![collected from heralds, pursuivants, kings-of-arms and other officials
at the tourney. Froissart was born about the year 1337, and he
began to gather the material for his history when about twenty years
of age, viz. eleven years after the battle of Crecy. The Chronicles
commence with the coronation of Edward III, in 1337, and with the
accession of Philip of Valois to the crown of France, and they close
about the end of the century with the death of Richard II of
England. At the beginning of his career Froissart was closely
associated with the English court as a poet and historian, acting,
indeed, as clerk to the closet to Queen Philippa, after which he
entered the Church, becoming later canon of Chimay. His fine
personal gifts soon placed him in excellent and confidential relations
with many prominent and influential personages, both of France and
England, able to give him reliable information for his history. His
industry was remarkable, his style of writing both original and
luminous, and his facts and narrations, though often marshalled with
some confusion, are most reliable, so far at least as we can judge
now. He was no extreme partisan, but tried, as he often says,
whenever possible to hear both sides to a question. The weak place
in his history is his dates and the lack of them. Sainte-Palaye says of
him: “Froissart, qui a mieux réussi qu’acun de nos historiens à
peindre les mœurs de son siècle, ...”
Royal jousts were often held in celebration of the coronations and
weddings of princes; and such were usually proclaimed in advance in
other countries of chivalry, so as to afford opportunities for the
attendance of foreign cavaliers anxious to distinguish themselves;
and these were provided with safe-conducts by the crown.
In 1302 “Tournies, iustes, barriers, and other warlike exercises,
which yovng lords and gentlemen had appointed to exercise for their
pastime in diuerse parts of the realme, were forbidden by the kings
proclamations sent downe to be published by the shirifs in euerie
countie abroad in the realme: the teste of the writ was from
Westminster the sixteenth of Julie.”[58]](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/18935-250705150859-98e9cb88/85/Quantitative-Medical-Data-Analysis-Using-Mathematical-Tools-and-Statistical-Techniques-1st-Edition-Don-Hong-16-320.jpg)
![A tournament was proclaimed by the King of Bohemia and the
Earl of Hainault, to be held at Condé in 1327, just after the
coronation of Edward III; and Sir John de Hainault, who had been
present at the ceremony, left England to attend this tourney,
accompanied by fifteen English knights, who intended taking part.
[59]
Holinshed states that in September, 1330, the King (Ed. III) held
jousts in Cheapside, when he with twelve challengers answered all
comers. The meeting continued over three days, and no serious
accidents took place.
A joust of the same year is figured in Codex Balduini Trevirencis.
The cavaliers are seen jousting with lances tipped with coronals and
with flat triangular shields, heraldically ensigned: they wear ample
surcoats and the horses are trapped in cloth. The heaumes bear fan
crests, the saddles are without supports; and the object in
contemplation is the splintering of lances and unhorsing.
“Great iustes was kept by King Edward at the toune of Dunstable
in 1341, with other counterfeited feats of warre, at the request of
diuerse yovng lords and gentlemen, whereat both the king and
queene were present, with the more part of the lords and ladies of
the land.”[60]
King Edward held a tournament in London in the middle of
August, 1342; and had sent heralds into Flanders, Brabant and
France to proclaim it. Froissart states that the eldest son of Viscount
Beaumont[61] was killed at this tournament. Other chroniclers date
this passage of arms in 1343.
To cry a tourney—“Cy sensuyt la façon des criz de Tournois et
des Joustes. Cy peut on à prendre à crier et à publier pour ceulx qui
en seront dignes,” etc. Ashmolean MS., No. 764, 31, 43.[62] On the
reverse of the last leaf is a picture of a Joust, wherein two
combatants on horseback, bearing their crests, are fighting with
lances within the lists.](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/18935-250705150859-98e9cb88/85/Quantitative-Medical-Data-Analysis-Using-Mathematical-Tools-and-Statistical-Techniques-1st-Edition-Don-Hong-17-320.jpg)
![The Round Table held at Windsor on St. George’s Day in 1344
has been referred to in the section devoted to the Tabula Rotunda.
These hastiludes and jousts are mentioned by Froissart, who tells us
that they were characterized by great splendour. The Queen was
attended on the occasion by three hundred ladies, richly attired;
while the King had a great array of earls and barons in his train. The
“feast” was noble, with all good cheer and jousting, and lasted over
fifteen days. Holinshed’s account, under the year 1344, is as follows:
—“Moreouer, about the beginning of the eighteenth yeare (?) of his
reigne, King Edward held a solemne feast at his castell of Windsore,
where betwixt Candlemasse and Lent, was atchiued manie martiall
feasts, and iusts, and tornaments, and diuerse other the like warlike
pastimes, at which were present manie strangers of other lands, and
in the end thereof, he deuised the order of the garter, and after
established it, as it is to this daie. There are six and twentie
companions or confrers of this felowship of that order, being called
knights of the blew garter, and as one dieth or is depriued, an other
is admitted into his place. The K. of England is euer chiefe of this
order. They weare a blew robe or mantell, and a garter about their
left leg, richlie wrought with gold and pretious stones, hauing this
inscription in French vpon it, Honi soit qui mal y pense, Shame come
to him who euill thinketh. This order is dedicated to S. George, as
chéefe patrone of men of warre, and therefor euerie yeare doo the
knights of the order kéepe solmne his feast, with manie noble
ceremonies at the castell of Windsore, where King Edward founded a
colledge of canons.”[63]
Shortly after this round table the King issued letters patent for
hastiludes and jousts to be held annually at Lincoln, over which the
Earl of Derby was nominated as Captain by the King, the office to be
retained by the earl during life-time, but after his death to become
elective.
The “Feast of the Round Table” was again held at Windsor in
1345, and within a few years of it jousts took place at Northampton,
Dunstable, Canterbury, Bury, Reading and Eltham, the exact years of](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/18935-250705150859-98e9cb88/85/Quantitative-Medical-Data-Analysis-Using-Mathematical-Tools-and-Statistical-Techniques-1st-Edition-Don-Hong-18-320.jpg)
![which do not appear in the wardrobe accounts which have been
preserved. In July, 1346, King Edward invaded France, and did not
return to London until October, 1347, his home-coming being
celebrated by jousts, tournaments, masques and other festivities.
