Migration and Labour Mobility

CONTENTS
List offigures IX
List of tables Xl
Contributors XIV
Preface XVI
South Asia-Gulf migration corridor:
an introduction 1
S. IRUDAYA RAJAN
1 Migration, transnational flows and development
in India: a regional perspective 19
CAROL UPADHYA AND MARIO RUTTEN
2 The influence of vulnerability on migration
intentions in Afghanistan 49
CRAIG LOSCHMA N AND MELISSA SIEGEL
3 Brains, capital, charity, soft power: the skilled
South Asian diaspora in developed countries 77
RUPA CHANDA
4 South Asia-Gulf migratory corridor:
emerging patterns, prospects and challenges 120
GINU ZACHARIA OOMMEN
VII

CO NT ENTS
5 Challenges of labour recruitment for overseas
employment: the Bangladesh experience 147
c. R. ABRAR AND M MOTASIM BILLAH
6 Making migration free: an analysis of Nepal's
'free-visa, free-ticket' scheme 164
BANDITA SIJAPATI. MOHD AYUB AND
HIMALAYA KHAREL
7 Estimating the impact of international remittance
on households expenditure in Bangladesh 190
SELIM RAIHAN. TASNEEM SIDDIQUI AND
RAISUL A. MAWvlOOD
8 Intra-household dynamics of remittance practices:
a case study of Bangladesh 209
SYEDA ROZANA RASHID AND MOHAMMAD
JALAL UDDIN SIKDER
9 Migration in the global recession and in its
recovery in Sri Lanka 230
MYRTLE PERERA
10 Returning home: challenges of reintegration 267
SUWENDRANI JAYARATNE NIPUNI PERERA,
NELUKA GUNASEKARA AND NISHA ARUNATlLAKE
11 Labour emigration and emigration policies
in Nepal: a political-economic analysis 292
JAGANNATH ADHIKARI
12 Internal migration and labour mobility in Pakistan 321
SADIA ISHFAQ. VAQAR AHMED, DANISH HASSAN
AND ASIF JAVED
Index 343
V 111

12
INTERNAL MIGRATION
AND LABOUR MOBILITY
IN PAKISTAN
Sadia Ishfaq, Vaqar Ahmed,
Danish Hassan and Asif Javed
Internal migration and labour mobility is now increasingly being studied
through the lens of human security. Global estimates suggest that 740 mil-
lion people around the world are internal migrants (UNOCHA 2010).
Given its large number, especially within developing countries, internal
migration has the economic potential to contribute positively towards
greater human security and development objectives falling under the Sus-
tainable Development Goals (SDGs) framework.' As compared to inter-
national migration, internal migration involves a workforce four times
larger (Qin et al. 2014) that hails from poorer backgrounds and remits
money to a wider number of poor families (Deshingkar and Grimm
2004). It also provides migrant households opportunities to advance
human security outcomes by moving to a location that promises improved
access to education, health and employment opportunities.
In developing countries, like Pakistan, internal migration drives eco-
nomic growth in key sectors, such as agriculture, manufacturing, con-
struction and services. If utilised effectively as a policy tool, internal
migration can reduce income inequalities and wage differentials. Regret-
tably, however, internal migration has been glossed over in national poli-
cymaking of Pakistan (Hisam 2014) due to limited understanding of its
economic potential.
The country's National Emigration Policy (Government of Pakistan
2009) and the now defunct Labour Policy (Government of Pakistan 2010)
are quite unsatisfactory in this regard. The National Emigration Policy
discusses international migration issues exclusively, with no focus on inter-
nal migration. On similar lines, the Labour Policy does make a fleeting
321

SADIA ISHFA~ ET AL.
reference to external migration (emigration), it makes no reference to
internal migration. Moreover, while poverty and development disparity
do seem to influence internal migration patterns, the government's Pov-
erty Reduction Strategy Papers (PRSPs) and the recently approved Vision
2023 fail to provide meaningful measures to harness potential of internal
labour mobility.
This policy and planning lacuna is paralleled by a dearth oflegislation
related to rights of internal migrants in Pakistan. As a result, the gov-
ernment is insufficiently prepared to manage the challenges and oppor-
tunities that internal migration presents. With limited legal protection
and security from the relevant state bodies, most internal migrants in
Pakistan face multiple human security threats. As happens elsewhere in
the developing world, internal migrants are exposed to human security
risks that include exposure to illness, disease and food insecurity, socio-
cultural exclusion, lack of personal security and economic discrimina-
tion, among others (UNOCHA 2013). In order to remove migrants
from such human security threats that are rooted in their places of
destination (and origin), it is important to understand why people are
migrating in the first place.
Taking lead from Farwick (2009), our objective in this chapter is to
update the knowledge on Pakistan and try to answer:
a Who are the people currently on the move?
b What is their motivation to move from their origin?
c How are they received at the destination?
In the case of points a and b, we have some secondary data to guide us.
However, in the case of point c, we aim to use a qualitative approach to
identify and ask relevant respondents and 'receiving communities' how
internal migrants are able to settle themselves at the destination. We are
particularly interested in how inclusive and participatory is the commu-
nity and job market at the destination.
The next section provides a brief literature review from a global
perspective, followed by a section where we provide Pakistan-specific
work on internal migration. Following a brief discussion on our meth-
odology, we move to the findings from our qualitative exercise. We
conclude with policy recommendations for federal and provincial
governments in Pakistan. We also explain that there is an important
role for civil society organisations to step up their social accountability
efforts so that the various inequalities faced by the migrant population
can be mitigated.
322

