Preventative Behaviours programs at school.

Child Abuse & Neglect 129 (2022) 105680
Available online 26 May 2022
0145-2134/© 2022 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
Recall of sexual abuse prevention education at school and home:
Associations with sexual abuse experience, disclosure, protective
parenting, and knowledge☆
Julia I. Rudolph a,*
, Melanie J. Zimmer-Gembeck b
, Kerryann Walsh c
a
Griffith University, School of Applied Psychology, Australia
b
Griffith University, School of Applied Psychology and Menzies Health Institute of Queensland, Australia
c
Queensland University of Technology, Faculty of Creative Industries, Education and Social Justice, Australia
A R T I C L E I N F O
Keywords:
CSA
Sexual abuse prevention
Protective behaviors
Sexual abuse education
Personal safety education
Parenting
A B S T R A C T
Background: Child sexual abuse (CSA) prevention is dominated by a focus on child education.
However, evidence that this education reduces CSA risk is limited and mixed.
Objective: We investigated whether participants' history of receiving school-based child sexual
abuse prevention (CSAPP) was associated with experiencing CSA. Uniquely, we also investigated
whether parent-led CSA education (PLSAE) and received protective parenting were associated
with CSA. CSA knowledge was also considered.
Methods: Australian university students (N = 1265, Mage = 22.8, SD = 7.7, Moage = 18, Mdage =
20, 75% female) reported their history of CSAPP and PLSAE, experience of CSA, disclosure of
CSA, parenting, and CSA knowledge.
Results: CSAPP attendance was reported by 29% of respondents, 72% reported PLSAE, and 24%
reported CSA. PLSAE was significantly associated with lower risk of CSA, but was CSAPP
attendance was not. PLSAE was significantly associated with higher levels of parental involve
ment/care and monitoring/supervision. In a multivariate logistic regression model, involvement/
care and monitoring/supervision were associated with lower risk of CSA, but PLSAE was not.
Neither CSAPP attendance nor PLSAE was associated with CSA disclosure or CSA knowledge.
Conclusions: These findings add to the small body of literature using reports of real-life experi
ences. Results call into question the over-reliance of child-education in CSA prevention and
highlight the role of protective parenting. Building parenting capacity to include parenting
practices is most likely to be effective for CSA prevention, such as monitoring and involvement,
and should be included in CSA prevention efforts.
Child sexual abuse (CSA) is a crime perpetrated on millions of children worldwide every year (United Nations Children's Fund,
2020). Australia's rate of child sexual abuse is among the highest in the world (Stoltenborgh et al., 2011), with 1.4 million Australians
experiencing sexual victimization before the age of 15 (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2016). The rate of CSA has remained stubbornly
high despite commitment across many sectors to prevention and intervention. Although many opportunities for prevention exist, the
dominant strategy continues to be child education. Education is thought to be necessary to increase children's CSA knowledge, and to
☆
Support for this paper was provided by a Griffith University Postdoctoral Fellowship awarded to the first author.
* Corresponding author at: Griffith University, School of Applied Psychology, Parklands Dr, Southport, QLD 4222, Australia.
E-mail address: julia.rudolph@griffithuni.edu.au (J.I. Rudolph).
Contents lists available at ScienceDirect
Child Abuse & Neglect
journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/chiabuneg
https://doi.org/10.1016/j.chiabu.2022.105680
Received 7 January 2022; Received in revised form 23 April 2022; Accepted 17 May 2022
Downloaded for Anonymous User (n/a) at Griffith University from ClinicalKey.com.au by Elsevier on May 31, 2022.
For personal use only. No other uses without permission. Copyright ©2022. Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.

2
enhance the skills needed to avoid sexual advances and report incidents to trustworthy adults (Walsh et al., 2015). Education occurs
mostly in school settings where a range of school-based child sexual abuse prevention programs (CSAPPs) are provided to educate
children about personal safety to prevent sexual abuse and other forms of victimization. These programs are popular due to their access
to large numbers of children, low cost, and acceptability to parents, advocates, and policy makers (Rudolph et al., 2018a). Ancillary to
CSA prevention education at school, parents are encouraged to educate their children about CSA and equip them with the skills
necessary to recognize, evade, and report suspicious encounters (Rudolph et al., 2018a; Wurtele & Kenny, 2010).
Multiple enquires into CSA have been conducted globally, including in England & Wales (Independent Inquiry into Child Sexual
Abuse, 2018), Ireland (Marshall, 2014), Canada (Glaude, 2005), Germany (The Independent Inquiry into Child Sexual Abuse in
Germany, 2020), the Netherlands (Deetman et al., 2011), France (French Independent Commission on Sexual Abuse in the Catholic
Church, 2021) and Australia (Commonwealth of Australia, 2017). These enquires were remitted to identify and recommend strategies
to address the conditions and structures that enable CSA to occur, and call for the development of robust frameworks for prevention
and response. In Australia, child education has been deemed a crucial component of this response. The final report of the Australian
Royal Commission into Institutional Responses to Child Sexual Abuse recommended mandatory school-based prevention education to
assist children in “strengthening self-protective skills and strategies” (Commonwealth of Australia, 2017, p. 4). Furthermore, CSA
education is recommended by international guidelines (SIECUS, 2004; UNESCO, 2018) and endorsed in Australian policies such as the
Australian Student Wellbeing Framework (Commonwealth of Australia, 2020) and the National Principles for Child Safe Organisations
(Australian Human Rights Commission, 2018).
Using education to prevent CSA is worthwhile if it is effective. However, determining the effectiveness of child education in
preventing CSA has been methodologically difficult. Prospective evaluation studies of CSAPPs have mainly relied upon ‘proxy’ or
‘indirect’ assessment of children's learning outcomes such as knowledge (measured in tests and quizzes) and hypothetical skills
(measured via simulations or scenarios). This is because direct assessment of CSA prevention in the context of program evaluation is
contraindicated owing to legal provisions protecting victim and perpetrator identities (e.g., Child Protection Act 1999, Qld, S189),
making it impossible to collect the type of data needed to assess relationships between actual child victimization and program
exposure.
CSAPP effectiveness has also been investigated using retrospective self-reports of CSA education and CSA victimization gathered
from children, adolescents, and university students (Finkelhor et al., 1995, 2014; Gibson & Leitenberg, 2000; Kenny et al., 2020; Ko &
Cosden, 2001). Although less common, this approach provides insights into the effectiveness of child education for preventing CSA. In
the present study, we used this approach, extending it to investigate Australian university students' exposure to both school-based
CSAPPs and parent-led sexual abuse education (PLSAE), and experience of sexual abuse before the age of 16, alongside CSA knowl
edge and experience of protective parenting practices in the participants' family-of-origin.
