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12. Contents
Acknowledgments viii
Preface ix
Part One: Processing Instruction: Theory, Practice, and Research
1 VanPatten’s Theory of Input Processing 3
2 Practical Model: Processing Instruction 32
3 Processing Instruction: Experimental Research 45
Part Two: Processing Instruction and Discourse
4 Exploring the Effects of Processing Instruction on a
Discourse-level Guided Composition with the
Spanish Subjunctive after the Adverb Cuando 97
with Erin M. McNulty
5 Exploring the Effects of Processing Instruction on
Discourse-level Interpretation Tasks with the
Japanese Passive Construction 148
with Noriko Hikima
6 Exploring the Effects of Processing Instruction on
Discourse-level Interpretation Tasks with
English Past Tense 178
7 Exploring the Effects of Discourse-level Structured Input
Activities with French Causative 198
by Wynne Wong
8 Conclusions 217
References 226
Index 233
13. Acknowledgments
First of all, we would like to thank Bill VanPatten for his mentoring, guidance,
and friendship over the years.
We say a big thank you to Wynne Wong for her contribution to this book.
We hope that her chapter inspires more work with discourse-level input. We
would also like to express our gratitude to Erin M. McNulty and Noriko
Hikima for their work on two of the chapters of this book. Both these people
have added a new linguistic item to the processing instruction research
base. Another big thank you to our students who have participated in the
classroom studies presented in this book. Last but not least, we are grateful
to Gurdeep, Colleen, and Murali at Continuum for their help in producing
this book.
14. Preface
Processing instruction is an approach to grammar instruction for second
language learning. It derives its name from the fact that the instruction
(both the explicit explanation as well as the practices) attempts to influence,
alter, and/or improve the way learners process input. Processing instruction
contrasts with traditional grammar instruction in many ways, most princi-
pally in its focus on input whereas traditional grammar instruction focuses
on learners’ output. The greatest contribution of processing instruction to
both theory and practice is the concept of “structured input,” a form of com-
prehensible input that has been manipulated to maximize learners’ benefit
of exposure to input. A growing body of research on the effects of processing
instruction has given this approach to grammar instruction significant sup-
port. The positive effects of processing instruction have been found for
a variety of romance and nonromance languages (Spanish, French, Italian,
German, English, and Japanese) and on a variety of morphological, syntac-
tic, and semantic linguistic items (past and future tense morphology, object
pronouns, and subjunctive mood). Previous research has focused on five
important issues. A body of research has compared the effects of processing
instruction to those of other types of instruction. This work affirms the supe-
riority of this input-based approach over different types of output-based
instruction. Another body of research has examined the roles of explicit
explanation and structured input practices in order to determine the source(s)
of the effects of processing instruction on language development. This
work affirms the importance of structured input activities. A third line of
research has measured the effects of processing instruction when delivered
via computer terminals. This work affirms that processing instruction is
effective no matter the way of delivery. A fourth line of investigation has
examined whether learners improve if they receive enhanced structured
input activities. The work affirms the main role for structured input activities
as the causative factor in processing instruction. A final line of research
has investigated the secondary and cumulative effects of processing instruc-
tion. This work affirms that learners who have been exposed to a processing
15. x Preface
strategy do pick up a second strategy incidentally as a result of learning the
first one.
Processing instruction effects have been measured through sentence and
discourse-level tasks. A number of conclusions can be drawn regarding the
type and mode of assessment tasks in processing instruction studies:
1. All processing instruction studies provide evidence that learners who
receivedprocessinginstructionperformedsignificantlybetteroninterpre-
tation sentence-level tasks than learners receiving traditional instruction
or meaning output-based instruction;
2. All processing instruction studies provide evidence that both processing
instruction and output-based instruction (both traditional instruction
and meaning output-based instruction) cause equal improvement in
learner’s performance in different sentence-level production tasks (oral
and written mode).
3. One study (Van Patten and Sanz,1995) provides evidence that the effects
of processing instruction are not limited to sentence-level production
tasks but can be measured on written and oral discursive tasks (oral and
written mode).
4. One clear gap in the current database measuring processing instruction
effects is that its effects have not been assessed on discourse-level inter-
pretation tasks.
5. Dekeyser, Salaberry, Robinson and Harrington (2002) argued that any true
system wide effects will be revealed more clearly in the discursive-level
tasks and not sentence-level tasks. Norris and Ortega (2000) underscored
the fact that most research investigating the effectiveness of L2 instruc-
tion has used, to date, measures that require the application of explicit
declarative knowledge under controlled conditions and not the use of
spontaneous, fluent, and contextualized language. In processing instruc-
tion studies, the effects of processing instruction have been measured on
a variety of tasks and on different modes. However, only two studies have
measured the effects of processing instruction on discourse-level tasks
and the effects of instruction has not been tested yet on discourse-level
interpretation tasks.
This book therefore addresses one important limitation on studies mea-
suring and comparing the effects of processing instruction with output-based
instruction approaches. It will provide new and original evidence of the
effects of processing instruction on discourse-level interpretation tasks and
also generalize previous finding on the effects of processing instruction
on discourse-level production tasks (different type of tasks and mode).
16. Preface xi
This book consists of two parts:
Part One
In the first part (Chapters 1 and 2), we present and examine the input
processing model and explain the main characteristics of processing instruc-
tion (both its main theoretical underpinnings as well as the guidelines for
developing structured input activities). Then, in Chapter 3, we review the
empirical research conducted, to date, on processing instruction so that
readers will have an overview of new research carried out on the effects of
processing instruction.
Part Two
In the second part of this book, we present and review the results of a series
of studies investigating the effects of processing instruction on discourse-
level interpretation and production tasks. In Chapter 4, we explore the
effects of processing instruction on a discourse-level guided composition
task with the Spanish subjunctive after the adverb cuando. In Chapters 5
and 6, we present the results of two empirical studies measuring the effects
of processing instruction on the acquisition of Japanese passive forms and
English past tense marker –ed. In Chapter 7, Wynne Wong examines the
results of an investigation on the effects of discourse-level structured input
activities on the acquisition of French causative.
In the final chapter (Chapter 8), we summarize and reflect on the findings
presented in this book and offer future directions for processing instruction
research.
20. Chapter 1
VanPatten’s Theory of Input Processing
What Is Input? What Is Input Processing?
There are a variety of theories that account for different aspects of
second language acquisition (Mitchell and Myles 2004; VanPatten
and Williams 2007a). “Indeed, it is common ground among all theo-
rists of language learning, of whatever description, that it is necessary
to interpret and to process incoming language data in some form, for
normal language development to take place. There is thus a consen-
sus that language input of some kind is essential for normal language
learning” (Mitchell and Myles 2004: 20, emphasis added). What is
input? The following four definitions suffice to demonstrate that
input is language, presented orally or in written form:
1. “The raw linguistic data (oral or written) to which learners are
exposed” (Farley 2005: 109).
2. “Samples of language that learners are exposed to in a communi-
cative context or setting” (Wong 2005: 119).
3. “Samples of second language that learners hear or see to which
they attend for its propositional content (message)” (VanPatten
1996: 10).
4. “Input is defined as language the learner hears (or reads) and
attends to for its meaning” (VanPatten and Williams 2007b: 9).
Of additional importance to our work is that input is language
presented in a communicative context insofar as learners are attend-
ing to the meaning of the message(s) encoded through the language
directed to them.
21. 4 Processing Instruction and Discourse
VanPatten and Williams (2007b: 9) assert that any theory of second
language acquisition will have to address in some way certain observed
phenomena, or consensus statements as Mitchell and Myles might
refer to it. The first of these is that exposure to input is necessary for
second language acquisition to take place. Ortega (2007: 236) reviews
the role of input in the nine theories of second language acquisition
included in VanPatten and Williams’ (2007a) collection of essays.
She notes that the role of input in each of the theories varies. In some
theories, input might be the only ingredient necessary for language
acquisition but is not sufficient to account for all language acquisi-
tion, while in other theories, input may be a trigger or input may be
the driving factor in learning.
What is input processing? VanPatten developed his theory of input
processing and the instructional intervention called “Processing
Instruction” (1993, 1996), dealt with in Chapter 2, based on what we
know about what first and second language learners do with input.
They process input for its meaning and that meaning is formally
encoded. The term “formally” refers to the linguistic elements
encoded in the input such as verb morphemes, case markings, and
syntax. Input processing, then, refers to the cognitive processes by
which learners make the initial connection between a grammatical
form and its meaning. In our work we are concerned with how
learners make sense out of the language they hear or read (input)
and how they get linguistic data or intake from the input (Wong
2005: 28).
As a theoretical framework, “Input Processing is concerned with
three fundamental questions that involve the assumption that an
integral part of language acquisition is making form–meaning
connections:
Under what conditions do learners make initial form–meaning
connections?
Why, at a given moment in time, do they make some and not other
form–meaning connections?
What internal strategies do learners use in comprehending
sentences and how might this affect acquisition?” (VanPatten
2007: 116).
22. VanPatten’s Theory of Input Processing 5
VanPatten adds to this list of three umbrella questions the following
more specific ones, the answers to which are illuminated by the
research on input processing:
What linguistic data do learners attend to during comprehension?
Why?
What linguistic data do learners not attend to? Why?
How does a formal feature’s position in the utterance influence
whether it gets processed?
What grammatical roles do learners assign to nouns based on their
position in an utterance?
We are working within VanPatten’s theory of input processing as
presented in its initial form in VanPatten (1996), its modified form in
VanPatten (2004b), and its most recent form in VanPatten (2007).
His theory of input processing in adult second language acquisition
frames the research questions, methods, and procedures used in all
the investigations we include in this book. It is, then, important that
we begin with an explication of this theory. We draw from several
sources to present our account. We draw extensively from the work of
its principal theorizer (VanPatten 1996, 2000, 2004b, 2007) as well as
from our own work with and within this theoretical framework (Benati
and Lee 2008; Lee and Benati 2007a, 2007b, 2009).
Principle 1: The Primacy of Meaning Principle
In its current form, VanPatten’s theory consists of two overarching or
organizing principles of input processing, each of which is further
explicated with (sub)principles. The two overarching principles
address two different aspects of processing. The first, the Primacy of
Meaning Principle, asserts that when learners are engaged in com-
municative, meaningful interchanges, they are primarily concerned
with meaning.
Principle 1. The Primacy of Meaning Principle. Learners process
input for meaning before they process it for form (VanPatten
2004b: 11).
23. 6 Processing Instruction and Discourse
In other words, “. . . learners are driven to look for the message or
communicative intent in the input” (VanPatten 2004b: 7).
To assert the primacy of meaning in input processing is to take as
the point of departure that learners are primarily motivated to under-
stand messages, be they delivered orally during an interaction or
visually while reading print. If someone is talking to us, we assume
they have something to say that we are meant to understand. Our
task as listeners is to put forward at least an effort, if not our best
effort, to understand the speaker. When we see an advertisement, for
example, and read what it says, we assume that someone has some-
thing to communicate to us about a product, event, or service. There
is a message that we are meant to grasp and we put forth the effort
to do so. Second language learners assume the same thing; there
are messages in what they hear and read and they are meant to put
forward an effort to understand them. “Simply put, P1 states that
learners are driven [emphasis added] to look for the message in the
input (“What is this person saying to me?”) before looking for how
that message is encoded” (VanPatten 1996: 17).
VanPatten derived the Primacy of Meaning Principle from research
and theories in first and second language acquisition. From work on
first language acquisition, he cited Peters’ (1985) operating principle
that guides children during input processing. The principle states
that children pay attention to utterances that have a readily identi-
fiable meaning. For second language acquisition, he cited the work
of Sharwood Smith (1986), who posited the difference between pro-
cessing for communication, that is, meaning, and processing for
acquisition, that is, form.
Research has repeatedly uncovered the varying conditions under
which second language learners successfully make meaning from the
input. Lee (1987), for example, showed that L2 learners of Spanish
can extract the lexical meaning of verbs that are morphologically
marked as subjunctive even though they had never been exposed to
subjunctive forms in the classroom setting. They extracted meaning
as successfully as a group of learners who had already been taught
subjunctive forms. Lee and Rodríguez (1997) compared the effects
of morphosyntactic modifications on passage comprehension. Keeping
24. VanPatten’s Theory of Input Processing 7
content constant, they manipulated subordination and whether that
subordination required subjunctive mood or not. They found that
L2 learners of Spanish comprehended the three versions of the
passage equally well. Additionally, they substituted the target verbs
(those that were subordinated and made into subjunctive mood
forms) with nonsense words that conformed to the orthographic
structure of Spanish. This substitution had no effect on passage
comprehension. Manipulating both verbal and lexical forms did
not affect passage comprehension because the readers’ task was to
get the meaning of the text and they did.
More evidence for how learners process input for meaning before
they process it for form comes from the recall data reported in Lee
(2002). The learners read a passage about the future of telecommu-
nication technologies in which the last few sentences in the passage
warned of the dangers of a society increasingly dependent upon
technology. The last sentence they encountered was as follows:
Text: El hombre, Homo sapiens, se convertirá en Homo electrónicus.
Translation: Man, Homo sapiens, will become Homo electrónicus.
Most learners understood the meaning of the sentence and under-
stood its meaning in the context of the passage. Few, however, recalled
and wrote the exact form of what they had seen in the text. That is,
few learners wrote Homo electrónicus. Some learners produced terms
such as Homo electricity and Homo erectus, which demonstrate that gra-
phemics plays a role in recall. Others made a semantic substitution
such as Homo technology and Homo technologicalus. Clearly, the semantic
substitutions show us that learners processed the input for meaning
before they processed it for form.
Lee and Rossomondo (2004) analyzed other elements of the input
passage reported in Lee (2002) and Rossomondo (2007). The passage
they used in their research targeted learners’ processing of future
tense verb forms in Spanish, which are morphologically marked for
person/number and tense. The morpheme –á appears in word final
position. The first verb in the passage was dependerá “will depend.”
Their analyses revealed that learners recalled this verb in a variety
of forms. The forms varied but the meaning always centered on the
idea of dependence. They noted both verbal and nominal renderings
25. 8 Processing Instruction and Discourse
of this target verb. Among the verbal forms they found the following:
will depend on, depend or depends on, rely upon, relies, and will
use. Among the nominal forms they found the following: dependency,
dependence upon, are dependent, and will become dependent. This
variety in form shows us that learners were primarily working to get
the meaning not the form.
P 1a. The Primacy of Content Words Principle: Learners process
content words in the input before anything else.
VanPatten’s theory differentiates between the value of content words
and function words for their contribution to meaning from the learn-
ers’ perspective and from the perspective of the push to get or make
meaning. Which words are the most helpful for getting the meaning
out of the input? The answer is content words, those words that
represent major lexical categories as opposed to functional or minor
lexical categories. VanPatten (1996: 19–20) supports the principle of
content words with research by Klein (1986) and Mangubhai (1991).
Klein (1986) showed that when asked to repeat utterances, early stage
learners tended to repeat only the content words. Only advanced
level learners could repeat the utterances correctly with content
words plus functors. Mangubhai (1991) showed that learners who
were being taught through Total Physical Response methodology
routinely extracted the content words from the stimuli commands
in order to physically respond. Carroll (2004: 299) hypothesized that
“a number of distinct phonetic cues might lead learners to segment
and phonologically encode words from the major lexical classes of
English precisely when they are realized as prosodic words, and that
would lead them not to segment and encode clitics (determiners,
auxiliaries, complementizers, tense morphemes, number morphemes,
etc.) This is true despite the fact that many of the functional categories
express important semantic distinctions.” Her hypothesis is useful for
considering why content words are attended to over function words.
