition 2nd Edition Willi Freeden Michael
Schreiner
https://ebookbell.com/product/spherical-functions-of-mathematical-
geosciences-a-scalar-vectorial-and-tensorial-setup-second-edition-2nd-
edition-willi-freeden-michael-schreiner-46591376
Encyclopedia Of Mathematical Geosciences B S Daya Sagar Qiuming Cheng
https://ebookbell.com/product/encyclopedia-of-mathematical-
geosciences-b-s-daya-sagar-qiuming-cheng-50853454
3. Dictionary Of Mathematical Geosciences 1st Edition Richard J Howarth
https://ebookbell.com/product/dictionary-of-mathematical-
geosciences-1st-edition-richard-j-howarth-5857016
Handbook Of Mathematical Geosciences 1st Ed Bs Daya Sagar
https://ebookbell.com/product/handbook-of-mathematical-
geosciences-1st-ed-bs-daya-sagar-7150338
Spherical Functions Of Mathematical Geosciences A Scalar Vectorial And
Tensorial Setup Advances In Geophysical And Environmental Mechanics
And Mathematics Xvi 602 P 77illus 5 Color Figs Willi Freeden
https://ebookbell.com/product/spherical-functions-of-mathematical-
geosciences-a-scalar-vectorial-and-tensorial-setup-advances-in-
geophysical-and-environmental-mechanics-and-mathematics-
xvi-602-p-77illus-5-color-figs-willi-freeden-1372758
Handbook Of Mathematical Geosciences Bs Daya Sagar Qiuming Cheng Frits
Agterberg
https://ebookbell.com/product/handbook-of-mathematical-geosciences-bs-
daya-sagar-qiuming-cheng-frits-agterberg-59047812
Principles Of Mathematical Petrophysics International Association For
Mathematical Geosciences John H Doveton
https://ebookbell.com/product/principles-of-mathematical-petrophysics-
international-association-for-mathematical-geosciences-john-h-
doveton-5445412
5. Joseph L. Awange • Béla Paláncz
Robert H. Lewis • Lajos Völgyesi
Mathematical Geosciences
Hybrid Symbolic-Numeric Methods
123
7. Foreword
Hybrid symbolic-numeric computation (HSNC, for short) is a large and growing
area at the boundary of mathematics and computer science, devoted to the study and
implementation of methods that mix symbolic with numeric computation.
As the title suggests, this is a book about some of the methods and algorithms
that benefit from a mix of symbolic and numeric computation. Three major areas of
computation are covered herein. The first part discusses methods for computing all
solutions to a system of polynomials. Purely symbolic methods, e.g., via Gröbner
bases tend to suffer from algorithmic inefficiencies, and purely numeric methods
such as Newton iterations have trouble finding all solutions to such systems. One
class of hybrid methods blends numerics into the purely algebraic approach, e.g.,
computing numeric Gröbner bases or Dixon resultants (the latter being extremely
efficient, e.g., for elimination of variables). Another mixes symbolic methods into
more numerical approaches, e.g., finding initializations for numeric homotopy
tracking to obtain all solutions.
The second part goes into the realm of “soft” optimization methods, including
genetic methods, simulated annealing, and particle swarm optimization, among
others. These are all popular and heavily used, especially in the context of global
optimization. While often considered as “numeric” methods, they benefit from
symbolic computation in several ways. One is that implementation is typically
straightforward when one has access to a language that supports symbolic com-
putation. Updates of state, e.g., to handle mutations and gene crossover, are easily
coded. (Indeed, this sort of thing can be so deceptively simple. baked into the
language so to speak, that one hardly realizes symbolic computation is happening.)
Among many applications in this part there is, again, that of solving systems of
equations. Also covered is mixed-integer programming (wherein some variables are
discrete-valued and others continuous). This is a natural area for HSNC since it
combines aspects of exact and numeric methods in the handling of both discrete and
continuous variables.
The third part delves into data modeling. This begins with use of radial basis
functions and proceeds to machine learning, e.g., via support vector machine
(SVM) methods. Symbolic regression, a methodology that combines numerics with
8. evolutionary programming, is also introduced for the purpose of modeling data.
Another area seeing recent interest is that of robust optimization and regression,
wherein one seeks results that remain relatively stable with respect to perturbations
in input or random parameters used in the optimization. Several hybrid methods are
presented to address problems in this realm. Stochastic modeling is also discussed.
This is yet another area in which hybrid methods are quite useful.
Symbolic computing languages have seen a recent trend toward ever more high
level support for various mathematical abstractions. This appears for example in
exact symbolic programming involving probability, geometry, tensors, engineering
simulation, and many other areas. Under the hood is a considerable amount of
HSNC (I write this as one who has been immersed at the R&D end of hybrid
computation for two decades.) Naturally, such support makes it all the easier for
one to extend hybrid methods; just consider how much less must be built from
scratch to support, say, stochastic equation solving, when the language already
supports symbolic probability and statistics computations. This book presents to the
reader some of the major areas and methods that are being changed, by the authors
and others, in furthering this interplay of symbolic and numeric computation. The
term hybrid symbolic-numeric computation has been with us for over two decades
now. I anticipate the day when it falls into disuse, not because the technology goes
out of style, but rather that it is just an integral part of the plumbing of mathematical
computation.
Urbana—Champaign
IL, USA
July 2017
Daniel Lichtblau
Ph.D., Mathematics UIUC 1991
Algebra, Applied Mathematics
Wolfram Research, Champaign
9. Preface
It will surprise no one to hear that digital computers have been used for numerical
computations ever since their invention during World War II. Indeed, until around
1990, it was not widely understood that computers could do anything else. For
many years, when students of mathematics, engineering, and the sciences used a
computer, they wrote a program (typically in Fortran) to implement mathematical
algorithms for solving equations in one variable, or systems of linear equations, or
differential equations. The input was in so-called “float” numbers with 8–12
significant figures of accuracy. The output was the same type of data, and the
program worked entirely with the same type of data. This is numerical computing.
By roughly 1990, computer algebra software had become available. Now it was
possible to enter data like x2
þ 3x þ 2 and receive output like ðx þ 2Þðx þ 1Þ.
The computer is doing algebra! More precisely, it is doing symbolic computing.
The program that accomplishes such computing almost certainly uses no float
numbers at all.
What is still not widely understood is that often it is productive to have algo-
rithms that do both kinds of computation. We call these hybrid symbolic-numeric
methods. Actually, such methods have been considered by some mathematicians
and computer scientists since at least 1995 (ISSAC 1995 conference). In this book,
the authors provide a much-needed introduction and reference for applied mathe-
maticians, geoscientists, and other users of sophisticated mathematical software.
No mathematics beyond the undergraduate level is needed to read this book, nor
does the reader need any pure mathematics background beyond a first course in
linear algebra. All methods discussed here are illustrated with copious examples.
A brief list of topics covered:
• Systems of polynomial equations with resultants and Gröbner bases
• Simulated annealing
• Genetic algorithms
• Particle swarm optimization
• Integer programming
• Approximation with radial basis functions
10. • Support vector machines
• Symbolic regression
• Quantile regression
• Robust regression
• Stochastic modeling
• Parallel computations
Most of the methods discussed in the book will probably be implemented by the
reader on a computer algebra system (CAS). The two most fully developed and
widely used CAS are Mathematica and Maple. Some of the polynomial compu-
tations here are better done on the specialized system Fermat. Other systems worthy
of mention are Singular and SageMath.
The second author is a regular user of Mathematica, who carried out the com-
putations, therefore frequent mention is made of Mathematica commands.
However, this book is not a reference manual for any system, and we have made an
effort to keep the specialized commands to a minimum, and to use commands
whose syntax makes them as self-explanatory as possible. More complete
Mathematica programs to implement some of the examples are available online.
Similarly, a program written in Fermat for the resultant method called Dixon-EDF
is available online.
The authors:
July 2017
Joseph L. Awange
Perth, Australia
Béla Paláncz
Budapest, Hungary
Robert H. Lewis
New York, USA
Lajos Völgyesi
Budapest, Hungary
19. Introduction
Numeric and Symbolic Methods—What are they?
Basically, a numeric (or numerical) method is one that could be done with a simple
handheld calculator, using basic arithmetic, square roots, some trigonometry
functions, and a few other functions most people learn about in high school.
Depending on the task, one may have to press the calculator buttons thousands (or
even millions) of times, but theoretically, a person with a calculator and some paper
could implement a numerical method. When finished, the paper would be full of
arithmetic.
A symbolic method involves algebra. It is a method that if a person implemented,
would involve algebraic or higher rational thought. A person implementing a
symbolic method will rarely need to reach for a calculator. When finished, there
may be some numbers, but the paper would be full of variables like x, y, z.
Students usually meet the topic of quadratic equations in junior high school.
Suppose you wanted to solve the equation x2
þ 3x 2 ¼ 0. With a handheld cal-
culator, one could simply do “intelligent guessing.” Let us guess, say, x =1. Plug it
in, get a positive result. OK, that is too big. Try x = 0; that is too small. Go back and
forth; stop when satisfied with the accuracy. It does not take long to get x =
0.56155, which might well be considered accurate enough. Furthermore, it is easy
to write a computer program to implement this idea. That is a numeric method.
But wait. There is another answer, which the numeric method missed, namely
−3.56155. Even worse, if one were to continue this method on many problems, one
would soon notice that some equations do not seem to have solutions, such as
x2
2x þ 4 ¼ 0. A great deal of effort could be expended in arithmetic until finally
giving up and finding no solution.
The problem is cured by learning algebra and the symbolic method called the
quadratic formula. Given ax2
þ bx þ c ¼ 0 the solution is x ¼ b
ffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffi
b24ac
p
2a . It is now
immediately obvious why some problems have no solution: it happens precisely
when b2
4ac 0.
20. In the previous example, x2
þ 3x 2 ¼ 0, we see that the two roots are exactly
ð3
ffiffiffiffiffi
17
p
Þ=2. There is no approximation whatever. Should a decimal answer
correct to, say, 16 digits be desired, that would be trivially obtained on any modern
computer.
There is more. Not only does the symbolic method concisely represent all
solutions, it invites the question, can we define a new kind of number in which the
negative under the square root may be allowed? The symbolic solution has led to a
new concept, that of complex numbers!
Symbolic methods may be hard to develop, and they may be difficult for a
computer to implement, but they lead to insight.
Fortunately, we are not forced into a strict either/or dichotomy. There are
symbolic-numeric methods, hybrids using the strengths of both ideas.
Numeric Solution
In order to further illustrate numeric, symbolic, and symbolic-numeric solutions, let
us consider an algebraic system of polynomial equations. For such systems, there
may be no solution, one solution, or many solutions. With numerical solutions, one
commonly utilizes iterative techniques starting from an initially guessed value. Let
us start with a two variable system of two equations f x; y
ð Þ ¼ 0 and g x; y
ð Þ ¼ 0,
f ¼ x 2
ð Þ2
þ y 3
ð Þ2
,
g ¼ x 1
2
2
þ y 3
4
2
5.
This actual problem has two real solutions, see Fig. 1.
Fig. 1 Geometrical representation of a multivariate polynomial system
21. A numeric solution starts with the initial value and proceeds step-by-step locally.
Depending on the method, we expect to converge to one of the solutions in an
efficient manner. Employing the initial value (4, −1) and a multivariate Newton’s
method, the solution after seven steps is (2.73186, 0.887092). Let us visualize the
iteration steps, see Fig. 2.
However, if the initial guess is not proper, for example (0, 0), then, we may have
a problem with the convergence since the Jacobian may become singular.
Symbolic Solution
Let us transform the original system into another one, which has the same solutions,
but for which variables can be isolated and solved one-by-one. Employing Gröbner
basis, we can reduce one of the equations to a univariate polynomial,
gry ¼ 2113 3120y þ 832y2
,
grxy ¼ 65 þ 16x þ 24y.
First, solving the quadratic equation gry, we have
y ¼ 1
104 195 2
ffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffi
2639
p
,
y ¼ 1
104 195 þ 2
ffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffi
2639
p
.
Fig. 2 Local solution with initial guess and iteration steps
22. Then employing these roots of y, the corresponding values of x can be computed
from the second polynomial of the Gröbner basis as
x ¼ 1
104 130 þ 3
ffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffi
2639
p
,
x ¼ 1
104 130 3
ffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffi
2639
p
.
So, we have computed both solutions with neither guessing nor iteration.
In addition, there is no round-off error. Let us visualize the two solutions, see
Fig. 3:
Let us summarize the main features of the symbolic and numeric computations:
Numeric computations:
– usually require initial values and iterations. They are sensitive to round-off
errors, provide only one local solution,
– can be employed for complex problems, and the computation times are short in
general because the steps usually translate directly into computer machine
language.
Symbolic computations:
– do not require initial values and iterations. They are not sensitive for round-off
errors, and provide all solutions,
– often cannot be employed for complex problems, and the computation time is
long in general because the steps usually require computer algebra system
software.
Fig. 3 Global solution—all solutions without initial guess and iteration
23. Ideally, the best strategy is to divide the algorithm into symbolic and numeric
parts in order to utilize the advantages of both techniques. Inevitably, numeric
computations will always be used to a certain extent. For example, if polynomial
gry above had been degree, say, five, then a numeric univariate root solver would
have been necessary.