1. School-based child sexual abuse prevention programs
CSAPPs have been implemented widely in Australia (Sanderson, 2004; Walsh et al., 2019). According to data collected in 2011–12
(Walsh et al., 2019), approximately 26% of Australian children participated in child sexual abuse prevention programs in the pre
ceding year. Half the programs reported some form of evaluation, however, only two programs were described as rigorously evaluated.
Almost all the CSAPPs covered topics with the “strongest evidence of effectiveness” (e.g., “it's ok to say no,” “types of secrets and
surprises”), reported using approaches grounded in behavioral skills training (including key message repetition, active participation,
and the use of demonstration and practice), and reinforced program messages with workbooks and worksheets.
Systematic reviews and meta-analyses of extant evaluations conducted in the last 20 years (Davis & Gidycz, 2000; Shin et al., 2019;
Topping & Barron, 2009; Walsh et al., 2015; Zhang et al., 2021) indicate that CSAPPs, especially those that utilize behavioral skills
training, active child participation, and a multi-session format, enhance children's prevention knowledge and skills, with results
retained at follow-up (up to 6 months). Evidence for CSAPPs effects on disclosure is uncertain, due in large part to methodological
problems in program evaluations. Methodological weaknesses in studies have been identified in all reviews, with the most significant
being the absence of control groups. This is particularly noteworthy as some studies have reported maturation effects in the absence of
intervention exposure (Del Campo & Fávero, 2019). Other methodological problems included ceiling effects, lack of standardized
measurement, use of brief surveys, lack of randomization and blinding (with non-blinded studies finding greater effect sizes), lack of
program fidelity evaluation, small sample sizes, lack of (or short) follow-up, and attrition (Davis & Gidycz, 2000; Shin et al., 2019;
Topping & Barron, 2009; Walsh et al., 2015; Zhang et al., 2021).
In order to focus on CSA prevention as a direct outcome of program effectiveness, five studies, all conducted in the USA using
retrospective self-reports, gathered data on participants' past experiences of both CSAPP exposure and sexual victimization (Finkelhor
et al., 1995, 2014; Gibson & Leitenberg, 2000; Kenny et al., 2020; Ko & Cosden, 2001). Using child and adolescent samples, three
studies (Finkelhor et al., 1995, 2014; Ko & Cosden, 2001) found no significant association between program exposure and sexual
abuse. In the Ko and Cosden study, no significant differences were found in rates of sexual abuse, use of prevention strategies,
disclosure of abuse or abuse knowledge in students who had attended CSAPPs and those who had not. In the first of Finkelhor et al.'s.
studies, (N = 2000) children and adolescents, aged 10–16, who had been exposed to CSAPPs did not experience less sexual victimi
zation and did not feel significantly more efficacious in dealing with sexual threats. Although those who had attended a more
comprehensive program were more likely to use recommended prevention strategies, they also reported sustaining more injuries.
Disclose in this group was more likely than those who did not attend a CSAPP or who attended a less comprehensive program. Fin
kelhor and colleagues' conducted a similar study sixteen years later with 3391 children and adolescents, aged 5 to 17, and found that
again, exposure to CSA prevention education was not associated with less sexual victimization or increased reporting of victimization.
J.I. Rudolph et al.

3
However, the remaining two studies of university students' experiences did report a significant association between CSAPP
attendance and experience of CSA (Gibson & Leitenberg, 2000; Kenny et al., 2020). In their study of 825 (mostly White) women
undergraduates, Gibson and Leitenberg found 62% had attended a CSA prevention program at school. Respondents were asked if, prior
to the age of 16, they had engaged in sexual activity with someone who was at least five years older than themselves, and/or had been
forced to engage in sexual activity with someone, regardless of the other person's age. Answering ‘yes’ to either question counted as a
case of CSA. Eight percent of CSAPP attendees reported experiencing sexual abuse compared with 16% of non-attendees. However,
attendees and non-attendees did not differ significantly on disclosure rates. In their mostly female and Hispanic sample of 1502
university students, Kenny et al. (2020) used similar questions and confirmed the above results; finding that 62% had attended a
school-based program, and that 5% of CSAPP attendees reported experiencing sexual abuse, compared with 10% of non-attendees.
2. Parent-led sexual abuse education
The importance of parental involvement in CSA prevention has been promoted by researchers and advocates for some time (Berrick
& Gilbert, 1991; Rudolph et al., 2018a; Smallbone et al., 2008; Wurtele & Kenny, 2010). Long-standing attempts have been made to
increase parental awareness of CSA and encourage their discussion of CSA concepts, risks, and prevention with their children (Berrick,
1988). Parents are overwhelmingly supportive of CSA prevention education and report willingness to be their children's primary
educators on the subject (Jin et al., 2019; Rudolph et al., 2022; Walsh & Brandon, 2012).
Despite positivity from parents, research on PLSAE suggests that caregivers find it difficult to address the issue with their children
(Prikhidko & Kenny, 2021; Rudolph and Zimmer-Gembeck, 2018b; Rudolph et al., 2018b; Zhang et al., 2020). Parents find it easier to
discuss other dangers (such as strangers and abduction, bullying and online safety) and other sensitive topics (such as domestic
violence, death or suicide, and drugs) (Rudolph et al., 2018b; Rudolph et al., 2022). Although studies can be limited in scope, research
has consistently revealed that about half of parents report educating their children about CSA and/or protective behaviors (Prikhidko
& Kenny, 2021; Rudolph et al., 2018b; Walsh et al., 2012; Zhang et al., 2020).
Six studies, from various parts of the world, have examined the effect of parent education on child knowledge or hypothetical skills:
USA (Finkelhor et al., 1995; Wurtele et al., 1992), China (Jin et al., 2017, 2019), Indonesia (Pandia et al., 2016), and Turkey (Cırık
et al., 2019). Jin et al. (2019) assessed 452 parents' educational practices, their children's knowledge, and hypothetical prevention
skills, and found PLSAE had a direct effect on children's CSA self-protection skills, but not their CSA knowledge. Pandia et al. (2016)
reported increased child knowledge after children were read a CSA prevention-themed children's picture book by their parents every
night for one month. However, the methodology used by Pandia and colleagues was unclear, and child knowledge was assessed
indirectly by interviewing parents and teachers. Likewise, the study by Cırık et al. (2019) had methodological flaws and incomplete
reporting. Although they reported children scored higher on a CSA knowledge test following education by their parents on topics such
as “your body belongs to you,” and, “your private parts are your mouth, breasts, legs, and hips,” this was not supported by the pre
sentation of statistical test results. Finkelhor et al. (1995) conducted telephone interviews with a large sample of children and ado
lescents and found that comprehensive PLSAE was associated with higher knowledge scores and increased protective strategy use.