TEn, A L M I c: I~AT lOA N J) LA l3() U I~ M 0 III LIT Y I J>A K 1ST A
Global perspectives on internal rnigration
International literature on migration suggests that historically humans have
migrated for multiple and complex reasons. Some migrated for economic
security to escape poverty or to seek better economic opportunities. Oth-
ers migrate by compulsion to escape conflict, war, human right violations
or discrimination (U OCHA 2013). Still others migrate in response to
changes in local environmental conditions that indirectly erode their liveli-
hoods and security (Foresight 2011).
Correspondingly, academics have come up with a number of economic
and sociological theories, since the pioneer work of Ravenstein (1885) to
theoretically explain why humans migrate, The seminal work of Lewis
(1954), Ranis and Fei (1961) and Harris and Todaro (1970) was influen-
tial in shaping the neoclassical economics theory that considered labour
market as the key determining factor in influencing migratory decisions.
It perceived migration decisions to be taken in response to wage differ-
entials. The NELM that was spearheaded by works of Stark and Taylor
in the 1980s postulated that humans migrated in response to a variety of
market variables, and not just income and employment differences, so as
to minimise risks to household incomes.
Piore (1979) framed migration in the dual labour market theory, accord-
ing to which migration was driven by 'pull factors' in destination areas
that were inherent in institutional structures of industrialised regions, The
world systems theory of the late 1980s and early 1990s explained migra-
tory moves in the light of economic Iiberalisation that was perceived to
facilitate labour flow across different markets, A common feature of all
these approaches was that they presumed that migratory decisions were
primarily motivated by economic factors where market played the fun-
damental role.
In later years, new schools of thought emerged out of development
practice which placed humans, rather than markets, at the centre of devel-
opment. An important one within this stream was the human security
framework that became acclaimed by the ex-Secretary General of the
UN, Kofi Annan.
The human security framework is a people-centred approach that
twins the concepts of development and security. According to the frame-
work, threats to human security generally stem from underlying structural
failures, such as under investment in basic amenities and public services
(Tadjbakhsh 2005). Chronic poverty, underemployment, inequality, law-
lessness, conflict and politico-economic instability are perceived as threats
to human development (Tadjbakhsh 2005), which can set off changes in
323

SADfA fSHFAQ ET AL.
local population in the form of mass displacement and permanent migra-
tion. Thus, lack of access to social, political and economic opportunities
may contribute to migration (Scribner and Vietti 2013).
Framing migration in such a perspective helps identify the socio-
political, economic and security implications of migration, which in the
long run can help balance both national security and human security
needs by promoting benefits generated from migration (UNOCHA
2013). It also offers interesting insights on how discrepancies in human
security may lead to demographic and economic challenges and opportu-
nities in a developing country like Pakistan.
Perspectives from Pakistan
Pakistan is home to the world's 10th largest labour force, with an esti-
mated population of 191. 7 million (Pakistan Economic Survey 2013-14).
A bulk of the country's demographic dividend is in the economically
active age of 15-64 years. National economic growth, while slow in the
past few years, has been unevenly distributed across the rural and urban
areas. The urban economy that is home to 38 per cent of the population
generates 78 per cent of the national income; contrastingly, the rural
economy produces one-fifth of national GDP, even though they house a
majority (62%) of the population. Similarly, social infrastructure invest-
ment is disproportionately concentrated in or around metropolitans,
while rural communities receive inadequate development spending
(Ahmed 2015; Burki et al. 2015; Naveed and Ali 2012).
Dividends of economic growth have also been unequally distributed
across the provinces, as is evident from interprovincial differences in
economic growth. Unofficial statistics approximate provincial economy
of the Punjab to contribute about 50 per cent to the national income,
followed by Sindh (30%), Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (10%) and Balochistan
(10%) (WB 2014). As regards rural and urban areas, the development
differential between and within provinces is marked by unequal access to
schooling, healthcare and employment opportunities (WB 2014), which
has, to some extent, contributed to internal migration.
With a few exceptions, formal employment in major sectors has steadily
increased. Employment trends (Table 12.1) across provinces indicate that
Balochistan has the greatest share of people formally engaged in agricul-
ture. Sindh leads the employment share in the trade sector, closely fol-
lowed by the Punjab.
In recent years, unemployment has increased from 5.6 per cent in
2010 to 6.2 per cent in 2013 (Figure 12.1); almost 9 per cent of urban
324

Table12.1Employmentsharebysector(%)
MajorSectors2009-20102010-20112012-20132013-2014
'IillalMalePemale'lalalMaleFemaleTotalMaleFemaleTOlalMaleFemale
Total100.0100.0100.0100.0100.0100.0100.0100.0100.0100.0100.0100.0
Agriculture/Forestry/45.036.674.945.136.275.443.734.575.743.534.274.0
HuntingandFishing
Manufacturing13.213.911.013.714.510.914.115.010.714.214.712.3
Construction6.78.50.37.08.90.27.49.50.27.39.50.3
Wholesaleandretailtrade16.320.22.116.220.41.614.418.11.514.618.51.6
Transport/Storageand5.26.60.35.16.60.15.57.00.25.57.10.2
Communication
Communiry/socialand11.211.211.210.810.811.513.313.911.513.113.711.5
personalservice
Other2.43.00.22.12.60.31.62.00.21.82.30.1
Source:PakistanIlureauofStatistics.