A manuscript covering the expenses of the great wardrobe of
Edward III from December, 1345, to January, 1349, now in the
Public Record Office, is printed in Archæologia for the year 1846.[64]
Some of the items scheduled cover robes for the person, which were
delivered to certain of the knights taking part in a “round-table” held
by the King at Lichfield in 1348 or 1349, more probably the former
year; viz. for the King’s person and eleven knights of his chamber,
these being Sir Walter Manny, John de L’Isle, Hugo Courtenay, John
Gray, Robert de Ferrers, Richard de la Vache, Philip de Spencer,
Roger de Beauchamp, Miles de Stapleton, Ralph de Ferrers and
Robert de Mauley. To each of these knights two yards of blue cloth
for coats and “three quarters and half a yard” of white cloth for
hoods[65] was delivered. Similar cloth was also issued to some of the
other knights. The challengers, or tenans, of the round table
consisted of the king and seventeen of his knights; their opponents,
the venans, comprised fourteen knights, with the Earl of Lancaster
at their head. An entry in the wardrobe accounts shows that King
Edward wore a harness bearing the arms of Sir Thomas Bradeston
on the occasion. Any further particulars of this round table, beyond
the details of the robes for the banquet, are lacking. This
tournament was celebrated with great pomp and magnificence.
A spirited verse from Chaucer’s “Knight’s Tale” follows:—[66]](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/18935-250705150859-98e9cb88/85/Quantitative-Medical-Data-Analysis-Using-Mathematical-Tools-and-Statistical-Techniques-1st-Edition-Don-Hong-19-320.jpg)
![“The heraudes lefte hir prikyng up and doun;
Now ryngen trompès loude and clarioun;
Ther is namoore to seyn, but west and est
In goon the speres ful sadly in arrest;
In gooth the sharpè spore into the syde.
Ther seen men who kan juste and who kan ryde;
Ther shyveren shaftès upon sheeldès thikke;
He feeleth thurgh the hertè-spoon the prikke.
Up spryngen sperès twenty foot on highte;
Out gooth the swerdes as the silver brighte;
The helmès they to-hewen and to-shrede,
Out brest the blood with stiernè stremès rede;
With myghty maces the bonès they to-breste.
He, thurgh the thikkeste of the throng gan threste,
Ther, stomblen steedès stronge, and doun gooth al;
He, rolleth under foot as dooth a bal.”
We see in the Romance of Perceforest how the ladies at a
tournament tore off pieces of their apparel to be used as tokens or
favours by their devoted knights, to an extent leaving them in a
condition of dishabille. A knight often wore “a kerchief of pleasance”
on his helmet, a token from his lady-love.
In 1358 “Roiall iustes were holden in Smithfield, at which were
present the Kings of England, France and Scotland ... of which the
more part of the strangers were as their prisoners.”[67]
“Moreouer, this year (1359) in the Rogation wéeke was solemne
iusts enterprised at London, for the maior and his foure and twentie
brethern as challengers did appoint to ansuer all commers, in whose
name and stéed the King with his foure sonnes, Edward, Lionell,
John and Edmund, and ninetéene other great lords; in secret
manner came and held the field with honor, to the great pleasure of
the citizens that beheld the same.”[68]](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/18935-250705150859-98e9cb88/85/Quantitative-Medical-Data-Analysis-Using-Mathematical-Tools-and-Statistical-Techniques-1st-Edition-Don-Hong-20-320.jpg)
![“Moreouer this yeare (1362) the fiue first daies of Maie, were
kept roiall iusts in Smithfield by London, the king and queene being
present, with a great multitude of ladies and gentlemen of both the
realms of England and France.”[69]
Much detailed information concerning the jousting of the
fourteenth century has fortunately been preserved in the records of
the wars in France, some examples of which follow.
At the time when the siege of Tournay was raised by means of a
truce, a tournament was held at Mons, at which Sir Gerard de
Verchin, Seneschal of Hainault, was mortally wounded.[70]
Froissart states[71] that a combat took place before the walls of
the town of Rennes in 1357, then being besieged by the English
forces, between a young knight-bachelor,[72] Bertrand du Guesclin,
and an English cavalier, Sir Nicholas Dagworth. The articles of
combat provided for three courses with the lance, three strokes with
the battle-axe and three thrusts with the dagger. These were all duly
delivered, the knights bearing themselves right gallantly, without
hurt to either of them. The fight was viewed with extreme interest
by both armies.
So far Froissart. But there is some doubt whether it was Sir
Nicholas Dagworth who was one of the principals in this duel; for in
the Histoire de Bretagne it is stated that it was William de
Blanchbourg, brother of the Governor of Fougerai, who was Sir
Bertrand’s opponent on the occasion, and that he was wounded and
unhorsed. It is more probable, however, that both duels were
fought, though the last-named combat was not likely to have taken
place under the walls of Rennes, for both cavaliers were Frenchmen.
There is a singularly beautiful brass in the pavement of the south
chapel of Blickling Church, Norfolk, in memory of Sir Nicholas
Dagworth, who was a man of importance in the reigns of kings
Edward III and Richard II. He lived until the year 1401,[73] and his
will appears in Testamenta Vetusta. The brass is given in the Boutell](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/18935-250705150859-98e9cb88/85/Quantitative-Medical-Data-Analysis-Using-Mathematical-Tools-and-Statistical-Techniques-1st-Edition-Don-Hong-21-320.jpg)
![Collection. It affords an excellent example of the armour prevailing
at the end of the fourteenth century, when the evolution from chain-
mail to full plate-armour had been almost completed. The helmet is
the pointed bascinet, with the camail, the latter with an ornamental
bordering coming over the top of the jupon. The cyclas, which has
an enriched fringing, hides the body-armour from view, and the
knightly belt is elaborately decorated; the pouldrons are articulated.
The gauntlets, with short cuffs, have gads over the fingers for use in
the mêlée, and they show an imitation of finger-nails, and the
solerets are freely articulated. The knight’s head rests on his great
helm, which has a mantling; and a wreath, surmounted by the crest,
a griffin. The armour is enriched with chasing. The Arms—Erm, on a
fesse, gu., three bezants: impaling Rosale, Cu., a fesse between six
martlet’s or.