Both Wurtele et al. (1992) and Jin et al. (2017) compared parents and teachers as CSA educators, with different results. Wurtele et al.
found children taught by their parents outperformed those taught by their teachers at recognizing inappropriate touch requests and
using personal safety skills. In contrast, Jin et al. found children taught by their teachers scored better than those taught by their
parents. To the best of our knowledge, only one previous study has assessed PLSAE and subsequent sexual victimization. In the study
discussed above, Finkelhor et al. (1995) asked 2000 children and adolescents, aged 10 to 16, about various abuse experiences and their
exposure to PLSAE, and found 57% of participants had received CSA information from their parents and 36% reported comprehensive
education from their parents. Participants who received comprehensive PLSAE had more knowledge, used more self-protection
strategies, and were more likely to disclose sexual victimization, however they were not able to prevent sexual assaults. To date,
PLSAE research has concentrated heavily on assessing outcomes in the form of children's knowledge and skills, and no recent research
has queried exposure to PLSAE and actual CSA experience, to examine the extent to which contemporary parent education about CSA
can be protective against sexual victimization.
3. The role of parenting
One previous study has shown that PLSAE is not completely divergent from other parenting practices that predict CSA risk
(Rudolph et al., 2018b). In this study, results showed that Australian and UK parents who reported using more positive parenting
practices (monitoring, involvement, and general communication), were more likely to speak to their children about CSA. Furthermore,
certain parenting practices put children at greater risk of CSA (see Assink et al., 2019 for a review), highlighting the importance of
protective parenting practises (Rudolph and Zimmer-Gembeck, 2018a). For example, Finkelhor et al. (1997, 2007) reported that lower
parental monitoring was associated with a higher rate of children's victimization, and specifically that a child being left at home alone
without adequate supervision was a significant predictor of sexual abuse. Likewise, Testa et al. (2011) found mothers lower in
monitoring were more likely to have daughters who experienced sexual victimization. In addition, permissive parenting and parents'
liberal sexual attitudes have also been identified as risk factors for CSA (Meston et al., 1999; Testa et al., 2011).
Parenting characterized by low care and involvement has also been associated with greater CSA risk. For example, research has
found that poor parent-child relationships (Black et al., 2001; Roberts et al., 2004), absence of a caring adult female (Fleming et al.,
1997), low levels of maternal attachment and bonding (Fergusson et al., 1996; Lewin & Bergin, 2001), unhappy families (Finkelhor
et al., 1990), unwanted pregnancy (Brown et al., 1998), neglect (Laaksonen et al., 2011; Pérez-Fuentes et al., 2013), and emotional and
J.I. Rudolph et al.

4
physical abuse (Fergusson et al., 1996; Kim et al., 2007) to be significant risk factors for CSA. In light of this body of research linking
PLSAE to positive parenting and reinforcing the importance of parenting in reducing CSA risk, we considered parental monitoring/
supervision and involvement/care as factors that could be protective against CSA unique from PLSAE.
4. The present study
In summary, CSAPPs are a widely used prevention tool. Most evaluations of CSAPPs' effectiveness utilize proxy or indirect measures
to assess children knowledge and skills, however, some studies have used natural experiments with a retrospective design. The ma
jority of these reported no significant association between CSAPPs and CSA experience with the exception of two studies, which re
ported differences in CSA victimization rates among North American university students who recalled attending a CSAPP in childhood
and those who did not. The effectiveness of PLSAE on child knowledge and skills is currently unknown, with the extant research
assessing proxy outcomes mostly methodologically unsound. One naturalistic retrospective study conducted more than 25 years ago
found PLSAE was not able to influence children's experience of sexual victimization.
The aim of the present study was to investigate whether retrospective recall of CSA education (via CSAPP attendance at school and
PLSAE exposure at home) among a large sample of Australian university students is associated with CSA experienced before the age of
16. This study replicates two previous US studies of CSAPP attendance and CSA experience (Gibson & Leitenberg, 2000; Kenny et al.,
2020). However, we also extended on these previous studies in four important ways. First, PLSAE is integral to prevention efforts, yet
its association with CSA has not been investigated recently. Here, we captured respondents' recall of both CSAPP and PLSAE to test
their associations with CSA experience. Second, as PLSAE has been associated with positive parenting practices, we measured practices
that research suggests may protect against CSA (supervision/monitoring, care/involvement) and investigated their association with
PLSAE and CSA. Third, as increased knowledge is an aim of CSA prevention education, we investigated associations of CSAPP and
PLSAE with CSA knowledge. Finally, we present results from Australia, a country which has some of the highest rates of CSA in the
world (Stoltenborgh et al., 2011).
5. Method
5.1. Participants
The participants were 1265 university students (75% female) aged between 17 and 62 (M = 22.8 years, SD = 7.72, Mo = 18, Md =
20; 87% of the participants were under age 30). Another 56 participants attempted the questionnaire but did not answer the education
and/or the sexual abuse screening items and were excluded from the analyses. Respondents could choose ‘all that apply’ for their
ethnicity, with most respondents endorsing White (80%) and born in Australia (78%). Participants also endorsed their background as
Aboriginal/Torres Strait Islander (3%), Pacific Islander (3%), Asian (13%) or one of a range of other sociocultural backgrounds (9%). A
random subset of 860 participants also completed a measure of parenting; thus, analyses of parenting measures are based on this
reduced sample size. There were no significant differences between the participants who responded to the parenting measures and
those that did not across PLSAE, CSA experience or disclosure, however the groups did differ on CSAPP attendance χ2
(1, N = 1265) =
21.42, p < .001.
5.2. Procedure
Approval for the study was granted by the University Human Research Ethics Committee (Ref No: 2021/112). The instrument was
piloted with a convenience sample of six participants (50% women) for readability, comprehension and face validity of the survey
items. Small editorial changes were made based on the feedback received.