In layman’s terms, we might refer to content words as the “big”
words and functional words as the “little” words. Learners must bring
some metalinguistic knowledge with them to the task of second
26. VanPatten’s Theory of Input Processing 9
language acquisition such that they can differentiate content and
function words in the L2. In other words, “. . . second language learn-
ers in particular know there are ‘big words’ that can help them
get the meaning of what is being said to them and their internal pro-
cessors attempt to isolate these aspects of the speech stream during
comprehension” (VanPatten 2004b: 8).
Other research has demonstrated the greater value of content
words to second language learners. Bernhardt (1992) discussed the
different text processing strategies employed by native and inexperi-
enced nonnative readers of German. In tracking their eye movements
across the lines of a text, she showed that native readers of German
fixated (i.e., placed their central focal point) far more frequently
than inexperienced nonnative readers did. In other words, they
read more densely and intensely than the nonnative readers did.
Moreover, she found that among the native readers’ more numerous
fixations were those they placed on the ends of words, that is, on
word final morphology. The nonnative readers tended to fixate on
the centers of words, leaving word final morphology in peripheral
vision. And, with their fewer in number fixations, nonnative readers
tended to process content words over function words. This eye move-
ment data is very interesting because it contrasts the approaches
native and nonnative readers take to processing. Nonnative readers,
the language learners, valued content words highly and valued word
final morphology to a lesser degree. The eye movement evidence
very directly supports the value of content words to learners.
VanPatten (1990) conducted an experiment in which he demon-
strated the interplay of content words, function words, and verb mor-
phology with comprehension. He asked learners of Spanish to listen
to a short passage on inflation in Latin America and assigned the
learners to one of four groups. One group listened to the passage
and indicated each time they heard the word inflación, which was
also the title of the passage. He termed this the content + lexical item
group. Another group listened to the passage and indicated each
time they heard the word la, the feminine singular form of the
definite article. It occurred prior to each occurrence of the word
inflación. He termed this the content + functor group. The third
27. 10 Processing Instruction and Discourse
group listened to the passage and indicated each time they heard an
n at the end of a word. This verbal inflection is the morpheme that
marks third person plural in Spanish. He termed this group the
content + inflection group. The fourth group simply listened to the
passage and had no secondary processing task to perform; he termed
this the content only group. As they listened to the passage, the three
groups with simultaneous listening tasks placed a checkmark on a
page for each occurrence of the target item. After listening to the
passage, the learners recalled as much as they could of what they
had heard. VanPatten found that listening for content alone and
listening for content + lexical item were complimentary activities
in that learners in both conditions comprehended equal amounts of
the passage. Listening for the functor and for the verbal inflection
were equally detrimental activities in that comprehension fell off
significantly in these conditions.
From Bernhardt (1992), we know that learners tend not to process
word final morphology and from VanPatten (1990) we know that if
they are directed to process the word final morphology, they lose
some of the meaning. These data support the thesis that content
words are the building blocks of comprehension for second language
learners. Drawing learners’ attention to noncontent elements of a
passage, be they verb morphemes or definite articles, causes learners
to lose some of the meaning.
We have more evidence of how learners process content words
over other sentence elements from examining the products of com-
prehension. VanPatten and Wong (2004) demonstrated that learners
misinterpret French causative constructions using an inappropriate
word order processing strategy. They give the following example
(VanPatten and Wong 2004: 98–99):
Jean fait promener le chien à Marie.
John makes to walk the dog to Mary.
John makes Mary walk the dog.
The target sentence contains two verbs each with its own subject/
agent. Learners, however, tend to take the first subject, Jean, and
make it the agent of the second verb, promener. The second subject,
Marie, tends to be interpreted as the dog’s owner. In the end, the
28. VanPatten’s Theory of Input Processing 11
learners misinterpret the sentence, by misassigning grammatical and
semantic roles, to mean the following:
John walks the dog for Mary or John walks Mary’s dog.
Whereas VanPatten and Wong address this processing problem
from the perspective of word order and P2 the First Noun Principle
(presented later in this chapter), we can also see the effects of pro-
cessing content words over other sentence elements. We underline
the content words to demonstrate that they are the words learners
focused in on.
Jean fait promener le chien à Marie.
The learners took the content words and created meaning. Two
important grammatical elements are not processed, fait and à.
They are important because they signal the underlying semantic
relationship between Jean and Marie.
Another example of how learners collect content words to make
meaning comes from Lee (1990). After early stage learners read a
short passage about feudalism, they were asked to recall in writing as
much as they could remember. The first two sentences of the passage
follow:
Text: Entre los años 900–1000, Europa Occidental estaba en
gran desorden. El imperio de Carlomagno, que había
logrado unir esa parte del mundo, se estaba dividiendo en
pequeños estados.
Translation: Between the years 900 and 1000, Western Europe
was in great disorder. The empire of Charlemagne,
which had managed to unite that part of the world,
was being divided into small states.
One subject recalled these two sentences as follows (misspellings in
the original are preserved here).
In the years around 900–1000, there was an emporer Carlomagna
(sp?) that ruled an area in the world. (Lee 1990: 147)
29. 12 Processing Instruction and Discourse
If we go back to the original text and underline the words that appear
in the recall, we literally see the way the learner has collected words
from the input and put them together. We also see the way he left
out some words most likely due to the effortfulness of the task
(VanPatten 2007, Lee 1999).
Text: Entre los años 900–1000, Europa Occidental estaba en gran
desorden. El imperio de Carlomagno, que había logrado unir
esa parte del mundo, se estaba dividiendo en pequeños
estados.
This learner did not process an important function word, the pre-
position de in the noun phrase imperio de Carlomagno “empire of
Charlemagne.” The preposition is important because it establishes
the relationship between the two “big” words. The learner put the
two content words together and misassigned the meaning of one of
them, making it emperor not empire. What do emperors do? They
rule, which is something the learner inserted into the recall. Another
learner recalled these two lines as follows:
Charlemagne was the ruler. He divided the country into small
states . . . (Lee 1990: 146)
The content words, which this learner collected to make meaning,
attribute agency to Charlemagne. Attributing agency to Charle-
magne occurred quite frequently in the recalls. The learners who did
so did not process the entire verb phrase, se estaba dividiendo, but
rather only used the content word, dividiendo, to create meaning.
The verb phrase in the original text is marked for past (estaba) as well
as for imperfective aspect (–aba) and progressive aspect (–ndo). The
learner, however, uses a perfective past form in his recall. We can,
therefore, infer that the learner did not process these formal
elements in the input; he collected content words but did not make
use of their formal features in order to make meaning.
We find additional evidence of the value of content words to
language learners from their own accounts of what they do to under-
stand. Lee (1999) analyzed think aloud protocols for the interplay
between input processing strategies and comprehension strategies.
30. VanPatten’s Theory of Input Processing 13
He asked early stage second language learners to perform a retro-
spective think aloud of a passage in which eight past tense verb
forms were the targeted linguistic items. The following excerpt is
one learner’s think aloud protocol that was not included in Lee
(1999) but comes from the data set that he analyzed. The tasks of
the second language learner were to read the passage sentence by
sentence and then think aloud his comprehension process. With
regard to two of the target sentences the learner stated the following
about his use of key words (from the context, we can understand
“key words” as content words):
Um, you can see from like different words like, um, contacto and
consecuencia, like the, um, different like structure of the sentence,
like if you can get the key words like that then you can kinda see
what should follow it. . . . Um, a word like disco is kind of a humorous
tip-off ‘cause you can tell that’s something related to music.
This learner collects content words to build up his comprehension.
Across the think aloud he refers to his use of words to comprehend
sentence meaning 17 times. At a later point in the think aloud,
he offers another example of using key/content words and other
words, too:
Um, “filme”, um, “ofer-”, “oferta”, “aceptó”, “Hollywood” all give
you like, you know, key words, like “offer”, “accept”, “Hollywood”,
uh, would tell you what the sentence is going to be about. And
those are all cognates, and then other words that you already know
or can figure out would tell you pretty much the meaning of that
sentence.
Finally, the learner also makes a distinction between key words and
another type, the small words. The learner stated the following:
Um, múltiples is a good cognate. And then there’s a lot of pretty
small easy words like “with” and “to see”, “is.”
Another type of evidence supporting the primary role of content
words in comprehension comes from Carroll (2004), who points
31. 14 Processing Instruction and Discourse
to their role in the negotiation of meaning. She specifies content
words as those in major lexical categories and refers to them as
prosodic words. In a footnote to her commentary on VanPatten’s
model of input processing, she notes that content words have the
linguistic properties that make them repeatable “as single utterances
in situations where a speaker has failed to make herself understood
and believes that the learner has limited language abilities” (Carroll
2004: 298). She provided the following example to underscore
the point:
NS: The exercises are all on my homepage.
NNS: (. . .) <looks confused>
NS: EXERCISES. . . HOMEPAGE
NNS: oh. . . yes. . . EXERCISES
(Carroll 2004: 298)
The native speaker has isolated and repeated the two content words
from her initial utterance. Content words are not only important to
learners but to native speakers also who, apparently, assign them
value for insuring comprehension for language learners.
P 1b. The Lexical Preference Principle: If grammatical forms
express a meaning that can also be encoded lexically (i.e., that
grammatical marker is redundant), then learners will not initially
process those grammatical forms until they have lexical forms to
which they can match them.
Languages have ways of encoding and thus signaling the same infor-
mation in multiple ways; we refer to this as the natural redundancy
of languages. Given the availability of limited resources to second
language learners VanPatten’s theory tries to account for where
learners direct their processing resources. The background research
VanPatten uses to support the Lexical Preference Principle has all
been focused on tense assignment. Likewise, the research on the
effects of Processing Instruction framed by the Lexical Preference
Principle has focused on tense assignment. The background research
on tense assignment has manipulated the input to include or exclude
32. VanPatten’s Theory of Input Processing 15
lexical and grammatical cues to tense. Preferring lexical cues to tense
is connected to learners’ use of content words to make meaning.
“Learners will thus seek out lexical forms of semantic notions in the
input before they seek grammatical forms that encode the same
semantic notions” (VanPatten 2007: 118).
Lee, Cadierno, Glass, and VanPatten (1997) gave two groups of
learners of Spanish different versions of the same passage to listen to.
One version contained lexical temporal adverbs referring to the past
whereas the other version contained no such lexical temporal mark-
ers. In this second version, only the verb final morpheme indicated
tense, for example, admitió “he admitted.” After listening, the learn-
ers performed a tense identification task. The results showed that
the learners who listened to the passage with adverbials identified
correctly more of the temporal references than did the learners who
listened to passages with only verb morphology to mark tense.
Lee (1999) examined the comprehension and input processing
strategies of a small number of learners of Spanish as they performed
a retrospective think aloud. Half the learners read a passage that
contained lexical temporal adverbs whereas the other half read a
version of the passage that did not contain the adverbs. As Lee
(1999: 53) put it, “when subjects have adverbs they use them [to
comprehend temporal reference]. Those in the +adverb condition
only sporadically refer to verb forms.”
Rossomondo (2007) showed a very dramatic difference in tense
assignment due to the presence or absence of lexical temporal mark-
ers. She conducted introspective think aloud protocols on two groups
of learners. One group was reading and introspecting on a passage
that contained Spanish future tense verb forms along with lexical
temporal markers. The other group read and introspected on a
version of the passage that contained only verb forms but no lexical
temporal markers. She found that in the presence of a lexical tem-
poral marker, learners comprehended (i.e., rendered it in the
introspection) the future meaning of the verb form on an average
52 percent of the time; the range of scores per individual verb was
from 0 percent comprehension of the future meaning to 92 percent
comprehension. In the absence of the temporal marker, learners
comprehended the future meaning of the target verbs only .8 percent
33. 16 Processing Instruction and Discourse
of the time. The learners did not comprehend the future meaning
of 12 of the 13 target verbs. They managed a future meaning for one
verb only 11 percent of the time.
Lee (1990) examined the recall protocols of first year learners of
Spanish in order to reveal the processes through which they con-
structed the meaning of the passage. The passage referred to the
social–political system known as feudalism. As noted above, the first
line of the passage referred to the years 900–1000. The passage also
contained the number 400, which was the number of years the feudal
system helped maintain order, and a reference to the year 1200, the
year feudalism was at its zenith. All learners read the same version
of the passage, that is, there was no version of the passage in which
temporal markers had been removed. Relevant to the current discus-
sion of the Lexical Preference Principle is that 11 of the 13 learners
Lee (1990) examined used the years 900–1000 to construct the tem-
poral framework for their recalls. One learner, who had a particularly
difficult time comprehending, used the years to structure the second
part of his recall:
In the beginning there was nothing. (STOP!)
There was a society change in the era of Charlemagne
a change from honor to a society of justice.
I remember many years 900-start of Charlemagne
1100- ?
1200- justice and equality
(Lee 1990: 148)
Musumeci (1989) conducted a cross-linguistic study (Italian, French,
and Spanish) in which she examined how successfully learners
assigned tense at sentence level under different exposure conditions.
She manipulated both linguistic and nonlinguistic cues to temporal-
ity. In one condition, the baseline condition, she presented learners
with sentences in which the only cue to temporal reference was the
verbal inflection. In each of the subsequent conditions the learners
received the verbal inflections as well as some other cue or cues.
In the next condition, she added a lexical temporal adverbial as
an additional cue to temporal reference. In the third condition, she
supplied learners the additional cue of a typical teacher gesture
34. VanPatten’s Theory of Input Processing 17
performed as the learners heard the sentences. For example, to indi-
cate past, the speaker pointed her thumb over her shoulder, pointing
backwards. To indicate future, the speaker gestured with her hand
moving it away from her body and outward toward the side. In the
fourth condition, Musumeci supplied learners with all the cues:
verbal inflections, adverbials, and gestures.
Overall, the results confirmed that the main factor influencing
correct tense assignment was the presence or absence of temporal
adverbials in the input sentences (Musumeci 1989:127). Specifically,
she found that learners assigned tense more correctly in the two con-
ditions that included a lexical temporal adverbial than in the other
two conditions, that is, verbal inflections only and verbal inflections +
gestures. Lexical items were more useful to the learners for assigning
tense than were the verb forms or a teacher’s gesturing.
P 1c. The Preference for Nonredundancy Principle: Learners are
more likely to process nonredundant meaningful grammatical
markers before they process redundant meaningful markers.
VanPatten (1985b) introduced the idea that formal features of a
second language, from a learner’s perspective, would be either of
high or low communicative value. “Communicative value refers to
the relative contribution a form makes to the referential meaning
of an utterance and is based on the presence or absence of two fea-
tures: inherent semantic value and redundancy within the sentence/
utterance” (VanPatten 1996: 24). VanPatten extrapolated his original
principle regarding processing meaningful versus nonmeaningful
morphology (1996: 24) from the morpheme acquisition studies.
Why, for example, is the progressive aspect marker –ing acquired
before third person singular –s in English? VanPatten’s answer is
that because –ing contributes unique information to the sentential
meaning (an event in progress), learners direct attention to it during
processing. They do not direct attention to the third person –s
because it does not offer them unique information. He provides two
examples (VanPatten 2007: 119).
The cat is sleeping.
The cat sleeps ten hours everyday.