SADIA ISHFAQ ET AL.
-+-Unemployment rate
7.8 7.4
••
~5
6.2 6
5.7
5.3
• •• •••
2001-02 2003-04 2005-06 2007-08 2009-10 2010-11 2012-13 2013-14
F(~II,.e 12.1 Pakistan's recent unemployment trend
Source: Pakistan Economic Sur"l'y and Labour Force Survey.
employable labour force is looking for job compared to :> per cent in rural
areas (PES 2013). On the contrary, wage rates are higher in urban areas.
Overall, the labour market is more positive for labour classes in Punjab
and large agglomerations such as Karachi. Most non-farm workers in
rural areas sustain on less than average income (Ahmed et al. 2010). The
compliance with minimum wage laws is also weak. Rural female labour
force is mostly engaged in the agriculture sector, where they receive mini-
mal income or in-kind reward. In terms of labour productivity, national
and provincial trends indicate that Sindh is the most richly endowed with
productive labour, followed by KPK, Punjab and Balochistan (WB 2014).
During growth spurs, both rural and urban workforce tends to migrate
from 'low-productivity jobs in agriculture' to more productive non-farm-
based jobs, such as in manufacturing, construction and services sectors
(WB 2014). The diversification in labour market is paralleled by the rise
in internal migration, both interprovincial and rural-urban (WE 2014).
The country has seen high levels of internal migration in recent decades.
While many migrate temporarily or permanently to escape internal con-
flict, politico-economic instability and natural disasters, economic migra-
tion is also significant in Pakistan. According to Memon (2005), economic
migrants make up to 20 per cent of total migration in the country. An in-
depth analysis of this, however, has received limited attention in academic
circles, given the inadequacy of national mobility data.
National m.igration literature suggests that historically migration has been
associated with differential in poverty, labour productivity, employment
326

IN T ERN A L M I (; I~A T I () N A l) LAB () U I~ M () Il I LI T YIP A K 1ST A 1'
opportunities, human development and rural-urban development (Ahmed
et al. 2010; Irfan 1986; Khan and Shenaz 2000; Mahmud et al. 2010;
Memon 200S; Mazumdar 1987). While emerging research also focusses
on the links between migratory decisions and socio-political instability,
conflict and environmental change (Hasan 2009; Saeed et al. 201S; SLRC/
SDPI study 2014), most literature on internal migration is concentrated
around the incidence, flow and economic drivers of migration (Arif200S).
Few studies capture the impact of migration on socio-economic well-being
at the macro (economy-wide) and micro (household) scale (Arif 200S).
Irfan (1986) estimated that 42 per cent of total migrants in Pakistan
moved within districts, 39 per cent across districts and 19 per cent across
provincial boundaries. Arif (200S) came up with similar findings two
decades later, claiming that rural to urban migration makes up 40 per cent
of total internal migration in Pakistan. More recently, Mahmud et al. (2010)
calculated rural-urban migration to account for 32 per cent of total internal
migration. They found that, provincially, rural-urban migration is lowest in
Sindh and Balochistan followed by Punjab and KP (Mahmud et al. 2010).
Remarkably, a majority of rural migrants tend to move towards districts
having a high level of population densities. For example, 63 per cent of
the people who migrated in the last 10 years moved to an urban area, with
S6 per cent moving to the provincial or the federal capital (Mahmud et al.
2010), mainly due to family networks and higher concentrated develop-
ment in these areas. Similarly, Hussain (2014) estimates that net rural-urban
migration accounts for one-fifth of the rise in urban population.
In a more focussed internal migration study carried out in Faisalabad
district, Farooq and Cheema (200S) found that 80 per cent and 13 per
cent of the respondents were 'pushed' out due to poor economic and
educational opportunities, respectively. Likewise, Oda (200S) found that
a sizeable population in Chakwal district migrated internally as a house-
hold coping strategy to adapt to variability in agriculture-based incomes.
Many were compelled to migrate, as they lacked alternative economic
opportunities in their place of origin. This is in line with the longitudinal
study of deBrauw er al. (2013), who concluded that poorer families are
more prone to diversify a"ay from farm-based jobs following environ-
mental shocks. They found that the magnitude and statistical significance
of migrants from rural to urban is most pronounced for the land and
asset poor people, who included not only those who were directly associ-
ated with agriculture, but also those who generated incomes by providing
goods and services to land owners.
Pakistan's internal migrants who cross administrative (provincial or dis-
trict) boundaries in search of better living, contribute substantially to the
327