Participants for the study were recruited in one of three ways during the first half of 2021: (a) online administration for research
credit, where the survey was made available in an online system for students enrolled in a first year (i.e., freshman) psychology course
to complete in exchange for course credit; (b) online administration with prize draw, where the study was included in a monthly
broadcast email sent to all students enrolled at the university inviting research participation and upon completion participants could
provide their email to be included in a prize draw; and (c) paper-and-pencil administration, where participants were recruited by
research assistants from areas around the university campus with adjoining quiet spaces (e.g., library and study areas). Participants
completed a paper copy of the survey and were offered a small token of appreciation when they returned their surveys. Before deciding
on their participation, students were presented with a participant information sheet detailing the aims of the survey, possible risks,
privacy protection, and data storage. After perusing the study information, participants provided specific informed consent in the
online surveys by clicking “Yes” or “No” in response to the question: “Would you like to progress to the survey?” and in the paper-and-
pencil survey, verbal consent was ascertained before providing the survey for completion.
The survey and other materials were designed to be sensitive to participants' safety and security. Participants were informed before
undertaking the survey that they would be asked questions about sexual abuse, there were multiple check-in points through the survey,
and participants were able to skip questions they did not wish to answer by selecting “prefer not to answer” options which were offered
for all sensitive questions (i.e., sexual abuse experiences, disclosure). All participants were encouraged to complete the survey in a
private space. They could choose to pause and return, or terminate the survey at any time. During face-to-face recruitment on the
university campus, research assistants had direct phone access to a registered psychologist with expertise in sexual assault and trauma
counselling who could talk with participants if needed. Participants were provided with a list of freely accessible support services,
J.I. Rudolph et al.

5
including contact details for a 24-h emergency counselling line, sexual assault helpline, and the university counselling service. The first
and second authors' phone numbers were also supplied, and the emergency counselling contacts were reiterated on their voicemail
messages for the project duration. No participant made contact with the first or second authors for follow up assistance, questions, or
support, and there were no adverse events arising from data collection.
5.3. Measures
5.3.1. Demographics
Participants were asked to report on their age, sex, country of birth, and ethnicity.
5.3.2. Protective behaviors education at school
After reading a description of CSAPPs, participants were asked if they recalled attending such a program in their childhood. If
participants responded “yes,” they completed additional questions about their grade/year level at the time of program exposure, the
number of different programs they attended, the country in which they received the program and, if in Australia, which jurisdiction.
They were then presented with a list of 22 topics commonly taught in CSAPPs and asked to identify topics they recalled (e.g., private
and public body parts, warning signs, safe/unsafe secrets, to say ‘no,’ stranger danger). The definition of CSAPPs was worded as follows:
“Protective behaviors education is usually taught to primary school children and refers to education about personal safety to prevent
sexual abuse and similar forms of victimization. In the past these programs were sometimes referred to as ‘Stranger Danger’ programs.
We are NOT referring here to sex education in which children/ adolescents are taught about puberty, relationships, and sex. As best as
you can recall, in your primary school years (grades prep/K to 6/7), did you attend any protective behaviors, child sexual abuse
prevention or ‘stranger danger’ course?”
5.3.3. Parent-led sexual abuse education
Questions to assess PLSAE followed the same pattern as above. Participants were asked if they recalled a parent/carer, or other
adult outside of school, educating them about sexual abuse, protective behaviors or ‘stranger danger’ to help them in a sexually abusive
situation. If participants responded “yes,” they answered additional questions about how old they were when a parent/carer first spoke
to them about CSA and protective behaviors, and how often discussions took place (frequently/many times, occasionally/a few times, once
or very rarely). They were then presented with the same list of 22 topics detailed above, and asked to check all the topics they recalled
learning about.
5.3.4. CSA experiences
Using items derived from past research (Gibson & Leitenberg, 2000; Kenny et al., 2020), participants were asked about sexual abuse
using the following two items. 1. “Prior to the age of 16, did anyone more than 5 years older than you, engage you in any form of sexual
activity?” and 2. “Prior to age the age of 16, did anyone (of any age) persuade, manipulate, coerce or force you to engage in any form of
sexual activity?” In light of the fact that CSA does not always involve force, we extended the second definition used by the previous two
studies by adding “persuade, manipulate, coerce.” If participants answered “no” to both items they were re-directed to the end of the
survey; and, if participants answered “yes” to either of the items, they continued on to disclosure items. Participants were then asked
whether they had ever disclosed their victimization, with possible answers of “yes”, “no”, and “prefer not to answer questions about
disclosure.” A follow-up question was asked regarding who they had first told about the abuse. Participants chose from a range of
familial (e.g. parent, sibling) and non-familial (e.g. intimate partner, friend, counsellor) options, or gave details of a non-listed person
with the “other” option.
5.3.5. Knowledge about sexual abuse
Ten items drawn from past research (Rudolph et al., 2018b; Tutty, 1993) were used to assess CSA knowledge. Seven of these items
required multiple choice response (e.g., “If a child has been sexually abused there will be physical evidence in ___ cases.” a. almost all, b.
about half, c. hardly any, d. no). Three items required a true/false response (e.g., “Girls are more likely to be sexually abused than
boys”). Correct answers were given a score of 1, for a total score ranging from 0 to 10.
5.3.6. Protective parenting practices
Participants' family-of-origin experience of protective parenting practices was assessed with the Parental Bonding Instrument (PBI;
Parker et al., 1979) and the Alabama Parenting Questionnaire (APQ; Frick, 1991). Both instruments are widely used and validated
using samples in multiple countries and cultures (Kitamura & Suzuki, 1993; Xu et al., 2018). Monitoring/supervision was measured with
the APQ Monitoring/Supervision scale (eight items; e.g., “Your parents do not know the friends you are with”). Participants indicated
the frequency of each statement on a scale of 1 (never) to 5 (always), with a possible total score of 8 to 40. Care/Involvement was
measured with the PBI Care subscale and the APQ Involvement scale. The PBI queries respondents about mothers and fathers sepa
rately, however for the current study, we asked about parent(s) (11 items; e.g., “Your parents/caregivers spoke to you in a warm and
friendly voice”). Participants indicated the degree to which the statements applied, from 1 (very like my parent(s)) to 4 (very unlike my
parent(s)). We also used the APQ Involvement scale (eight items; e.g., “You played games or did other fun things with your parent(s)”).
A total score of 19 to 84 was possible.
Items on each scale were summed to form a total score. As all the monitoring/supervision items were negatively worded, hence,
they were reverse scored. Higher scores indicated higher levels of monitoring/supervision and care/involvement. Cronbach's alpha
J.I. Rudolph et al.

6
was 0.79 for monitoring/supervision and 0.84 for care/involvement.