35. 18 Processing Instruction and Discourse
“Thus, if learners are confronted with something like –ing on verb
forms, they will be forced to make this form–meaning connection
sooner than, say, third person –s because the latter is redundant and
the former is not” (VanPatten 2007:119). As we saw with the Lexical
Preference Principle, a grammatical marker might well have seman-
tic value but other sentence elements might make it redundant.
Removing the lexical item, as is done in Processing Instruction, makes
the grammatical marker nonredundant. And so, the Preference for
Nonredundancy Principle is highly related to the Lexical Preference
Principle.
P 1d. The Meaning-Before-Nonmeaning Principle: Learners are
more likely to process meaningful grammatical markers before
nonmeaningful grammatical markers (VanPatten 2004)
Some grammatical markers do not carry any meaning; they express
no real world semantic information. We can offer several examples
(Lee and Benati 2007b). Grammatical gender marking in Romance
languages is an example of nonmeaningful morphology. The surface-
level agreement features are such that adjectives agree in number
and in grammatical gender with the nouns they modify. In other
words, the characteristics of the noun determine the form of the
adjective. That an adjective is marked as masculine or feminine does
not change its meaning. In Italian, both bassa and basso mean short.
Which form to use would be determined by the noun they would
be describing. Additionally, gender markings on adjectives are often
a redundant marking. Consider the noun phrase mio fratello basso
(my short brother) and the gender markings on the three words.
The gender marking on basso is the third masculine marker in the
string. Being nonmeaningful as well as redundant contribute to the
processing problems second language learners face in processing
these forms.
Subjunctive mood verbal morphology is another grammatical
form that is nonmeaningful and redundant in sentences that express
doubt and opinion in Italian and other Romance languages. We use
the subjunctive mood markings on the verb in a subordinate or
dependent clause when the verb of the main clause expresses doubt
36. VanPatten’s Theory of Input Processing 19
or opinion. The following two sentences demonstrate the processing
problems learners encounter with subjunctive mood morphology.
Dubito che George sia intelligente.
I doubt that George is intelligent.
So che George e intelligente.
I know that George is intelligent.
The meanings of the verbs dubito and so trigger the forms sia and e,
respectively. Sia and e mean exactly the same thing, is. In other words,
“. . . such [nonmeaningful] formal features of language will be
processed in the input later than those for which true form–meaning
connections can be made” (VanPatten 2007: 120).
P 1e. The Availability of Resources Principle: For learners to
process either redundant meaningful grammatical forms or non-
meaningful forms, the processing of overall sentential meaning
must not drain available processing resources.
It is not impossible for learners to direct their attention to meaning-
ful but redundant grammatical forms or to nonmeaningful gram-
matical forms. As VanPatten (1990) and Bransdorfer (1991) showed
with their simultaneous processing tasks, learners can be directed to
attend to nonmeaningful forms, but at a loss to comprehension.
“Comprehension for learners is initially quite effortful in terms of
cognitive processing and working memory. This has consequences
for what the input processing mechanisms will pay attention to. At
the same time, learners are limited capacity processors and cannot
process and store the same amount of information as native speakers
can during moment-by-moment processing” (VanPatten 2007: 116).
And so, VanPatten proposed the Availability of Resources Principle.
Getting overall sentential meaning cannot be overly effortful if
learners are to process redundant meaningful grammatical forms
or nonmeaningful forms.
Lee (1999) analyzed the comprehension and input processing
strategies of second language learners. He states: “The comprehen-
sion strategies of low comprehenders may circumvent processing
37. 20 Processing Instruction and Discourse
text for form. It is an interesting paradox to consider that learners’
attempts to manage their comprehension has the less than desirable
effect of dislocating from their attention key aspects of the input”
(Lee 1999: 57). Comprehension difficulties can impede processing
forms in the input. In the following example, the target form is the
verb decidió (decided) or more specifically, the –ó morpheme indi-
cating past tense. Learners performed a retrospective think aloud
of a passage that contained eight target items. In the following
think aloud, comprehension was so effortful that the learner miscom-
prehended the temporal and lexical meanings of the target form.
The learner ultimately abandoned the attempt to make meaning.
Text: Hace siete años decidió volver a la universidad para
hacer un Master en leyes.
Translation: Seven years ago, [he, Rubén Blades] decided to
return to university to do a Masters in Law.
Think aloud: Um, for seven years he, seven years old he’s coming
to the university. . .but I’m not sure and seven
sounds awfully young. I would probably just
disregard that sentence. (Lee 1999: 50)
Another example from this research also demonstrates the interplay
between comprehension and input processing. In this example,
the learner initially miscomprehends the verb actuó “he acted” as the
adverb actually. What follows is the learner’s efforts to make the
meaning of the sentence make sense:
Text: En la década pasada, actuó en varias películas, como por
ejemplo, Crossover Dream y The Milagro Beanfield War.
Translation: In the past decade, [he, Rubén Blades] acted in
various films, for example, Crossover Dream and
The Milagro Beanfield War.
Think aloud: So, in the decade past, actually in various films.
I don’t think that’s actually but it looks like actually
so that’s why I guessed that. Um, maybe it’s act. Act
in various films, like the example Crossover Dream
and The Milagro Beanfield War. So that just speaks
of like if you know the context of the paragraph
38. VanPatten’s Theory of Input Processing 21
you can follow along and probably guess that, that,
uh, it’s talking about how he worked on the different
[films].
Interestingly, the learners’ second rendering of actuó was “act,” not
“acts” nor “acted.” He uses an uninflected form. Moreover, the learner
assigned no subject even though this is the sixth of eight statements
about Rubén Blades. In this think aloud we can see both the push to
get and make meaning as well as the effortful nature of comprehen-
sion. In his own words the learner tells us he used context to follow
along the meaning and he used guess work. His last statement about
the meaning of the sentence demonstrates that he is aware of the
past temporal framework of the passage he read; he states that
Blades worked on films.
As part of the think aloud procedure, the researcher made inqui-
ries about the target forms, in this sentence actuó. This learner does
make a form–meaning connection with the target, but only after
he is certain about the meaning, with which he works intensively.
The rest of the think aloud protocol now follows:
Researcher: Why did you decide that this word “actuó” does or
doesn’t mean “actually”?
Learner: Um, well, actually wouldn’t be like the word to fit in
there. Well at least to me it wouldn’t because it
wouldn’t make sense to say actually in various films.
Researcher: So what makes more sense to you then?
Learner: Um, he, he acted in various films. And also, we just
learned the past tense last night. And it looks like the
past tense, actuó. I don’t know. Good guess at least.
P 1f. The Sentence Location Principle: Learners tend to process
items in sentence initial position before those in final position and
those in medial position.
Again referring to the availability of processing resources, VanPatten
(2004) proposed the Sentence Location Principle (a principle not
included in the 1996 version). He states: “. . . elements that appear in
certain positions of an utterance are more salient to learners than
39. 22 Processing Instruction and Discourse
others, namely, sentence initial position is more salient than sentence
final position that in turn is more salient than sentence internal
or medial position” (VanPatten 2004b: 13). That sentence initial
position is the most favorable processing position is logical. Those
elements that are the first encountered are the first on which process-
ing resources get aligned. Through the medial portion of a sentence,
the processing resources may likely still be processing the initial
elements but then get redirected when the end of the sentence
comes into focus.
The evidence for the Sentence Location Principle strongly affirms
that initial position is the most favored processing position. Barcroft
and VanPatten (1997) and Rosa and O’Neill (1998) varied the loca-
tion of target elements in sentences; the locations being initial,
medial, and final position in the sentence. They also used both acous-
tically stressed and unstressed forms. They asked learners to repeat
the sentences they heard and then determined how successfully the
learners repeated the target items in each position. Barcroft and
VanPatten (1997) found that learners repeated items most success-
fully in initial position, more than in medial and final positions. They
did not find a difference between medial and final positions and
also found that learners more successfully repeated the stressed
targets over the unstressed ones. Rosa and O’Neill (1998) found
interactions between location and acoustic stress. Both factors affect
processing. By and large their results confirm that initial position
is the most favorable processing position and that final position is
more favorable than medial position. We use the phrase “by and
large” here to indicate that in three out of four processing contexts
the results demonstrated that learners more successfully repeat
the targets that occur in sentence initial position than in medial
position. Likewise, in three out of four processing contexts learners
more successfully repeated target items that occur in sentence final
position than in sentence medial position.
Summary of Principle 1 and Its Associated Principles
Six principles, labeled P 1a through P 1f are associated with the Primacy
of Meaning Principle. Some of these principles had previously been
referred to as corollaries of the main principle (VanPatten 1996)
40. VanPatten’s Theory of Input Processing 23
whereas others are new developments to the theoretical framework.
Each new development is meant to add to the explanatory adequacy
and predictive capability of the theory. As we read through these
associated principles, we find that they are meant to capture the
interplay of various linguistic and cognitive processes that take place
during comprehension. The principles associated with the Primacy
of Meaning Principle, in their most current formulation, are summa-
rized as follows:
P 1a. The Primacy of Content Words Principle: Learners process
content words in the input before anything else (VanPatten
2007: 117).
P 1b. The Lexical Preference Principle: If grammatical forms express
a meaning that can also be encoded lexically (i.e., that gram-
matical marker is redundant), then learners will not initially
process those grammatical forms until they have lexical forms
to which they can match them (VanPatten 2007: 118).
P 1c. The Preference for Nonredundancy Principle: Learners are
more likely to process nonredundant meaningful grammatical
markers before they process redundant meaningful markers
(VanPatten 2007: 119).
P 1d. The Meaning-Before-Nonmeaning Principle: Learners are
more likely to process meaningful grammatical markers
before nonmeaningful grammatical markers.
P 1e. The Availability of Resources Principle: For learners to process
either redundant meaningful grammatical forms or nonmean-
ingful forms, the processing of overall sentential meaning
must not drain available processing resources (VanPatten
2004b: 14).
P 1f. The Sentence Location Principle: Learners tend to process
items in sentence initial position before those in final position
and those in medial position (VanPatten 2007: 125).
Principle 2. The First Noun Principle
When we listen to an utterance or read a sentence, we are presented
the linguistic elements of the sentence in a rigidly linear fashion.
One sentence element precedes the next such that we must (there
41. 24 Processing Instruction and Discourse
are no options) comprehend and interpret the sentence “as it comes”
to us. While regression is possible in some reading contexts, it is rarely
possible in listening contexts. Research in both first and second
language acquisition has found that the order of the words plays a
role in comprehension and hence in language acquisition (e.g.,
Slobin 1973 for first language acquisition and Lee 2003 for the
second language acquisition of Spanish). VanPatten’s First Noun
Principle captures one powerful and pervasive processing strategy,
that is, assigning the grammatical role of subject or agent to the first
noun encountered in an utterance.
Principle 2. The First Noun Principle: Learners tend to process
the first noun or pronoun they encounter in a sentence as the
subject (VanPatten 2007: 122).
This second of the main principles, the First Noun Principle, asserts
that the order in which learners encounter sentence elements is a
powerful factor in assigning grammatical relations among sentence
elements. In relation to this principle, VanPatten has commented
that, “. . . the human mind may be predisposed to placing agents and
subjects in a first noun position” (VanPatten 2004b: 15).
This processing strategy has been documented in child first
language acquisition (Bever 1970; Slobin 1966), child second lan-
guage acquisition (Ervin-Tripp 1974; Nam 1975), and adult second
language acquisition (Lee 1987; LoCoco 1987; VanPatten 1985a).
In a sense, initial position works against a grammatical object being
correctly interpreted. The problem with learners’ use of this process-
ing strategy goes beyond miscomprehension but to the heart of
acquisition. VanPatten states: “. . . this particular principle may
have a variety of consequences in a variety of languages. It is not just
that learners may get word order wrong, it is also that they may not
process case markings for some time, will have difficulties with the
pronoun system in some languages, and so on” (VanPatten 2004b:
16). In other words, misprocessing the form leads to incorrect
information being supplied to the developing system.
Even though languages have a typologically canonical word order,
such as SVO for English and SOV for Japanese, other word order
42. VanPatten’s Theory of Input Processing 25
permutations are permissible. González (1997) documented the
acquisition of different word orders for learners of Spanish with SVO
being the first acquired word order pattern and OSV and OVS being
the last acquired. Strings in which the object precedes the subject
present learners with difficulties. Children acquiring Spanish as a
first language also acquire these word order patterns last (Echevarría
1978 cited in González 1997). LoCoco (1987) presented learners of
Spanish and German with three different sentence types to process.
In each of these sentence patterns, the first noun was an object of
some kind: direct object, indirect object, or the object of a preposi-
tion. She found that learners assigned the first noun the grammatical
role of subject from 7 percent to 72 percent of the time. VanPatten
(1985a) and Lee (1987) presented learners of Spanish with OVS and
OV sentences, respectively, in which the objects were pronominal-
ized. VanPatten documented that learners assigned the grammatical
role of subject to the object pronoun from 35 percent to 70 percent
of the time. Lee (1987) documented learners’ use of the first noun
strategy between 27 percent and 73 percent of the time.
VanPatten and Wong (2004) and Allen (2000) demonstrated that
learners of French use the first noun strategy to assign the semantic
role of agent to the first noun in faire-causatif sentences. As mentioned
above in the section on the Primacy of Content Words Principle,
learners incorrectly interpret that the agent performing the action
of the second verb is the first noun. Instead of indicating that
Henri reads the newspaper in the sentence Jean-Paul fait lire le journal
à Henri (Jean-Paul makes to read the newspaper to Henri/Jean-Paul
makes Henri read the newspaper) they indicate that Jean-Paul reads
it (VanPatten and Wong 2004: 104).
P 2a. The Lexical Semantics Principle: learners may rely on lexical
semantics, where possible, instead of the First Noun Principle to
interpret sentences.
Learners do not absolutely and categorically use only the first noun
strategy to assign grammatical and semantic roles. They are sensitive
to other factors, one of them being lexical semantics that attenuate
their use of the first noun strategy. The lexical semantics of the verb
43. 26 Processing Instruction and Discourse
“kick,” for example, requires an animate agent. A sentence such as
“The ball was kicked by the child,” is unlikely to be misinterpreted
because a ball cannot perform the action. Among her target
sentences LoCoco (1987: 124) included the following:
La cerveza le trae el muchacho a la muchacha./Das bier bringt der Junge
dem Mädchen.
The beer to her brings the boy to the girl.
The boy brings the beer to the girl.
Las flores le da el muchacho a la niña./Die blumen gibt der Junge
dem Mädcehm.
The flowers to her gives the boy to the girl.
The boy gives the flowers to the girl.
The learners of Spanish and German never identified the first noun
in these sentences as the grammatical subject/agent. The lexical
semantics of the verbs bring and give do not allow inanimate subjects.
In short, when “. . . only one noun is capable of the action. . . ” learn-
ers correctly identify that noun as the agent (VanPatten 2007: 124).
P 2b. The Event Probabilities Principle: Learners may rely on event
probabilities, where possible, instead of the First Noun Principle to
interpret sentences.
We also use what we know about the world to interpret sentences. In
the following sentences, both nouns are capable of performing the
action but one interpretation is more likely than another. The event
probabilities are low for the first noun being the agent and are higher
for the second noun being the agent. In these scenarios, children
and adult second language learners correctly identify that the second
noun performed the action of the verb.
The farmer was kicked by the horse.
The child was bitten by the dog.
Likewise, learners of French are unlikely to interpret that the
professor is doing the studying in the following sentence (VanPatten
and Wong 2004: 101).