The armour of the Black Prince in the Chapel of the Holy Trinity,
at Canterbury Cathedral, affords an excellent illustration of the
degree of progress reached in the last quarter of the fourteenth
century. The process of evolution from chain-mail to plate is here
almost completed, there being only small pieces of the former at the
skirt, arms and insteps of the solerets. The Prince died in 1376, and
the date of his effigy is somewhat later.
During a skirmish at Toury, in France, shortly before the death of
King Charles V, in 1380, an esquire of Beauce, named Gauvain
Micaille, enquired through an herald if any English gentleman would
be willing to try a feat of arms with him—a joust of three courses,
and the exchange of three blows with the battle-axe and of three
thrusts with the dagger. The challenge was accepted by an English
esquire, named Joachim Cator. The Frenchman received a severe
wound in the thigh in the jousting, which was in contravention of the
rules of the tourney; but the Englishman pleaded that it was an
accident solely due to the restiveness of his horse; and this
explanation was accepted by the umpire.[74]
An interesting tournament took place at Cambray in 1385 on the
marriage of the Count d’Ostrevant to the daughter of Duke Philip of](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/18935-250705150859-98e9cb88/85/Quantitative-Medical-Data-Analysis-Using-Mathematical-Tools-and-Statistical-Techniques-1st-Edition-Don-Hong-22-320.jpg)
![Burgundy. The ceremony was followed by a banquet at which the
King of France was present as well as the Duke. The tournament
was held in the market-place of the town, and forty knights took
part, the King tilting with a knight of Hainault. The prize was a clasp
of precious stones, taken from off the bosom of the Duchess of
Burgundy; it was won by a knight of Hainault, Sir John Destrenne,
and was formally presented by the Admiral of France and Sir Guy de
la Trimouille.[75]
The number of courses run in jousting and the blows and strokes
exchanged with battle-axes, swords and daggers at a meeting like
that just described was usually three each; but they tended to
increase as the century advanced, and five got to be a common
number, and later as many as ten or even twelve. In the duel
between Sir Thomas Harpenden and Messire Jean des Barres, at
Montereau sur Yonne in 1387, they numbered “cinq lances à cheval,
cinq coups d’épée, cinq coups de dague et cinq coups de hache.”
The first four courses of the jousts were run with equal fortune, but
in the fifth Sir Thomas was unhorsed and lay senseless on the
ground; he revived, however, after a time, and all the strokes and
blows were duly exchanged without further hurt to either knight.
The King of France was present on the occasion.[76]
About this time, when the war between France and England was
in full progress, there was much jousting with pointed lances
between the knights and esquires of the two nations; safe-conducts
being issued by the commanders on either side.
A meeting was arranged to take place near Nantes, under the
auspices of the Constable of France and the Earl of Buckingham. The
first encounter was a combat on foot, with sharp spears, in which
one of the cavaliers was slightly wounded; the pair then ran three
courses with the lance without further mishap. Next Sir John
Ambreticourt of Hainault and Sir Tristram de la Jaille of Poitou
advanced from the ranks and jousted three courses, without hurt. A
duel followed between Edward Beauchamp, son of Sir Robert
Beauchamp, and the bastard Clarius de Savoye. Clarius was much](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/18935-250705150859-98e9cb88/85/Quantitative-Medical-Data-Analysis-Using-Mathematical-Tools-and-Statistical-Techniques-1st-Edition-Don-Hong-23-320.jpg)
![the stronger man of the two, and Beauchamp was unhorsed. The
bastard then offered to fight another English champion, and an
esquire named Jannequin Finchly came forward in answer to the
call; the combat with swords and lances was very violent, but
neither of the parties was hurt. Another encounter took place
between John de Châtelmorant and Jannequin Clinton, in which the
Englishman was unhorsed. Finally Châtelmorant fought with Sir
William Farrington, the former receiving a dangerous wound in the
thigh, for which the Englishman was greatly blamed, as being an
infraction of the rules of the tourney; but an accident was pleaded
as in the case of the duel between Gauvain Micaille and Joachim
Cator. At this meeting the honours lay with the Frenchmen.[77]
Somewhat later a combat à outrance[78] took place at Chateau
Josselin, near Vannes, between John Boucmel, a Frenchman, and
Nicholas Clifford, in which Boucmel was struck on the upper part of
the breastplate by his opponent’s lance, which, glancing off, entered
his neck through the camail and severed the jugular vein, killing him
instantly.[79] A plate of Froissart’s represents this duel as a combat
on foot with long lances, taking place in a small quadrangular
enclosure.
Juvenal des Ursins states[80] that at the marriage of Charles VI,
of France, with Isabel (Isabeau) of Bavaria, 1385, jousts and grand
fêtes took place in its honour. Sir Peter Courtenay came to France at
the time with the object of accomplishing a feat of arms with the
Seigneur de la Tremouille. The King’s consent to the duel had been
obtained, and the day and place were fixed for its accomplishment.
The knights appeared in the lists on the day appointed in order to
fulfil their engagement in presence of the King, who, however, at the
last moment, owing to some remonstrances, forbade the combat:
but a duel did take place at the time between an English knight and
the Seigneur de Clery, in which the Englishman was wounded and
unhorsed. This joust had been brought to the notice of the Duke of
Burgundy, who said that the offence committed by a Frenchman in
jousting with an enemy without the consent of his sovereign was](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/18935-250705150859-98e9cb88/85/Quantitative-Medical-Data-Analysis-Using-Mathematical-Tools-and-Statistical-Techniques-1st-Edition-Don-Hong-24-320.jpg)
![Lancaster, ruled that it was admissible for Sir John Holland to have
employed the same artifice had he chosen to do so, and that
therefore he could not decide against the French knight.[81] After
the stipulated three courses with the lance had been run, the
knights fought three rounds each with battle-axes swords and
daggers, without either receiving a scratch. The French chevalier
was adjudged to have had the advantage, though both had done
well.[82]
In 1389 a deed of arms was performed at Bordeaux before the
Duke of Lancaster, between five Englishmen and five Frenchmen:
three courses with the lance, three courses with swords, and the
same number with battle-axes. None was wounded, but one of the
English knights killed the horse of a Frenchman with his lance, which
greatly angered the Duke, who replaced the loss with one of his own
chargers.[83]
The most prominent and accomplished jouster of his day was the
Chevalier Jean Le Maingre, called De Boucicaut, Mareschal of France
1368-1421, and his Mémoires,[84] by an unknown author, contain
descriptions of some of his exploits in the tiltyard. One of these
recitals[85] follows:—During the three years’ truce between France
and England, when King Charles VI was at Montpellier,[86] the
French Seigneurs De Boucicaut, de Sampi and de Roye challenged
all comers, being foreign knights and esquires, to joust five courses
with lances, pointed or blunted, at their pleasure, at St. Ingelbert,
[87] a place near Calais; the pas d’armes (or the “table-ronde,” as it
is called in the Chapitres d’Armes, or articles of combat) to continue
for thirty days. A great elm stood before the pavilions of the
challengers, and hanging from its branches were two shields of
wood, one of them plated with iron, “l’un de paix, l’autre de guerre,”
so that each venant on arriving at the rendezvous could signify his
pleasure as to whether he elected to fight with pointed or rebated
lances by striking with a wand the shield for peace or that for war.