Hybrid (symbolic-numeric) Solution
Sometimes, we can precompute a part of a numerical algorithm in symbolic form.
Here is a simple illustrative example.
Consider a third polynomial and add it to our system above:
h ¼ x þ 1
2
2
þ y 7
4
3
5.
In that case, there is no solution, since there is no common point of the three
curves representing the three equations, see Fig. 4.
However, we can look for a solution of this overdetermined system in the
minimal least squares sense by using the objective function
G ¼ f 2
þ g2
þ h2
,
Fig. 4 Now, there is no solution of the overdetermined system
24. or
G = 5 þ 2 þ x
ð Þ2
þ 3 þ y
ð Þ2
2
þ 5 þ
1
2
þ x
2
þ
7
4
þ y
3
!2
þ 5 þ
1
2
þ x
2
þ
3
4
þ y
2
!2
and minimizing it.
Employing Newton’s method, we get
x¼ 2:28181,y¼ 0:556578.
The computation time for this was 0.00181778 s. The solution of the overde-
termined system can be seen in Fig. 5.
Here, the gradient vector as well as the Hessian matrix is computed in numerical
form in every iteration step. But we can compute the gradient in symbolic form:
grad =
1
32
2x 173 þ 192 2 þ x
ð Þx
ð Þ þ 216xy 16 41 þ 26x
ð Þy2
þ
64 1 þ 2x
ð Þy3
þ 3 809 þ 740y
ð Þ
137829
512
þ
555x
8
þ
27x2
8
þ
60527y
128
41xy 13x2
y
6321y2
16
þ 6xy2
þ 6x2
y2
þ
767y3
4
105y4
2
þ 6y5
:
Employing this symbolic form the computation time can be reduced. The
running time can be further reduced if the Hessian matrix is also computed
symbolically,
Fig. 5 The solution of the overdetermined system
25. H ¼
173
16 þ 12x 4 þ 3x
ð Þ þ
27y
4 13y2
þ 4y3
555
8
þ y 41 þ 6y
ð Þ þ x
27
4
þ 2y 13 þ 6y
ð Þ
555
8 þ y 41 þ 6y
ð Þ þ x 27
4 þ 2y 13 þ 6y
ð Þ
60527
128
41x13x2
6321y
8
þ 12xy þ 12x2
y þ
2301y2
4
210y3
þ 30y4
2
6
6
6
6
6
6
6
6
6
4
3
7
7
7
7
7
7
7
7
7
5
.
Now, the computation time is less than half of the original one.
So using symbolic forms, the computation time can be reduced considerably.
This so-called hybrid computation has an additional advantage too, namely the
symbolic part of the algorithm does not generate round-off errors.
Another approach of applying the hybrid computation is to merge symbolic
evaluation with numeric algorithm. This technique is illustrated using the following
example.
Let us consider a linear, nonautonomous differential equation system of n vari-
ables in matrix form:
d
dx yðxÞ ¼ AðxÞyðxÞ þ bðxÞ,
where A is a matrix of nn dimensions, yðxÞ and bðxÞ are vectors of n dimen-
sions, and x is a scalar independent variable. In the case of a boundary value
problem, the values of some dependent variables are not known at the beginning
of the integration interval, at x ¼ xa, but they are given at the end of this interval,
at x ¼ xb. The usually employed methods need subsequent integration of the
system, because of their trial–error technique or they require solution of a large
linear equation system, in the case of discretization methods. The technique is
based on the symbolic evaluation of the well-known Runge–Kutta algorithm.
This technique needs only one integration of the differential equation system and
a solution of the linear equation system representing the boundary conditions at
x ¼ xb.
The well-known fourth-order Runge–Kutta method, in our case, can be repre-
sented by the following formulas:
R1i ¼ AðxiÞyðxiÞ þ bðxiÞ,
R2i ¼ A xi þ h
2
yðxiÞ þ R1ih
2
þ b xi þ h
2
,
R3i ¼ A xi þ h
2
yðxiÞ þ R2ih
2
þ b xi þ h
2
,
R4i ¼ Aðxi þ hÞ yðxiÞ þ R3ih
ð Þ þ bðxi þ hÞ
and then the new value of yðxÞ can be computed as:
yi þ 1 ¼ yðxiÞ þ R1i þ 2 R2i þ R3i
ð Þ þ R4i
ð Þh
6 .
26. A symbolic system like Mathematica, is able to carry out this algorithm not
only with numbers but also with symbols. It means that the unknown elements of
ya ¼ yðxaÞ can be considered as unknown symbols. These symbols will appear in
every evaluated yi value, as well as in yb ¼ yðxbÞ too.
Let us consider a simple illustrative example. The differential equation is:
d2
dx2 yðxÞ
1 x
5
yðxÞ ¼ x.
The given boundary values are:
yð1Þ ¼ 2
and
yð3Þ ¼ 1
After introducing new variables, we get a first-order system,
y1ðxÞ ¼ yðxÞ
and
y2ðxÞ ¼
d
dx
yðxÞ
the matrix form of the differential equation is:
d
dx y1ðxÞ; d
dx y2ðxÞ ¼
0 1
1 x=5 0
y1ðxÞ; y2ðxÞ
½ þ 0; x
½ .
Employing Mathematica’s notation:
A[x_]:={{0,1},{1-1/5 x,0}};
b[x_]:={0,x};
x0=1;
y0={2.,s}
The unknown initial value is s. The order of the system M = 2. Let us consider
the number of the integration steps as N = 10, so the step size is h = 0.2.
ysol=RKSymbolic[x0,y0,A,b,2,10,0.2];
The result is a list of list data structure containing the corresponding (x, y) pairs,
where the y values depend on s.
ysol[[2]][[1]]
{{1,2.},{1.2,2.05533+0.200987 s},{1.4,2.22611+0.407722
s},
{1.6,2.52165+0.625515 s},
{1.8,2.95394+0.859296s}, {2.,3.53729+1.11368s},
27. {2.2,4.28801+1.39298 s},
{2.4,5.22402+1.70123 s},{2.6,6.36438+2.0421 s},
{2.8,7.72874+2.41888 s},{3.,9.33669+2.8343 s}}
Consequently, we have got a symbolic result using traditional numerical Runge–
Kutta algorithm.
In order to compute the proper value of the unknown initial value, s, the
boundary condition can be applied at x ¼ 3. In our case y1ð3Þ ¼ 1.
eq=ysol[[1]][[1]]==-1
9.33669+2.8343 s==-1
Let us solve this equation numerically, and assign the solution to the symbol s:
sol=Solve[eq,s]
{{s - -3.647}}
s=s/.sol
{-3.647}
s=s[[1]]
-3.647
Then, we get the numerical solution for the problem:
ysol[[2]][[1]]
{{1,2.},{1.2,1.32234},{1.4,0.739147},{1.6,0.240397},
{1.8,-0.179911}, {2.,-0.524285},{2.2,-0.792178},
{2.4,-0.980351},{2.6,-1.08317},{2.8,-1.09291},
{3.,-1.}}
The truncation error can be decreased by using smaller step size h, and the
round-off error can be controlled by the employed number of digits.
29. Chapter 1
Solution of Algebraic Polynomial Systems
1.1 Zeros of Polynomial Systems
Let us consider the following polynomial
p ¼ 2x þ x3
y2
þ y2
:
The monomials are x3
y2
with coefficient 1, and x1
y0
with coefficient 2 and x0
y2
with
coefficient 1. The degree of such a monomial is defined as the sum of the exponents
of the variables. For example, the second monomial x3
y2
, has degree 3 + 2 = 5.
The degree of the polynomial is the maximum degree of its constituent monomials.
In this case deg ðpÞ ¼ max 1; 5; 2
ð Þ ¼ 5.
Some polynomials contain parameters as well as variables. For example, the
equation of a circle centered at the origin is x2
þ y2
r2
¼ 0. Only x and y are
actual variables; the r is a parameter.
Now consider a polynomial system like
g x; y
ð Þ ¼ a1 þ a2x þ a3xy þ a4y;
h x; y
ð Þ ¼ b1 þ b2x2
y þ b3xy2
:
The total degree of the system is defined to be
deg ðgÞ deg ðhÞ ¼ 2 3 ¼ 6:
Notice that we do not count the parameters in this computation.
Define the roots or zeros of a polynomial system to be the set of pairs (r, s) such
that g(r, s) = 0 and h(r, s) = 0.
30. Bézout’s Theorem: Consider two polynomial equations in two unknowns:
g x; y
ð Þ ¼ h x; y
ð Þ ¼ 0. If this system has only finitely many zeros ðx; yÞ 2 C2
, then
the number of zeros is at most deg ðgÞ deg ðhÞ. Here deg (g) and deg (h) are the
total degree of g(x, y) and h(x, y).
1.2 Resultant Methods
In this section we introduce two different symbolic methods: Sylvester and Dixon
resultants see Dickenstein and Emiris (2005). These techniques eliminate variables
and yield univariate polynomials, which then can be solved numerically.
1.2.1 Sylvester Resultant
Let us consider the following system (Fig. 1.1)
p ¼ xy 1;
g ¼ x2
þ y2
4:
Since linear systems of equations are well known, let’s try to convert this into a
useful system of linear equations. With x as the “real” variable and y as a “pa-
rameter,” consider x0
, x1
, and x2
as three independent symbols. The two equations
in the original system give us two linear equations, and we generate a third by
multiplying p by x. This yields
MðyÞ
x0
x1
x2
0
@
1
A ¼
0;
Fig. 1.1 Graphical
interpretation of the real roots
of the system
4 1 Solution of Algebraic Polynomial Systems
31. where M(y) is
1 y 0
y2
4 0 1
0 1 y
0
@
1
A
x0
x1
x2
0
@
1
A ¼
0:
Since x0
is really 1, any solution to this homogeneous system must be nontrivial.
Thus
detðMðyÞÞ ¼ 1 þ 4y2
y4
¼ 0:
Solving this gives us y; we have eliminated x. This function is built into
Mathematica,
Resultant[p,g,x]
1 - 4y2
+ y4
For the other variable
Resultant[p,g,y]
1 - 4x2
+ x4
The solutions of these two polynomials are the solutions of the system
p x; y
ð Þ; g x; y
ð Þ
f g.
Roots[ - 1 + 4y2
- y4
= = 0,y]
y =
ffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffi
2 -
ffiffiffi
3
p
p
jjy = -
ffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffi
2 -
ffiffiffi
3
p
p
jjy =
ffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffi
2 +
ffiffiffi
3
p
p
jjy = -
ffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffi
2 +
ffiffiffi
3
p
p
Roots[1 - 4x2
+ x4
= = 0,x]
x =
ffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffi
2 -
ffiffiffi
3
p
p
jjx = -
ffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffi
2 -
ffiffiffi
3
p
p
jjx =
ffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffi
2 +
ffiffiffi
3
p
p
jjx = -
ffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffi
2 +
ffiffiffi
3
p
p
The main handicap of the Sylvester resultant is that it can be directly employed only
for systems of two polynomials.
1.2.2 Dixon Resultant
Let us introduce a new variable b and define the following polynomial,
d x; y; b
ð Þ ¼
p x; y
ð Þg x; b
ð Þ p x; b
ð Þg x; y
ð Þ
y b
¼ b 4x þ x3
þ y bxy:
(One can show that the numerator above is always divisible by y – b). We call this
polynomial the Dixon polynomial.
1.2 Resultant Methods 5
32. It is easy to see that plugging in any common root of p x; y
ð Þ; g x; y
ð Þ
f g forces the
Dixon polynomial to be 0, for any value of b. The Dixon polynomial can be written as,
d x; y; b
ð Þ ¼ b0
4x þ x3
þ y
þ b1
1 xy
ð Þ:
Then the following homogeneous linear system should have solutions for every b
4x þ x3
þ y ¼ 0;
1 xy ¼ 0
or, where x is considered as parameter
4x þ x3
1
1 x
y0
y1
¼ 0;
therefore
det
4x þ x3
1
1 x
¼ 1 þ 4x2
x4
;
must be zero. The matrix
4x þ x3
1
1 x
is called the Dixon matrix, and its determinant is called as Dixon resultant.
[Historical note: the argument above, for two variables, was first used by
Bezout.]
Let us employ Mathematica
Resultant0
Dixon0
DixonPolynomial[{p,g},{y},{b}]
b - 4x + x3
+ y - bxy
DixonMatrix[{p,g},{y},{b}]==MatrixForm
- 4x + x3
1
1 - x
DixonResultant[{p,g},{y},{b}]
- 1 + 4x2
- x4
Similarly, for the other variable, we get
DixonResultant[{p,g},{x},{a}]
- 1 + 4y2
- y4
6 1 Solution of Algebraic Polynomial Systems
33. Here a and b are dummy formal variables (symbolic variables), without assigned
values.