SADIA ISHFAQ ET AL.
manufacturing, construction and services sectors. Similar to the inter-
national migrant stream, a large proportion of the migrant community
possess limited education and takes up low-paying jobs in new settlements
(PILDAT 2008 in SLRC/SDPI report 2014). Given their limited socio-
economic resources, the most preferred destinations of such migrants are
slums and informal settlements around peri-urban and urban areas, where
they are exposed to new vulnerabilities and insecurities (Arif 2005; Saeed
et al. 2015). Seasonal or cyclic migrants, who migrate temporarily, come
from arid areas where farming and livestock rearing is a primary eco-
nomic activity; they seasonally migrate during the dry season in order to
diversify and add to family incomes. Most of them belong to poor back-
grounds and are generally asset poor (deBrauw et al. 2013).
While national data are limited, it is assumed that internal migrant labour
contributes far more significantly than international migrants. International
remittances from overseas Pakistan account for as much as 5 per cent of
the national GDP (Government of Pakistan 2014), making Pakistan one
of the highest remittance-receiving countries in Asia. However, economic
valuation of internal remittances transfer is not well documented.
Given the definitional issues and the dearth of reliable and consistent
official data on internal mobility, migration flows are difficult to calculate
without substantial error (Irfan 1986; Mahmud et al. 2010). Not surpris-
ingly, there are only a few recent studies that reliably focus on labour
mobility levels in Pakistan.
Methodology
Given the dearth of data on internal mobility, we first present a brief
descriptive analysis based on the past two LFS data sets. These data provide
information on overall national-level internal migration, rural-urban and
urban-rural migration, intra-provincial and interprovincial migration,
flow of migration by employment status and number of hours worked.
Taking stock of these data also allows us to carefully assess the lacunas in
current information on internal mobility.
The LFS is published by the government's Pakistan Bureau of Statistics.
The survey is based on data collected from more than 40,000 households
across urban and rural areas of Pakistan (with the exception ofFATA,GB
and AJK regions). These data are not able to capture inter- and intra-district
migration in Pakistan.
Second, we compliment the secondary information available with
qualitative survey exercise. We make use of a household-level survey con-
ducted by Sustainable Development Policy Institute (SDPI) in 2014. The
328

INTERNAL MIGRATION AND LABOUR MOBILITY IN PAKISTAN
survey included responses from households who had migrated from other
communities due to various reasons. The survey covered 800 households
across Balochistan, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Punjab and Sindh. Districts
in the sample included Quetta (100), Peshawar (100), Faisalabad (200),
Multan (100), Sukkur (100) and Karachi (200).
Third, the context analysis for this study could not have been com-
pleted without undertaking KIIs and FGDs with a cross-section of com-
munities, tribal elders and government officials. Therefore, three FGDs
were conducted while KIIs were held with 10 key informants in each
provmce.
A key feature of this survey is that it was conducted at the peak of
localised conflicts in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province, FATA and Karachi.
Therefore, the information provides some details on migrant's motivation
to move under times of prolonged conflicts. Additionally, districts such
as Sukkur had received displaced communities during the floods of 2011.
This phenomenon and how these migrants were able to become part of a
new community have also been captured.
We chose these districts partly because they are major commercial cen-
tres in their respective provinces. In order to have a broader perspective, it
was important to maintain a balance between urban and rural areas, since
perceptions can considerably vary across the two settings. One limitation
of this sample is that the random selection of migrant households did not
specifically target any groups, such as women or minorities.
For the purpose of this study, we consider permanent migration that
is internal (within national borders). The study does not consider the
large quantum of immigrants who have been forcibly displaced (such
as Afghan refugees), nor does it capture the large flows of international
migrants who chose to move out of Pakistan.
Internal migration in Pakistan
Making use ofLFS in 2013 and 2014, we demonstrate some static patterns
of internal migration. From the data available for the year 2013-2014
(Table 12.2), we observe that if we exclude the mobility attributed to
marriage, moving with parents or spouse, the key reason for migration was
search for a job (5.62%). This number corresponds to those who are
currently unemployed. We have 4.9 per cent who are employed or
managed to find a new job, therefore had to move their location. Similarly
for 3 per cent, it was on-the-job intercity transfer that led to migration.
If one looks at the gender comparison, the job-related mobility is mini-
mal for women. For example, in 2013-2014, only 0.11 per cent moved in
329

'Iable12.2Percentagedistributionofrnigr.uupopulation10yearsofageandover,2014
MainReason/ormiorationAllAreasRuralUroan
'Iii/alMall'Fell/all''Ii)/alMaleI:(,/I/ale"Iii/alMall'Fell/all'
234.5678910
Total10043.335(,.6745.7118.9526.7()54.2924.3729.91
Jobtransfer3.012.590.420.7H0.620.162.231.970.26
Foundajob4.HH4.570.311.341.250.093.543.320.22
Searchingforajob5.625.510.111.651.590.063.973.920.05
Searchinglorabetteragricultureland1.051.0I0.040.H70.H40.03O.IH0170.01
Education0.930.630.30.170.130.040.750.50.25
Business1.651.590.060.40.390.021.241.20.04
Health0.080.070.010.030.030.050.040.01
Marriage32.50.7531.7518.050.4117.6314.450.3314.12
WithParents21.H13.758.058.585.523.0713.22H234.99
WithSpouse12.3H0.4511.944.440.164.287.940.297.65
WithSon/daughter1.290.340.940.40.130.280.8H0.220.66
Withchangeofresidence2.722.270.451.10.910.191.611.350.26
Returnedtohishorne7.667.070.596.315.890.421.35I.1H0.16
Security/lawandordersituation0.780.60.180.310.270.040.470.330.14
Other3.652.121.521.270.820.452.381.31.0H
50Ilrct':LabourForceSurvey20I:>-2(}14.