5.4. Data analysis
We first present descriptive analysis of the data. Next, we used χ2
analyses to determine if either CSAPP attendance or exposure to
PLSAE was associated with CSA. We also repeated these analyses narrowing the focus to the two definitions of CSA. In order to expand
our consideration of why PLSAE may be associated with CSA, we calculated correlations to estimate associations of PLSAE and CSA
with protective parenting. We then used logistic regression to investigate whether PLSAE was significantly associated with CSA even
after controlling for parenting practices, and participant sex and age. Next, we focused on disclosure among participants who had
reported CSA, conducting a χ2
analysis to investigate the relationship between CSA education (via CSAPP and PLSAE) and disclosure.
Finally, independent samples t-tests were performed to ascertain the association between CSA education and CSA knowledge.
6. Results
6.1. Child sexual abuse prevention education
6.1.1. Child sexual abuse prevention program at school
Three-hundred and sixty-six (29%) participants reported attending at least one CSAPP. Most were reported to have occurred in
primary school, between grades 3 and 5 (30%). Multiple programs were attended by 42% of the 366 participants who attended
programs, with most of these 158 participants (49%) reporting attendance at 2 or 3 programs. Almost all CSAPPs were attended in
Australia (92%) and, of these, most had been delivered in the data collection jurisdiction (75%). Participants recalled a significant
number of CSAPP safety topics, with almost half (43%) of participants recalling ten or more topics. The most recalled topics included
‘stranger danger’ (97%), not to go anywhere with someone you don't know (85%), to tell a trusted adult (81%) and private and public
body parts (63%). Although stranger and abduction safety were the most recalled topics, only ten participants (2.7%) of those that
attended a CSAPP recalled only these topics and no other protection themes. For descriptive purposes, we compared participants who
recalled attending a CSAPP to those that had not, finding that these groups did not differ significantly on sex or ethnicity when
compared those who did not recall attending a CSAPP; however, those who had attended were slightly younger (Mage = 22.11, SD =
6.65) on average, relative to those that had not attended a CSAPP (Mage = 23.13, SD = 8.11), t(816.90) = 2.33, p = .020.
Nine-hundred and fifteen (72%) participants reported that their parents educated them about CSA and protective behaviors. The
age at which the highest proportion of participants recalled their first discussion of these topics was in the range of 5–8 years (46%),
followed by 9–12 years (33%). Over half of participants (56%) recalled their parents speaking with them occasionally/a few times about
CSA, 26% reported their parents addressed the topic once or very rarely, and 18% remembered their parents teaching them about CSA
frequently/many times. Participants remembered a number of topics; however, slightly less parent-led topics were recalled than CSAPP
topics, with 38% (compared to 43%) recalling more than ten topics. The top topics participants recalled being discussed were stranger
danger (97%), not to go anywhere with someone you don't know (84%), to tell a trusted adult (76%) and to get away/run away/escape
(68%). Although stranger and abduction safety were the most recalled topics, only 3.4% (slightly higher than the 2.7% for CSAPP) of
those participants that received PLSAE, recalled only these topics and no other protection themes. Those who reported PLSAE were
younger (Mage = 21.76, SD = 6.45), on average, relative to those who did not report PLSAE (Mage = 25.65, SD = 9.78), t(471.20) = 6.89,
p < .001. Also, those who reported PLSAE more likely endorsed White rather than non-White (54% endorsed White) relative to those
who did not report PLSAE (19% endorsed White), χ2
(1, N = 1261) = 6.45, p = .011. Participants who recalled PLSAE did not differ on
sex, χ2
(1, N = 1265) = 0.023, p = .89.
6.2. Child sexual abuse experience
Two-hundred and eighty-nine (23%) participants reported that someone had persuaded, manipulated, coerced, or forced them to
engage in sexual activity prior to age the age of 16. In addition, 173 (14%) participants reported that someone more than 5 years older
Table 1
Report of Child Sexual Abuse (CSA) and Disclosure of CSA among Respondents who did or did not Recall Prevention Education Experience (N =
1265).
CSA Prevention Program Parent-led CSA Education
Yes No χ2
Yes No χ2
n = 366 n = 899 n = 915 n = 350
CSA total 86 (23%) 220 (24%) 0.14 190 (20%) 116 (33%) 21.15***
CSA: manipulation/coercion/force 82 (22%) 207 (23%) 0.06 179 (20%) 110 (31%) 20.22***
CSA: 5-year difference 47 (12%) 126 (14%) 0.30 102 (11%) 71 (20%) 17.91***
Disclosed (n = 306) 60 (19%) 145 (47%) 0.42 130 (42%) 75 (24%) 1.77
***
p < .001.
J.I. Rudolph et al.

7
than them had engaged them in sexual activity before the age of 16. A new CSA variable was created for participants who answered yes
to either one or both of the CSA items and this new variable was then used in all analyses unless otherwise stated. A total of 306 (24%)
participants reported experiencing one or both types of CSA. Of these, 270 (88%) were women. A much higher proportion of women
(21%) than men (3%) reported CSA, χ2
(1, N = 1265) = 35.78, p < .001. Participants who reported CSA were, on average, older (Mage
= 26.20, SD = 10.22) relative to those who did not report CSA (Mage = 21.76, SD = 6.34), t(383.500) = − 7.15, p < .001.
6.3. Associations between CSA prevention education and CSA experience
6.3.1. Child sexual abuse prevention program at school
As can be seen in Table 1, 23% of those who reported CSAPP attendance had experienced CSA, which did not differ from the rate of
CSA among those who had not attended CSAPP (24%), χ2
(1, N = 1265) = 0.14, p = .714. Follow-up analyses showed that there were
no significant differences between the CSAPP attendees and non-attendees when the two types of CSA victimization were considered
separately (see Table 1).
As can be seen in Table 1, 20% of those who reported PLSAE had experienced CSA, which was significantly lower than the rate of
CSA among those who did not recall PLSAE (33%), χ2
(1, N = 1265) = 21.15, p < .001. Furthermore, significant differences in the rate
of CSA by PLSAE status were found when the two definitions of CSA were considered separately (Table 1). Twenty percent of par
ticipants who reported PLSAE, but 31% of the those that did not experience PLSAE, reported a history of CSA through persuasion/
manipulation/coercion/force, χ2
(1, N = 1265) = 20.22, p < .001. Likewise, 11% of the participants who reported PLSAE, but 20% of
those that did not, reported a history of CSA defined by a 5-year age difference, χ2
(1, N = 1265) = 17.91, p < .001.
Correlations between PLSAE, CSA experience, and protective parenting practices are presented in Table 2. PLSAE was significantly
negatively associated with CSA and significantly positively associated with parental involvement/care and monitoring/supervision.