The Dixon resultant method can be generalized to polynomial systems of more
than two polynomials. For example,
P = x + y + z;
G = x - 2y + z3
;
S = x2
- 2y3
+ z;
To eliminate variables x and y, we introduce dummy variables X and Y, then
DixonResultant[{P,G,S},{x,y},{X,Y}]==Expand
324z + 144z2
+ 24z3
+ 144z4
- 72z5
+ 36z6
+ 72z7
- 24z9
or
%=12==Expand
27z + 12z2
+ 2z3
+ 12z4
- 6z5
+ 3z6
+ 6z7
- 2z9
(% refers to the last previous output.)
Remark 1 For other multivariate resultant methods such as Sturmfels’ approach,
see Awange and Paláncz (2016).
Remark 2 For three or more variables, the discussion above of the Dixon resultant
has been simplified. Sometimes the Dixon matrix is not square, and sometimes
when it is square the determinant is identically 0. Then the method would seem to
fail. Kappur et al. (1994) showed how to proceed and define the Dixon resultant
using maximal minors, see Exercises 1.6.4 Dixon KSY solution.
Remark 3 If the system contains parameters, then the resultant will contain those
parameters.
Remark 4 If there are n equations, the Dixon resultant will eliminate n − 1
variables.
1.3 Gröbner Basis
This technique introduced by Buchberger and named after his Ph.D. supervisor
Gröbner, is more general and mostly more efficient than the resultant methods,
unless parameters are present. To have an idea how this method works, first, let us
see how the greatest common divisor of polynomials can be defined.
1.2 Resultant Methods 7
34. 1.3.1 Greatest Common Divisor of Polynomials
Greatest common divisor, GCD, is a familiar concept from arithmetic, as in GCD
(12, 30) = 6. The same concept applies to polynomials, of any number of variables.
Let us consider two univariate polynomials s(x) and v(x) with the same variable x
s = 8 + 22x + 21x2
+ 8x3
+ x4
;
v = 6 + 11x + 6x2
+ x3
;
The greatest common divisor (GCD) of these polynomials
gcd = PolynomialGCD[s,v]
2 + 3x + x2
Let us divide s(x) with this GCD
{{Cs},Rs} = PolynomialReduce[s,gcd,x]
{{4 + 5x + x2
},0}
The remainder is zero and we can check
Csgcd
(2 + 3x + x2
)(4 + 5x + x2
)
Expand[%]
8 + 22x + 21x2
+ 8x3
+ x4
Let us carry out these operations with v(x), too
{{Cv},Rv} = PolynomialReduce[v,gcd,x]
{{3 + x},0}
and
Csgcd
(3 + x)(2 + 3x + x2
)
Expand[%]
6 + 11x + 6x2
+ x3
This means that the original polynomials s(x) and v(x) can be expressed as the linear
combination of the GCD, like.
8 1 Solution of Algebraic Polynomial Systems
35. sðxÞ ¼ CsðxÞ gcd(xÞ þ 0 gcd(xÞ
and
vðxÞ ¼ 0 gcd(xÞ þ CvðxÞ gcd(xÞ
or
s x
ð Þ
v x
ð Þ
=
Cs x
ð Þ 0
0 Cv x
ð Þ
gcdðxÞ
gcdðxÞ
!
:
Since there is only one variable, the roots of gcd(x), the GCD of these two poly-
nomials s x
ð Þ; v x
ð Þ
f g are the roots of the polynomial system. This important fact is
because any one-variable polynomial can be factored over C into linear pieces. The
roots of gcd x
ð Þ ¼ 2 þ 3 x þ x2
¼ 0 are in Fig. 1.2.
However, we normally have polynomials of two variables (x, y)
p
- 1 + xy
g
- 4 + x2
+ y2
In case of more than one variable, the greatest common divisor, though it exists,
does not play the role it did in the previous paragraph. That role is filled by the
Gröbner basis (Buchberger and Winkler 1998).
{G1,G2} = GroebnerBasis[{p,g},{x,y}]
{1 - 4y2
+ y4
,x - 4y + y3
}
As in the case of univariate polynomial, for the two variables ðx; yÞ, the original
system can be expressed as the linear combination of the polynomials of the
Gröbner basis G1 y
ð Þ; G2 x; y
ð Þ
f g, where the coefficients are also polynomials.
Fig. 1.2 Common roots of
polynomials
1.3 Gröbner Basis 9
36. The coefficients are the remainders.
{c1,r1} = PolynomialReduce[p,{G1,G2},{x,y}]
{{ - 1,y},0}
Then p(x, y) can be expressed as
{ - 1,y}:
G1
G2
==Simplify
{ - 1 + x y}
and
{c2,r2} = PolynomialReduce[g,{G1,G2},{x,y}]
{{ - 4 + y2
,x + 4y - y3
},0}
then g(x, y)
{ - 4 + y2
,x + 4y - y3
}:
G1
G2
==Simplify
{ - 4 + x2
+ y2
}
In matrix form
p x; y
ð Þ
g x; y
ð Þ
¼
1 y
4 þ y2
x þ 4y y3
G1 y
ð Þ
G2 x; y
ð Þ
or
p x; y
ð Þ
g x; y
ð Þ
¼
1
4 þ y2
G1 y
ð Þ þ
y
x þ 4y y3
G2 x; y
ð Þ
The roots of the system p x; y
ð Þ; g x; y
ð Þ
f g are the same as the roots of the system
G1 y
ð Þ; G2 x; y
ð Þ
f g. Note that this basis consists of special polynomials, since G1
(y) is a univariate polynomial!
Generally speaking, the original polynomial system p x; y
ð Þ; g x; y
ð Þ
f g can be
expressed as a linear combination of the basis polynomials G1 x; y
ð Þ; G2 x; y
ð Þ
f g.
There are many other basis polynomials too and the set of these basis polynomials
is called the ideal of the original polynomial. However, the Gröbner basis is a special
basis, since one of its polynomials is a univariate one. If the Gröbner basis is 1, the
polynomials have no common divisor, consequently they have no common roots.
Remark The theory of Gröbner bases is much more extensive and sophisticated than
we can go into here. Our focus is on using Gröbner bases to eliminate variables.
10 1 Solution of Algebraic Polynomial Systems
37. Let us employ the built-in function for the system {P, S, G} considered in
previous Sect. 1.2.2,
GroebnerBasis[{P,S,G},{x,y,z}]
{ - 27z - 12z2
- 2z3
- 12z4
+ 6z5
- 3z6
- 6z7
+ 2z9
,3y + z - z3
,3x + 2z + z3
}
where the first element of the Gröbner basis is the same provided by the Dixon
resultant.
Now, let us compute the Gröbner basis of the following system
U = x2
+ y2
= = 1
x2
+ y2
- 1
V = x2
+ y2
= = 2
x2
+ y2
- 2
GroebnerBasis[{U,V},{x,y}]
{1}
There are no common roots, see Fig. 1.3, however the upper limit of the number of
roots is 2 2 = 4.
1.3.2 Reduced Gröbner Basis
The Mathematica built in function can carry out the elimination process too,
employing the so called reduced Gröbner Basis.
To get the univariate polynomial of x, we should eliminate y and z,
grbx = GroebnerBasis[{P,S,G},{x},{y,z}]
{ - 27x + 18x2
- 342x3
+ 306x4
- 186x5
+ 229x6
- 18x7
+ 12x8
+ 8x9
}
Fig. 1.3 No common roots
of polynomials
1.3 Gröbner Basis 11
38. and then for the other variables,
grby = GroebnerBasis[{P,S,G},{y},{x,z}]
{ - 21y - 23y2
- 30y3
- 36y4
- 9y5
+ 6y6
- 12y7
+ 8y8
}
grbz = GroebnerBasis[{P,S,G},{z},{x,y}]
{ - 27z - 12z2
- 2z3
- 12z4
+ 6z5
- 3z6
- 6z7
+ 2z9
}
These algebraic methods are very impressive and useful, but they are limited by
the size of the system. In general, systems with more than ten unknowns cannot be
solved this way due to time and space (RAM) limitations.
1.3.3 Polynomials with Inexact Coefficients
Computing Gröbner bases with inexact coefficients is often desired in industrial
applications, but the computation with floating-point numbers is quite unstable if
performed naively (Sasaki 2014). The solution methods of the Gröbner basis are
very sensitive to round off error, therefore sometimes in case of systems that are
over-constrained or have roots with multiplicities, and are given with inexact
coefficients, using hybrid symbolic-numeric methods are required (Szanto 2011).
Lichblau (2013) discussed computation of Gröbner bases using approximate
arithmetic for coefficients and showed how certain considerations of tolerance,
corresponding roughly to accuracy and precision from numeric computation, allow
us to obtain good approximate solutions to problems that are overdetermined.
Let us consider the following polynomial system,
polys = - 4 + x2
- 1:49071xy + y2
, - 8 + x2
- 0:4xz + z2
,
- 4 + t2
- 0:894427tx + x2
, - 4 + y2
- 1:49071yz + z2
,
- 8 + t2
- 0:666667ty + y2
, - 4 + t2
- 0:894427tz + z2
;
If we try to find the Gröbner basis, we get the trivial answer {1:}, which means
there is no relationship between the polynomials.
sol = GroebnerBasis[polys,{x,y,z,t}]
{1:}
Even employing rationalization of the coefficients will not solve the problem,
n = 10;
polysR = Map[Rationalize[#,10- n
],polys]
- 4 + x2
- (149071xy)=100000 + y2
, - 8 + x2
- (2xz)=5 + z2
,
- 4 + t2
- (216200tx)=241719 + x2
, - 4 + y2
- (149071yz)=100000 + z2
,
- 8 + t2
- (666503ty)=999754 + y2
, - 4 + t2
- (216200tz)=241719 + z2
12 1 Solution of Algebraic Polynomial Systems
39. solR = GroebnerBasis[polysR,{x,y,z,t}]
{1:}
However, applying an approximate hybrid technique,
solA = GroebnerBasis[polys,x,y,z,t,Tolerance ! 10( - 3)
]
yields
solt = NSolve[solA[[1]],t]
{{t ! - 1:00002 - 0:0044912 i},{t ! - 1:00002 + 0:0044912 i},
{t ! 1:00002 - 0:0044912 i},{t ! 1:00002 + 0:0044912 i}}
Since we are interested in real solutions,
Map[Re[#[[2]]],Flatten[solt]]
{ - 1:00002, - 1:00002,1:00002,1:00002}
Then the other variables are
solz = NSolve[solA[[2]]=:t ! 1:00002,z]
{{z ! 2:2361}}
soly = NSolve[solA[[3]]=:t ! 1:00002,y]
{{y ! 3:00005}}
solx = NSolve[solA[[4]]=:t ! 1:00002,x]
{{x ! 2:23606}}
Let us check our result via least squares technique employing global minimization.
Our objective function is
G = Total[Map[#2
,polys]]
( - 4 + t2
- 0:894427 tx + x2
)2
+ ( - 8 + t2
- 0:666667 ty + y2
)2
+ ( - 4 + x2
- 1:49071 xy + y2
)2
+ ( - 4 + t2
- 0:894427 tz + z2
)2
+ ( - 8 + x2
- 0:4 xz + z2
)2
+ ( - 4 + y2
- 1:49071 yz + z2
)2
and
NMinimize[G,{x,y,z,t}]
2:10012 10- 10
,x ! 2:23607,y ! 3:,z ! 2:23607,t ! 1:0023
1.3 Gröbner Basis 13
40. 1.4 Using Dixon-EDF for Symbolic Solution
of Polynomial Systems
We have discussed the basic idea of a system of polynomial equations in the
Introduction. Earlier in this chapter we introduced the ideas of resultants and
Gröbner bases and did some examples. In this section we will show some much
more difficult problems that reveal the great power of the Dixon resultant as
extended with “Early Detection of Factors”, or Dixon-EDF.
As before, we have in each case n equations in n variables x1, x2, …, xn and some
parameters. We assume that the system is neither over- nor underdetermined.
Usually 3 n 15, though we can work with more variables if the system is sparse
enough and does not involve variables with high exponent. In most examples from
actual applications, one rarely sees an exponent larger than 2.
Again, by “solve the system” we mean we have eliminated all but one of the
variables. We are left with one equation in one variable and the parameters. If
desired, numerical values for the parameters can then be substituted, and the
variable obtained by one-variable numerical solvers.
The ideas in this section were developed by Lewis (2007, 2008).
1.4.1 Explanation of Dixon-EDF
The basic idea of the Dixon method is to construct a square matrix M whose
determinant D is a multiple of the resultant. Usually M is not unique, it is obtained
as a maximal minor, in a larger matrix we shall call M +
, and there are usually many
maximal minors—any one of which will do. The entries in M are polynomials in
parameters. The factors of D that are not the resultant are called the spurious
factors, and their product is sometimes referred to as the spurious factor.
The naive way to proceed is to compute D, factor it, and separate the spurious
factor from the actual resultant. But there are problems. On one the hand, the
determinant may be so large as for it to be impractical or even impossible to
compute; even though the resultant is relatively small, the spurious factor is huge.
On the other hand, the determinant may be so large that factoring it is impractical.
Lewis developed three heuristic methods to overcome these problems (2008).
The methods were discovered by experimentation and may apply to other resultant
formulations, such as the Macaulay. The one that concerns here is called EDF.