44. VanPatten’s Theory of Input Processing 27
Le professeur fait étudier le verbe “être” à l’élève.
The professor makes to study the verb “être” to the student.
The professor makes the student study the verb “être.”
Learners may well use event probabilities to attenuate their use
of the first noun strategy. That is, “. . . it is possible (though not
necessary) that real-life scenarios might override the First Noun
Principle. . . ” (VanPatten 2007: 123).
We might also consider learners’ background knowledge of a set
of characters as a type of real world knowledge. Houston (1997)
showed that learners use their knowledge of a set of characters
to overcome their use of the first noun strategy. He had learners
interpret two sets of sentences in both of which he used OVS word
order. One set of sentences used the names of characters from a
video series the learners were seeing in class. The other used random
names. As can be seen in the following example, the sentences are
structurally and semantically identical:
Characters Random names
A Raquel la contrata don Pedro. A Silvia la contrata Ricardo.
Learners used the first noun strategy only 28 percent of the time
to misassign the grammatical role of subject to the character-based
sentences. They misassigned the grammatical role of the first noun
in the random-name sentences 48 percent of the time. Malovrh
(2006) presents a finding consistent with Houston (1997). He found
that learners processed OVS strings that referred to characters
from the Simpsons more accurately than they processed OVS strings
about made up characters. The accuracy rate was 65 percent for the
Simpson-based sentences versus 50 percent for the other type.
P 2c. The Contextual Constraint Principle: Learners may rely less
on the First Noun Principle (or L1 transfer) if preceding context
constrains the possible interpretation of a clause or sentence.
Background knowledge (or topic familiarity as Malovrh labeled it)
is an extralinguistic type of context. VanPatten (2004b, 2007) has
added sentence-internal linguistic context as a possible constraint on
45. 28 Processing Instruction and Discourse
learners’ use of the first noun strategy. VanPatten and Houston
(1998) demonstrated the effects of context on sentence interpreta-
tion. They created ten target sentences containing OVS word order
in which a clause preceding the object pronoun provided contextual
information. The target sentences were paired with ten sentences
that contained a preceding clause that did not provide a contextual
cue. The target sentences were constructed with the verbs attacked,
insulted, rejected, greeted, and kissed. Note the following examples
from VanPatten and Houston (1998). The OVS constructions are
underlined.
Context
Ricardo está enojado porque lo insultó Susana en la reunión.
Ricardo is angry because him insulted Susana in the meeting.
Ricardo is angry because Susana insulted him in the meeting.
Roberto está en el hospital porque lo atacó María con un cuchillo.
Robert is in the hospital because him attacked María with a knife.
Robert is in the hospital because María attacked him with a knife.
No context
Ricardo me dice que lo insultó Susana en la reunión.
Ricardo me tells that him insulted Susana in the meeting.
Ricardo tells me that Susana insulted him in the meeting.
Gloria contó a sus amigas que la atacó Ramón en su casa.
Gloria told to her friends that her attacked Ramón at home.
Gloria told her friends that Ramón attacked her at home.
VanPatten and Houston found that sentence-internal context
attenuated learners’ use of the first noun strategy for assigning
grammatical roles. In the “context” condition, learners assigned the
grammatical role of subject to the object pronoun 59 percent of the
time. In the “no context” condition, learners assigned the grammati-
cal role of subject to the object pronoun 84 percent of the time.
Learners use of the first noun strategy to assign grammatical roles is
quite strong in both the “context” and “no context” sentence types
but context does provide learners an additional clue for processing
the formal elements of the sentence. Malovrh (2006) investigated
whether the placement of contextual information prior to or after
46. VanPatten’s Theory of Input Processing 29
the targeted object pronoun would differentially affect learners’
accurately assigning agent/subject. He found no difference in
learners’ performance based on the placement of the contextual
information. It is the presence of the contextual information that
helps learners not its placement. In other words, “. . . contextual
information . . . would push [learners] away from interpreting the
targeted clause the wrong way” (VanPatten 2004b: 17).
Summary of P2 and Its Associated Principles
Between 1996 and 2004, researchers gathered more data on the
conditions that favor or attenuate learners’ misassignment of the
first noun as subject so that VanPatten developed a set of associated
principles that delineate various factors that attenuate learners’
misassignment of the first noun. The associated principles are sum-
marized as follows:
P 2a. The Lexical Semantics Principle: Learners may rely on lexical
semantics, where possible, instead of the First Noun Principle
to interpret sentences (VanPatten 2007: 124).
P 2b. The Event Probabilities Principle: Learners may rely on event
probabilities, where possible, instead of the First Noun Princi-
ple to interpret sentences (VanPatten 2007: 123).
P 2c. The Contextual Constraint Principle: Learners may rely less on
the First Noun Principle (or L1 transfer) if preceding context
constrains the possible interpretation of a clause or sentence
(VanPatten 2007: 124).
These principles model “what guides learners’ processing of
linguistic data in the input as they are engaged in comprehension”
(VanPatten 2007: 116). In this section, we have explicated each of
these principles in turn and, in doing so, demonstrated some of the
evidence that supports them. It is important to keep in mind that
learners are doing two things with the language to which they are
exposed and with which they are engaged. They are, firstly, making
meaning and they are, secondly, making form–meaning connections
47. 30 Processing Instruction and Discourse
(Lee and VanPatten 1995, 2003). Making meaning is comprehend-
ing, arriving at an idea of what the propositional content of the
message is. Making form–meaning connections is input processing,
attending to the grammatical forms/features in the input so as to
connect the forms with their meanings or functions. While related,
these are not the same processes. As we further explore VanPatten’s
theory of input processing we will see both types of processes at work.
Conclusion
Input processing is only one part, albeit a rather important one, of
what we could refer to as the entirety of second language acquisition.
Exposure to input is necessary for second language acquisition to
take place. In this chapter we have presented VanPatten’s theory of
input processing and traced its development over time. The theory
offers us two principles and their associated principles designed and
formulated to explain how learners work with input, that is, how they
make a connection between a form in the input and its meaning.
Mitchell and Myles (2004: 187–188) see VanPatten’s theory as explain-
ing “the apparent failure of second language learners to process
completely the linguistic forms encountered in second language
input, and hence to explain their impoverished intake which in turn
restricts the development of grammatical form.” Learners do not
process completely the forms in the input. Why not? Their intake
restricts the development of grammatical form. Of course, learners
have a limited capacity to process as well as possess an incomplete
second language linguistic system. The idea behind exposing learn-
ers to input is to increase their capacity to process and to make the
developing system a bit more complete. Both events happen slowly
over time.
In this chapter we not only presented and explained each principle
and subprinciple, we also supplied empirical evidence to support
them. These are the foundations on which Processing Instruction has
been built (Lee and VanPatten 1995, 2003; VanPatten 1993, 1996
and elsewhere). When we know what learners do with input, how
48. VanPatten’s Theory of Input Processing 31
they work with it, we can then derive instructional techniques and
write instructional materials that intervene at the time learners are
working with input to make form–meaning connections and not at
the time when they are practicing making output.
49. Chapter 2
Practical Model: Processing Instruction
Processing Instruction
Processing Instruction is a psycholinguistic and input-based approach
to grammar instruction based on VanPatten’s input processing model.
We dealt with this model extensively in Chapter 1. Of concern to
models of input processing is how second language (L2) learners
perceive and process linguistic data in the input to which they are
exposed. When L2 learners process input they usually encounter
many problems and challenges in dealing with the new properties,
forms, and structures of the target language. The main purpose for
Processing Instruction is to guide and focus L2 learner’s attention
when they process input; to instill in them target language appro-
priate processing strategies. Processing Instruction is substantially
different from Traditional Instruction in terms of its characteristics
and purpose. Traditional Instruction consists of drills in which learner
output is manipulated and the instruction is divorced from meaning
or communication. This type of instruction is not a particularly effec-
tive method for enhancing language acquisition and what is needed
is a new pedagogy of grammar instruction that takes as its point of
departure what we know about how grammatical forms and struc-
tures are acquired. This new pedagogy called Processing Instruction
aims to work with input and with the processes learners use to get
data from that input. As indicated by VanPatten (1996:2), Processing
Instruction ‘‘is a type of grammar instruction whose purpose is to
affect the ways in which learners attend to input data.’’ When learners
receive or are exposed to input they tend to rely on internal strate-
gies (called principles in VanPatten’s input processing model, see
2004a, 2007, and Chapter 1 in this book) to process the input they
50. Practical Model: Processing Instruction 33
receive. As a result of their internal processing, L2 learners might
not be able to make correct form–meaning connections or parse
sentences correctly. VanPatten’s input processing model presented
in Chapter 1 describes how L2 learners process input and what
processing strategies affect the way learners process input.
As discussed in Chapter 1, input processing consists of two main
subprocesses: making form–meaning connections and parsing. In
the case of the first subprocess, L2 learners must be able to connect a
particular meaning to a particular form in the input they receive
(e.g., –ed in English refers to an event in the past). The first principle
(P1) in the input processing theory indicates that L2 learners process
input for meaning before anything else. This means that L2 learners
will initially not be able to process any formal features of the target
language.
In the case of the second subprocess, L2 learners must be able to
map syntactic structure onto the utterance. That is, L2 learners need
to establish who the subject or agent is and which noun or pronoun
is the object in a sentence they hear or read. The second principle
(P2) in the input processing theory indicates that L2 learners tend
to process the first noun in a sentence as the subject or agent of
the sentence. The consequence of doing so is that L2 learners
will in some cases misinterpret sentences. Such misinterpretations
are important in that they may cause a delay in the acquisition of
syntactic structures because the learners are delivering incorrect
information to their developing systems.
As underscored by VanPatten (1996: 6), ‘‘the purpose of Processing
Instruction is to alter how learners process input and to encourage
better form-meaning mapping that results in grammatically richer
intake. This in turn should have a positive effect on the nature of the
developing system.” The main purpose of Processing Instruction is,
then, to help L2 learners to make appropriate form–meaning con-
nections and parse sentences correctly so that as a result they develop
their internal linguistic system for the target language. The main aim
of this instructional approach is to ensure that L2 learners process
correctly and efficiently forms and structures in the input they receive
so that there is no delay in the acquisition of these forms or struc-
tures. In order to accomplish its main goal of altering processing
51. 34 Processing Instruction and Discourse
strategies and encouraging learners to make accurate form–meaning
connections and/or parse sentences correctly, Processing Instruction
must have specific characteristics. For a full description of these
characteristic see also Lee and VanPatten, 1995, 2003; VanPatten,
1996; Wong, 2004a, 2005; Farley, 2005; Lee and Benati, 2007a, 2007b;
and Benati and Lee, 2008. The three main components of Processing
Instruction are as follows:
1. Learners are provided with explicit information about the target
form or structure.
2. Learners are provided with information about processing strate-
gies, both the inappropriate or inefficient one that they tend to
use to process the target form or structure in the input as well as
the appropriate one on which they will receive practice.
3. Learners are provided with structured input activities, practices
designed to help learners abandon the inappropriate or inefficient
processing strategy and make correct and appropriate form–meaning
connections.
In Processing Instruction L2 learners are given some information
about how a linguistic structure or form works. The structural pro-
perties of a specific form are presented to the learner and the empha-
sis is on the explanation of the relationship between that form or
structure and its meaning. The example provided in Figure 2.1 shows
how explicit information might work for Italian adjective agreement.
You have probably noticed descriptive adjectives have different gender:
In Italian adjectives must agree in number and gender to the noun they modify.
Masculine = o Feminine = a
Bello Bella
un ragazzo bello una ragazza bella
Clinton è bello Claudia Schiffer è bella
You must pay attention to the adjective ending in order to understand who and
what we are referring to. In addition to that, you need to understand the meaning
of the sentence containing the adjective.
Figure 2.1 Explicit information
52. Practical Model: Processing Instruction 35
Learners are told about the forms, that is, the –o and –a endings.
They are also told to pay attention to the ends of words, a processing
strategy, to determine to whom the adjective refers.
In Figure 2.2 we offer another example of explicit information.
Here, the L2 learners are provided with more information on the
processing strategy that may negatively affect the way they process
the targeted form during exposure to input. Learners must be made
aware of the processing strategy that they would use to process a form
or a structure of the target language. For example, a common pro-
cessing strategy used by L2 learners when they process input is
the tendency to rely on temporal adverbs and temporal lexical
markers to establish the time frame rather than processing the
verbal morphology. Quite simply, if learners do not process the
verbal morphology they will not acquire it.
In a sentence such as: “Yesterday I played tennis with Paul in the
park” L2 learners can establish the temporal framework with a
lexeme (the temporal marker “Yesterday”), and they would not
Explicit Information
The past simple tense is one of the tenses most used to talk about events in the
past. It does refer to finished actions and events. Very often the English Past Simple
Tense ends in –ed:
I invited John for lunch
I played tennis with Paula
When you talk about a finished time in the past, the English Past Simple Tense is
often accompanied by a temporal adverb.
Yesterday I smoked 20 cigarettes
Information about the processing problem
DO NOT RELY ON THE TEMPORAL ADVERB TO UNDERSTAND WHEN THE
ACTION TAKES PLACE AS SOMETIMES YOU CAN HEAR A SENTENCE
WITHOUT THE TEMPORAL ADVERB.
YOU MUST PAY ATTENTION THE TENSE ENDING TO UNDERSTAND WHEN
THE ACTION TAKES PLACE.
IN THE CASE OF DESCRIBING PAST EVENTS PAY ATTENTION TO THE
ENDING OF THE VERB: –ed
Figure 2.2 Explicit information and information about the processing problem
53. 36 Processing Instruction and Discourse
then also need the verb form –ed to do that. According to the Lexical
Preference Principle: Learners will tend to rely on lexical items as
opposed to grammatical form to get meaning when both encode
the same semantic information. In addition to that, the lexeme (tem-
poral adverb in this case—yesterday) makes the verb form redundant.
Learners do not have to process the verb form for its meaning because
it is redundant (according to the Preference for Nonredundancy
Principle: Learners are more likely to process nonredundant mean-
ingful grammatical form before they process redundant meaningful
forms). Now that we have identified what processing strategies L2
learners are using to process this form, we can create structured input
activities so that L2 learners will pay attention to the form (–ed) rather
than the adverb of time (yesterday) to process meaning. Through
structured input activities learners will connect the form –ed with the
meaning of pastness.
Structured Input Activities
L2 learners are now pushed to process the form or structure during
activities in which the input is manipulated in particular ways to get
learners to become dependent on form to get meaning. We refer
to these as structured input activities. After receiving the explicit
information about the targeted linguistic feature and the informa-
tion about the processing principle affecting that feature, learners
are provided with different types of structured input activities (i.e.,
referential and affective) in which the input is structured in such
a way that they are pushed to process forms (in the case of the
previous example, verb forms) to understand the meaning of the
sentence (in the previous example, to determine the temporal
reference of the sentence). In structured input activities the input
is manipulated in particular ways to push learners to become
dependent on form and structure to get meaning. For example,
whenever we have created structured input activities for temporal
verb morphology, we never include temporal lexical markers in
the input. Learners only have the verb morphology to use to process
the temporal framework.