The arms and devices of the three tenans were painted above the](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/18935-250705150859-98e9cb88/85/Quantitative-Medical-Data-Analysis-Using-Mathematical-Tools-and-Statistical-Techniques-1st-Edition-Don-Hong-26-320.jpg)
![two shields, so that each venant might be able to select his
adversary among them, and a note blown on a horn proclaimed his
choice. Each venant was to furnish the king of arms with his name
and titles, and to bring another cavalier with him as his sponsor. The
lists were richly decorated, the challengers handsomely apparelled;
and lavish hospitality was dispensed in a pavilion specially pitched
for the purpose. Any arms, armour, or other requisites of which the
venans might stand in need, were freely provided, the motto
everywhere displayed being “Ce que vouldrez.” The chronicle goes
on to state that on the first day of the jousting, Jean de Holland, Earl
of Huntingdon, half-brother to King Richard, signified his intention of
jousting with Boucicaut. Both lances were fairly splintered in the first
encounter, the second and third being fought with equal fortune; but
in the fourth the horse of the English knight fell with its rider, who
was severely injured, his antagonist only retaining his seat by the
prompt support of his varlets. Boucicaut then retired to his pavilion,
but was not allowed to remain resting for long, for other English
cavaliers desired to joust with him, and he disposed of two other
knights the same day. While he was engaged in combat day after
day, his fellow tenans were not idle, and the thirty days stipulated in
the Chapitres d’Armes ran their course. Among other cavaliers from
England taking part were Earl Marschal, the knights de Beaumont,
Thomas de Perci, de Clifford and Courtenay, besides Sir John
d’Ambreticourt and many Spanish and German cavaliers. Boucicaut is
said to have gone through the whole thirty days of jousting without
a scratch.
The rôle of the tenans at a pas d’armes was no sinecure, and for
three knights to have held the pas for thirty days against all comers,
as in this case, must have been an arduous undertaking; and very
dangerous also, more especially as much of the jousting was with
pointed lances. No. XI of Froissart’s plates professes to depict one of
the jousts of this pas d’armes; but it pictures one at the tilt, so that
the drawing is obviously of a later date than that of the Inglevert
meeting, and was, in fact, executed in the reign of Edward IV, when
the tilt was in common use. Froissart[88] gives a long and](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/18935-250705150859-98e9cb88/85/Quantitative-Medical-Data-Analysis-Using-Mathematical-Tools-and-Statistical-Techniques-1st-Edition-Don-Hong-27-320.jpg)
![trumpeters. The King and Queen, with their suites, accompanied by
some of the great barons, had gone earlier to Smithfield, and there
awaited the arrival of the procession and the knights from abroad.
Their Majesties were lodged in the Bishop’s palace, and there the
banquets and dances were to be held. Many foreign knights and
esquires attended, and among them Sir William of Hainault (Count
d’Ostrevant)[89] and the Count de St. Pol.
On the arrival of the procession at Smithfield the knights
mounted their horses and prepared for jousting, which began soon
after. The prize for the best lance of the venans on the Sunday, the
first day of jousting, was awarded by the ladies to the Count de St.
Pol; and that for the most skilful knight among the tenans, to the
Earl of Huntingdon.[90] The King led the tenans on the Monday; and
the prize for the best lance of the venans was awarded to the Count
d’Ostrevant; that for the most successful of their opponents to Sir
Hugh Spencer. The esquires jousted on the Tuesday, after which
there was a banquet, and dancing was continued until daybreak.
There was jousting on the Wednesday for knights and esquires
indiscriminately; and on Thursday and Friday fêtes, masques and
banquets, after which the royal party left for Windsor.[91]
Caxton refers to these royal jousts in the following terms:—
“All of the King’s hous were of one sute, theyr
cotys, theyr armys, theyr sheldes and theyr trappours
were embrowdred all with whyte hertis, with crownes
of gold about their necks, and cheynes of gold
hangyng thereon; whiche hertys were the King’s
leverey, that he gaf to lordes, ladyes, knyghtes, ＆
squyers, to know his houshold peple from other; then
four and twenty ladyes comynge to the justys,
ladde[92] four and twenty lordes with chynes of gold,
and alle in the same sute of hertes as is afore sayd,
from the Tour on horsback thrurgh the cyte of London
into Smythfeld.” The narrative of this tournament by](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/18935-250705150859-98e9cb88/85/Quantitative-Medical-Data-Analysis-Using-Mathematical-Tools-and-Statistical-Techniques-1st-Edition-Don-Hong-29-320.jpg)
![Holinshed[93] is far from being so picturesque as that
of Froissart, and it differs in some particulars from it.
He says there were twenty-four ladies, not sixty,
mounted on palfreys; and that the prizes for the first
day were awarded to the Comte de St. Pol and the Earl
of Huntingdon; and on the Monday to the Earl of
Ostravant and Sir Hugh Spencer.
King Richard proclaimed another grand tournament to be held at
Windsor in one of the closing years of his reign; the tenans or
challengers to be forty knights and forty esquires, clothed in green.