IN T ERN A L M I C It A T I () NAN J) LAB () U It M () II I LIT Y IN PA K 1ST AN
search for a job, 0.31 per cent moved because they found a new job and
0.42 per cent had an on-the-job transfer.
The low growth years (2007-2012)2 also represent subdued migra-
tion for self-employment. The data suggest that only 1.6 per cent had
migrated for business reasons, out of which the share of women entrepre-
neurs was only 0.06 per cent.
Internal migration may have been due to other reasons which have
not been part of the survey administered by Pakistan Bureau of Statistics.
For example, the data are silent on climate change-led migration (if any).
However, we do see a substantial proportion mentioned under 'other rea-
sons', 'change of residence', 'search of better agriculture land', some of
which may be due to pressures imposed by flooding, droughts, changing
cropping patterns and other climate change-led factors.
Similarly, as the data did not include FATA, where major displacements
have taken place due to the ongoing war against terrorism, therefore the
proportion of migrants who cited the reason as 'security/law and order
situation' seems an underestimation. This is picked up in provincial disag-
gregation, where one observes that almost 3.2 per cent people in Khyber
Pakhunkhwa had to move due to a poor law and order situation.'
The same figure for Balochistan is much higher at almost 4 per cent.
However, in the case of Balochistan, given the increase in public invest-
ment for infrastructure, there has been a major increase in government
workforce. This is also captured in the data where, for Balochistan, almost
8 per cent migrants have cited that they had to move as they were able to
find ajob in 2013-2014. Similarly, in the case of self-employment, almost
9 per cent cited that they were able to open a business which was the
main reason for their migration. We observe from existing literature that
a vibrant private sector (where available) acts as a buffer for saving jobs
in times of conflict. For example, Khan and Ahmed (2014) discuss this in
the case of Pakistan.
How has the pattern of labour mobility changed in recent past? We
observe from data on 2012-2013 that the proportion of those migrating
due to job-related search was much higher (6.34%) if compared with
2013-2014. As economic growth was only starting to pick, therefore, self-
employment opportunities were also relatively lesser than current times.
Those who migrated for business concerns were 1.4 per cent. The rate of
on-the-job transfer was also lower at 1.96 per cent. The year 2012-2013
also saw the annual unemployment rate cross above 6 per cent.
The LFS provides distribution of migrants by employment status and
number of hours worked. This information indicates that a significant
331

SADIA ISHFAQ ET AL.
number (15.4%) of those who have migrated were actually 'contributing
family workers'. This number was higher in 2012-2013 at 19 per cent.
The distribution of migrants by urban and rural regions shows that in
2013-2014, out of the total migrants, 68 per cent moved to urban areas
while the rest are observed to have moved to rural locations. The move
from rural to urban is seen almost across every province except Khyber
Pakhtunkhwa, where migrants destined for rural areas (5.9%) was slightly
higher than urban areas (5.75%). This may have been due to the internally
displaced persons now going back to their native places.
The above-mentioned quantitative analysis has its limitations. Desh-
ingkar and Grimm (2004) explain that national surveys or even census are
unable to capture part-time occupations, unregistered migrants, underes-
timation of mobility and rural-rural migration.
Findings from the field survey
Increased urbanisation is helping migration
The urban areas in Pakistan have greatly expanded during the recent past.
Pakistan's level of urbanisation is now the highest in South Asia, and its
urban population will equal its rural population by 2030.4
The urban popu-
lation now contributes about three-quarters of Pakistan's GDP and almost
all of the government's revenue. Around 24 per cent of urban households
live below the poverty line. As part of our survey, we were able to find link-
ages between increased urbanisation and rural to urban migration in Quetta,
Faisalabad, Multan, Sukkur and Karachi. Only in the case of Peshawar, we
could not observe this linkage. As other cities in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa
become more peaceful, the burden on Peshawar is slowly receding.
Poverty is the most common reason for migration
As also documented in Gazdar (2003), our respondents revealed that a
key reason for outmigration was low and uncertain incomes. Rural
incomes have been under stress due to less than the potential growth in
agriculture sector, particularly the major crops. The representative from
Farmers' Association of Pakistan revealed that they are unable to get the
market-based price from the consumers owing to institutional weak-
nesses, including a flawed support price mechanism for wheat and sugar-
cane." Farmers in the Punjab province are facing uncertainty, given the
arbitrary practices by the agriculture department and collusive practices
by the middlemen.
332