The EDF method exploits the observed fact that D usually has many factors. In
other words, we try to turn the existence of spurious factors to our advantage. By
elementary row and column manipulations (Gaussian elimination) we discover
probable factors of D and extract them from M0 = M. This produces a smaller
matrix M1, still with polynomial entries, and a list of discovered numerators and
denominators.
14 1 Solution of Algebraic Polynomial Systems
41. Here is very simple example.
M0 ¼
9 2
4 4
numerators: denominators:
Of course the determinant is trivial, but suppose we wish to keep the arithmetic very
simple, and never work with numbers bigger than 9. We factor a 2 out of the second
column, then a 2 from the second row. Thus:
M0 ¼
9 1
2 1
numerators: 2; 2 denominators:
We change the second row by subtracting 2/9 of the first:
M0 ¼
9 1
0 7=9
numerators: 2; 2 denominators:
We pull out the denominator 9 from the second row, and factor out 9 from the first
column:
M0 ¼
1 1
0 7
numerators: 2; 2; 9 denominators: 9
We “clean up” by dividing out the common factor of 9 from the numerator and
denominator lists; any 1 that occurs may be erased and the list compacted. Since the
first column is canonically simple, we are finished with one step of the algorithm,
and have produced a one-smaller M1 for the next step.
M1 ¼ 7
ð Þ numerators: 2; 2 denominators: 1
The algorithm terminates by pulling out the 7:
numerators: 2; 2; 7 denominators: 1
As expected (since the original matrix contained only integers) the denominator list
is trivial. The product of all the entries in the numerator list is the determinant, but
we never needed to deal with any number larger than 9.
The EPF method is implemented in the computer algebra system Fermat by
Lewis (2009).
The Dixon resultant is a very attractive tool for solving systems of multivariate
polynomial geodetic equations (see Paláncz et al. 2008). Comparing it to other
multi-polynomial resultant like Sturmfels’s method it has advantages of (i) the
small size of the Dixon matrix, (ii) faster computational speed, (iii) being robust.
In the following sections we provide some examples where Dixon EDF method
proved to be very effective.
1.4 Using Dixon-EDF for Symbolic Solution of Polynomial Systems 15
42. 1.4.2 Distance from a Point to a Standard Ellipsoid
Given an ellipsoid x2
/a2
+ y2
/b2
+ z2
/c2
− 1 = 0 and a point (u, v, w), compute the
point (x, y, z) on the ellipsoid closest to the point. We have three variables x, y, z.
We derive equations using partial derivatives, so we must add two more variables to
stand for @z=@x; @z=@y. There are six parameters a, b, c, u, v, w. The new variables
representing @z=@x; @z=@y are artifacts. We don’t care about them. We want to
know just x, y, z. One advantage of resultants is that you can’t tell a Gröbner basis
algorithm not to bother with some of the variables (Fig. 1.4).
This is a fairly easy problem. The resultant is degree 6 in x.
With Dixon: 0.038 s, 22 MB RAM with Magma’s Gröbner basis, 1 s, 100 MB.
(Similar results were obtained with Maple and Mathematica.)
But we can say more. The coefficient of x6
is
b2
c2
2abc2
þ a2
c2
2ab2
c þ 4a2
bc 2a3
c þ a2
b2
2a3
b þ a4
:
This factors into (a − c)2
(a − b)2
, so we learn that if b = a or c = a there is a
simpler solution. In fact, if c = a it drops to degree 4. As we pointed out in the
Introduction, the symbolic method leads to insight!
1.4.3 Distance from a Point to Any 3D Conic
Here is the image for a general ellipsoid, but we could have any 3D conic (Fig. 1.5).
Given
ax2
þ by2
þ cz2
þ d xy þ e xz þ f yz þ gx þ hy þ iz þ j ¼ 0
and point (u, v, w), compute point (x, y, z) with shortest distance. We have again
three variables x, y, z, but now 13 parameters a, b, c,…, u, v, w. At least one artifact
variable must be added.
Fig. 1.4 Given u, v, w find x,
y, z
16 1 Solution of Algebraic Polynomial Systems
43. This problem is much harder than the previous. With Dixon-EDF: 12 s, 270
MB RAM. The answer has 38,984 terms, degree 6. With Magma: killed after 24 h,
24 GB RAM. With Maple’s FGb routine: Success after 5.8 h, 52 GB RAM.
The coefficient of x6
has two factors, one is af 2
def þ be2
þ cd2
4abc. If this
were 0, the resultant simplifies.
1.4.4 Pose Estimation
Suppose we have a quadrilateral ABCE; it does not have to be planar. The distances
between each pair of vertices are known. The object moves. We observe it from
point P, noting the angles spanned by each pair of vertices. The classic four point
pose problem is to deduce the distances X1, X2, X3, X4 (Fig. 1.6).
It is easy to derive six equations from the law of cosines:
X2
1 þ X2
2 X1X2 r AB
j j2
X2
1 þ X2
3 X1X3q AC
j j2
X2
2 þ X2
3 X2X3 p BC
j j2
X2
1 þ X2
4 X1X4 s AE
j j2
X2
4 þ X2
3 X4X3 t CE
j j2
X2
2 þ X2
4 X2X4 u BE
j j2
r, p, q, s, t, u, are cosines.
There are four variables X1, X2, X3, X4. The parameters are the lengths of AB, BC,
CE, AE, AC, BE, and the six cosines.
Fig. 1.5 Given u, v, w
find x, y, z
1.4 Using Dixon-EDF for Symbolic Solution of Polynomial Systems 17
44. Using any four equations but including at least one diagonal AC or BE yields an
easy system of equations, solvable by many means. Indeed, one could select, say,
the first three equations and obtain a complete three variable system; see the
exercises at the end of this chapter. But suppose the object could be flexible! Then
we must use four equations from only the outside edges; diagonal distances might
change. This turns out to be a much harder system to solve and is only doable with
Dixon-EDF.
This problem is similar to resection; see Sect. 1.6.3.
1.4.5 How to Run Dixon-EDF
As far as we know, Dixon is implemented only in Mathematica, no other large
multipurpose CAS. It is a package that must be downloaded and installed. It
implements part of the KSY idea, but not EDF.
Dixon-EDF is implemented in Fermat as a series of procedures; see Lewis (2009).
1.5 Applications
1.5.1 Common Points of Geometrical Objects
It is well known that the visualization of curves and surfaces is easy and com-
fortable via parametric explicit equations of the geometrical objects. However, the
implicit form of these equations is sometimes needed. For example one would like
Fig. 1.6 Pose estimation
problem
18 1 Solution of Algebraic Polynomial Systems
45. to decide whether a point is on a curve or surface or not. Finding the common
points of two or more geometrical objects is the generalization of this task.
Converting explicit to implicit just means eliminating the parameter.
Application 1 Let us compute the implicit equation of a 2D circle.
The form of the explicit equation with the parameter is,
x ¼ cosðaÞ;
y ¼ sinðaÞ
and in addition we know that
sin2
ðaÞ þ cos2
ðaÞ ¼ 1:
Solution
Therefore, we have the following system of equations with unknowns (x, y, a)
x cosðaÞ;
y sinðaÞ;
1 þ sin2
ðaÞ þ cos2
ðaÞ:
and we should eliminate the variable a. Let us compute the Gröbner basis for x and
y eliminating a
GroebnerBasis[{x - cos[a],y - sin[a],sin[a]2
+ cos[a]2
- 1},
{x,y},{a,cos[a],sin[a]}]
{ - 1 + x2
+ y2
}
This elimination could easily be done with the Dixon resultant. Note that we really
have four variables x, y, cosðaÞ, and sinðaÞ and three equations. With three equa-
tions we can eliminate any two variables, so we choose the latter two.
Application 2 Now let us compute the common points of a cardioid and a circle.
The parametric equation of the cardioid is, see Fig. 1.7,
x ¼ 2 ð1 þ cosðtÞÞ cosðt),
y ¼ 2 ð1 þ cosðtÞÞ sinðt):
1.5 Applications 19
46. Solution
As a first step, we compute the implicit form of the equation of the cardioid.
x 2 cosðtÞ 2 cos2
ðtÞ;
y 2 sinðtÞ 2 cosðtÞ sinðt),
1 þ 2 cos2
ðtÞ þ sin2
ðtÞ:
The Gröbner basis of the system is,
4x3
þ x4
4y2
4xy2
þ 2x2
y2
þ y4
:
Now let us consider the following circle,
x2
þ y2
2 ¼ 0:
Then, the two geometrical objects together are as shown in Fig. 1.8.
The next step is the computation of the common points employing these implicit
equations. Then the following system should be solved
g1 = - 4x3
+ x4
- 4y2
- 4xy2
+ 2x2
y2
+ y4
- 4x3
+ x4
- 4y2
- 4xy2
+ 2x2
y2
+ y4
g2 = x2
+ y2
- 2
- 2 + x2
+ y2
Fig. 1.7 A cardioid curve
20 1 Solution of Algebraic Polynomial Systems
47. Fig. 1.8 The two
geometrical objects
Fig. 1.9 The common points
of the two geometrical objects
The reduced Gröbner basis for the x coordinate is given as
GroebnerBasis[{g1,g2},{x},{y}]
{ - 1 - 2x + x2
}
Similarly for the y coordinate
GroebnerBasis[{g1,g2},{y},{x}]
{ - 7 + 2y2
+ y4
}
or with the built-in function Solve
solp = {x,y}=:Solve[{g1 = = 0,g2 = = 0},{x,y}]==Simplify
1 -
ffiffiffi
2
p
, -
ffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffi
- 1 + 2
ffiffiffi
2
p
p
n o
, 1 -
ffiffiffi
2
p
,
ffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffi
- 1 + 2
ffiffiffi
2
p
p
n o
,
n
1 +
ffiffiffi
2
p
, - i
ffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffi
1 + 2
ffiffiffi
2
p
p
n o
, 1 +
ffiffiffi
2
p
,i
ffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffiffi
1 + 2
ffiffiffi
2
p
p
n oo
There are only two real solutions! Let us visualize the common points, see Fig. 1.9.
1.5 Applications 21
48. To solve this problem with the Dixon resultant, just take the three equations
defining the cardioid and the one defining the circle. First, eliminate the three
variables y, cos(t), and sin(t). That yields the equation for x, - 1 - 2x + x2
. Then
repeat, eliminating y, cos(t), and sin(t) to get the equation for y.
1.5.2 Nonlinear Heat Transfer
The nonlinear dimensionless equation of the steady state heat transfer in 1D is,
d
dx
k h
ð Þ
dh
dx
¼ 0:
The boundary conditions are,
hð0Þ ¼ 0 and hð1Þ ¼ 1:
The heat transfer coefficient depending on the temperature,
kðhÞ ¼ 1 þ kh:
Let us approximate the temperature profile with the following polynomial,
h x
ð Þ ¼ x þ c1 x2
x
þ c2 x3
x
;
which satisfies the boundary conditions. Let us compute the ci coefficients.
Solution
Substituting the temperature profile into the differential equation, we get
eq ¼ k þ 2c1 2kc1 þ 6kxc1 þ kc2
1 6kxc2
1 þ 6kx2
c2
1 2kc2 þ 6xc2 þ 12kx2
c2
þ 2kc1c2 6kxc1c2 12kx2
c1c2 þ 20kx3
c1c2 þ kc2
2 12kx2
c2
2 þ 15kx4
c2
2:
Using the global integral method, the square of the integral should be minimized,
r ¼
Z
1
0
eq2
dx ¼ k2
þ 4kc1 þ 2k2
c1 þ 4c2
1 þ 4kc2
1 þ 4k2
c2
1 þ
1
5
k2
c4
1 þ 6kc2 þ 4k2
c2
þ 12c1c2 þ 20kc1c2 þ 16k2
c1c2 þ
4
5
k2
c2
1c2 þ
6
5
k2
c3
1c2 þ 12c2
2 þ 24kc2
2
þ
84
5
k2
c2
2 þ
12
5
k2
c1c2
2 þ
20
7
k2
c2
1c2
2 þ
64
35
k2
c3
2 þ
111
35
k2
c1c3
2 þ
48
35
k2
c4
2:
22 1 Solution of Algebraic Polynomial Systems
50. GroebnerBasis[{eq1,eq2},{c2},{c1}]
{ - 709927680k2
- 1419855360k3
- 904619968k4
- 194692288k5
+ 4100908k6
+ 1419855360c2 + 4259566080kc2 + 5168334976k2
c2
+ 3237393152k3
c2 + 1556328200k4
c2 + 647559304k5
c2
+ 151166960k6
c2 - 92198400c2
2 - 276595200kc2
2 + 220266368k2
c2
2
+ 901524736k3
c2
2 + 983883152k4
c2
2 + 487021584k5
c2
2
+ 107131248k6
c2
2 + 16464000c3
2 + 49392000kc3
2 + 253787072k2
c3
2
+ 425254144k3
c3
2 + 384371484k4
c3
2 + 179976412k5
c3
2 + 43090110k6
c3
2
- 6679680k2
c4
2 - 13359360k3
c4
2 - 604072k4
c4
2 + 6075608k5
c4
2
+ 5758480k6
c4
2 - 1117200k2
c5
2 - 2234400k3
c5
2 + 811440k4
c5
2
+ 1928640k5
c5
2 + 1604652k6
c5
2 + 312480k4
c6
2 + 312480k5
c6
2
+ 267470k6
c6
2 + 16800k4
c7
2 + 16800k5
c7
2 + 24612k6
c7
2 + 1560k6
c8
2
+ 75k6
c9
2}
From a practical point of view, it is more convenient to employ numerical Gröbner
basis function, as in Mathematica using k = 1,
sol = NSolve[{eq1,eq2}=:k ! 1,{c1, c2},Reals]==Flatten
{c1 ! - 0:6251338312334316,c2 ! 0:19045444692157196}
Then the temperature profile is
T = h=:sol
x - 0:625134 ( - x + x2
) + 0:190454 ( - x + x3
)
Figure 1.10 shows the dimensionless temperature profile for k = 1,
Fig. 1.10 The dimensionless
temperature profile in case of
k = 1
24 1 Solution of Algebraic Polynomial Systems
51. The general function for any k = j can be written as,
X[j ]: = h=:(NSolve[{eq1,eq2}=:k
! j,{c1,c2},Reals]==Flatten)
Let us test this function for k = 1
X[1]
x - 0:625134( - x + x2
) + 0:190454( - x + x3
)
We utilized the common capability of the Computer Algebra System (CAS) type
language providing symbolic computation as well as any size of digits in order to
reduce round-off error.