The Queen was present, but very few of the barons attended, owing
to the great unpopularity and arbitrary actions of the King,[94]
whose reign had begun under the happiest auspices, but the
manifest defects in his character brought his career to a sorrowful
ending.
There was a kind of tourney called the Espinette held at Lille, in
honour of a relic preserved there, which, though obscure, would
seem to have been but an ordinary joust with which certain annual
ceremonies were connected. Hewitt[95] quotes the Chronicle of
Flanders concerning a celebration in the year 1339:—“Jehan Bernier
went to joust at the Espinette, taking with him four damsels, namely,
the wife of Seigneur Jehan Biensemé, the wife of Symon du Gardin,
the wife of Monseigneur Amoury de la Vingne, and mademoiselle his
own wife. And the said Jehan Bernier was led into the lists by two of
the aforesaid damsels by two golden cords, the other two carrying
each a lance. And the King of the Espinette this year was Pierre de
Courtray, who bore Sable, three golden Eagles with two heads and
red beaks and feet.” M. Leber gives some account of the fête de
l’épinette in the Collection des traités.
The vamplate, avant-plate, placed on the shaft of the lance, for
the protection of the right hand and arm, first appears in the
fourteenth century; and so does the lance-rest on the breastplate.
An ordinance of the thirteenth century orders the lance to be
blunted for the tourney; but in the fourteenth it was ordered to be](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/18935-250705150859-98e9cb88/85/Quantitative-Medical-Data-Analysis-Using-Mathematical-Tools-and-Statistical-Techniques-1st-Edition-Don-Hong-30-320.jpg)
![tipped with a coronal, the short points of which were just sufficient
to catch on to the armour without being capable of piercing it. The
helmet of the fourteenth century was the pointed bascinet, with the
camail or hood of mail worn over the top of the cyclas. The great
heaume used early in the fourteenth century differs little from that
of the end of the thirteenth; later it assumed the form of a cylinder,
surmounted by a truncated cone. It was usually of iron, though
sometimes of leather, either ordinary or of cuir-bouilli. The fan crest,
doubtless adopted from a classic prototype, came into vogue in the
last quarter of the thirteenth century, though it is represented on the
seal of King Richard I.
Crests were made of various materials. Those for the cavaliers
taking part in the tournament at Windsor Park, in 1278, were of calf-
skin, one for the man and another for the horse, as shown in the
Roll of Purchases; that of the Black Prince, at Canterbury,[96] was of
cloth. They were attached to the helm by means of a thin iron bar.
Crests were usually affixed to the great helm, which was worn over
the bascinet; though there are instances of their being used alone
on the smaller head-piece.
The heraldic crest does not appear before towards the close of
the thirteenth century; a notable instance may be cited in the case
of the remarkable effigy of Sir John de Botiler, in St. Bride’s Church,
Glamorganshire, which dates about the year 1300. The helmet of
this monument is the cervellière, which is a visor-less, saucer or
shallow basin-shaped head-piece, going over the hood of mail; and
the crest is embossed on its front. Crests were not generally worn
before about the end of the first quarter of the fourteenth century,
after which period they develop from comparative simplicity into
fantastic and even ridiculous conceptions.
A strange fancy was the cap-of-maintenance, the placing of a cap
of velvet or other material on the helm, surmounted by the family
crest; and in the second half of the century or a little later the orle
or wreath and mantling or lambrequin are added.](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/18935-250705150859-98e9cb88/85/Quantitative-Medical-Data-Analysis-Using-Mathematical-Tools-and-Statistical-Techniques-1st-Edition-Don-Hong-31-320.jpg)
![The shield of the century was of the triangular kite or heater-
shaped form.
In 1390 “John de Hastings earle of Pembroke, as he was
practising to learne to ioust, thrugh mishap was striken about the
priuie parts, by a knight called Sir John S. John, that ran against
him, so as his inner parts being perished, death presentlie
followed.”[97]
In 1398 the Earl of Crawford, of Scotland, jousted à outrance, i.e.
with sharp lances, with Lord Wells of England at London Bridge, the
23rd April, being the feast day of St. George. An attaint was made in
the first course, and both champions kept their seats. The Earl sat so
steadfast in his saddle under the shock that the by-standers cried
out that he was locked to his seat, on hearing which he jumped off
his horse and then vaulted back into his saddle again with such
agility as greatly to astonish the people. In the second course they
met again as before without either being hurt; but in the third Lord
Wells “was borne out of the saddle and sore hurt with a grieuous
fall.”
Not long after a duel on horseback took place in Scotland
between Sir Robert Morley, an Englishman, and Sir Archibald
Edmounston, and afterwards with another Scot Hugh Wallace, and
the first-named was the victor in both cases; but he was at length
overcome by one Hugh Traill, at Berwick, and died shortly after from
chagrin.[98]](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/18935-250705150859-98e9cb88/85/Quantitative-Medical-Data-Analysis-Using-Mathematical-Tools-and-Statistical-Techniques-1st-Edition-Don-Hong-32-320.jpg)
![like many others, carried on their craft for several generations. The
Germans have always been wont to borrow the inventions and
processes of other nations, and then often to cheapen them; and so
it was with body-armour. They gradually succeeded, under the
personal inspiration and direction of the Emperor Maximilian, in
transferring the bulk of that industry, even in the best harnesses, to
German soil, until at length cities like Nuremberg and Augsburg
became the chief seats of the manufacture; and indeed the bulk of
the armours preserved to us of the later “Gothic” and “Maximilian”
styles are of German make. That Maximilian engaged armour-smiths
from Italy is seen by a contract made in 1494[99] with the Milan
armourers Gabrielle and Francesco de Merate, to erect and equip for
him a smithy in the town of Arbois, in Burgundy, to forge there a
certain number of harnesses at fixed prices. The armour worn by
Maximilian I at Worms, in 1495, in a combat on foot with the
Burgundian, Claude de Vaudrey, bears the stamp “m,e,r,”
surmounted by a crown, the Milan mark of these smiths, who came
next in celebrity to the Missaglias.