54. Practical Model: Processing Instruction 37
VanPatten (1996) produced the following guidelines for creating
structured input activities:
A. Present one thing at a time.
B. Keep meaning in focus.
C. Move from sentences to connected discourse.
D. Use both oral and written input.
E. Have the learner do something with the input.
F. Keep the learner’s processing strategies in mind.
A. Present one thing at a time
Rules should be broken down into smaller parts and taught one at
the time during the course of the lesson. Cadierno (1995), for exam-
ple, used only third person singular regular preterit tense verb forms.
VanPatten and Cadierno (1993) used only third person direct object
pronouns. Students are presented with the linguistic feature before
being exposed to structured input activities. We avoid providing L2
learners with lots of information and grammatical rules as learners
possess a limited capacity for processing information. Presenting L2
learners with a smaller and more focused amount of information will
clearly enhance the opportunity for learners to pay more focused
attention (Lee and VanPatten 1995, 2003). We must, therefore,
develop structured input activities that focus on one form at a time so
that it will be easier for learners to map one form to one meaning. In
the example in French below, the students listen to some sentences;
each contains the French imparfait in its third person singular form.
The learners’ task is to decide whether each statement refers to an
activity that was taking place last summer or takes place now. Learn-
ers are exposed to the forms, the third person singular imparfait, and
at the same time the meaning is in focus, which is guideline B.
LAST SUMMER NOW
56. PERPLEXITY OF
LA SALLE.
[
2
7
8]
[
2
7
9] [
2
8
0]
[
2
Yet he was full of doubt as to what he should do.
Four days after rejoining Beaujeu, he wrote him
the strange request to land the troops, that he
"might fulfil his commission;" that is, that he might set out against
the Spaniards.[291] More than a week passed, a gale had set in, and
nothing was done. Then La Salle wrote again, intimating some doubt
as to whether he was really at one of the mouths of the Mississippi,
and saying that, being sure that he had passed the principal mouth,
he was determined to go back to look for it.[292] Meanwhile,
Beaujeu was in a state of great irritation. The weather was stormy,
and the coast was dangerous. Supplies were scanty; and La Salle's
soldiers, still crowded in the "Joly," were consuming the provisions of
the ship. Beaujeu gave vent to his annoyance, and La Salle retorted
in the same strain.
According to Joutel, he urged the naval commander to sail back in
search of the river; and Beaujeu refused, unless La Salle should give
the soldiers provisions. La Salle, he adds, offered to supply them
with rations for fifteen days; and Beaujeu declared this insufficient.
There is reason, however, to believe that the request was neither
made by the one nor refused by the other so positively as here
appears.
FOOTNOTES:
Lettre (sans nom d'auteur) écrite de St. Domingue, 14 Nov., 1684
(Margry, ii. 492); Mémoire autographe de l'Abbé Jean Cavelier sur le
Voyage de 1684. Compare Joutel.
Mémoire de MM. de Saint-Laurens et Bégon (Margry, ii. 499);
Joutel, Journal Historique, 28.
Relation de Henri Joutel (Margry, iii. 98).
Lettre (sans nom d'auteur), 14 Nov., 1684 (Margry, ii.
496).
57. 8
1]
[
2
8
2] [
2
8
3]
[
2
8
4]
[
2
8
5]
[
2
8
6] [
2
8
7]
[
2
8
8]
[
2
8
9]
[
2
9
0]
[
2
9
1]
[
2
The above particulars are from the memoir of La Salle's brother,
Abbé Cavelier, already cited.
Lettre de Beaujeu au Ministre, 20 Oct., 1684.
Relation de Henri Joutel (Margry, iii. 105).
Mémoire autographe de l'Abbé Jean Cavelier.
Lettre de Beaujeu au Ministre, 20 Oct.,
1684.
Letter of Don Luis de Onis to the
Secretary of State (American State
Papers, xii, 27-31).
"La hauteur nous a fait
remarquer ... que ce que nous
avions vu le sixième janvier estoit
en effet la principale entrée de la
rivière que nous cherchions."—Lettre de La Salle au Ministre, 4 Mars, 1687.
Mémoire autographe de l'Abbé Cavelier.
"Depuis que nous avions quitté cette rivière qu'il croyoit
infailliblement estre le fleuve Colbert [Mississippi] nous avions fait
environ 45 lieues ou 50 au plus." (Cavelier, Mémoire.) This, taken in
connection with the statement of La Salle that this "principale entrée
de la rivière que nous cherchions" was twenty-five or thirty leagues northeast
from the entrance of the Bay of St. Louis (Matagorda Bay), shows that it can
have been no other than the entrance of Galveston Bay, mistaken by him for
the chief outlet of the Mississippi. It is evident that he imagined Galveston Bay
to form a part of the chain of lagoons from which it is in fact separated. He
speaks of these lagoons as "une espèce de baye fort longue et fort large, dans
laquelle le fleuve Colbert se décharge." He adds that on his descent to the
mouth of the river in 1682 he had been deceived in supposing that this
expanse of salt water, where no shore was in sight, was the open sea. Lettre de
La Salle au Ministre, 4 Mars, 1685. Galveston Bay and the mouth of the
Mississippi differ little in latitude, though separated by about five and a half
degrees of longitude.
Lettre de La Salle à Beaujeu, 23 Jan., 1685 (Margry, ii. 526).
This letter is dated, "De l'emboucheure d'une rivière que je crois
estre une des descharges du Mississipy" (Margry, ii. 528).
59. CHAPTER XXV.
1685.
LA SALLE IN TEXAS.
A Party of Exploration—Wreck of the "Aimable."—Landing of the
Colonists.—A Forlorn Position.—Indian Neighbors.—Friendly Advances
of Beaujeu: his Departure.—A Fatal Discovery.
Impatience to rid himself of his colleague and to command alone no
doubt had its influence on the judgment of La Salle. He presently
declared that he would land the soldiers, and send them along shore
till they came to the principal outlet of the river. On this, the
engineer Minet took up the word,—expressed his doubts as to
whether the Mississippi discharged itself into the lagoons at all;
represented that even if it did, the soldiers would be exposed to
great risks; and gave as his opinion that all should reimbark and
continue the search in company. The advice was good, but La Salle
resented it as coming from one in whom he recognized no right to
give it. "He treated me," complains the engineer, "as if I were the
meanest of mankind."[293]
He persisted in his purpose, and sent Joutel and Moranget with a
party of soldiers to explore the coast. They made their way
northeastward along the shore of Matagorda Island, till they were
stopped on the third day by what Joutel calls a river, but which was
in fact the entrance of Matagorda Bay. Here they encamped, and
tried to make a raft of drift-wood. "The difficulty was," says Joutel,
"our great number of men, and the few of them who were fit for
anything except eating. As I said before, they had all been caught by
force or surprise, so that our company was like Noah's ark, which
contained animals of all sorts." Before their raft was finished, they
60. LANDING OF LA
SALLE.
WRECK OF THE
descried to their great joy the ships which had followed them along
the coast.[294]
La Salle landed, and announced that here was
the western mouth of the Mississippi, and the place
to which the King had sent him. He said further
that he would land all his men, and bring the "Aimable" and the
"Belle" to the safe harborage within. Beaujeu remonstrated, alleging
the shallowness of the water and the force of the currents; but his
remonstrance was vain.[295]
The Bay of St. Louis, now Matagorda Bay, forms a broad and
sheltered harbor, accessible from the sea by a narrow passage,
obstructed by sand-bars and by the small island now called Pelican
Island. Boats were sent to sound and buoy out the channel, and this
was successfully accomplished on the sixteenth of February. The
"Aimable" was ordered to enter; and, on the twentieth, she weighed
anchor. La Salle was on shore watching her. A party of men, at a
little distance, were cutting down a tree to make a canoe. Suddenly
some of them ran towards him with terrified faces, crying out that
they had been set upon by a troop of Indians, who had seized their
companions and carried them off. La Salle ordered those about him
to take their arms, and at once set out in pursuit. He overtook the
Indians, and opened a parley with them; but when he wished to
reclaim his men, he discovered that they had been led away during
the conference to the Indian camp, a league and a half distant.
Among them was one of his lieutenants, the young Marquis de la
Sablonnière. He was deeply vexed, for the moment was critical; but
the men must be recovered, and he led his followers in haste
towards the camp. Yet he could not refrain from turning a moment
to watch the "Aimable," as she neared the shoals; and he remarked
with deep anxiety to Joutel, who was with him, that if she held that
course she would soon be aground.
They hurried on till they saw the Indian huts.
About fifty of them, oven-shaped, and covered with
61. "AIMABLE".
mats and hides, were clustered on a rising ground,
with their inmates gathered among and around
them. As the French entered the camp, there was the report of a
cannon from the seaward. The startled savages dropped flat with
terror. A different fear seized La Salle, for he knew that the shot was
a signal of disaster. Looking back, he saw the "Aimable" furling her
sails, and his heart sank with the conviction that she had struck
upon the reef. Smothering his distress,—she was laden with all the
stores of the colony,—he pressed forward among the filthy wigwams,
whose astonished inmates swarmed about the band of armed
strangers, staring between curiosity and fear. La Salle knew those
with whom he was dealing, and, without ceremony, entered the
chief's lodge with his followers. The crowd closed around them,
naked men and half-naked women, described by Joutel as of
singular ugliness. They gave buffalo meat and dried porpoise to the
unexpected guests, but La Salle, racked with anxiety, hastened to
close the interview; and having without difficulty recovered the
kidnapped men, he returned to the beach, leaving with the Indians,
as usual, an impression of good-will and respect.
When he reached the shore, he saw his worst fears realized. The
"Aimable" lay careened over on the reef, hopelessly aground. Little
remained but to endure the calamity with firmness, and to save, as
far as might be, the vessel's cargo. This was no easy task. The boat
which hung at her stern had been stove in,—it is said, by design.
Beaujeu sent a boat from the "Joly," and one or more Indian
pirogues were procured. La Salle urged on his men with stern and
patient energy, and a quantity of gunpowder and flour was safely
landed. But now the wind blew fresh from the sea; the waves began
to rise; a storm came on; the vessel, rocking to and fro on the sand-
bar, opened along her side, and the ravenous waves were strewn
with her treasures. When the confusion was at its height, a troop of
Indians came down to the shore, greedy for plunder. The drum was
beat; the men were called to arms; La Salle set his trustiest
followers to guard the gunpowder, in fear, not of the Indians alone,
but of his own countrymen. On that lamentable night, the sentinels
62. walked their rounds through the dreary bivouac among the casks,
bales, and boxes which the sea had yielded up; and here, too, their
fate-hunted chief held his drearier vigil, encompassed with treachery,
darkness, and the storm.
Not only La Salle, but Joutel and others of his party, believed that
the wreck of the "Aimable" was intentional. Aigron, who commanded
her, had disobeyed orders and disregarded signals. Though he had
been directed to tow the vessel through the channel, he went in
under sail; and though little else was saved from the wreck, his
personal property, including even some preserved fruits, was all
landed safely. He had long been on ill terms with La Salle.[296]
All La Salle's company were now encamped on the sands at the
left side of the inlet where the "Aimable" was wrecked.[297] "They
were all," says the engineer Minet, "sick with nausea and dysentery.
Five or six died every day, in consequence of brackish water and bad
food. There was no grass, but plenty of rushes and plenty of oysters.
There was nothing to make ovens, so that they had to eat flour
saved from the wreck, boiled into messes of porridge with this
brackish water. Along the shore were quantities of uprooted trees
and rotten logs, thrown up by the sea and the lagoon." Of these,
and fragments of the wreck, they made a sort of rampart to protect
their camp; and here, among tents and hovels, bales, boxes, casks,
spars, dismounted cannon, and pens for fowls and swine, were
gathered the dejected men and homesick women who were to seize
New Biscay, and hold for France a region large as half Europe. The
Spaniards, whom they were to conquer, were they knew not where.
They knew not where they were themselves; and for the fifteen
thousand Indian allies who were to have joined them, they found
two hundred squalid savages, more like enemies than friends.
In fact, it was soon made plain that these their neighbors wished
them no good. A few days after the wreck, the prairie was seen on
fire. As the smoke and flame rolled towards them before the wind,
La Salle caused all the grass about the camp to be cut and carried
63. BEAUJEU AND LA
SALLE.
away, and especially around the spot where the powder was placed.
The danger was averted; but it soon became known that the Indians
had stolen a number of blankets and other articles, and carried them
to their wigwams. Unwilling to leave his camp, La Salle sent his
nephew Moranget and several other volunteers, with a party of men,
to reclaim them. They went up the bay in a boat, landed at the
Indian camp, and, with more mettle than discretion, marched into it,
sword in hand. The Indians ran off, and the rash adventurers seized
upon several canoes as an equivalent for the stolen goods. Not
knowing how to manage them, they made slow progress on their
way back, and were overtaken by night before reaching the French
camp. They landed, made a fire, placed a sentinel, and lay down on
the dry grass to sleep. The sentinel followed their example, when
suddenly they were awakened by the war-whoop and a shower of
arrows. Two volunteers, Oris and Desloges, were killed on the spot;
a third, named Gayen, was severely wounded; and young Moranget
received an arrow through the arm. He leaped up and fired his gun
at the vociferous but invisible foe. Others of the party did the same,
and the Indians fled.
It was about this time that Beaujeu prepared to
return to France. He had accomplished his mission,
and landed his passengers at what La Salle assured
him to be one of the mouths of the Mississippi. His ship was in
danger on this exposed and perilous coast, and he was anxious to
find shelter. For some time past, his relations with La Salle had been
amicable, and it was agreed between them that Beaujeu should stop
at Galveston Bay, the supposed chief mouth of the Mississippi; or,
failing to find harborage here, that he should proceed to Mobile Bay,
and wait there till April, to hear from his colleague. Two days before
the wreck of the "Aimable," he wrote to La Salle: "I wish with all my
heart that you would have more confidence in me. For my part, I will
always make the first advances; and I will follow your counsel
whenever I can do so without risking my ship. I will come back to
this place, if you want to know the results of the voyage I am going
to make. If you wish, I will go to Martinique for provisions and
64. reinforcements. In fine, there is nothing I am not ready to do: you
have only to speak."
La Salle had begged him to send ashore a number of cannon and
a quantity of iron, stowed in the "Joly," for the use of the colony;
and Beaujeu replies: "I wish very much that I could give you your
iron, but it is impossible except in a harbor; for it is on my ballast,
and under your cannon, my spare anchors, and all my stowage. It
would take three days to get it out, which cannot be done in this
place, where the sea runs like mountains when the slightest wind
blows outside. I would rather come back to give it to you, in case
you do not send the 'Belle' to Baye du St. Esprit [Mobile Bay] to get
it.... I beg you once more to consider the offer I make you to go to
Martinique to get provisions for your people. I will ask the intendant
for them in your name; and if they are refused, I will take them on
my own account."[298]
To this La Salle immediately replied: "I received with singular
pleasure the letter you took the trouble to write me; for I found in it
extraordinary proofs of kindness in the interest you take in the
success of an affair which I have the more at heart, as it involves
the glory of the King and the honor of Monseigneur de Seignelay. I
have done my part towards a perfect understanding between us,
and have never been wanting in confidence; but even if I could be
so, the offers you make are so obliging that they would inspire
complete trust." He nevertheless declines them,—assuring Beaujeu
at the same time that he has reached the place he sought, and is in
a fair way of success if he can but have the cannon, cannonballs,
and iron stowed on board the "Joly."[299]
Directly after he writes again, "I cannot help conjuring you once
more to try to give us the iron." Beaujeu replies: "To show you how
ardently I wish to contribute to the success of your undertaking, I
have ordered your iron to be got out, in spite of my officers and
sailors, who tell me that I endanger my ship by moving everything in
the depth of the hold on a coast like this, where the seas are like
65. DEPARTURE OF
BEAUJEU.
mountains. I hesitated to disturb my stowage, not so much to save
trouble as because no ballast is to be got hereabout; and I have
therefore had six cannon, from my lower deck battery, let down into
the hold to take the place of the iron." And he again urges La Salle
to accept his offer to bring provisions to the colonists from
Martinique.