One can realize that this example is a nice illustration of the hybrid computation,
since our function is computed partly in numerical and partly in symbolic way.
1.5.3 Helmert Transformation
Let us consider a 2D Helmert transformation with parameters a and b,
X
Y
¼ s
cos X
ð Þ sin X
ð Þ
sin X
ð Þ cos X
ð Þ
x
y
¼
a b
b a
x
y
:
We have three control points in both systems, namely (Table 1.1).
Assuming that these values have errors in both systems (EIV model) let us
consider the adjustments as Dxi and DXi i ¼ 1; 2; 3.
In order compute these adjustments the following minimization problem should
be solved,
F ¼
X
3
i¼1
Dx2
i þ DX2
i
with the constraints,
Table 1.1 Numerical data
for the 2D Helmert
transformation problem
i xi yi Xi Yi
1 0.0 1.0 −2.1 1.1
2 1.0 0.0 1.0 2.0
3 1.0 1.0 −0.9 2.8
1.5 Applications 25
52. eq1 ¼ a x1 þ Dx1
ð Þ by1 X1 þ DX1
ð Þ;
eq2 ¼ b x1 þ Dx1
ð Þ þ ay1 Y1;
eq3 ¼ a x2 þ Dx2
ð Þ by2 X2 þ DX2
ð Þ;
eq4 ¼ b x2 þ Dx2
ð Þ þ ay2 Y2;
eq5 ¼ a x3 þ Dx3
ð Þ by3 X3 þ DX3
ð Þ;
eq6 ¼ b x3 þ Dx3
ð Þ þ ay3 Y3:
To transform this problem into a minimization without constraints, let us employ
Lagrange-multipliers,
G ¼ F þ
X
6
i¼1
ki eqi ¼ Dx2
1 þ Dx2
2 þ Dx2
3 þ DX2
1 þ DX2
2 þ DX2
3
þ X1 by1 þ a x1 þ Dx1
ð Þ DX1
ð Þk1 þ ay1 Y1 þ b x1 þ Dx1
ð Þ
ð Þk2
þ X2 by2 þ a x2 þ Dx2
ð Þ DX2
ð Þk3 þ ay2 Y2 þ b x2 þ Dx2
ð Þ
ð Þk4
þ X3 by3 þ a x3 þ Dx3
ð Þ DX3
ð Þk5 þ ay3 Y3 þ b x3 þ Dx3
ð Þ
ð Þk6 :
Using the necessary condition, after differentiating the objective, we get the fol-
lowing algebraic polynomial system for the unknowns Dx1; DX1; Dx2;
f
DX2; Dx3; DX3; a; b; k1; k2; k3; k4; k5; k6g
2Dx1 þ ak1 þ bk2;
2DX1 k1;
2Dx2 þ ak3 þ bk4;
2DX2 k3;
2Dx3 þ ak5 þ bk6;
2DX3 k5;
x1k1 þ Dx1k1 þ y1k2 þ x2k3 þ Dx2k3 þ y2k4 þ x3k5 þ Dx3k5 þ y3k6;
y1k1 þ x1k2 þ Dx1k2 y2k3 þ x2k4 þ Dx2k4 y3k5 þ x3k6 þ Dx3k6;
ax1 X1 by1 þ aDx1 DX1;
bx1 þ ay1 Y1 þ bDx1;
ax2 X2 by2 þ aDx2 DX2;
26 1 Solution of Algebraic Polynomial Systems
53. bx2 þ ay2 Y2 þ bDx2;
ax3 X3 by3 þ aDx3 DX3;
bx3 þ ay3 Y3 þ bDx3:
Substituting the numerical values for fxi; yig and fXi; Yig from Table 1.1, we get 14
polynomials of the Gröbner basis of the problem. The rows of Table 1.2 show the
exponents of the unknown variables in the different polynomials,
The first base is a degree six polynomial for k6,
7630949955162482528767108340
þ 42959839227889682667793048133k6 48918108637327112393858971361k2
6
þ 10461095486070027991388157780k3
6 þ 10401874932371574116079405000k4
6
3829299680266483288767890625k5
6 þ 349089071788949996689453125k6
6
Which has two real solutions: k6 ! 2:14502; k6 ! 0:238268
f g. We consider
the positive solution. (The reason will be given later.) Then the solutions can be
obtained with successive elimination from the other bases,
Dx1 ! 0:021889; DX1 ! 0:165307; Dx2 ! 0:021537; DX2 ! 0:079912;
f
Dx3 ! 0:109804; DX3 ! 0:116768; a ! 1:057144; b ! 1:957834g:
Table 1.2 Numerical data for the 2D Helmert transformation problem
Dx1 DX1 Dx2 DX2 Dx3 DX3 a b k1 k2 k3 k4 k5 k6
0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 6
0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 5
0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 5
0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 5
0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 5
0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 5
0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 5
0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 5
0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 5
0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 5
0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 5
0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 5
0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 5
1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 5
1.5 Applications 27
54. Wecouldsolvetheproblemviadirectminimization,too.Employingglobalminimization
method, we can get the same solution. The minimization problem has two local mini-
mums and negative k6 refers to the other local minimum, which is not the global one.
1.6 Exercises
1.6.1 Solving a System with Different Techniques
Let us consider the following system,
f ðx; y; zÞ ¼ x y z 1;
gðx; y; zÞ ¼ x2
þ 2y2
þ 4z2
7;
hðx; y; zÞ ¼ 2x2
þ y3
þ 6z 7:
We do not know approximate solutions, therefore we have no idea which initial
values would be proper to start with in case of numerical (iterative) solutions.
Problem
(a) Estimate the number of common roots
(b) Find common roots via Sylvester resultant
(c) Find common roots via Dixon resultant
(d) Find the univariate polynomials for the unknowns (x, y, z) via Gröbner basis
(e) Compute the roots of these polynomials
(f) Carry out the computation with built-in function NSolve
(g) Employ high precision computation.
Solution
Considering the degree of the polynomials of the system, the total degree of the
system is
d ¼ 3 2 3 ¼ 18;
Therefore the upper limit of the number of the common roots is 18.
Solution via Sylvester resultant
f = x y z - 1
- 1 + x y z
g = x2
+ 2y2
+ 4z2
- 7
- 7 + x2
+ 2y2
+ 4z2
28 1 Solution of Algebraic Polynomial Systems
56. CHAPTER III.
THE SYNOPTIC GOSPELS—CONTINUED.
THE EPISTLES OF IGNATIUS—THE EPISTLE OF POLYCARP—
JUSTIN MARTYR—HEGESIPPUS—PAPIAS—THE
CLEMENTINES—THE EPISTLE TO DIOGNETUS.
Next our author examines quotations in the Epistles of Ignatius,
though he says they really appertain to a very much later period, for
they are all pronounced, by a large mass of critics, spurious
compositions. He suffered martyrdom, it is said, on the 20th
December, A.D. 115, when he was condemned to be cast to wild
beasts in the amphitheatre, not at Rome, but at Antioch, in
consequence of the fanatical excitement produced by the
earthquake which took place on the thirteenth of that month.[31] If
any of his fifteen letters, says our author, could be accepted as
genuine, the references to them might be important. Dr. Mosheim
says his whole epistles are extremely dubious. The shorter of the
two versions of Ignatius is, however, generally allowed to be
genuine. Tischendorf says its genuineness is now generally
admitted. In it we find, What would a man be profited if he should
gain the whole world and lose his own soul? which of course is a
quotation from Matt. xvi. 26.
The next document mentioned is the Epistle of Polycarp to the
Philippians, who, Irenæus says, was in his youth a disciple of the
Apostle John. He was Bishop of Smyrna, and ended his life by
martyrdom, A.D. 167. Irenæus knew Polycarp personally. It is said
that the epistle was written before A.D. 120. Our author ascribes it to
a later date, and says that there are potent reasons for considering it
spurious. As, however, Irenæus, Polycarp's disciple, believed it to be
57. genuine, we shall take the liberty of differing from our author, and of
believing it to be so. The epistle contains the following:
Remembering what the Lord said, teaching: Judge not, that ye be
not judged; forgive, and it shall be forgiven you; be pitiful, that ye
may be pitied; with what measure you mete it shall be measured to
you again; and that blessed are the poor, and those that are
persecuted for righteousness' sake, for theirs is the kingdom of
God. Also: Beseeching in our prayers the all-seeing God not to lead
us into temptation, as the Lord said, The spirit indeed is willing, but
the flesh is weak. Also: If, therefore, we pray the Lord that he may
forgive us, we ought also ourselves to forgive.
Our author demurs to these being quotations from our Gospels, and
says they might have been from orally current accounts of the
Sermon on the Mount, or from many of the records of the teaching
of Jesus in circulation.
Hegisippus is the next early writer referred to. He made use of the
Gospel according to the Hebrews. Jerome says (confirming
Eusebius) that the Gospel according to the Hebrews is written in
the Chaldaic and Syriac (Syro-Chaldaic) language, but with Hebrew
characters.
We have, says our author, direct intimation that Hegesippus made
use of the Gospel according to the Hebrews. He was one of the
contemporaries of Justin—a Palestinian Jewish Christian. In order to
make himself thoroughly acquainted with the state of the Church, he
travelled widely, and came to Rome when Anicitus was bishop.
Subsequently he wrote a work of historical memoirs in five books,
and thus became the first ecclesiastical historian of Christianity. This
work is lost, but portions have been preserved by Eusebius, and one
other fragment is also extant. It must have been written after the
succession of Eleutherius to the Roman bishopric (A.D. 177-193), as
that event is mentioned in the book.
The testimony of Hegesippus is of great value, not only as a man
born near the primitive Christian tradition, but also as that of an
58. intelligent traveller amongst many Christian communities (p. 430).
Hegesippus says, in the fifth book of his Memoirs, that these words
('Good things prepared for the righteous neither eye hath seen nor
ear heard, nor have they entered into the heart of man,' from 1 Cor.
ii. 9) are vainly spoken, and that those who say these things give the
lie to the Divine writings and to the Lord saying, 'Blessed are your
eyes that see, and your ears that hear,' c. This fragment is
preserved by Stephanus Gobarus, a learned monophysite of the sixth
century.
Nothing is more certain, says our author, than the fact that, in
spite of the opportunities for collecting information afforded him by
his travels through so many Christian communities, for the express
purpose of such inquiry, Hegesippus did not find any New Testament
Canon, or, that such a rule of faith did not exist in Rome in A.D. 160
and 170.
I ask, How in the world can our author be certain of this, when only
portions of Hegesippus are extant? This applies generally to his
argument that the silence of the early writers is of as much
importance as their supposed allusions to the Gospels. Such a mode
of reasoning is aptly commented upon by the Rev. Kentish Bache, in
his letter to Dr. Davidson on the Fourth Gospel. He says: When but
small portions of a work have been preserved to our use, it is no
wonder that these portions should make no mention of many
circumstances interesting and important, which the writer must
certainly have known and told of. If I tear a few leaves from the
middle of my English History book, I shall find on them (the few
leaves) no record of the Norman Conquest or of the Battle of
Waterloo. Would it thence be a fair conclusion that these events are
unhistorical and fictitious?
Papias is next referred to. He was Bishop of Hierapolis, in Phrygia, in
the first half of the second century, and is said to have suffered
martyrdom under Marcus Aurelius, about A.D. 160-167. About the
middle of the second century he wrote a work in five books, called,
59. Exposition of the Lord's Oracles, which is lost, excepting a few
fragments preserved by Eusebius and Irenæus. We have the preface
to his book, which states: I shall not hesitate to set beside my
interpretations all that I rightly learnt from the Presbyters, and
rightly remembered, earnestly testifying to its truth. For I have not,
like the multitude, delighted in those who spoke much, but in those
who taught the truth; nor in those who recorded alien
commandments, but in those who recall those delivered by the Lord
to faith, and which come from truth itself. If it happened that any
one came who had followed the Presbyters, I inquired minutely after
the words of the Presbyters—what Andrew or what Peter said, or
what Philip or what Thomas or James, or what John or Matthew, or
what any other of the disciples of the Lord, and what Aristion and
the Presbyter John, the disciples of the Lord, say; for I held that
what was to be derived from books was not so profitable as that
from the living and abiding voice. It is clear (says our author) from
this that even if Papias knew any of our Gospels, he attached little or
no value to them, and that he knew absolutely nothing of the
Canonical Scriptures of the New Testament (p. 445).