Many ameliorations were conceived in the fifteenth century with
a view to further minimizing the risk of serious accidents, and one of
the most far-reaching and important was the application of the tilt in
jousting. Many injuries had befallen the riders in the tourney by the
collision of their horses, sometimes by accident, at others by design,
and the idea of the tilt was conceived greatly with a view towards
obviating this danger. The tilt, or toile, was at first a rope hung with
cloth, stretched along the middle of the lists, but later it became a
barrier of planks, along which the tilters charged in opposite
directions, their bridle-arms towards it, their lances held in rest in
their right hands on the tilt side of the horse’s neck, striking the
polished, glancing surface of their adversary’s armour at an angle.
The tilt had the advantage of lending a fixed direction to the jousters
in their careers, though they often failed to touch each other. With
the danger of these collisions removed, the knight ran his course
with but little risk.](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/18935-250705150859-98e9cb88/85/Quantitative-Medical-Data-Analysis-Using-Mathematical-Tools-and-Statistical-Techniques-1st-Edition-Don-Hong-34-320.jpg)
![Jousting in the open with pointed lances was, however, continued
by a hardier type of jousters until long after the introduction of the
tilt; and here the saddle was without cantle, so as to offer no
impediment to unhorsing; and a cushion or mattress, stuffed with
straw, was placed over the chests of the horses, to act as a buffer in
case of collision. A rough game it was for a cavalier to be unseated
and thrown to the ground in his heavy armour, sometimes carrying a
weight of two hundred pounds; though his fall was broken by the
ground of the lists being covered with thickly strewn sand or
mulched with refuse from the tan-yard. This form was much
practised in Germany, though strange to say but little harm would
seem to have been experienced by the champions in their falls,
greatly owing to the extensive padding of their harnesses. Other
important departures in the direction of comparative safety were the
designing of special forms of armour for the tiltyard, and the
introduction of additional or reinforcing pieces, for doubly protecting
those parts of the body on which the brunt of the attack fell, viz.
mainly on the left side. They first appear in England in the reign of
Edward IV. “William Lord Bergavenny bequeathed to his son the best
sword and harness for justs of peace and that which belong to war.”
The vamplate of this century was much enlarged, for the
protection of the lance-arm; and the steels of the saddles lent great
protection to the bodies of the jousters below the breast. The effect
of all this was to encase those taking part in the tourney in an
almost impenetrable shell, from which they could barely see or do
more than couch and aim their lances.
Armour for the lists became sharply divided from that employed
for “hoasting” purposes, as harnesses for the field were called,
though in what country the change had its origin, whether in
Burgundy, Italy or Germany, is uncertain. It was in use in Burgundy
in the year 1443, for we read in the account given in Mémoires
D’Olivier De La Marche,[100] that during the time the necessary
preparations were being made for the tournament held at L’Arbre de
Charlemagne, Dijon, in that year, the young cavaliers practised](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/18935-250705150859-98e9cb88/85/Quantitative-Medical-Data-Analysis-Using-Mathematical-Tools-and-Statistical-Techniques-1st-Edition-Don-Hong-35-320.jpg)
![jousting before the duke “et là furent faictes une jouste à selles
plattes et en harnois de joûte.”
Harnesses for the lists assume different forms in Germany from
those in Italy. In the first-named country in the case of the armour
for jousting in the open, so to speak, the breastplate was flattened
on the right side for better couching and aiming the lance, which
was supported by a Rasthaken or queue behind, as well as by a
lance-rest in front, while in Italy the cuirass continued rounded in
form. The lance-rest (Rüsthaken) assumed various forms, though
usually that of a curved bracket. Reinforcing pieces were employed
in all courses.
There is another variety of armour which was used in
Scharfrennen, [101] but it, with the others, will be particularly
described and illustrated later on. Jousting at the tilt prevailed
greatly in England, though abroad many other varieties were
practised as well. Jousting lances were often painted or ornamented
with party-coloured puffs of cloth along their length. Lance-heads
assumed various forms, examples of which may be seen in several
of the German museums and in the Tower of London. Illustrations
are given by Boeheim.[102] The shafts varied in form, weight and
thickness for the different courses.
The armour for combats on foot was made very strong and
heavy, and so padded with under-clothing as to cause faintings and
even deaths in hot weather. Foot-fighting was rendered much safer
by the introduction of “barriers,” over which the champions fought,
but they do not appear much before the sixteenth century.
The physical strain on those taking part in a tournament must
have been great, and the combatants weary at the end of a long
day; nevertheless they joined the ladies in the evening, when the
successful competitors received the prizes from their hands; and
after the banquet came the dance.
The century saw the mingling of the tourney with the pageant;
the mêlée had been much supplanted by the joust, which demanded](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/18935-250705150859-98e9cb88/85/Quantitative-Medical-Data-Analysis-Using-Mathematical-Tools-and-Statistical-Techniques-1st-Edition-Don-Hong-36-320.jpg)
![more individual skill, for in the throng and confusion of the mêlée
the element of chance helped certain of the combatants to a
distinction beyond their real deserts; while in the joust, which was a
contest between two champions only, each had to stand or fall solely
on his own merits.
A favourite form of the tourney of the fifteenth century was the
Kolbenturnier or baston course, which differed essentially from all
the others in that no personal injury was intended in the contest, the
object being to batter off the crest which decorated the helm of an
adversary; and it was thus purely a game or trial of skill. The
weapon employed was a Kolben, a heavy polygonally-cut baston or
mace of hard wood, about 80 cm. in length. The Kolben swells out
along its shaft to an obtuse point, has a round pommel, short grip,
and a rondel-guard of iron. There is an illustration of this weapon in
the Tourney-book of René d’Anjou. The helm, a huge, globose form
of bascinet, was latticed over the face with strong iron bars, and
screwed to the cuirass back and front; it was thickly lined inside and
roomy enough to prevent any injury which might be caused by the
heavy blows exchanged. It was covered outside with leather and
painted with various devices. A fine example of this type of helm is
at Dresden, and Boeheim in Waffenkunde,[103] figures one of them
in the Collection Mayerfisch at Sigmaringen. The saddle was the high
one, known as the Sattel im hohen Zeug; an example, of the second
half of the fifteenth century, is in the Germanische National Museum
at Nuremburg. The Kolbenturnier ceased being run about the end of
the first quarter of the sixteenth century. It was at first practised on
foot, and doubtless grew out of the Judicial combats with the baston
of the lower classes. Boeheim in Waffenkunde[104] illustrates Duke
Georg of Bayern-Zandshut, at Heidelberg, armed for a Kolbenturnier
in 1482: from Hans Burgmaior’s Turnierbuch, in possession of the
Prince of Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen.