Also, CSA experience was significantly negatively associated with involvement/care and monitoring/supervision.
Binary logistic regression was performed to determine if PLSAE, CSAPP and protective parenting practices were uniquely asso
ciated with CSA, controlling for participant sex and age. The model was statistically significant, χ2
(6) = 136.94, p < .001. As can be
seen in Table 3, PLSAE did not have a significant association with CSA (p = .314), but monitoring/supervision (OR 0.956, 95% CI
[0.924, 0.989]), care/involvement (OR 0.960, 95% CI [0.948, 0.972]) and participant age and sex were shown to have significant
associations with CSA whereby older participants and females relative to males had a significantly higher odds of reporting CSA. The
interaction between CSAPP and PLSAE was also tested in the regression model but was found to be non-significant (B (SE) = 0.25
(0.46), Wald = 0.30, OR = 1.286, 95% CI [0.521, 3.173]).
6.4. Disclosure
Of the 306 participants who experienced CSA, 205 (66%) disclosed their victimization, 78 (25%) did not disclose, and 23 (9%)
chose not to answer questions about disclosure. Just over one-third of those who disclosed had done so to friends (37%), with fewer
disclosing to their parents (21%) and intimate partners (15%). Chi-square tests were used to examine if CSAPP attendance or receiving
PLSAE at home was associated with disclosure of CSA to anyone. The results revealed no significant differences in CSA disclosure
between those who did or did not attend a CSAPP, χ2
(2, 308) = 0.47, p < .792, or experienced PLSAE, χ2
(2, 308) = 1.86, p < .395.
Removing participants that chose not to answer disclosure questions did not change these results.
6.5. Child sexual abuse knowledge
The average CSA knowledge score was 6.72 out of 10 (SD = 1.5). Fifty-eight percent of participants scored 7 or more out of 10. Most
participants answered correctly that familiar adults were the most likely CSA perpetrators (87%), that abuse was most likely to happen
in children's homes (76%), that adolescents are responsible for between 30 and 50% of sexual crimes against children (75%), that
children may not feel negatively about the perpetrator (68%), and that girls are at more risk than boys (67%). Participants who had
attended CSAPP (M = 6.81, SD = 1.4) and those who had not attended CSAPP (M = 6.68, SD = 1.6) did not differ significantly on
knowledge scores, t(752.38) = − 1.45, p = .13. The participants exposed to PLSAE (M = 6.74, SD = 1.50) and those who were not (M =
Table 2
Correlations, Means, and SDs between PLSAE, CSA and Protective Parenting (N = 860).*
1 2 3 4
1. PLSAE (0 = no, 1 = yes) –
2. CSA (0 = no, 1 = yes) − 0.13** –
3. Involvement/care 0.29** − 0.31** –
4. Monitoring/supervision 0.09** − 0.10** 0.12** –
M – – 62.30 26.90
SD – – 14.06 4.89
**
p < .01.
*
p < .05.
J.I. Rudolph et al.

8
6.66, SD = 1.62) also did not differ significantly on CSA knowledge scores, t(589.45) = − 0.79, p = .43. Regarding CSA history, the
participants who had experienced CSA (M = 7.18, SD = 1.34) scored significantly higher on knowledge than the those who had not
experienced CSA (M = 6.57, SD = 1.57): t(592.58) = − 6.59, p < .001.
7. Discussion
Sexual abuse education, delivered via school-based programs or by parents at home, remains the dominant prevention strategy in
most parts of the world. The aim of this study was to investigate whether retrospective recall of attendance at a child sexual abuse
prevention program (CSAPP) or experience of parent-led sexual abuse education (PLSAE), are associated with reduced reports of
sexual abuse before the age of 16. This study replicated previous research (Gibson & Leitenberg, 2000; Kenny et al., 2020) and
extended these findings by reporting on PLSAE; assessing associations with protective parenting practices (supervision/monitoring,
care/involvement); measuring the effect of education on participants' CSA knowledge, PLSAE and CSA experience; and presenting the
results from a sample outside North America. These results add to the growing body of literature exploring the risk reduction utility of
child CSA education, moving beyond focusing on educational effects on child CSA knowledge and prevention skill approximation only
(Finkelhor et al., 1995, 2014; Gibson & Leitenberg, 2000; Kenny et al., 2020; Ko & Cosden, 2001).
7.1. Rates of CSA
We quantified CSA as involving either of the following before the age of 16: (i) sexual activity involving persuasion, manipulation,
coercion and/or force, or (ii) sexual activity with someone more than 5 years older. When both are taken into consideration, 24% of
participants reported experiencing CSA (87% of these were women). This rate is higher than the 17% reported by Kenny et al. (2020),
and considerably higher than both the 10% reported by Gibson and Leitenberg (2000) and the global prevalence rate of 12% reported
in a meta-analysis in 2011 (Stoltenborgh et al., 2011). Differences in the definition of CSA across studies is a possible reason for the
higher rate of CSA found in the current study compared to the rates reported by Gibson and Leitenberg and Kenny et al. We did not
limit CSA to instances where perpetrators used force; including experiences that involved coercion, persuasion, and manipulation. The
rate we report is similar to that reported by the same meta-analysis (21.5%) for girls in Australia, which is the highest rate of CSA for
girls in the world (Stoltenborgh et al., 2011). Other studies have also reported these self-reported rates such as those reported for the
Ontario Child Health Study sample (22.1% for girls; MacMillan et al., 2013). The Australian Bureau of Statistics reports a lower rate of
16% for girls before the age of 15. We found 23% of participants reported that someone had persuaded, manipulated, coerced or forced
them into sexual activity. A somewhat smaller proportion (14%) reported that someone more than five years older had engaged them
in sexual activity before the age of 16, although it is possible that without the presence of force or manipulation, the sexual activity may
have been considered ‘consensual’ and not recognized as CSA by some participants (Sklenarova et al., 2018).