INTERNAL MIGRATION AND LABOUR MOBILITY IN PAKISTA
Several of those who are forced to move have accumulated debt through
informal sources. They understand that repayment will be difficult due to
the uncertainties faced by the agriculture sector, and therefore move out
of their areas and sector. They are then forced to take daily wage work
(e.g. in construction sector), often at a level below their reservation wage
(for previous employment year). A large informal sector in peri-urban
and urban areas also allows for multiple occupations; however, this may
only be a seasonal job.
The non-farm sector in rural areas has also seen declining incomes.
Our team was informed that during the early 2000s, this sector saw some
growth owing to a growing banking sector's growth in consumer financ-
ing and increased lending to small and medium enterprises (SMEs) for
working capital. However, our respondents from Quetta and Peshawar
revealed that such financing was no more available owing to lesser liquid-
ity available with the banks and more stringent lending conditions, which
could not be met by SMEs. The small-scale non-farm sector was also hit
hard by the shortages of power and gas during 2010-20136
Given the prolonged power load-shedding in rural areas, it was reported
that diversification of income sources is becoming increasingly difficulty.
This also impacts the incidence of poverty in the short term, as Akram
et al. (2011) have found that dependence only on farm occupation is neg-
atively related with household income. The same study, however, shows
that ownership of livestock can augment asset holding of the poor and act
as a buffer during difficult times.
Ali and Khan (2013) also explain that livestock sector's growth may
help in ensuring rural household food security. This view was endorsed
during our interviews, where we were also revealed that given the physi-
cally confined roles of women due to societal norms in the rural areas,
livestock sector is greatly helped by the work done by rural women.
While men may be more mobile in terms of leaving their physical space
and going elsewhere for work, women somehow cannot move with simi-
lar ease. This partially can also be explained by the children's upbringing
for which one of the parents has to stay back. Under these circumstances,
the proceeds from livestock can help the women survive short-term eco-
nomic shocks.
vveak urban goveYltance affecting quality of life
The challenge for the existing and emerging cities is that they lack the
necessary financial, human and social resources to accommodate new
migrants. According to the official data, the average population growth
333

SADIA ISHFA(2 ET AL.
rate in the cities (in our sample) is 1.9 per cent. Half of the annual average
labour force growth finds its way into cities." While many reported that
they had support systems in the form of family members or friends from
native town, it is the poor migrants who are particularly vulnerable. Those
with low-income levels, in our sample, reported how they could not
access basic utility services like clean drinking water (provided by munici-
pality), power supply and gas during the winter season.
During our interviews, utility services providers informed us that they
were unable to meet even their recurrent costs and repeatedly resorted to
the provincial finance department to cover operational losses. It is impor-
tant to mention here that independent regulatory authorities, which in
theory, are responsible for setting of fair and transparent user chargers
are usually not strong to ensure the provision of these basic services. The
planning departments at the municipal corporations have a weak research,
monitoring and evaluation capacity. While they do have some arbitrary
mechanism to forecast the demand for basic services by registered per-
sons, they are unable to capture the inflow of many who are now the
settlers in their jurisdiction.
The low- and middle-income group of migrants is also unable to com-
pete for scarce housing supply in the urban areas. There are obsolete
building regulations that stifle the growth of housing sector in cities. Such
regulations also force the real estate prices to artificially spike upwards.
The outdated rental laws have led to encroachments and evolution of a
land grabbing syndicate, due to which landlords are now fearing to offer
properties on rent. This particularly impacts the poor segment as for them
not having shelter implies exclusion from cities. Lack of microcredit and
mortgage financing limits the ability of low-income group to participate
in the housing and commercial sector, which in turn implies an expansion
in slum settlements. This exclusion has resulted in social evils, where one
readily sees rising crime rates in Karachi, Faisalabad, Peshawar and Multan.
The weak sewerage and water supply transmission has costs for human
health. One of the officials representing the government ofSindh informed
our team that over 60 per cent of diseases in urban Sindh can be attributed
to contaminated water supply, which in turn imposes a burden in the
form of increased health expenditure by the provincial government. With
a deregulated health sector, we understand that higher income groups
within the urban areas are able to access private medical facilities. How-
ever, this has not reduced the burden on publically provided units which
see an increasing flow of patients every year. Our respondents informed
that the hospitals in Karachi and Peshawar are under extraordinary stress
due to the rise in internally displaced persons. ~
334

IN T ERA L M I c: R AT I () AN J) LA Il () U It M 0 III LIT Y I N I' A K 1ST AN
A final aspect in the quality of life argument is that our respondents
complained of parallel education systems having large variation in their
quality. There is no mechanism for migrants belonging to low- and
middle-income groups to admit their children readily to any form of
public schooling. It takes a substantial amount of time to prepare docu-
mentation related to residential entitlements before these children can be
admitted to public schools. Many felt that due to the significant transac-
tion costs of obtaining necessary household registration, children from
low-income groups end up missing several months and, in some cases,
several years of education.'}
Labour markets are not inclusive
The labour markets in the cities, though relatively better regulated than
rural areas, lack necessary information mechanisms which can be utilised
by the migrants. The segment in our sample which approached urban
areas in search of better opportunities were usually relying on information
sources provided to them by their family members, friends, colleagues or
other informal contacts. This imperfect arrangement strengthens infor-
mation asymmetries, which in turn reinforce labour market inequalities
(for a formal explanation, see Kar and Saha 2011).
During our FGDs, we were informed of exploitation from employ-
ers, particularly in times of rising inflow from rural areas. Such exploi-
tation was, however, limited to semi-skilled and unskilled labour. The
skilled migrants were able to negotiate and communicate better with their
employers and peers. Without going into an extensive literature around
exploitation, we can take lead from Malik et al. (2011) to explain that one
of the key reasons for this situation is that the labour unions have weak-
ened over time. Those who were members of these unions have remained
unable to cultivate a sense of ownership for new members, most of whom
are settlers from outside.
During our FGD, it was informed that the labour departments at
provincial levels are responsible for reporting any unjust behaviour at
Industrial level. However, given the weak inspection mechanism at these
departments, there is a lack of documentation of such instances, includ-
ing any accidents faced by the labour community. According to PILER
(2014), the only source of reporting such accidents is the media, and even
such reporting is not on a regular basis.
While there are dedicated labour courts in Pakistan, however, accord-
ing to a respondent, these courts have: (a) clear disconnect with on-
ground employer-employee relations, (b) large backlog of pending cases,
335