The crests of the fifteenth century are most fanciful and
fantastic, such as a crowned unicorn or the tail of a fox; many
examples may be seen in the tourney-book of King René, the](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/18935-250705150859-98e9cb88/85/Quantitative-Medical-Data-Analysis-Using-Mathematical-Tools-and-Statistical-Techniques-1st-Edition-Don-Hong-37-320.jpg)
![Beauchamp pageants, the German tourney books, and other works
of the kind; and René describes their construction very fully. They
are fragile and made greatly of the same materials as those of the
century preceding, though oftener of cuir-bouilli, which substance
was more substantial and enduring. The tapestry at Valenciennes,
which pictures a mêlée of the fifteenth century, shows numerous
fragments of crests lying on the ground under the hoofs of the
horses. The knights prized their crests greatly; and they were often
buried with them. They were fixed in position by an iron bar or
brooch; an example of the latter may be seen at the Musée
d’Artillerie, Paris. Sometimes the horse was also provided with a
crest, as in the tournament at Windsor Park in 1278.
The hours during which fêtes d’armes took place show that the
lists were frequently artificially lighted, and, indeed, torches and
flambeaux are sometimes mentioned.
Tournaments held at the royal and princely courts of the
countries of chivalry were strictly games, the hosts often challenging
their guests to trials of skill; and some correspondence preserved of
the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, between German princes,
shows what a great part these martial sports played in the routine of
their daily lives; second only, if even that, to the chase. Kurfürst
Albrecht von Brandenburg, writing to a friend in the last quarter of
the century, says:—“Wir sind yor mit gots hilff die fordersten im
Turnier gewesen und gedenkens aber zu bleiben.”[105] Maximilian,
writing, at the age of nineteen, to Sigmund Pruschenk, remarks:
—“Ich hab das pest gethan, wann ich hab VIII stechholz
zerstossen.”[106]
Much depended on the docility and training of the chargers,
which were often ridden blindfolded, and they were sometimes
influenced by a spirit of combat like their riders. The bodies of the
horses were padded and covered by the trapper, which fell down
almost to the ground, considerably hampering their motions; a
mattress of straw, crescent-formed, protected their chests;[107] their
ears were sometimes stopped with wool or oakum; the head and tail](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/18935-250705150859-98e9cb88/85/Quantitative-Medical-Data-Analysis-Using-Mathematical-Tools-and-Statistical-Techniques-1st-Edition-Don-Hong-38-320.jpg)
![information, and with a sufficiency of technical knowledge for
placing the scope and minutiæ of the encounters accurately and
vividly before us. They also afford invaluable details of the costumes
of the period, giving minute particulars of the dresses, and all
matters connected with the lists. The Seigneur de la Marche was a
Burgundian, born about 1425; he was appointed a page to his
master the Duke in 1447, and was dubbed chevalier after the battle
of Montlehéry. He distinguished himself before Ghent in 1452, was
appointed a commissionary to the forces in 1456, was made a
prisoner at Nancy in 1476, and died in 1502. The Mémoires cover a
period of about fifty-three years, and form a very valuable
contribution to the history of the tourney. They were first published
in 1562.[108] Jean de Féore, Seigneur de St. Remy, describes some
of the pas d’armes of the century; and the Traité de Tournois, by
Louis de Bruges, written in the reign of Charles VIII, of France, deals
with others of a later period. The Beauchamp Peageants[109] afford
some excellent illustrations of jousts and combats on foot and on
horseback. They are reproduced in the History of the Life and Acts
of Richard Beauchamp, Earl of Warwick, by John Rouse, the
Warwickshire antiquary and historian, who died on the 14th of
February, 1491, the seventh year of Henry VII. Earl Richard was
born in 1381 and died in 1439. Hefner’s plates, Nos. 109 and 138,
also picture jousts and tourneys of this period.
The Romance of Petit Jehan de Saintré,[110] written in 1459, by
Antoine de la Sale, contains fifteen large and fine illustrations of
jousts, combats on foot, etc., which, as far as we can judge, fairly
represent such knightly encounters of the period. Hewitt[111]
mentions the equipments and colours, as shown on fol. 39: “Near
Knight.—Armour, iron-colour; feet, black; crest, red flower with gold
leaves; saddle, bridle, and stirrup-leather, red; trapper, blue, marked
with darker blue and lined with white fur. Far Knight.—Armour and
feet as before; crest, gold with red feathers; saddle, buff; trapper,
dark with black markings; bells, gold. Chanfreins both ridged and
spiked, gold; the rest iron. The barrier is red and marked with a](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/18935-250705150859-98e9cb88/85/Quantitative-Medical-Data-Analysis-Using-Mathematical-Tools-and-Statistical-Techniques-1st-Edition-Don-Hong-41-320.jpg)
![deeper red. It will be observed that, except the helm, the whole
armour differs in nothing from the usual war suit.” The Mémoires of
the Sire de Haynin[112] afford some interesting details in connection
with pas d’armes.
The rules of the tourney promulgated by René d’Anjou, King of
Naples, Sicily and Jerusalem, and Duke of Lorraine, in Tournois du
Roi René, are most important. They contain many restrictions in the
use of weapons, and all tend towards restraining the violence and
disorder which had hitherto prevailed, and towards rendering these
warlike games less dangerous; and they inculcate a spirit of chivalry,
thus doing away greatly with much of the brutality of the former
age. René thought lances too cumbersome for the tourney, and
considered the proper weapons to be rebated swords and maces.
The famous duel between the dukes of Brittany and Bourbon is
described. But little jousting took place at Aix, the mêlée being
preferred. There are several splendid manuscripts of the King’s
writings extant, four of them at Paris, illuminated by the King
himself, and they go into the minutest details of all which concern
the tourney as practised at Aix.
“The Ordinaunce, statutes and rules made by John Lord Typtofte,
Erle of Worcester, Counstable of England by the Kinges
commaundment, at Windsor the 29 of May ao sixto Edwardi quarti
(1466), to be observed and kepte in all manner of Justes of pees
royall with in this realme of England.”[113]
There are several copies of the rules extant. The version here
given, in an abridged form, is taken from the Antiquarian Repertory.