On the next day, the "Aimable" was wrecked.
Beaujeu remained a fortnight longer on the coast,
and then told La Salle that being out of wood,
water, and other necessaries, he must go to Mobile Bay to get them.
Nevertheless, he lingered a week more, repeated his offer to bring
supplies from Martinique, which La Salle again refused, and at last
set sail on the twelfth of March, after a leave-taking which was
courteous on both sides.[300]
La Salle and his colonists were left alone. Several of them had lost
heart, and embarked for home with Beaujeu. Among these was
Minet the engineer, who had fallen out with La Salle, and who when
he reached France was imprisoned for deserting him. Even his
brother, the priest Jean Cavelier, had a mind to abandon the
enterprise, but was persuaded at last to remain, along with his
nephew the hot-headed Moranget, and the younger Cavelier, a mere
school-boy. The two Récollet friars, Zenobe Membré and Anastase
Douay, the trusty Joutel, a man of sense and observation, and the
Marquis de la Sablonnière, a debauched noble whose patrimony was
his sword, were now the chief persons of the forlorn company. The
rest were soldiers, raw and undisciplined, and artisans, most of
whom knew nothing of their vocation. Add to these the miserable
families and the infatuated young women who had come to tempt
fortune in the swamps and cane-brakes of the Mississippi.
La Salle set out to explore the neighborhood. Joutel remained in
command of the so-called fort. He was beset with wily enemies, and
often at night the Indians would crawl in the grass around his feeble
stockade, howling like wolves; but a few shots would put them to
66. CONDUCT OF
BEAUJEU.
flight. A strict guard was kept; and a wooden horse was set in the
enclosure, to punish the sentinel who should sleep at his post. They
stood in daily fear of a more formidable foe, and once they saw a
sail, which they doubted not was Spanish; but she happily passed
without discovering them. They hunted on the prairies, and speared
fish in the neighboring pools. On Easter Day, the Sieur le Gros, one
of the chief men of the company, went out after the service to shoot
snipes; but as he walked barefoot through the marsh, a snake bit
him, and he soon after died. Two men deserted, to starve on the
prairie, or to become savages among savages. Others tried to
escape, but were caught; and one of them was hung. A knot of
desperadoes conspired to kill Joutel; but one of them betrayed the
secret, and the plot was crushed.
La Salle returned from his exploration, but his return brought no
cheer. He had been forced to renounce the illusion to which he had
clung so long, and was convinced at last that he was not at the
mouth of the Mississippi. The wreck of the "Aimable" itself was not
pregnant with consequences so disastrous.
Note.—The conduct of Beaujeu, hitherto judged chiefly
by the printed narrative of Joutel, is set in a new and
more favorable light by his correspondence with La Salle.
Whatever may have been their mutual irritation, it is clear
that the naval commander was anxious to discharge his duty in a manner
to satisfy Seignelay, and that he may be wholly acquitted of any sinister
design. When he left La Salle on the twelfth of March, he meant to sail in
search of the Bay of Mobile (Baye du St. Esprit),—partly because he
hoped to find it a safe harbor, where he could get La Salle's cannon out of
the hold and find ballast to take their place; and partly to get a supply of
wood and water, of which he was in extreme need. He told La Salle that
he would wait there till the middle of April, in order that he (La Salle)
might send the "Belle" to receive the cannon; but on this point there was
no definite agreement between them. Beaujeu was ignorant of the
position of the bay, which he thought much nearer than it actually was.
After trying two days to reach it, the strong head-winds and the
discontent of his crew induced him to bear away for Cuba; and after an
encounter with pirates and various adventures, he reached France about
the first of July. He was coldly received by Seignelay, who wrote to the
intendant at Rochelle: "His Majesty has seen what you wrote about the
67. [
2
9
3] [
2
9
4] [
2
9
5]
[
2
9
6]
idea of the Sieur de Beaujeu, that the Sieur de la Salle is not at the mouth
of the Mississippi. He seems to found this belief on such weak conjectures
that no great attention need be given to his account, especially as this
man has been prejudiced from the first against La Salle's enterprise."
(Lettre de Seignelay à Arnoul, 22 Juillet, 1685. Margry, ii. 604.) The
minister at the same time warns Beaujeu to say nothing in disparagement
of the enterprise, under pain of the King's displeasure. The narrative of
the engineer, Minet, sufficiently explains a curious map, made by him, as
he says, not on the spot, but on the voyage homeward, and still preserved
in the Archives Scientifiques de la Marine. This map includes two distinct
sketches of the mouth of the Mississippi. The first, which corresponds to
that made by Franquelin in 1684, is entitled "Embouchure de la Rivière
comme M. de la Salle la marque dans sa Carte." The second bears the
words, "Costes et Lacs par la Hauteur de sa Rivière, comme nous les
avons trouvés." These "Costes et Lacs" are a rude representation of the
lagoons of Matagorda Bay and its neighborhood, into which the Mississippi
is made to discharge, in accordance with the belief of La Salle. A portion
of the coast-line is drawn from actual, though superficial observation. The
rest is merely conjectural.
FOOTNOTES:
Relation de Minet; Lettre de Minet à Seignelay, 6 July, 1685 (Margry, ii.
591, 602).
Joutel, Journal Historique, 68; Relation (Margry, iii. 143-146)
Compare Journal d'Esmanville (Margry, ii. 510).
Relation de Minet (Margry, ii. 591).
Procès Verbal du Sieur de la Salle sur le Naufrage de la
Flûte l'Aimable; Lettre de La Salle à Seignelay, 4 Mars,
1685; Lettre de Beaujeu à Seignelay, sans date. Beaujeu
did his best to save the cargo. The loss included nearly
all the provisions, 60 barrels of wine, 4 cannon, 1,620 balls, 400 grenades,
4,000 pounds of iron, 5,000 pounds of lead, most of the tools, a forge, a mill,
cordage, boxes of arms, nearly all the medicines, and most of the baggage of
the soldiers and colonists. Aigron returned to France in the "Joly," and was
thrown into prison, "comme il paroist clairement que cet accident est arrivé par
sa faute."—Seignelay au Sieur Arnoul, 22 Juillet, 1685 (Margry, ii. 604).
68. [
2
9
7]
[
2
9
8]
[
2
9
9]
[
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0
0]
A map, entitled Entrée du Lac où on a laisse le Sr. de la Salle, made by
the engineer Minet, and preserved in the Archives de la Marine,
represents the entrance of Matagorda Bay, the camp of La Salle on the
left, Indian camps on the borders of the bay, the "Belle" at anchor within,
the "Aimable" stranded at the entrance, and the "Joly" anchored in the open
sea.
Lettre de Beaujeu à La Salle, 18 Fév., 1685 (Margry, ii. 542).
Lettre de La Salle à Beaujeu, 18 Fév., 1685 (Margry, ii. 546).
The whole of this correspondence between Beaujeu and La
Salle will be found in Margry, ii.
69. CHAPTER XXVI.
1685-1687.
ST. LOUIS OF TEXAS.
The Fort.—Misery and Dejection.—Energy of La Salle: his Journey of
Exploration.—Adventures and Accidents.—The Buffalo.—Duhaut.—
Indian Massacre.—Return Of La Salle.—A New Calamity.—A Desperate
Resolution.—Departure for Canada.—Wreck of the "Belle."—Marriage.
—Sedition.—Adventures Of la Salle's Party.—The Cenis.—The
Camanches.—The Only Hope.—The Last Farewell.
Of what avail to plant a colony by the mouth of a petty Texan
river? The Mississippi was the life of the enterprise, the condition of
its growth and of its existence. Without it, all was futile and
meaningless,—a folly and a ruin. Cost what it might, the Mississippi
must be found.
But the demands of the hour were imperative. The hapless colony,
cast ashore like a wreck on the sands of Matagorda Bay, must gather
up its shattered resources and recruit its exhausted strength, before
it essayed anew its pilgrimage to the "fatal river." La Salle during his
explorations had found a spot which he thought well fitted for a
temporary establishment. It was on the river which he named the La
Vache,[301] now the Lavaca, which enters the head of Matagorda
Bay; and thither he ordered all the women and children, and most of
the men, to remove; while the rest, thirty in number, remained with
Joutel at the fort near the mouth of the bay. Here they spent their
time in hunting, fishing, and squaring the logs of drift-wood which
the sea washed up in abundance, and which La Salle proposed to
use in building his new station on the Lavaca. Thus the time passed
till midsummer, when Joutel received orders to abandon his post,
70. MISERY AND
DEJECTION.
and rejoin the main body of the colonists. To this end, the little
frigate "Belle" was sent down the bay. She was a gift from the King
to La Salle, who had brought her safely over the bar, and regarded
her as a main-stay of his hopes. She now took on board the stores
and some of the men, while Joutel with the rest followed along
shore to the post on the Lavaca. Here he found a state of things that
was far from cheering. Crops had been sown, but the drought and
the cattle had nearly destroyed them. The colonists were lodged
under tents and hovels; and the only solid structure was a small
square enclosure of pickets, in which the gunpowder and the brandy
were stored. The site was good, a rising ground by the river; but
there was no wood within the distance of a league, and no horses or
oxen to drag it. Their work must be done by men. Some felled and
squared the timber; and others dragged it by main force over the
matted grass of the prairie, under the scorching Texan sun. The gun-
carriages served to make the task somewhat easier; yet the
strongest men soon gave out under it. Joutel went down to the first
fort, made a raft and brought up the timber collected there, which
proved a most seasonable and useful supply. Palisades and buildings
began to rise. The men labored without spirit, yet strenuously; for
they labored under the eye of La Salle. The carpenters brought from
Rochelle proved worthless; and he himself made the plans of the
work, marked out the tenons and mortises, and directed the whole.
[302]
Death, meanwhile, made withering havoc among
his followers; and under the sheds and hovels that
shielded them from the sun lay a score of wretches
slowly wasting away with the diseases contracted at St. Domingo. Of
the soldiers enlisted for the expedition by La Salle's agents, many
are affirmed to have spent their lives in begging at the church doors
of Rochefort, and were consequently incapable of discipline. It was
impossible to prevent either them or the sailors from devouring
persimmons and other wild fruits to a destructive excess. Nearly all
fell ill; and before the summer had passed, the graveyard had more
71. LA SALLE'S
EXPLORATIONS.
than thirty tenants.[303] The bearing of La Salle did not aid to raise
the drooping spirits of his followers. The results of the enterprise
had been far different from his hopes; and, after a season of
flattering promise, he had entered again on those dark and
obstructed paths which seemed his destined way of life. The present
was beset with trouble; the future, thick with storms. The
consciousness quickened his energies; but it made him stern, harsh,
and often unjust to those beneath him.
Joutel was returning to camp one afternoon with the master-
carpenter, when they saw game; and the carpenter went after it. He
was never seen again. Perhaps he was lost on the prairie, perhaps
killed by Indians. He knew little of his trade, but they nevertheless
had need of him. Le Gros, a man of character and intelligence,
suffered more and more from the bite of the snake received in the
marsh on Easter Day. The injured limb was amputated, and he died.
La Salle's brother, the priest, lay ill; and several others among the
chief persons of the colony were in the same condition.
Meanwhile, the work was urged on. A large building was finished,
constructed of timber, roofed with boards and raw hides, and divided
into apartments for lodging and other uses. La Salle gave the new
establishment his favorite name of Fort St. Louis, and the
neighboring bay was also christened after the royal saint.[304] The
scene was not without its charms. Towards the southeast stretched
the bay with its bordering meadows; and on the northeast the
Lavaca ran along the base of green declivities. Around, far and near,
rolled a sea of prairie, with distant forests, dim in the summer haze.
At times, it was dotted with the browsing buffalo, not yet scared
from their wonted pastures; and the grassy swells were spangled
with the flowers for which Texas is renowned, and which now form
the gay ornaments of our gardens.
And now, the needful work accomplished, and
the colony in some measure housed and fortified,
its indefatigable chief prepared to renew his quest
72. LIFE AT THE
FORT.
of the "fatal river," as Joutel repeatedly calls it. Before his departure
he made some preliminary explorations, in the course of which,
according to the report of his brother the priest, he found evidence
that the Spaniards had long before had a transient establishment at
a spot about fifteen leagues from Fort St. Louis.[305]
It was the last day of October when La Salle set
out on his great journey of exploration. His brother
Cavelier, who had now recovered, accompanied
him with fifty men; and five cannon-shot from the fort saluted them
as they departed. They were lightly equipped; but some of them
wore corselets made of staves, to ward off arrows. Descending the
Lavaca, they pursued their course eastward on foot along the margin
of the bay, while Joutel remained in command of the fort. It was two
leagues above the mouth of the river; and in it were thirty-four
persons, including three Récollet friars, a number of women and
girls from Paris, and two young orphan daughters of one Talon, a
Canadian, who had lately died. Their live-stock consisted of some
hogs and a litter of eight pigs, which, as Joutel does not forget to
inform us, passed their time in wallowing in the ditch of the
palisade; a cock and hen, with a young family; and a pair of goats,
which, in a temporary dearth of fresh meat, were sacrificed to the
needs of the invalid Abbé Cavelier. Joutel suffered no man to lie idle.
The blacksmith, having no anvil, was supplied with a cannon as a
substitute. Lodgings were built for the women and girls, and
separate lodgings for the men. A small chapel was afterwards
added, and the whole was fenced with a palisade. At the four
corners of the house were mounted eight pieces of cannon, which,
in the absence of balls, were loaded with bags of bullets.[306]
Between the palisades and the stream lay a narrow strip of marsh,
the haunt of countless birds; and at a little distance it deepened into
pools full of fish. All the surrounding prairies swarmed with game,—
buffalo, deer, hares, turkeys, ducks, geese, swans, plover, snipe, and
grouse. The river supplied the colonists with turtles, and the bay
with oysters. Of these last, they often found more than they wanted;
73. THE BUFFALO.
for when in their excursions they shoved their log canoes into the
water, wading shoeless through the deep, tenacious mud, the sharp
shells would cut their feet like knives; "and what was worse," says
Joutel, "the salt water came into the gashes, and made them smart
atrociously."
He sometimes amused himself with shooting alligators. "I never
spared them when I met them near the house. One day I killed an
extremely large one, which was nearly four feet and a half in girth,
and about twenty feet long." He describes with accuracy that curious
native of the southwestern plains, the "horned frog," which,
deceived by its uninviting appearance, he erroneously supposed to
be venomous. "We had some of our animals bitten by snakes;
among the others, a bitch that had belonged to the deceased Sieur
le Gros. She was bitten in the jaw when she was with me, as I was
fishing by the shore of the bay. I gave her a little theriac [an
antidote then in vogue], which cured her, as it did one of our sows,
which came home one day with her head so swelled that she could
hardly hold it up. Thinking it must be some snake that had bitten
her, I gave her a dose of the theriac mixed with meal and water."