I remark that it is far from clear that he attached no value to our
Gospels from anything he says in the fragments extant, and of
course we know nothing of those portions that are lost. We know
that he was making a book, consisting of what he could gather from
tradition about the truth, to set beside his interpretations about
the commandments delivered by the Lord to faith. There were
Gospel writings in circulation, and he was supplementing what they
recorded. There is positively no evidence to make us think that our
present Gospels were unknown to him. He does not, in the
fragments we have, mention Paul's writings, nor the Gospel of Luke,
nor the Fourth Gospel, but he does allude to a book by Matthew and
another by Mark, and Eusebius tells us that Papias makes use of
passages taken from Peter's first epistle and John's first epistle. So,
on the whole, the testimony of Papias, instead of being against is in
favour of the Synoptics, and also of the Fourth Gospel; for the
silence inference applies no more to it than it does to Paul and
60. Luke's writings, and the statement of Eusebius about John's Epistle
is not to be set aside, for if John wrote it, it will be allowed he wrote
the Gospel. His evidence respecting Mark is important, for the
fragments contain a statement that Mark recorded what fell from
Peter, writing accurately, and taking especial care neither to omit nor
to misrepresent anything; and Papias says that Peter preached
with a view to the benefit of his hearers, and not to give a history of
Christ's discourses. Our author's inference is that it is some other
person of the name of Mark that is connected with the Second
Gospel, and not the Mark that Papias refers to. This is very far-
fetched and improbable, for the description tallies well with our
Second Gospel, and quite admits of the supposition that Mark had
every opportunity of obtaining from eye-witnesses the historical
materials of his Gospel. No one supposes that every statement in the
book emanated from Peter's discourses.
Papias is the only early writer that our author acknowledges
furnishes any evidence in favour of the Synoptic Gospels. He cannot
deny that he records that Matthew composed discourses of the Lord
in the Hebrew tongue, but he says that totally excludes the claim of
our Greek Gospel to apostolic origin. The boldness of this assertion
can only be properly met by an equally explicit denial that it does
anything of the kind. If the translation be a faithful one from a
Hebrew version, it is of course entitled to the epithet apostolic if the
original possessed it. Our author must have some peculiar notions
about verbal inspiration if this be the rule he lays down. But he
altogether overlooks the supposition that Matthew's Gospel was not
originally written in Hebrew, notwithstanding this statement of
Papias.
Tischendorf, in his book issued by the Tract Society, entitled, When
were our Gospels Written? maintains that the assertion of Papias
rests on a misunderstanding, and he briefly states his reasons for
this view. He says: This Hebrew text must have been lost very
early, for not one even of the very oldest Church fathers had ever
seen or used it. There were two parties among the Judaisers—the
61. one the Nazarenes and the other the Ebionites. Each of these parties
used a gospel according to Matthew, the one party using a Greek
and the other party a Hebrew text. That they did not scruple to
tamper with the text, to suit their creed, is probable from their very
sectarian spirit. The text, as we have certain means of proving,
rested upon our received text of Matthew, with, however, occasional
departures, to suit their arbitrary views. When then it was reported,
in later times, that these Nazarenes, who were one of the earliest
Christian sects, possessed a Hebrew version of Matthew, what was
more natural than that some person or other, thus falling in with the
pretensions of this sect, should say that Matthew was originally
written in Hebrew, and that the Greek was only a version from it?
How far these two texts differed from each other no one cared to
inquire; and with such separatists who withdrew themselves to the
shores of the Dead Sea, it would not have been easy to have
attempted it.
Jerome, who knew Hebrew, as other Latin and Greek fathers did
not, obtained in the fourth century a copy of this Hebrew Gospel of
the Nazarenes, and at once asserted that he had found the original.
But when he looked more closely into the matter, he confined
himself to the statement that many supposed this Hebrew text was
the original of Matthew's Gospel. He translated it into Latin and
Greek, and added a few observations of his own on it. From these
observations of Jerome, as well as from other fragments, we must
conclude that this notion of Papias cannot be substantiated; but, on
the contrary, this Hebrew has been drawn from the Greek text, and
disfigured moreover here and there with certain arbitrary changes.
The same is applicable to a Greek text of the Hebrew Gospel in use
among the Ebionites. This text, from the fact that it was in Greek,
was better known to the Church than the Hebrew version of the
Nazarenes; but it was always regarded, from the earliest times, as
only another text of Matthew's Gospel.
The references to Justin Martyr occupy nearly one hundred and fifty
pages of the work. He was one of the most learned and one of the
62. earliest writers of the Church not long after the apostles. His
conversion took place about the year 132, and his martyrdom, A.D.
165.
In his second Apology, A.D. 139, and in his Dialogue with Tryphon
the Jew, are many quotations of passages found in the Gospels. He
quotes from all the four Evangelists, and our author's elaborate
attempt to prove the contrary is certainly not successful. His
objection, based on slight discrepancies in the words while the sense
is identical, is frivolous in the extreme. Supposing there were in
Justin's hands a primitive work which supplied the passages, and
that work was embodied in the canonical compilation, they can be
truthfully said to be quotations from the latter. The objection to his
quotations on the grounds that they are not verbatim, is neutralized
by the fact that neither are his quotations from the Old Testament
always exact.
It has been shown that if Justin did not quote from our Gospels,
there must have been in his hands, in the second century, a variety
of accounts of Christ's life, to which he, a leading Christian apologist,
attached the greatest importance; and yet, in the course of the few
following years, those accounts must have disappeared, and four
others, of which this eminent Christian apologist knew nothing, must
have taken their place. This would have been what Canon Westcott
justly calls a 'revolution,' for it would have, in a single generation,
entirely changed the records of the life of Christ publicly used by the
Christians.[32]
Justin quotes from a book entitled the Memoirs, which he says are
called Gospels, and our author tries to make out that the passage
quoted is an interpolation. It is not the only instance where the
wish, and not the proof, is father to the thought.
In Justin's work, the Apology, occur the words, And thou shalt call
his name Jesus, for he shall save his people from their sins; which
are found in the apocryphal Gospel of James, as said to the Virgin
Mary, while in Matthew's Gospel they are spoken to Joseph. It is
63. urged that Justin must, therefore, have quoted them from a lost
Gospel; but why should it be supposed so when they are in the
apocryphal Gospel of James, which, Origen says, was everywhere
known about the end of the second century, and which, there is
good ground for believing, was written in the early part of that
century?
A few other passages in Justin's work, which are not found in our
Gospels, may be accounted for by supposing them to be quotations
either from lost Gospels, genuine or apocryphal, or tradition may
have supplied them. There is no certain inference to be arrived at.
Justin tells us in his first Apology (A.D. 139), that the memoirs of
the apostles called evangels were read after the prophets every
Lord's Day in the assemblies of the Christians.
This must have reference to the writings which alone, a few years
later, were universally known as the Four Gospels, or the Acts of the
Apostles.
The second volume of the work opens with an examination of the
evidence furnished by the apocryphal religious romance generally
known by the name of 'The Clementines,' which includes the
Homilies, the Recognitions, and a so-called Epitome—the Homilies
and Recognitions being, he says, the one merely a version of the
other, and the Epitome a blending of the other two. As there are in
the Clementine Homilies upwards of a hundred quotations of
expressions of Jesus, or references to His history (not less than fifty
passages from the Sermon on the Mount), it is important to
ascertain, if possible, when they were written, and from what
writings they quote. The date cannot be determined. The range of
probability is from the middle of the second century. If much later,
the inquiry does not amount to much, because we know, from ample
evidence, such as that of Irenæus, that the Four Gospels as we have
them were in existence, and read in the Churches, in the middle of
the second century. We presume, therefore, our author takes an
64. early date for granted, or he would not have occupied forty pages in
their examination.
The first quotation which, he says, agrees with a passage in our
Synoptics, occurs in the third Homily, p. 52: And he cried, saying,
Come unto me all ye that are weary; which agrees with Matt. xi. 28.
Because the quotation is not continued, but the following words are
an explanation of what Come unto me, c., means—that is, who
are seeking truth, and not finding it,—we are to deem it evident
that so short and fragmentary a phrase cannot prove anything. I
exclaim, Indeed! Not in a book that contains a hundred references to
the words of Jesus! Not, considering that they are especially the
words of Jesus, that no one else so said to the weary, Come unto
me! Most readers will surely think the contrary should be inferred!
Among the quotations are words resembling the text of Matthew
xxv. 26-30: Thou wicked and slothful servant: thou oughtest to
have put out my money with the exchangers, and at my coming I
should have exacted mine own.[33] If this were the only reference
to the Gospels as we have them, the quotation is sufficiently near to
make the inference certain that such writings, in some shape, must
have been in existence when the Clementine Homilies were written.
This our author acknowledges, but he says (vol. ii. p. 17): If the
variations were the exception among a mass of quotations perfectly
agreeing with the parallels in our Gospels, it might be exaggeration
to base upon such divergences a conclusion that they were derived
from a different source. The variations being the rule, instead of the
exception, these, however slight, become evidence of the use of a
different Gospel from ours.[34]
I remark, supposing this be so, that the author of these Homilies
had, in the year 160, other Gospel manuscripts before him, it is not
pretended that our Gospels contain all that was known of the
sayings of Jesus, and all the events of His public ministry. We are
told in the Fourth Gospel: There are also many other things which
Jesus did, the which, if they should be written every one, I suppose
65. that even the world itself could not contain the books that should be
written.[35] If the author of the Fourth Gospel did not include many
things which he knew had been previously written about, why
should we be surprised to find the authors of the Synoptic Gospels
record only portions?
We know that Paul wrote an epistle to the Church at Laodicea, which
is not preserved to us. We hold that Paul was as much an inspired
writer as any of the apostles, and instead of making all sorts of
difficulties about the books we have, we ought to be grateful that
they are extant. We read in Paul's Epistle to the Colossians, iv. 16:
And when this epistle is read among you, cause that it be read also
in the Church of the Laodiceans; and that ye likewise read the
epistle from Laodicea.
I wonder whether our author has an objection to the genuineness of
the Epistle to the Colossians, because Epictetus, who was born at
Hierapolis about A.D. 50, which was within a few miles of Colosse and
Laodicea, and who would be likely to know, at that time, what was
there going on, does not refer to Paul and the Churches there?
But it is useless to disprove the assertion that there are no
quotations from the Gospels, for we are met at every turn with the
objection that those specified are probably quotations from the
numerous lost Gospels known to have been in circulation. He says:
The great mass of intelligent critics are agreed that our Synoptics
have assumed their present form only after repeated modifications
by various editors of earlier evangelical works. The primitive Gospels
have entirely disappeared, supplanted by the later and more
amplified versions (p. 459). The first two Synoptics bear no author's
name, because they are not the work of any one man, but the
collected materials of many. The third only pretends to be a
compilation for private use, and the fourth bears no simple
signature, because it is neither the work of an apostle nor of an eye-
witness of the events it records (p. 401). I remark, if Luke's Gospel
does only pretend to be for private use, does that affect its value? If
66. Matthew wrote at all, and our author acknowledges he did in
Hebrew, his work would be likely to be translated into Greek, either
by himself or some one else, and many copies circulated. Supposing
the original in Hebrew to be lost, it is not probable the Greek copies
could be all collected from various places, and all altered and
supplemented. How could any one do this? He might write and issue
a new version, but he could not suppress the original one unless all
the existing copies were under his own control. As we have a certain
work preserved, and no other, pretending to be Matthew's, it is
highly probable that what Matthew contributed to the Church is that
Gospel. A fictitious one would be less likely to be preserved than a
real one, though we are asked to believe the contrary. Our author
suggests that if we had the original writings we should find them
minus the miracles, which is altogether inconsistent with what he
has said about the prevalence of miraculous notions among the Jews
at the time. At any rate, if the books in circulation did not relate
miracles, they would not be in harmony with the gospel preached by
Paul, and believed by the first Christians. Supposing that there were,
as Luke intimates, and as our author asserts, many original writings,
what more likely than that Matthew should collect some of them,
and embody them, with his own record, in one book, under his own
name? It is quite true that we meet with references to apostolic
writings under other titles than those in the New Testament: we
read of,—
The Gospel according to the Hebrews.
The Gospel according to the Egyptians.
The Memoirs of the Apostles.
The Gospel of Matthew in Hebrew.
The Gospel of the Lord.
The Discourses of Peter.
The Collection of Discourses.