7.2. CSAPP attendance and CSA
Adding to the small body of literature using a naturalistic study design and retrospective recall to explore the effectiveness of sexual
abuse education in childhood, we found no significant association between recalled attendance at school-based CSA education and CSA
experience. This finding contrasts the results reported by both Gibson and Leitenberg (2000) and Kenny et al. (2020), who reported
significant associations between attendance at a CSAPP and experiences of CSA in US university samples. Our findings support pre
vious research using child and adolescent samples which found no significant association between program attendance and self-
reported victimization (Finkelhor et al., 1995, 2014; Ko & Cosden, 2001). Again, it is the definition of CSA that might account for
differing findings. Limiting CSA to the use of force (“forced to engage in sexual activity”), as was done in Gibson and Leitenberg (2000)
and Kenny et al. (2020), only captures a subset of victimization experiences and excludes those experiences of abuse in which the
victim did not encounter force per se, but were coaxed or coerced through manipulation and persuasion. Perhaps CSA education is
more helpful for abuse that involves force. For example, children and adolescents may more easily draw upon CSA education in settings
Table 3
Results of Regressing CSA on PLSAE, CSAPP, Protective Parenting Practices, Age and Sex (N = 860)
Predictor 95% CI
B (SE) Wald OR Lower Upper
PLSAE − 0.20 (0.20) 1.02 0.822 0.561 1.204
CSAPP 0.15 (0.20) 0.52 1.156 0.778 1.717
Monitoring/Supervision − 0.05 (0.02) 6.80 0.956* 0.924 0.989
Involvement/Care − 0.04 (0.01) 41.87 0.960** 0.948 0.972
Age 0.05 (0.01) 18.57 1.046** 1.025 1.067
Sex 1.21 (0.24) 24.73 3.360** 2.084 5.417
Note: The dependent variable was reported Child Sexual Abuse (CSA; 0 = no, 1 = yes). OR = odds ratio. CI = confidence interval. PLSAE = Parent-Led
Sexual Abuse Education. CSAPP = Child Sexual Abuse Prevention Program.
*
p < .01.
**
p < .001.
J.I. Rudolph et al.

9
where they are being forced to engage in sexual activity, relative to the much more sophisticated social and perceptual skills they might
need to minimise their risk of CSA that involves skilful and nuanced manipulation and persuasion.
We found much lower rates of CSA education at school than both the previous North American studies with university samples;
only 29% of the current sample recalled CSAPP attendance compared to 62% of students in the US (Gibson & Leitenberg, 2000; Kenny
et al., 2020). These results corroborate those of a previous Australian study reporting 2011 data on the proportion of children exposed
to CSAPPs (26%; Walsh et al., 2019); at which time the majority of this current sample (65%) were still in primary (elementary) school.
Considering that contemporary CSAPPs (including those surveyed by Walsh and colleagues) teach children about the possibility of
attempts at sexual contact from those close or known to them, it both surprising and concerning that the participants in the current
study mostly recalled being taught only about strangers and abduction.
7.3. PLSAE, protective parenting, and CSA
The participants in the current sample reported high rates of PLSAE, with 72% of university students reporting that their parents
had discussed CSA with them. This rate is considerably higher than the PLSAE reported by the young people in the Finkelhor et al.
(1995) study. It is also higher than rates reported by parents. For example, surveying Australian and UK parents, Rudolph et al. (2018b)
reported that about half had spoken to their children about CSA. Other studies have reported similar rates (Prikhidko & Kenny, 2021;
Walsh et al., 2012; Zhang et al., 2020). Parents find it easier to discuss themes related to strangers and abduction (Deblinger et al.,
2010; Finkelhor, 1984; Rudolph and Zimmer-Gembeck, 2018b; Rudolph et al., 2018b; Walsh et al., 2012) rather than CSA specifically,
so it is unsurprising that the participants in this study mostly recalled their parents speaking to them about topics such as stranger
danger.
Only one previous study has examined the relationship between PLSAE and CSA experience (Finkelhor et al., 1995). In testing these
associations, contrary to Finkelhor et al. we found participants had a lower risk of CSA when they reported PLSAE compared to their
peers who did not recall PLSAE. To explore this relationship further, we examined the association between protective parenting, PLSAE
and CSA experience. Analyses showed that participants whose parents engaged in more involvement/care and monitoring/supervision
were also exposed to more PLSAE. In addition, involvement/care and monitoring/supervision were associated with a lower risk of
CSA, and PLSAE was no longer significantly associated with CSA in this model. Thus, protective parenting may be an alternative
explanation for why PLSAE reduces the risk of CSA.
Taken together, these findings support proposals by Mendelson and Letourneau (2015) and Rudolph et al. (2018a) that there may
be better ways to harness the protective potential of parents other than parent-child prevention education. Specifically, these findings
reinforce what we propose elsewhere (Rudolph et al., 2018a; Rudolph et al., 2018b); that parents can be protective via two pathways:
(a) the creation of safer environments in which CSA is less likely to occur, achieved through monitoring and supervision, and (b) the
fostering of child well-being, through positive parenting, care and involvement, which, evidence suggests, may reduce the likelihood of
children being targeted by a perpetrator.
7.4. CSA education and CSA disclosure
Disclosure of CSA is fraught with difficulties for those making disclosures including; risk of not being believed, self-blame, shame/
guilt, fear of reprisal, and concern for the safety and well-being of self and others (Goodman-Brown et al., 2003; McElvaney & Culhane,
2017). We found that 66% of participants had disclosed their abuse, a figure which sits between those reported by the studies we are
replicating (50%; Kenny et al., 2020; 77–83%; Gibson & Leitenberg, 2000). Congruent with previous findings using university and
child/adolescent samples (Finkelhor et al., 2014; Gibson & Leitenberg, 2000; Kenny et al., 2020; Ko & Cosden, 2001), we did not find a
significant association between CSAPP and CSA disclosure. Additionally, contrary to one extant study (Finkelhor et al., 1995), PLSAE
was also not associated with CSA disclosure. Our findings are based on a subsample of participants who reported CSA (n = 306).
Victim testimony attests to the difficulties in disclosing CSA, and CSA disclosure is dependent on numerous factors including the
identity of the perpetrator, the perpetrator-victim relationship, and cultural factors (Fontes & Plummer, 2010; Goodman-Brown et al.,
2003; McElvaney & Culhane, 2017). Although encouraging CSA disclosure to trusted adults is a topic covered in most CSAPPs, there is
some disagreement as to whether disclosures can or should be a valid indicator of CSAPP success (Finkelhor & Strapko, 1992; Mac
Millan et al., 1994; Topping & Barron, 2009). Although it is thought that CSA disclosures will result in the termination of ongoing
abuse, therefore lessening its duration and impact, recent research with CSA survivors suggests otherwise (Stiller & Hellmann, 2017;
Swingle et al., 2016). Close to 70% of participants in one study (Swingle et al., 2016) who disclosed CSA at the time of the abuse
reported that their abuse continued. Over half of the disclosures resulted in negative or indifferent reactions, especially for disclosures
to parents. Ongoing, post-disclosure CSA resulted in more psychological symptoms in adulthood for participants who disclosed
compared to those who had not disclosed. Relevant to the design of future CSAPPs, disclosure may not be associated with reduced long-
term psychological impact, and this highlights the importance of concurrently educating adults about how to best respond to children's
disclosures.