The patient began to mend at once. "I killed a good many rattle-
snakes by means of the aforesaid bitch, for when she saw one she
would bark around him, sometimes for a half hour together, till I
took my gun and shot him. I often found them in the bushes,
making a noise with their tails. When I had killed them, our hogs ate
them." He devotes many pages to the plants and animals of the
neighborhood, most of which may easily be recognized from his
description.
With the buffalo, which he calls "our daily
bread," his experiences were many and strange.
Being, like the rest of the party, a novice in the art
of shooting them, he met with many disappointments. Once, having
mounted to the roof of the large house in the fort, he saw a dark
moving object on a swell of the prairie three miles off; and rightly
thinking that it was a herd of buffalo, he set out with six or seven
74. men to try to kill some of them. After a while, he discovered two
bulls lying in a hollow; and signing to the rest of his party to keep
quiet, he made his approach, gun in hand. The bulls presently
jumped up, and stared through their manes at the intruder. Joutel
fired. It was a close shot; but the bulls merely shook their shaggy
heads, wheeled about, and galloped heavily away. The same luck
attended him the next day. "We saw plenty of buffalo. I approached
several bands of them, and fired again and again, but could not
make one of them fall." He had not yet learned that a buffalo rarely
falls at once, unless hit in the spine. He continues: "I was not
discouraged; and after approaching several more bands,—which was
hard work, because I had to crawl on the ground, so as not to be
seen,—I found myself in a herd of five or six thousand, but, to my
great vexation, I could not bring one of them down. They all ran off
to the right and left. It was near night, and I had killed nothing.
Though I was very tired, I tried again, approached another band,
and fired a number of shots; but not a buffalo would fall. The skin
was off my knees with crawling. At last, as I was going back to
rejoin our men, I saw a buffalo lying on the ground. I went towards
it, and saw that it was dead. I examined it, and found that the bullet
had gone in near the shoulder. Then I found others dead like the
first. I beckoned the men to come on, and we set to work to cut up
the meat,—a task which was new to us all." It would be impossible
to write a more true and characteristic sketch of the experience of a
novice in shooting buffalo on foot. A few days after, he went out
again, with Father Anastase Douay; approached a bull, fired, and
broke his shoulder. The bull hobbled off on three legs. Douay ran in
his cassock to head him back, while Joutel reloaded his gun; upon
which the enraged beast butted at the missionary, and knocked him
down. He very narrowly escaped with his life. "There was another
missionary," pursues Joutel, "named Father Maxime Le Clerc, who
was very well fitted for such an undertaking as ours, because he was
equal to anything, even to butchering a buffalo; and as I said before
that every one of us must lend a hand, because we were too few for
anybody to be waited upon, I made the women, girls, and children
do their part, as well as him; for as they all wanted to eat, it was fair
75. RETURN OF
DUHAUT.
that they all should work." He had a scaffolding built near the fort,
and set them to smoking buffalo meat, against a day of scarcity.[307]
Thus the time passed till the middle of January;
when late one evening, as all were gathered in the
principal building, conversing perhaps, or smoking,
or playing at cards, or dozing by the fire in homesick dreams of
France, a man on guard came in to report that he had heard a voice
from the river. They all went down to the bank, and descried a man
in a canoe, who called out, "Dominic!" This was the name of the
younger of the two brothers Duhaut, who was one of Joutel's
followers. As the canoe approached, they recognized the elder, who
had gone with La Salle on his journey of discovery, and who was
perhaps the greatest villain of the company. Joutel was much
perplexed. La Salle had ordered him to admit nobody into the fort
without a pass and a watchword. Duhaut, when questioned, said
that he had none, but told at the same time so plausible a story that
Joutel no longer hesitated to receive him. As La Salle and his men
were pursuing their march along the prairie, Duhaut, who was in the
rear, had stopped to mend his moccasins, and when he tried to
overtake the party, had lost his way, mistaking a buffalo-path for the
trail of his companions. At night he fired his gun as a signal, but
there was no answering shot. Seeing no hope of rejoining them, he
turned back for the fort, found one of the canoes which La Salle had
hidden at the shore, paddled by night and lay close by day, shot
turkeys, deer, and buffalo for food, and, having no knife, cut the
meat with a sharp flint, till after a month of excessive hardship he
reached his destination. As the inmates of Fort St. Louis gathered
about the weather-beaten wanderer, he told them dreary tidings.
The pilot of the "Belle," such was his story, had gone with five men
to sound along the shore, by order of La Salle, who was then
encamped in the neighborhood with his party of explorers. The
boat's crew, being overtaken by the night, had rashly bivouacked on
the beach without setting a guard; and as they slept, a band of
Indians had rushed in upon them, and butchered them all. La Salle,
alarmed by their long absence, had searched along the shore, and at
76. LA SALLE'S
ADVENTURES.
length found their bodies scattered about the sands and half-
devoured by wolves.[308] Well would it have been, if Duhaut had
shared their fate.
Weeks and months dragged on, when, at the end of March,
Joutel, chancing to mount on the roof of one of the buildings, saw
seven or eight men approaching over the prairie. He went out to
meet them with an equal number, well armed; and as he drew near
recognized, with mixed joy and anxiety, La Salle and some of those
who had gone with him. His brother Cavelier was at his side, with his
cassock so tattered that, says Joutel, "there was hardly a piece left
large enough to wrap a farthing's worth of salt. He had an old cap
on his head, having lost his hat by the way. The rest were in no
better plight, for their shirts were all in rags. Some of them carried
loads of meat, because M. de la Salle was afraid that we might not
have killed any buffalo. We met with great joy and many embraces.
After our greetings were over, M. de la Salle, seeing Duhaut, asked
me in an angry tone how it was that I had received this man who
had abandoned him. I told him how it had happened, and repeated
Duhaut's story. Duhaut defended himself, and M. de la Salle's anger
was soon over. We went into the house, and refreshed ourselves
with some bread and brandy, as there was no wine left."[309]
La Salle and his companions told their story.
They had wandered on through various savage
tribes, with whom they had more than one
encounter, scattering them like chaff by the terror of their fire-arms.
At length they found a more friendly band, and learned much
touching the Spaniards, who, they were told, were universally hated
by the tribes of that country. It would be easy, said their informants,
to gather a host of warriors and lead them over the Rio Grande; but
La Salle was in no condition for attempting conquests, and the tribes
in whose alliance he had trusted had, a few days before, been at
blows with him. The invasion of New Biscay must be postponed to a
more propitious day. Still advancing, he came to a large river, which
he at first mistook for the Mississippi; and building a fort of
77. DEPARTURE FOR
CANADA.
palisades, he left here several of his men.[310] The fate of these
unfortunates does not appear. He now retraced his steps towards
Fort St. Louis, and, as he approached it, detached some of his men
to look for his vessel, the "Belle," for whose safety, since the loss of
her pilot, he had become very anxious.
On the next day these men appeared at the fort, with downcast
looks. They had not found the "Belle" at the place where she had
been ordered to remain, nor were any tidings to be heard of her.
From that hour, the conviction that she was lost possessed the mind
of La Salle. Surrounded as he was, and had always been, with
traitors, the belief now possessed him that her crew had abandoned
the colony, and made sail for the West Indies or for France. The loss
was incalculable. He had relied on this vessel to transport the
colonists to the Mississippi, as soon as its exact position could be
ascertained; and thinking her a safer place of deposit than the fort,
he had put on board of her all his papers and personal baggage,
besides a great quantity of stores, ammunition, and tools.[311] In
truth, she was of the last necessity to the unhappy exiles, and their
only resource for escape from a position which was fast becoming
desperate.
La Salle, as his brother tells us, now fell dangerously ill,—the
fatigues of his journey, joined to the effects upon his mind of this
last disaster, having overcome his strength, though not his fortitude.
"In truth," writes the priest, "after the loss of the vessel which
deprived us of our only means of returning to France, we had no
resource but in the firm guidance of my brother, whose death each
of us would have regarded as his own."[312]
La Salle no sooner recovered than he embraced
a resolution which could be the offspring only of a
desperate necessity. He determined to make his
way by the Mississippi and the Illinois to Canada, whence he might
bring succor to the colonists, and send a report of their condition to
France. The attempt was beset with uncertainties and dangers. The
78. WRECK OF THE
"BELLE."
Mississippi was first to be found, then followed through all the
perilous monotony of its interminable windings to a goal which was
to be but the starting-point of a new and not less arduous journey.
Cavelier his brother, Moranget his nephew, the friar Anastase Douay,
and others to the number of twenty, were chosen to accompany
him. Every corner of the magazine was ransacked for an outfit.
Joutel generously gave up the better part of his wardrobe to La Salle
and his two relatives. Duhaut, who had saved his baggage from the
wreck of the "Aimable," was required to contribute to the necessities
of the party; and the scantily-furnished chests of those who had died
were used to supply the wants of the living. Each man labored with
needle and awl to patch his failing garments, or supply their place
with buffalo or deer skins. On the twenty-second of April, after mass
and prayers in the chapel, they issued from the gate, each bearing
his pack and his weapons, some with kettles slung at their backs,
some with axes, some with gifts for Indians. In this guise, they held
their way in silence across the prairie; while anxious eyes followed
them from the palisades of St. Louis, whose inmates, not excepting
Joutel himself, seem to have been ignorant of the extent and
difficulty of the undertaking.[313]
"On May Day," he writes, "at about two in the
afternoon, as I was walking near the house, I
heard a voice from the river below, crying out
several times, Qui vive? Knowing that the Sieur Barbier had gone
that way with two canoes to hunt buffalo, I thought that it might be
one of these canoes coming back with meat, and did not think much
of the matter till I heard the same voice again. I answered,
Versailles, which was the password I had given the Sieur Barbier, in
case he should come back in the night. But, as I was going towards
the bank, I heard other voices which I had not heard for a long time.
I recognized among the rest that of M. Chefdeville, which made me
fear that some disaster had happened. I ran down to the bank, and
my first greeting was to ask what had become of the 'Belle.' They
answered that she was wrecked on the other side of the bay, and
that all on board were drowned except the six who were in the
79. canoe; namely, the Sieur Chefdeville, the Marquis de la Sablonnière,
the man named Teissier, a soldier, a girl, and a little boy."[314]
From the young priest Chefdeville, Joutel learned the particulars of
the disaster. Water had failed on board the "Belle"; a boat's crew of
five men had gone in quest of it; the wind rose, their boat was
swamped, and they were all drowned. Those who remained had now
no means of going ashore; but if they had no water, they had wine
and brandy in abundance, and Teissier, the master of the vessel, was
drunk every day. After a while they left their moorings, and tried to
reach the fort; but they were few, weak, and unskilful. A violent
north wind drove them on a sand-bar. Some of them were drowned
in trying to reach land on a raft. Others were more successful; and,
after a long delay, they found a stranded canoe, in which they made
their way to St. Louis, bringing with them some of La Salle's papers
and baggage saved from the wreck.
These multiplied disasters bore hard on the spirits of the colonists;
and Joutel, like a good commander as he was, spared no pains to
cheer them. "We did what we could to amuse ourselves and drive
away care. I encouraged our people to dance and sing in the
evenings; for when M. de la Salle was among us, pleasure was often
banished. Now, there is no use in being melancholy on such
occasions. It is true that M. de la Salle had no great cause for merry-
making, after all his losses and disappointments; but his troubles
made others suffer also. Though he had ordered me to allow to each
person only a certain quantity of meat at every meal, I observed this
rule only when meat was rare. The air here is very keen, and one
has a great appetite. One must eat and act, if he wants good health
and spirits. I speak from experience; for once, when I had ague
chills, and was obliged to keep the house with nothing to do, I was
dreary and down-hearted. On the contrary, if I was busy with
hunting or anything else, I was not so dull by half. So I tried to keep
the people as busy as possible. I set them to making a small cellar
to keep meat fresh in hot weather; but when M. de la Salle came
back, he said it was too small. As he always wanted to do everything
80. MATRIMONY.
on a grand scale, he prepared to make a large one, and marked out
the plan." This plan of the large cellar, like more important
undertakings of its unhappy projector, proved too extensive for
execution, the colonists being engrossed by the daily care of keeping
themselves alive.
A gleam of hilarity shot for an instant out of the
clouds. The young Canadian, Barbier, usually
conducted the hunting-parties; and some of the
women and girls often went out with them, to aid in cutting up the
meat. Barbier became enamoured of one of the girls; and as his
devotion to her was the subject of comment, he asked Joutel for
leave to marry her. The commandant, after due counsel with the
priests and friars, vouchsafed his consent, and the rite was duly
solemnized; whereupon, fired by the example, the Marquis de la
Sablonnière begged leave to marry another of the girls. Joutel, the
gardener's son, concerned that a marquis should so abase himself,
and anxious at the same time for the morals of the fort, which La
Salle had especially commended to his care, not only flatly refused,
but, in the plenitude of his authority, forbade the lovers all further
intercourse.
Father Zenobe Membré, superior of the mission, gave unwilling
occasion for further merriment. These worthy friars were singularly
unhappy in their dealings with the buffalo, one of which, it may be
remembered, had already knocked down Father Anastase.
Undeterred by his example, Father Zenobe one day went out with
the hunters, carrying a gun like the rest. Joutel shot a buffalo, which
was making off, badly wounded, when a second shot stopped it, and
it presently lay down. The father superior thought it was dead; and,
without heeding the warning shout of Joutel, he approached, and
pushed it with the butt of his gun. The bull sprang up with an effort
of expiring fury, and, in the words of Joutel, "trampled on the father,
took the skin off his face in several places, and broke his gun, so
that he could hardly manage to get away, and remained in an almost
81. ADVENTURES OF
THE TRAVELLERS.
helpless state for more than three months. Bad as the accident was,
he was laughed at nevertheless for his rashness."
The mishaps of the friars did not end here. Father Maxime Le
Clerc was set upon by a boar belonging to the colony. "I do not
know," says Joutel, "what spite the beast had against him, whether
for a beating or some other offence; but, however this may be, I
saw the father running and crying for help, and the boar running
after him. I went to the rescue, but could not come up in time. The
father stooped as he ran, to gather up his cassock from about his
legs; and the boar, which ran faster than he, struck him in the arm
with his tusks, so that some of the nerves were torn. Thus, all three
of our good Récollet fathers were near being the victims of animals."
[315]
In spite of his efforts to encourage them, the followers of Joutel
were fast losing heart. Father Maxime Le Clerc kept a journal, in
which he set down various charges against La Salle. Joutel got
possession of the paper, and burned it on the urgent entreaty of the
friars, who dreaded what might ensue, should the absent
commander become aware of the aspersions cast upon him. The
elder Duhaut fomented the rising discontent of the colonists, played
the demagogue, told them that La Salle would never return, and
tried to make himself their leader. Joutel detected the mischief, and,
with a lenity which he afterwards deeply regretted, contented
himself with a rebuke to the offender, and words of reproof and
encouragement to the dejected band.
He had caused the grass to be cut near the fort,
so as to form a sort of playground; and here, one
evening, he and some of the party were trying to
amuse themselves, when they heard shouts from beyond the river,
and Joutel recognized the voice of La Salle. Hastening to meet him
in a wooden canoe, he brought him and his party to the fort. Twenty
men had gone out with him, and eight had returned. Of the rest,
four had deserted, one had been lost, one had been devoured by an
82. alligator; and the others, giving out on the march, had probably
perished in attempting to regain the fort. The travellers told of a rich
country, a wild and beautiful landscape,—woods, rivers, groves, and
prairies; but all availed nothing, and the acquisition of five horses
was but an indifferent return for the loss of twelve men.