67. Although we do not know how these were embodied in our New
Testament Scriptures, it is probable that they were in some way
included, or the copies of the present Gospels may not all have
uniformly borne the same titles as we know them by. In our day it is
not usual for an author's name to appear in the body of his work,
and often a title-page gives more than one title.[36] How few
persons can give the exact title of the book known as Butler's
Analogy. The value of a book does not depend essentially upon the
person who wrote it. We do not know who wrote the Book of Job,
many of the Psalms, the Epistle to the Hebrews, and other portions
of the Bible, but it would be unwise to reject their teaching on that
account.
Our author says: No reason whatever has been shown for accepting
the testimony of these Gospels as sufficient to establish the reality of
miracles (p. 249). I remark, the question is, Do they show such
insufficient testimony as to warrant the conclusion that the general
evidence based on a great variety of proofs is not to be accepted?
The Epistle to Diognetus is a short composition, which has been
ascribed to Justin Martyr, but its authorship is uncertain, and the
date of its composition. It is not quoted or mentioned by any ancient
writer. The two concluding chapters are supposed to have been
written by a different hand. To the first quarter of the second half to
the end of that century the date is variously assigned. It is written in
pure Greek, and is elegant in style. Bunsen, in his valuable book,
Hippolytus and his Age, asserts that the epistle is certainly the
work of a contemporary of Justin the Martyr; that he believes he
has proved that the first part is a portion of the lost early Letter of
Marcion, of which Tertullian speaks; and that the very beautiful and
justly admired second fragment, which in our editions of Justin's
works is given at the end of that Patristic gem, the Epistle to
Diognetus,[37] does not belong to that letter, but is the conclusion
of the great work, in ten books, by Hippolytus, The Refutation of all
Heresies. Our author, in the eighteen pages devoted to the Epistle
to Diognetus, says nothing of this, although it is both important and
68. interesting. He says the supposed allusions in the Fourth Gospel may
be all referable to Paul's epistles, that the date and author are
unknown, and that the letter is of no evidential value. His two brief
allusions to Bunsen's work show that the ignoring of that eminent
man's opinion was not unintentional; while the absence of any
reference to Bunsen's elaborate proof that Hippolytus wrote the
Refutation, is also significant.
69. CHAPTER IV.
THE SYNOPTIC GOSPELS—CONTINUED.
It remains a possibility that Christ actually was what He supposed
Himself to be.
John Stuart Mill.
70. CHAPTER IV.
THE SYNOPTIC GOSPELS—CONTINUED.
BASILIDES—VALENTINUS—MARCION—TATIAN—DIONYSIUS OF
CORINTH—MELITO OF SARDIS—CLAUDIUS APOLLINARIS
—ATHENAGORAS—EPISTLE OF VIENNE AND LYONS—
PTOLEMÆUS, HERACLEON, CELSUS—CANON OF
MURATORI.
Our author says of Basilides, He was founder of a system of
Gnosticism, who lived at Alexandria about the year 125. With the
exception of a very few brief fragments, none of his writings have
been preserved, and all our information regarding them is derived
from writers opposed to him. Eusebius states that Agrippa Castor,
who had written a refutation of the doctrines of Basilides, 'Says that
he had composed twenty-four books upon the gospel.' This is
interpreted by Tischendorf to imply that the work was a commentary
upon our four Gospels, a conclusion the audacity of which can
scarcely be exceeded (p. 42). I remark that by the gospel would
be meant the gospel which was preached by the apostles, and
Tischendorf is not far wrong in supposing that the written records of
it in the hands of the first Christians was the subject of the
commentary. Our author has certainly not proved the contrary. He
says: We know that Basilides made use of a Gospel, written by
himself it is said, but certainly called after his own name; ... but the
fragments of that work which are extant are of a character which
precludes the possibility of the work being considered a Gospel.
Neander affirmed the Gospel of Basilides to be the Gospel according
to the Hebrews. I remark that that is not only probable, but that the
Gospel to the Hebrews may have been the Hebrew translation of the
Greek Gospel of Matthew, with its additions and modifications, to
71. suit the Jewish Nazarene sect, who, we know, had a Hebrew text of
their own, which they did not hesitate to alter and adapt to their
own views. Basilides, says our author, expressly states that he
received his knowledge of the truth from Glaucis, the interpreter of
Peter, whose disciple he claimed to be. Basilides also claimed to
have received from a certain Matthias the report of private
discourses which he had heard from the Saviour for his special
instruction. Canon Westcott writes: Since Basilides lived on the
verge of the apostolic times, it is not surprising that he made use of
other sources of Christian doctrine besides the canonical books. The
belief in Divine inspiration was still fresh and real.[38] Our author
says: It is apparent, however, that Basilides, in basing his doctrine
on these apocryphal books as inspired, and upon tradition, and in
having a special Gospel called after his own name, ignores the
canonical Gospels, offers no evidence for their existence, but proves
that he did not recognise any such works as of authority. I remark,
the question is not their authority, but, Did they exist? Basilides
wrote a book, called it a Gospel, or commentary of the Gospel, and
made as much use as suited his heretical purpose of the canonical
records, of tradition, and of other books. This seems to be what we
can arrive at. Hippolytus, writing of the Basilideans and describing
their doctrines, uses the singular pronoun he—he says, in a
passage of which our author gives an unintelligible translation. This
pronoun is an inconvenient witness. Our author wants it to be
they, in order that the disciples of Basilides living at a later period,
when the Gospels were generally recognised, may be meant, and
not Basilides, who lived A.D. 125. Hippolytus has a sentence of
Basilides, which our author translates as follows:—Jesus, however,
was generated according to these, as we have already said. But
when the generation which has already been declared had taken
place, all things regarding the Saviour, according to them, occurred
in a similar way as they have been written in the Gospel. This
means that the things referring to the Incarnation were as written in
the Gospel, not as preached, but as written; and if Basilides, as the
founder of the sect, is referred to, the statement testifies to the
72. existence of the Gospels in the year 125, and the doctrine of the
Incarnation being in them. But our author says the statement is not
made in connection with Basilides, but his followers; that it is made
about A.D. 225, by Hippolytus, and affords no proof that either
Basilides or his followers used the Gospels or admitted their
authority. The exclusive use, by any one, of the Gospel according to
the Hebrews, for instance, would be perfectly consistent with the
statement (p. 48). No one who considers what is known of that
Gospel, or who thinks of the use made of it in the first half of the
second century by perfectly orthodox Fathers, before we hear
anything of our Gospels, can doubt this (p. 48). I remark, that
those who adopt Tischendorf's view, that Matthew was written in
Greek, and a corrupted version in Hebrew, used in certain countries,
will not have to resort to any such explanation as our author
suggests. His examination in detail of the several quotations is
important, because it exhibits his want of appreciation of the
evidence they afford. The first passage Tischendorf points out is
found in the Stromata of Clement of Alexandria, and it is certainly
from our Gospel of Matthew,[39] however that work may have been
compiled (for it is not necessary to insist that no other records than
Matthew's own are included in the book which, we contend, was at
very early date read in the Churches, and is what we now have).
They say the Lord answered, All men cannot receive this saying. For
there are eunuchs who are indeed from birth, but others from
necessity.[40] Our author says this passage in its affinity to, and
material variation from, our First Gospel, might be quoted as
evidence for the use of the Gospel according to the Hebrews, but it
is simply preposterous to point to it as evidence for the use of
Matthew. Apologists ... seem altogether to ignore the history of the
creation of written Gospels, and to forget the very existence of the
πολλοἱ of Luke. We value his acknowledgment, and find no
difficulty, notwithstanding the silence of some apologists, in
reconciling our belief in the four Gospels with the facts or
probabilities of what can be ascertained as to their creation. We
allow that the word Luke uses (πολλοἱ) refers to many, which is
73. consistent with the idea that many committed to writing what they
knew, and that their records were embodied in the Synoptic Gospels.
The next passage referred to by Tischendorf is one quoted by
Epiphanius: And therefore he said, Cast not ye pearls before swine,
neither give that which is holy unto dogs.[41] It is introduced in the
section of the work of Epiphanius directed against the Basilideans.
As in dealing with all these heresies there is continual interchange of
reference to the head and later followers, there is no certainty who
is referred to in these quotations, and in this instance nothing to
indicate that the passage is ascribed to Basilides himself. His name is
mentioned in the first line of the first chapter, but not again until the
fifth chapter (p. 50).
I remark, it was the founder of the sect and not the followers who
wrote the book, and those who opposed the heresy would, although
they alluded to the sect, have regard to the founder when they
referred to the doctrines held, and quoted the written opinions which
distinguished the party on gospel matters. To make the matter as
plain as I can, I will suppose a case as an illustration of the point.
Supposing that in Pliny's letter to Trajan there were found these
words referring to the Christians: They say, the rule which should
be observed in regard to an enemy is, Love your enemies, bless
them that curse you, do good to them that hate you, and pray for
them which persecute you—would it be right to assert that the
quotation is no proof that Christ so taught, but His disciples, long
afterwards? This is something like what our author's objection,
referring to the pronouns he and they in Hippolytus, amounts to.
They does not mean he when thus used; and he, when actually
used in the first line of the first chapter, and afterwards means,
they; that is, He (Basilides) says, means They (his followers at a
later date) say.
The plural pronoun is used, indicating the sect, Basilides and his
followers. Therefore our author says there is uncertainty as to who
he is when used in the same sentence. He says Hippolytus is giving
74. an epitome of the views of the school with nothing more definite
than a subjectless φησἱ (he says) to indicate who is referred to.
None of the quotations which we have considered are directly
referred to Basilides himself, but they are introduced by the utterly
vague expression, 'He says' (φησἱ), without any subject
accompanying the verb.
The suggestion (p. 51) that Hippolytus consciously or
unconsciously, in the course of transfer to his pages, corrected the
text, is very unsatisfactory. An intelligent reader cannot fail to see
how an obvious inference is avoided, and how ingenuity is taxed to
make words square with foregone conclusions.
Tischendorf asks: Who is there so sapient as to draw the line
between what the master alone says, and that which the disciples
state, without in the least repeating the master? (p. 59) and our
author says, Tischendorf solves the difficulty by referring everything
indiscriminately to the master (p. 59). To say that Tischendorf does
this is reckless assertion.
When our author has to account for such a passage in Basilides as,
The Holy Spirit shall come upon thee, and the power of the Highest
shall overshadow thee, he says it happens to agree with the words
in Luke i. 55; and resorts to his usual mode of avoiding the
acknowledgment that such a verbatim quotation is against his
hypothesis, by saying, There is good reason for concluding that the
narrative to which it belongs was contained in other Gospels. The
following sentence is startling, and apt to mislead those who do not
take the trouble to be sure of his meaning. He says (p. 67):
Nothing, however, can be clearer than the fact that this quotation,
by whomsoever made, is not taken from our Third Synoptic,
inasmuch as there does not exist a single MS. which contains such a
passage. What does he mean? We turn to Luke i. 35, and read:
The Holy Ghost shall come upon thee, and the power of the Highest
shall overshadow thee: therefore also that holy thing which shall be
born of thee shall be called the Son of God. Does he mean the
whole passage is not in any MS? No: he means the following, with
75. the slight variation at the end, is not in any MS. The Holy Spirit shall
come upon thee, and the power of the Highest shall overshadow
thee, therefore the thing begotten of thee shall be called holy. Only
the words in italics are different in the two passages, and the
meaning is the same, the only difference being that the latter does
not include the words the Son of God. The remark that the
quotation happens to agree with the passage in Luke i. 35, should
not be unnoticed.
Happens! Mark the peculiar inappropriateness of the word. It
indicates our author's whereabouts, and is a beacon in the book to
warn the reader. Events transpire, and they happen to agree with
prophetic visions which plainly foretold them! Reason being unequal
to an explanation, coincidence must be resorted to. Was it an
accident that, at one particular point in history, and in one special
individual, the elements of a new religious development, which, per
se, were already extant, should have concentrated themselves in a
new life? This, says Baur, is the wonder in the history of the origin
of Christianity which no historical reflection can further analyse. Did
it happen that the Messiah came as was predicted centuries before?
Did Paul happen to have a vision just at the time when the whole
course of his life underwent a change, and from being a chief
persecutor of the faith he became a chief apostle—no less an apostle
than the most prominent among the Twelve? If the Saviour did not
meet him on the way to Damascus he could not be an apostle; and
as he was an honest man, and no impostor, could what happened to
him have been other than what he asserted? Baur was in a great
difficulty about the matter, and said, No analysis, either
psychological or didactic, can clear up the mystery of that act in
which God revealed His Son in Paul. Jeremiah prophesied that the
Jews should return to their own land after seventy years of exile,
and they happened to do so!
The artful way in which the evidence from the writings of Hippolytus
is disposed of is one of the most notable things in the book we are
reviewing. The reader's attention is taxed to keep up with the
76. sophistical argument, and our author finds it necessary to explain
why he has been forced to go at such a length into these questions,
as to risk being very wearisome to his readers (p. 73).
These remarks apply to a great extent to the examination of the
evidence of Valentinus, described as another Gnostic leader, who,
about the year A.D. 140, came from Alexandria to Rome, and
flourished till about A.D. 160. Very little remains of the writings of
this Gnostic, and we gain our only knowledge of them from a few
quotations in the works of Clement of Alexandria, and some doubtful
fragments preserved by others (p. 56).