7.5. CSA education and CSA knowledge
Increasing CSA knowledge is one of the main aims of CSAPPs. The Australian Royal Commission into Institutional Responses to Child
Sexual Abuse final report (Commonwealth of Australia, 2017) recommended “prevention education delivered through preschool,
school and other community institutional settings that aims to increase children's knowledge of child sexual abuse” (italics added, p. 4) be
J.I. Rudolph et al.

10
mandatory for all pre-schools and schools. Indeed, most CSAPP evaluations demonstrate increases in children's factual knowledge
about sexual abuse and its prevention, however follow-up to test knowledge maintenance is either short (up to 6 months) or absent
(Davis & Gidycz, 2000; Shin et al., 2019; Topping & Barron, 2009; Walsh et al., 2015; Zhang et al., 2021). The evidence for PLSAE is
more mixed with methodological improvements needed, which prevents clear conclusions in some studies (Cırık et al., 2019; Finkelhor
et al., 1995; Jin et al., 2017, 2019; Pandia et al., 2016; Wurtele et al., 1992).
Despite the importance of knowledge as an outcome of CSA education and prevention, previous retrospective research (Gibson &
Leitenberg, 2000; Kenny et al., 2020) did not explore these associations. The present analyses showed that overall, participants had a
relatively good CSA knowledge; knowing important details such where and with whom abuse is most likely to occur. However,
knowledge was not associated with CSAPP attendance or PLSAE exposure. Interestingly, those participants who reported experiencing
CSA displayed more CSA knowledge. It may be that experiencing sexual victimization leads people to seek out information to try to
make sense of their experiences.
7.6. Limitations and future research
The retrospective and cross-sectional design of the study is vulnerable to several limitations. First, relying on participant memory is
subject to recall basis. In other words, there may be some flaws in participants' memory of their exposure to either school programs or
parent education related to the passage of time, leading to inaccurate reporting. Furthermore, certain experiences might exacerbate
errors in recall. For example, it is possible that participants who experienced sexual abuse may be primed to recall more exposure to
CSA education. It is also possible that participants who experienced sexual abuse may report less exposure to CSA education,
attributing their experience to lack of awareness/education. Unfortunately, there is no research to indicate which one is more likely.
Additionally, experience of CSA education might influence the extent to which participants defined experiences as sexual abuse. For
example, contemporary CSA education may provide a more comprehensive understanding of the spectrum of perpetrator behaviors
that constitute sexual abuse. This information may or may not have made its way into school-based programs, and into parents' orbit of
awareness leading to a wider range of activities being recognized as CSA. These recall biases must be taken into consideration when
interpreting the results of this study; the best way for future research projects to further test the associations identified in this study is
with prospective longitudinal designs. However, it is also important to reinforce the evidence on the veracity of retrospective reports
regarding child maltreatment (Dube et al., 2004), with experts agreeing that retrospective designs investigating child maltreatment
make an important contribution to the field (Baldwin et al., 2019; Hardt & Rutter, 2004). Another way to reduce the recall bias is to
triangulate self-reports with reports from significant others.
The quality of sexual abuse education is highly likely to be associated with information retention and recall in an abusive or
potentially abusive encounter. Although we asked participants to recall the topics they remembered from school programs or parent-
led education, we were unable to accurately ascertain the quality of the education they received (e.g., framing of key messages, depth
of content, and dosage), or indeed, what they ultimately learned. The topics chosen by participants (from a list of 21 common CSAPP
themes) in this survey, gave us insight into the education they received, but not its quality. Analyses of the association of this important
variable with experience of CSA was not possible and would also benefit from a longitudinal design.
Perpetrator identity and victim-perpetrator relationship may also impact children's ability to apply learned information in an
abusive encounter. Unfortunately, ethical considerations for data collection with university student participants precluded us
obtaining further details about participants' sexual abuse experiences, including the identity of perpetrators. To address this short
coming, in future, CSA prevention researchers should consider partnering with experienced child maltreatment prevalence researchers
to identify ways in which data can be augmented to provide a clearer picture of the relationships among key variables including the
nature and content of prevention education, the identity of perpetrators, and the identities of individuals to whom disclosures are
made.
Furthermore, in view of the current findings, more research needs to be conducted into the specific parenting practices and features
of the parent child relationship and home environment that are protective against CSA. Longitudinal research into the effectiveness of
CSA education at home for reducing CSA is necessary.
Several factors may limit the generalizability of these results. Firstly, university students are not representative of the general
population. Second, although not unusual in social science research, the high proportion of female participants limits generalizability.
However, these considerations do not affect comparisons with the two previous studies as these involved women-only (Gibson &
Leitenberg, 2000), and women-majority (82%; Kenny et al., 2020) university samples. Finally, the low rate of respondents who re
ported their sex as non-binary precluded this group from being represented in the analyses and targeting this group in future research
would be beneficial. Despite these drawbacks, our sample was representative in other ways, with participation of First Nations People
(3%), Pacific Islanders (3%), and Asian Australians (13%) representative of the Australian population overall (3%, 3%, and 12%
respectively; Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2020).
In light of the limitations addressed here, the current study must be considered tentative and be considered along with previous
research exploring the association between CSA education and CSA experiences (Finkelhor et al., 1995, 2014; Gibson & Leitenberg,
2000; Kenny et al., 2020; Ko & Cosden, 2001).
7.7. Conclusion
The results reported here are important for the future of CSA prevention. Child education remains the dominant method of pre
vention, with this strategy supported by parents, endorsed by governments, and promoted by NGOs in Australia (Bravehearts;
J.I. Rudolph et al.

11
Commonwealth of Australia, 2017) and internationally (NSPCC, 2015; Prevent Child Abuse America, 2015; Sexuality Information and
Education Council of the United States, 2004; United Nations Educational Scientific and Cultural Organization, 2018). This study
presents evidence via participants' retrospective reports which calls into question the effectiveness of child education in the prevention
of CSA, the encouragement of disclosure, and the enhancement of knowledge. These findings add to the research on CSA risk factors
(Assink et al., 2019) and offender modus operandi (Leclerc et al., 2009; Smallbone & Wortley, 2001) which suggests that parenting and
the home environment are crucial to CSA mitigation. These findings also support our assertions that parents may be more suitable
targets for prevention initiatives and align with our proposal of involving parents in prevention via the creation of safe environments
(through supervision and monitoring) and child well-being (through positive parenting, care and involvement).
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