After leaving the fort, they had journeyed towards the northeast,
over plains green as an emerald with the young verdure of April, till
at length they saw, far as the eye could reach, the boundless prairie
alive with herds of buffalo. The animals were in one of their tame or
stupid moods; and they killed nine or ten of them without the least
difficulty, drying the best parts of the meat. They crossed the
Colorado on a raft, and reached the banks of another river, where
one of the party, named Hiens, a German of Würtemberg, and an
old buccaneer, was mired and nearly suffocated in a mud-hole.
Unfortunately, as will soon appear, he managed to crawl out; and, to
console him, the river was christened with his name. The party made
a bridge of felled trees, on which they crossed in safety. La Salle
now changed their course, and journeyed eastward, when the
travellers soon found themselves in the midst of a numerous Indian
population, where they were feasted and caressed without measure.
At another village they were less fortunate. The inhabitants were
friendly by day and hostile by night. They came to attack the French
in their camp, but withdrew, daunted by the menacing voice of La
Salle, who had heard them approaching through the cane-brake.
La Salle's favorite Shawanoe hunter, Nika, who had followed him
from Canada to France, and from France to Texas, was bitten by a
rattlesnake; and, though he recovered, the accident detained the
party for several days. At length they resumed their journey, but
were stopped by a river, called by Douay, "La Rivière des Malheurs."
La Salle and Cavelier, with a few others, tried to cross on a raft,
which, as it reached the channel, was caught by a current of
marvellous swiftness. Douay and Moranget, watching the transit
from the edge of the cane-brake, beheld their commander swept
down the stream, and vanishing, as it were, in an instant. All that
83. day they remained with their companions on the bank, lamenting in
despair for the loss of their guardian angel, for so Douay calls La
Salle.[316] It was fast growing dark, when, to their unspeakable
relief, they saw him advancing with his party along the opposite
bank, having succeeded, after great exertion, in guiding the raft to
land. How to rejoin him was now the question. Douay and his
companions, who had tasted no food that day, broke their fast on
two young eagles which they knocked out of their nest, and then
spent the night in rueful consultation as to the means of crossing the
river. In the morning they waded into the marsh, the friar with his
breviary in his hood to keep it dry, and hacked among the canes till
they had gathered enough to make another raft; on which, profiting
by La Salle's experience, they safely crossed, and rejoined him.
Next, they became entangled in a cane-brake, where La Salle, as
usual with him in such cases, took the lead, a hatchet in each hand,
and hewed out a path for his followers. They soon reached the
villages of the Cenis Indians, on and near the river Trinity,—a tribe
then powerful, but long since extinct. Nothing could surpass the
friendliness of their welcome. The chiefs came to meet them,
bearing the calumet, and followed by warriors in shirts of
embroidered deer-skin. Then the whole village swarmed out like
bees, gathering around the visitors with offerings of food and all that
was precious in their eyes. La Salle was lodged with the great chief;
but he compelled his men to encamp at a distance, lest the ardor of
their gallantry might give occasion of offence. The lodges of the
Cenis, forty or fifty feet high, and covered with a thatch of meadow-
grass, looked like huge bee-hives. Each held several families, whose
fire was in the middle, and their beds around the circumference. The
spoil of the Spaniards was to be seen on all sides,—silver lamps and
spoons, swords, old muskets, money, clothing, and a bull of the
Pope dispensing the Spanish colonists of New Mexico from fasting
during summer.[317] These treasures, as well as their numerous
horses, were obtained by the Cenis from their neighbors and allies
the Camanches, that fierce prairie banditti who then, as now,
84. DEJECTION.
scourged the Mexican border with their bloody forays. A party of
these wild horsemen was in the village. Douay was edified at seeing
them make the sign of the cross in imitation of the neophytes of one
of the Spanish missions. They enacted, too, the ceremony of the
mass; and one of them, in his rude way, drew a sketch of a picture
he had seen in some church which he had pillaged, wherein the friar
plainly recognized the Virgin weeping at the foot of the cross. They
invited the French to join them on a raid into New Mexico; and they
spoke with contempt, as their tribesmen will speak to this day, of the
Spanish creoles, saying that it would be easy to conquer a nation of
cowards who make people walk before them with fans to cool them
in hot weather.[318]
Soon after leaving the Cenis villages, both La Salle and his
nephew Moranget were attacked by fever. This caused a delay of
more than two months, during which the party seem to have
remained encamped on the Neches, or possibly the Sabine. When at
length the invalids had recovered sufficient strength to travel, the
stock of ammunition was nearly spent, some of the men had
deserted, and the condition of the travellers was such that there
seemed no alternative but to return to Fort St. Louis. This they
accordingly did, greatly aided in their march by the horses bought
from the Cenis, and suffering no very serious accident by the way,—
excepting the loss of La Salle's servant, Dumesnil, who was seized
by an alligator while attempting to cross the Colorado.
The temporary excitement caused among the
colonists by their return soon gave place to a
dejection bordering on despair. "This pleasant
land," writes Cavelier, "seemed to us an abode of weariness and a
perpetual prison." Flattering themselves with the delusion, common
to exiles of every kind, that they were objects of solicitude at home,
they watched daily, with straining eyes, for an approaching sail.
Ships, indeed, had ranged the coast to seek them, but with no
friendly intent. Their thoughts dwelt, with unspeakable yearning, on
the France they had left behind, which, to their longing fancy, was
85. TWELFTH NIGHT.
pictured as an unattainable Eden. Well might they despond; for of a
hundred and eighty colonists, besides the crew of the "Belle," less
than forty-five remained. The weary precincts of Fort St. Louis, with
its fence of rigid palisades, its area of trampled earth, its buildings of
weather-stained timber, and its well-peopled graveyard without,
were hateful to their sight. La Salle had a heavy task to save them
from despair. His composure, his unfailing equanimity, his words of
encouragement and cheer, were the breath of life to this forlorn
company; for though he could not impart to minds of less
adamantine temper the audacity of hope with which he still clung to
the final accomplishment of his purposes, the contagion of his
hardihood touched, nevertheless, the drooping spirits of his
followers.[319]
The journey to Canada was clearly their only
hope; and, after a brief rest, La Salle prepared to
renew the attempt. He proposed that Joutel should
this time be of the party; and should proceed from Quebec to
France, with his brother Cavelier, to solicit succors for the colony,
while he himself returned to Texas. A new obstacle was presently
interposed. La Salle, whose constitution seems to have suffered from
his long course of hardships, was attacked in November with hernia.
Joutel offered to conduct the party in his stead; but La Salle replied
that his own presence was indispensable at the Illinois. He had the
good fortune to recover, within four or five weeks, sufficiently to
undertake the journey; and all in the fort busied themselves in
preparing an outfit. In such straits were they for clothing, that the
sails of the "Belle" were cut up to make coats for the adventurers.
Christmas came, and was solemnly observed. There was a midnight
mass in the chapel, where Membré, Cavelier, Douay, and their
priestly brethren stood before the altar, in vestments strangely
contrasting with the rude temple and the ruder garb of the
worshippers. And as Membré elevated the consecrated wafer, and
the lamps burned dim through the clouds of incense, the kneeling
group drew from the daily miracle such consolation as true Catholics
alone can know. When Twelfth Night came, all gathered in the hall,
86. THE LAST
FAREWELL.
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and cried, after the jovial old custom, "The King drinks," with hearts,
perhaps, as cheerless as their cups, which were filled with cold
water.
On the morrow, the band of adventurers
mustered for the fatal journey.[320] The five
horses, bought by La Salle of the Indians, stood in
the area of the fort, packed for the march; and here was gathered
the wretched remnant of the colony,—those who were to go, and
those who were to stay behind. These latter were about twenty in
all,—Barbier, who was to command in the place of Joutel;
Sablonnière, who, despite his title of marquis, was held in great
contempt;[321] the friars, Membré and Le Clerc,[322] and the priest
Chefdeville, besides a surgeon, soldiers, laborers, seven women and
girls, and several children, doomed, in this deadly exile, to wait the
issues of the journey, and the possible arrival of a tardy succor. La
Salle had made them a last address, delivered, we are told, with that
winning air which, though alien from his usual bearing, seems to
have been at times a natural expression of this unhappy man.[323] It
was a bitter parting, one of sighs, tears, and embracings,—the
farewell of those on whose souls had sunk a heavy boding that they
would never meet again.[324] Equipped and weaponed for the
journey, the adventurers filed from the gate, crossed the river, and
held their slow march over the prairies beyond, till intervening
woods and hills shut Fort St. Louis forever from their sight.
FOOTNOTES:
Called by Joutel, Rivière aux Bœufs.
Joutel, Journal Historique, 108; Relation (Margry, iii. 174); Procès
Verbal fait au poste de St. Louis, le 18 Avril, 1686.
Joutel, Journal Historique, 109. Le Clerc, who was not
present, says a hundred.
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The Bay of St. Louis, St. Bernard's Bay, or Matagorda Bay,—for it
has borne all these names,—was also called Espiritu Santo Bay by
the Spaniards, in common with several other bays in the Gulf of
Mexico. An adjoining bay still retains the name.
Cavelier, in his report to the minister, says: "We reached a large village,
enclosed with a kind of wall made of clay and sand, and fortified with little
towers at intervals, where we found the arms of Spain engraved on a
plate of copper, with the date of 1588, attached to a stake. The
inhabitants gave us a kind welcome, and showed us some hammers and an
anvil, two small pieces of iron cannon, a small brass culverin, some pike-heads,
some old sword-blades, and some books of Spanish comedy; and thence they
guided us to a little hamlet of fishermen, about two leagues distant, where they
showed us a second stake, also with the arms of Spain, and a few old
chimneys. All this convinced us that the Spaniards had formerly been here."
(Cavelier, Relation du Voyage que mon frère entreprit pour découvrir
l'embouchure du fleuve de Missisipy.) The above is translated from the original
draft of Cavelier, which is in my possession. It was addressed to the colonial
minister, after the death of La Salle. The statement concerning the Spaniards
needs confirmation.
Compare Joutel with the Spanish account in Carta en que se da noticia
de un viaje hecho á la Bahia de Espíritu Santo y de la poblacion que
tenian ahi los Franceses; Coleccion de Varios Documentos, 25.
For the above incidents of life at Fort St. Louis, see Joutel,
Relation (Margry, iii. 185-218, passim). The printed condensation of
the narrative omits most of these particulars.
Joutel, Relation (Margry, iii. 206). Compare Le Clerc, ii. 296.
Cavelier, always disposed to exaggerate, says that ten men
were killed. La Salle had previously had encounters with the
Indians, and punished them severely for the trouble they had
given his men. Le Clerc says of the principal fight: "Several Indians were
wounded, a few were killed, and others made prisoners,—one of whom, a girl
of three or four years, was baptized, and died a few days after, as the first-fruit
of this mission, and a sure conquest sent to heaven."
Joutel, Relation (Margry, iii. 219).
Cavelier says that he actually reached the Mississippi; but, on the
one hand, the abbé did not know whether the river in question was
the Mississippi or not; and, on the other, he is somewhat inclined to
mendacity. Le Clerc says that La Salle thought he had found the
88. [
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river. According to the Procès Verbal of 18 April, 1686, "il y arriva le 13 Février."
Joutel says that La Salle told him "qu'il n'avoit point trouvé sa rivière."
Procès Verbal fait au poste de St. Louis, le 18 Avril, 1686.
Cavelier, Relation du Voyage pour découvrir l'Embouchure du
Fleuve de Missisipy.
Joutel, Journal Historique, 140; Anastase Douay in Le Clerc,
ii. 303; Cavelier, Relation. The date is from Douay. It does not
appear, from his narrative, that they meant to go farther than
the Illinois. Cavelier says that after resting here they were to
go to Canada. Joutel supposed that they would go only to the Illinois. La Salle
seems to have been even more reticent than usual.
Joutel, Relation (Margry, iii. 226).
Joutel, Relation (Margry, iii. 244, 246.
"Ce fût une desolation extrême pour nous tous qui
desesperions de revoir jamais nostre Ange tutélaire, le Sieur
de la Salle.... Tout le jour se passa en pleurs et en larmes."—
Douay in Le Clerc, ii. 315.
Douay in Le Clerc, ii. 321; Cavelier, Relation.
Douay in Le Clerc, ii. 324, 325.
"L'égalité d'humeur du Chef rassuroit tout le monde; et il
trouvoit des resources à tout par son esprit qui relevoit les
espérances les plus abatues."—Joutel, Journal Historique, 152.
"Il seroit difficile de trouver dans l'Histoire un
courage plus intrepide et plus invincible que celuy du Sieur de la
Salle dans les évenemens contraires; il ne fût jamais abatu, et il
espéroit toujours avec le secours du Ciel de venir à bout de son
entreprise malgré tous les obstacles qui se présentoient."—Douay
in Le Clerc, ii. 327.
I follow Douay's date, who makes the day of departure the seventh of
January, or the day after Twelfth Night. Joutel thinks it was the twelfth of
January, but professes uncertainty as to all his dates at this time, as he
lost his notes.
He had to be kept on short allowance, because he was in the habit of
bargaining away everything given to him. He had squandered the little
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that belonged to him at St. Domingo, in amusements "indignes de sa
naissance," and in consequence was suffering from diseases which
disabled him from walking. (Procès Verbal, 18 Avril, 1686.)
Maxime le Clerc was a relative of the author of L'Établissement de la
Foi.
"Il fit une Harangue pleine d'éloquence et de cet air engageant
qui luy estoit si naturel: toute la petite Colonie y estoit presente et
en fût touchée jusques aux larmes, persuadée de la nécessité de
son voyage et de la droiture de ses intentions."—Douay in Le Clerc,
ii, 330.
"Nous nous separâmes les uns des autres, d'une manière si tendre et si
triste qu'il sembloit que nous avions tous le secret pressentiment que
nous ne nous reverrions jamais."—Joutel, Journal Historique, 158.
90. LA SALLE'S
FOLLOWERS.
CHAPTER XXVII.
1687.
ASSASSINATION OF LA SALLE.
His Followers.—Prairie Travelling—A Hunters' Quarrel—The Murder of
Moranget.—The Conspiracy.—Death of La Salle: his Character.
The travellers were crossing a marshy prairie
towards a distant belt of woods that followed the
course of a little river. They led with them their five
horses, laden with their scanty baggage, and, with what was of no
less importance, their stock of presents for Indians. Some wore the
remains of the clothing they had worn from France, eked out with
deer-skins, dressed in the Indian manner; and some had coats of old
sail-cloth. Here was La Salle, in whom one would have known, at a
glance, the chief of the party; and the priest, Cavelier, who seems to
have shared not one of the high traits of his younger brother. Here,
too, were their nephews, Moranget and the boy Cavelier, now about
seventeen years old; the trusty soldier Joutel; and the friar Anastase
Douay. Duhaut followed, a man of respectable birth and education;
and Liotot, the surgeon of the party. At home, they might perhaps
have lived and died with a fair repute; but the wilderness is a rude
touchstone, which often reveals traits that would have lain buried
and unsuspected in civilized life. The German Hiens, the ex-
buccaneer, was also of the number. He had probably sailed with an
English crew; for he was sometimes known as Gemme Anglais, or
"English Jem."[325] The Sieur de Marie; Teissier, a pilot;
L'Archevêque, a servant of Duhaut; and others, to the number in all
of seventeen,—made up the party; to which is to be added Nika, La
Salle's Shawanoe hunter, who, as well as another Indian, had twice
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