SADfA fSHFAQ ET AL.
(c) inadequate number of judges handling pending and current cases and
(d) overlapping jurisdiction between federal and provincial governments,
as 'after the 18th Amendment, several provinces have yet to enact their
provincial labour laws. 10
The two main labour welfare institutions in the country, that is,Employ-
ees Old-age Benefits Institution (EOBI) and Workers Welfare Fund (run
through employer's contribution from net profits), have also been sur-
rounded by controversy. At least two representatives from employer
groups allegedly reported that there was credible information that a large
sum of money was embezzled, and the federal government at one point
had used this accumulated sum to finance their fiscal deficit. Here, again
after the 18th Amendment, there is a turf war between the provincial and
federal governments. The federal government is reluctant to devolve the
administration of these institutions to the provinces, citing weak capacity
in smaller provinces. The matter has yet to be decided in the Council of
Common Interest.'!
Labour mobility can be greatly helped if there are institutions that can
quickly build skills capacity and provide mentoring to the migrants. More
skilled workers find it easier to migrate and find new and multiple oppor-
tunities (Ahmed and Sirageldin 1993). It was, however, observed dur-
ing our interviews that there is a need to align curriculum at technical
and vocational education and training institutions with current market
demand inside and outside the country. The unskilled labour, usually not
having formal education, cannot access some of the training material, as it
is not translated into a language which is easier for them to comprehend.
There are weak outreach campaigns to explain to the newcomers how
such institutions can help them. 12
Rural-rural migration
While most of the cities, where we administered the survey, could easily
account as fully urbanised areas, however, instances of rural-rural migra-
tion were reported in Multan and Sukkur. This is, perhaps, the only
encounter during this survey where some respondents also mentioned
that evolving climatic conditions have forced them to change their resi-
dence. Such conditions included: (a) changing land use patterns, (b) lack
of water for irrigation purposes, (c) moving to new locations where water
and other agricultural inputs could be accessed, (d) drought and (c) recur-
rent flooding.
The above-mentioned updates our information from Gazdar (2003),
who points out that rural-rural migration, although in small numbers,
336

TER AL MIGRATION A 0 LABOUR MOBILITY IN PAKISTAN
takes place due to: (a) displacement of rural population due to public sec-
tor's large-scale infrastructure projects, (b) agriculture migration from arid
to irrigated areas, (c) agriculture share-tenants moving to find new tenan-
cies, (d) communities moving with livestock in search of grazing and also
to bring livestock to markets and (e) seasonal migration to and between
rural areas during harvest period. The population undertaking rural-rural
migration is usually from the bottom income quintiles, as observed dur-
ing our discussions. They lack social networks which can help them move
away from the areas of origin.
Conclusion and policy recommendations
A shallow understanding and lack of research on internal migration has
left a knowledge void that presents barriers to meaningful policymaking
and decision-making. Given Pakistan's large and growing population,
concerted investments in human security and development can help
strengthen and expand productive capacities of employable workforce.
Given the lack of recent population census dara.l:' we do not know
the precise motivation of people moving across rural-urban, rural-rural,
urban-rural and urban-urban spaces. There is some evidence available
from LFS and Pakistan Social and Living Standards Measurement Survey.
Such quantitative evidence has been explained as part of this chapter.
We analyse that:
Despite lack of data and definition issues, there is credible information
that a significant number of people are moving (internally) across the
country.
They are primarily motivated by income opportunities, security of
household and assets.
They require support mechanisms to deal with labour market inef-
ficiencies in urban areas.
Rural-rural migration is usually undertaken by the poorest of the
poor. They require targeted social safety nets.
Based on the above-mentioned findings and desired response discussed dur-
ing our FGDs and Klls following are the key policy recommendations:
Monitoring of internal migration: The dearth of adequate data
on internal migration presents a barrier to informed decision-making.
Pakistan needs to establish a ational Registration System that can
capture data on population mobility across the country (and abroad).
337