Marcion, the son of a bishop of Pontus, became a conspicuous
heretic in the second century, and there was a book called
Marcion's Gospel, which has long furnished a field for criticism. He
was a Pauline heretic, denouncing the Jewish party which insisted
upon dragging Jewish observances into Christianity. He went to
Rome about A.D. 139-142, and taught there some twenty years. His
opinions were widely disseminated. His collection of apostolic
writings, which is the oldest of which we have any trace, includes
(says our author) a single Gospel and ten Epistles of Paul—viz.,
Galatians, Corinthians (2), Romans, Thessalonians (2), Ephesians (in
the superscription of which there is, to the Laodiceans),
Colossians, Philippians, and Philemon.
The Gospel of Marcion is not extant, but it is referred to by his
opponents, who affirmed that his evangelical work was an
audaciously mutilated version of Luke's Gospel. Our author gives a
brief account of the various opinions which have prevailed about the
book during the last hundred years, and considers the discussion
upon it far from closed. Is it a mutilation of Luke, or an independent
work derived from the same source as his, or is it a more primitive
version of that Gospel? Whence are the materials from which the
portions of the text extant are derived? Tertullian and Epiphanius
denounced Marcion's heresy. The former called him impious and
sacrilegious, which, our author says, implies anything but fair and
legitimate criticism. I remark, Did he deserve the epithets? Would
77. Paul, who tells the Colossians to beware lest any man spoil them
through philosophy and vain deceit, after the traditions of men, after
the rudiments of the world, and not after Christ, have been less
emphatic in his denunciations in such a case? Marcion was more
Pauline than Petrine, but would Paul have failed to censure in the
strongest language such a misrepresentation of Jehovah and the Old
Testament economy as Marcion disseminated?
Can our author's assertion be absolutely true that Tertullian and
Epiphanius were only dogmatical, and not in the least critical? How
could they be otherwise than to a certain extent critical? They were
not critics in the way of taking nothing for granted, after the modern
fashion; but they must have weighed, compared, and tested
Marcion's views while writing against them. The spirit of the age,
he says, was indeed so uncritical, that not even the canonical text
could awaken it into activity. This is a sentence which suggests that
the position in the Church of the canonical text was so evident, that
to question it was then unwarrantable, as, indeed, it has continued
to be to this day. The combined internal and external evidences
harmonising with the believer's consciousness, his necessities, and
his aspirations, were sufficient to preclude sceptical and captious
criticism.
The Christian contemporaries of Irenæus, Tertullian, and Epiphanius
were uncritical in that they did not doubt that the foundations of
their faith were sure. The gospel which had been preached to them,
which had changed the whole course of their lives, corresponded in
its main features with the four books which were held in estimation
by the Church at that time above all other writings; and they would
not be likely to wrangle about the title instead of cultivating the faith
they possessed. They could not, perhaps, prove by the rules of logic
that God is, and is the rewarder of them that diligently seek him;
that Christ is the brightness of the Father's glory, and the express
image of his Person; but they knew that He had said,—Ye believe in
God believe also in me; In my Father's house are many mansions;
and, I go to prepare a place for you. Be thou faithful unto death,
78. and I will give thee a crown of life. They lived in the consciousness
of these truths, and died (Bishop Pothinus, for instance) a martyr's
death rather than deny them.
There is this remark to be made in reference to the alleged uncritical
age of the Fathers. How is it that Marcion is seen to be so critical?
He is surely after the modern model. He who wrote the Antithesis,
and, as our author says, anticipated in some of his opinions those
held by many in our own time; he who wrote,—If the God of the
Old Testament be good, prescient of the future, and able to avert
evil, why did he allow man, made in his own image, to be deceived
by the devil, and to fall from obedience of the law into sin and
death?[42] How came the devil, the origin of lying and deceit, to be
made at all?[43] surely he is an instance of a man in that age
possessing the critical faculty. He has the boldness to question, and
say,—Yea, hath God said? Anticipating the results of modern
criticism, says our author, Marcion denies the applicability to Jesus
of the so-called Messianic prophecies (p. 106).
If the research which is going on as to the Gospel of Marcion be
conducted in a proper manner, and from a proper motive, not from
antipathy to parsons and ecclesiastical assumptions, which was the
incentive of Strauss in attacking Christianity, good will come of it. As
Justin Martyr did not, as far as we know, suppose the book to be a
corrupted version of the Gospel according to Luke, Tertullian may
have been mistaken, and it may have been an independent work,
one of the many Luke refers to, the existence of which does not
necessarily invalidate the canonical ones. We may naturally suppose
that events of such marvellous speciality and importance as those
which had come to pass in those days among the Jews, would be
more or less described in letters and other writings by many persons
who were eye-witnesses. Such writings would be collected and read
when the first Christians assembled. The difference between the four
canonical Gospels and other manuscripts would consist in their being
compiled by persons competent to the task, who, like Ezra, were
instruments Divinely influenced to compile and set forth in order a
79. declaration of those things, for the benefit of future ages and the
religious instruction of the race.
The analysis of the text of Marcion by Hahn, Ritschl, Volkmar,
Helgenfeld, and others, who have examined and systemised the data
of the Fathers, is supposed to be sufficient to awaken in any inquirer
uncertainty, and stimulate conjecture (p. 101). I do not doubt it.
German hypercriticism is able, by a process of ratiocination, to
discredit any truth, even to persuade men that the Throne of the
universe is vacant, and that the only altar that man has the
knowledge to rear is one to the Unknown God; but
80. He sits on no precarious throne,
Nor borrows leave to be.
They who believe in the inspiration by the Holy Ghost of the
prophets of the Old Testament see no difficulty in regard to the
inspiration of the writers of the New. If Isaiah and Jeremiah and
Daniel had supernatural communications made to them, in order
that the Eternal Creator might be manifested, why not Paul and John
and Matthew? It is the foregone conclusion, on the part of critics,
that the miraculous is impossible, which embarrasses their
researches. One of John Stuart Mill's last sentences is: It remains a
possibility that Christ actually was what He supposed Himself to be.
If this had occurred to the great reasoner at the outset of his career
instead of the close, how much might the world have been
advantaged!
Tatian is a witness whose evidence our author next tries to set aside.
He was an Assyrian by birth, a disciple of Justin Martyr at Rome, and
afterwards, having joined the sect of the Eucratites, a conspicuous
exponent of their austere and ascetic doctrines. The only one of his
writings extant is his Oration to the Greeks, written after Justin's
death, as it refers to that event, and it is generally dated A.D. 170-
175. One point contested is Canon Westcott's affirmation that it
contains a clear reference to a parable recorded by Matthew:[44]
The kingdom of heaven is like unto treasure hidden in a field, which
a man found and hid, and for his joy he goeth and selleth all that he
hath and buyeth that field. And the supposed reference by Tatian is,
For by means of a certain hidden treasure he has taken to himself
all that we possess, for which, while we are digging, we are indeed
covered with dust, but we succeed in making it our fixed
possession.[45]
There is certainly not much similarity between the two passages,
although Tatian may be well supposed to have had the parable in his
mind when he wrote. The more important question is, Did Tatian
write A Harmony of Four Gospels, which recognises our four
81. Evangelists? Was his Diatessaron such a book, or was it the Gospel
according to the Hebrews? If the latter, what is the Gospel according
to the Hebrews? I say it is probable it is the corrupted Hebrew
translation of the Greek Gospel of Matthew, and this conjecture has
more in its favour than our author's hypothesis.
Dionysius of Corinth, Eusebius tells us, wrote seven epistles to
various Churches, and a letter to Chrysophora, a most faithful
sister. Only a few short fragments exist, which are all from the
epistle to Soter, Bishop of Rome, whose date in that pastorate is A.D.
168-176. In these fragments we find the following words:—For the
brethren having requested me to write epistles, I write them. And
the apostles of the devil have filled these with tares, both taking
away parts and adding others, for whom the woe is destined. It is
not surprising, then, if some have recklessly ventured to adulterate
the Scriptures of the Lord, when they have corrupted these, which
are not of such importance.[46] After quoting this passage, our
author reiterates his statement that We have seen that there has
not been a trace of any New Testament Canon in the writings of the
Fathers before and during this age. Does he suppose his readers
will have seen as he sees, or rather refuse to see what is plain
enough? He has his own opinion, but he need not assume that he
has convinced his readers that he has proved what he alleges. He
talks of Westcott's boldness, and of his imagination running away
with him, and that it is simply preposterous to suppose that this
passage refers to the New Testament. I leave Canon Westcott to
defend his own words, but I say it is not preposterous to infer that
when Dionysius speaks of the Scriptures of the Lord he means
Gospel writings, which are included in our New Testament. If it be
assumed that the defence of the authority of the New Testament
writings and of evangelical views is necessarily based on the
synodical authority of the early Church, there may be some weight
in his objections; but Christianity has a position independent of
ecclesiastical pretensions to infallibility, and the latter may be
overthrown without the great institution established by Divine mercy
for the recovery of humanity from sin and its consequences being in
82. the slightest degree damaged. Dr. Donaldson is quoted, who
remarks: It is not easy to settle what this term, 'Scriptures of the
Lord,' is; but my own opinion is that it most probably refers to the
Gospels, as containing the sayings and doings of the Lord. It is not
likely, as Lardner supposes, that such a term would be applied to the
whole of the New Testament.[47] The word Scripture, in Greek,
ΓραφἡΓραφἡ (Graphé), in Latin, Scriptura, has, no doubt, a meaning
which denotes an inspired writing. It is used fifty-one times in the
New Testament in the same sense, for Christ and the authors of the
New Testament regarded the Old Testament as distinguished from all
other writings, as the writing—the writing of God. By speaking of
their own books as Graphai, the apostles place them on a level with
the Old Testament, and thus assert their Divine character.[48]
Dr. Davidson speaks of the New Testament writings being ranked as
Holy Scripture by Dionysius of Corinth, A.D. 170.
Our author asserts (p. 167) that many works were regarded as
inspired by the Fathers besides those in our Canon, and mentions
especially the Gospel of Peter having been read at Rhossus. He says:
The fact that Serapion, in the third century, allowed the Gospel of
Peter to be used in the Church of Rhossus shows the consideration
in which it was held, and the incompleteness of the canonical
position of the New Testament. Now, he ought to have quoted
Serapion's own explanation, which we have preserved by Eusebius.
He says (in his treatise written to confute what was false in the
Gospel of Peter): We receive Peter and the other apostles even as
Christ; but the writings falsely called by their names, we, as
competent critics, renounce, knowing that we received not such
things. For when I was with you I supposed that all were agreed
with the true faith; and, without reading the Gospel called Peter's,
which they brought forward, I said, If this is the only thing that
seems to cause you dissension, let it be read. Serapion says he
borrowed the book and read it, and found many things agreeable to
Christ's doctrine, but some discrepant additions.
83. Thus the reading of the Gospel of Peter at Rhossus cannot be
instanced as a proof that other Gospels besides the canonical ones
were used as inspired books, nor can any other be mentioned as
having been thus regarded, the Gospel according to the Hebrews not
being apocryphal, but a part of the New Testament, whether we
take it to be, as our author supposes, the basis of Matthew's Gospel,
or, as we say, a corrupted version of that apostle's Greek work. To
argue that because one spurious Gospel was temporarily received
among a few persons, therefore there was no real canon of
Scripture, and we cannot be sure that any Gospel is genuine, shows
about as much common sense and logical acumen as would be
displayed by a critic eighteen centuries hence, who, discovering in
one of our newspapers an account of the conviction of a gang of
coiners, should argue that because their base half-crowns had got
into circulation, and had passed current with some persons who
might have been expected to detect the fraud, therefore there was
no such thing as a legal currency of intrinsic value among us; or if
there were, still we did not know or care to inquire into the
genuineness of the coin which we accepted and passed.[49]
Our author says (p. 16): 'The Pastor of Hermas,' which was read in
the churches, and nearly secured a permanent place in the Canon,
was quoted as inspired by Irenæus.[50]
The word Irenæus uses is Graphé, which is sometimes translated,
when found in his works, Scripture, and at other times writings, as
may best suit the argument of a critic like Dr. Davidson, who does so
adapt the translation to suit his purpose.
Whatever erroneous notions might prevail as to apocryphal writings,
the discrimination of Serapion, in regard to the Gospel of Peter,
shows that such a work as the Pastor of Hermas, in which, as
Mosheim says, the angels are made to talk more insipidly than our
scavengers and porters, would not be put on a level with the books
whose internal evidence, as well as historical pretensions, placed
them in a much superior position. The contrast is too great for such
84. Welcome to our website – the perfect destination for book lovers and
knowledge seekers. We believe that every book holds a new world,
offering opportunities for learning, discovery, and personal growth.
That’s why we are dedicated to bringing you a diverse collection of
books, ranging from classic literature and specialized publications to
self-development guides and children's books.
More than just a book-buying platform, we strive to be a bridge
connecting you with timeless cultural and intellectual values. With an
elegant, user-friendly interface and a smart search system, you can
quickly find the books that best suit your interests. Additionally,
our special promotions and home delivery services help you save time
and fully enjoy the joy of reading.
Join us on a journey of knowledge exploration, passion nurturing, and
personal growth every day!
ebookbell.com