SAJ)IA ISHFA(2 ET AL.
This will need to be legislatively supported by making registration
mandatory for all persons moving from one administrative boundary
.(such as tehsil) to another. This will provide much needed informa-
tion to the government on flow and intensity of rural-urban migra-
tion to large cities.
11 Economic contribution of internal migrants: It is important to
estimate the value of domestic remittances, so that internal migrants
can be helped in their needs through targeted technical and voca-
tional education training. Sectors in which migrants find it easy to
adjust themselves can be scaled up during the medium to long term.
11l Revisiting national policy: There is a visible gap in the national
policy on internal labour flows. The provisions under National
Labour Policy (Government of Pakistan 2010) and ational Emigra-
tion Policy (Government of Pakistan 2009) do not stand applicable
after the 18th Amendment. The provincial governments have been
slow to enact their own provincial laws. This has left a large number
of labour community uninsured in the face of various hazards and
instances of exploitation they face on a daily basis. Most semi-skilled
and unskilled labour is not appropriately registered at destination
due to the large transactions cost. The policies around EOBI and
WWF also need to be updated. The matter has been pending with
the Council of Common Interest since long.
IV Managing urbanisation: The unplanned urbanisation and expan-
sion of mega cities has resulted in slum dwellings with increased health
hazards. A viable solution to overcome this challenge is to develop
intermediate cities or towns (Jamal and Ashraf2004), which can serve
as pivots between large cities and rural areas by facilitating access to
labour markets (Hussain 2014). This, however, is only a longer term
solution. For the short term, it is recommended that health-related
social safety nets be put in place, particularly to protect women and
children (of migrant populations) living in these areas. I.•
v Climate change and migration: Given the recurrent floods in the
country and instances of drought, it is important to develop adaptive
capacities of population in rural areas. Temporary internal migration
can act as a short-term adaptation strategy. However, before migrat-
ing, this population requires support in disaster preparedness. After
migration, this population will require support in temporary residen-
tial settlement and income generating activities.
VI Strengthening social accountability mechanisms: The govern-
ment and development partners should together strengthen capacities
of local-level non-governmental organisations that can help in social
338

Notes
I N T ERN A L M I C; RAT I o NAN D L A IlO U l~ M o III LIT Y I N P A K 1ST A I
mobilisation and self-help initiatives aimed towards those who are
forced to migrate and settle into a new place. Instruments, such as
'right to information', citizens' feedback on basic services and more,
can help public sector's efficiency and internal migration.
According to International Organisation for Migration, 'With the SDGs, migra-
tion has for the first time been inserted into mainstream development policy. The
situation of migrant workers is highlighted in SDG 8 on economic growth and
decent work. The issue of trafficking is mentioned in several SDGs for instance
SDG 16 on peaceful societies and migration status is mentioned specifically as a
factor for disaggregation during the follow-up and review in SDG 17. Among all
targets, SDG target 10.7 is the center-piece for migration in the 2030 Agenda. It
calls for "well-managed migration policies", and hence encompasses all aspects of
migration'. Weblink: http://Ody/YM5pM (accessed on 26 February 2016).
2 Average annual real GDP growth remained below 4 per cent during this period.
3 The provincial tables have not been exhibited here due to space limitation. These
can be accessed from http://wyw.pbs.gov.pk/content/labour-force-statistics
4 'Life in the City: Pakistan in Focus', United lations Population Fund. 2010.
5 Previously, there was a support price for rice as well.
6 For details on how energy crisis impacted the economy, see Ahmed (2013),
7 Since 2010, the average annual growth rate of labour force is 1.2 per cent, The
average annual growth rate of employed labour force for the same period is
1.1 per cent.
8 The more recent military operation was launched in North Waziristan in June
2014. According to some estimates. a population of approximately one million is
currently displaced in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa provinces.
9 In the case of religious minorities, weak laws around legal entitlements can result
in further delays.
10 The 18th Constitutional Amendment, among other changes, provides provincial
governments a greater autonomy by abolishing the concurrent list.
11 For details on desired operational reforms at workers welfare fund, see Ahmed
et al. (2013).
12 This is in line with findings from Ansari and Wu (2013).
13 Last available census information is from 1998.
14 Given a large population of children involved in the internal migration processes,
such social safety nets may not be limited to health. For an example of female
child education support programme, see Ahmed and Zeshan (2014).
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342

South Asians comprise over 15 per cent of all international migrating
population, among the highest in the world. The countries of the Persian
Gulf are perhaps still the largest recipients of migrant workers. A unique
economy has developed between these two regions, with all South Asian
nations being major beneficiaries and featuring among the top twenty
countries receiving maximum remittances globally.
The South Asia Migration Report 2017 is the first of its kind, documenting
migration profiles, diaspora, recruitment and remittances, both in
individual countries as well as the South Asian region as a whole. It also
discusses skilled, unskilled and internal migrations.
The volume:
includes on-the-ground studies from six nations: India, Pakistan,
Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, Nepal and Afghanistan;
discusses public policy, effects of global recession on the region and its
impact on migration; and
examines the process of reintegration of returning migrants.
This book will be indispensable for scholars and researchers of economics,
development studies, migration and diaspora studies, labour studies and
sociology. It will also be useful to policymakers and government
institutions working in the area.
S. Irudaya Rajan is Professor at the Centre for Development Studies,
Thiruvananthapuram, Kerala, India.
ECONOMICS / DEVELOPMENT STUDIES / LABOUR STUDIES / SOUTH
ASIAN STUDIES / MIGRATION AND DIASPORA / SOCIOLOGY
Cover design by Sonaksha Iyengar
an informa business
~1095
ISBN 978-1-138-03823-3
111111111111111111111111
9 781138 038233

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