It was copied from a MS. M. 61 in the Herald’s College.[114]
Another copy may be seen in Nugae Antiquae, by Park, which is
referred to in Archæologia, or the year 1813.[115] They are also
printed in Dr. Meyrick’s Critical Essay on Antient Armor, III, 179-86,
with valuable notes from the MS. M. 6, in the Herald’s College.
These rules run:—](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/18935-250705150859-98e9cb88/85/Quantitative-Medical-Data-Analysis-Using-Mathematical-Tools-and-Statistical-Techniques-1st-Edition-Don-Hong-42-320.jpg)
![sometimes used in a general sense to cover various forms of
jousting and the tourney: and such meetings often received the
general appellation of fêtes d’armes. In a contemporary recital of the
meeting in 1559, which Henry II of France received his fatal wound,
the terms “joûtes,” “tournois,” and pas d’armes are all employed to
express the proceedings as a whole. The term “tourney” is very
frequently used to denote the mêlée.
A pas d’armes or passage of arms usually covered a variety of
martial exercises. It was open to all comers, being knights and
esquires qualified to take part, who were invited by proclamation to
attend. The field was held by a certain number of challengers, called
“les tenans” or holders of the pas; while the attacking cavaliers were
known as “les venans,” or comers, who came to try and wrest the
pas from them. A pas d’armes was also an imitation of an operation
of war, a Scharmützel, in the attack and defence of a supposed
position of strength, such as a pasteboard bridge-head, a castle of
wood or the assumed gate to a town; the contest being waged with
all the ardour of real warfare, though tempered by certain rules,
pretences and limitations. The term pas d’armes is comprehensive,
for besides jousting and strokes with the sword, etc., such meetings
often included combats on foot; and, after the middle of the
fifteenth century, contests on horseback with the baston or mace;
and they often concluded with the tourney proper or mêlée, troop
against troop.
In the Antiquarian Repertory[116] is the following account of a
pas d’armes held about the end of the fifteenth century:—
“The king assigns to four maidens of his court the
umpireship of the castle called ‘Loyall’; for the attack
and defence of which they are to arrange as they may
collectively decide upon. The castle is a mock fortress,
representing one which had been subjected to a
remarkable siege in history. The ladies confide its
guard and custody to a captain and fifteen cavaliers to
defend the ‘pas’ against all comers. A unicorn is placed](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/18935-250705150859-98e9cb88/85/Quantitative-Medical-Data-Analysis-Using-Mathematical-Tools-and-Statistical-Techniques-1st-Edition-Don-Hong-45-320.jpg)
![within the lists, the four legs of which support as many
shields, coloured white, red, yellow and blue
respectively. The first shield signifies the opening
jousts at the tilt, to be run in ‘hoasting’ armour, with
double or reinforcing pieces; the second shield denotes
that in the tourney which follows the jousting twelve
strokes with the sword are to be exchanged; the third
a combat on foot at barriers, the same number of
strokes with one-handed swords; the fourth, the
defence and assault of the castle, with swords, shields
and morris-pikes. The points and edges of all the
weapons employed in the four sections to be rebated,
only the foyne[117] excepted. Any cavalier, except the
leader of either side, if taken prisoner, may be
ransomed with three yards of satin, but captains must
pay the cost of thirteen yards for their freedom. The
pas d’armes to continue from the 27th November to
New Year’s Day. The hours, after the first day, from
one in the afternoon to seven in the evening.”[118]
Other clauses in the Chapitres d’Armes are:—
“Item. Yt shalbe lawfull for the assaulters to
devise all manner of engynes for the wynenge
of the said castell; engyn or tole to breake the
ground or howse with all only excepted.
Item. None do meddell with fier neyther within or
without but to fire their gunnes.
Item. If any man be disarmed, he maye
withdrawne himselfe if he will; but once past
the barres, he may not com agayne into the
torney for that daye. Also there shall no man
have his servant within the barres with any
peace of harnois, for no man shalbe within](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/18935-250705150859-98e9cb88/85/Quantitative-Medical-Data-Analysis-Using-Mathematical-Tools-and-Statistical-Techniques-1st-Edition-Don-Hong-46-320.jpg)
![the said barres but such as shalbe assigned
by the king’s grace.
Item. Who shall beste demeane himselfe at thee
same arte of armes, shall have a sword,
garnished, to the valew of three hundred
crownes or under.
Item. If any man strike a horse with his speare,
he shalbe put out of the torny withowt any
favour; and if any slaye an horse, he shall
paye to the owner of the said horse an
hundred crownes in recompence; also yt is
not to be thought that any man will slaye an
horse willingly; for if he do it, it shall be to his
great dishonor.
Item. He that uses a close gauntlet (a locking or
forbiden gauntlet) shall win no prize.[119]
Item. He that his sword falleth owt of his hand,
shal win no prize.”
The gaining of prizes in jousting was settled as a rule by a
counting of points, for and against, and they were usually:—
Breaking a lance fairly on the body of an adversary, below the
helmet, 1 point; above the breast, 2 points; unhorsing, 3 points.
Points would be lost by striking the saddle or the tilt. A lance should
be splintered more than a foot above the head.
The long wars between France and England had engendered
much hatred and bitterness between the nations, and frequent
combats in the lists, à outrance, continued to take place between
the respective cavaliers, many of which fights were characterized by
great violence and ruthlessness. Matters at length got to such a pass
that in the year 1409 the French King issued an ordinance against all
such combats between cavaliers of the two nations.[120] Certain
combats, however, continued to take place under royal licence.](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/18935-250705150859-98e9cb88/85/Quantitative-Medical-Data-Analysis-Using-Mathematical-Tools-and-Statistical-Techniques-1st-Edition-Don-Hong-47-320.jpg)
![In the year 1400 by advice of the Earl of Huntingdon, “solemne
iusts were to be enterprised between him and 20 on his part, and
the earle of Salisburie and 20 with him, at Oxford.” This was a
conspiracy for the assassination of King Henry IV, but the plot
miscarried.[121]
In the year 1400 Michel d’Oris, an esquire of Arragon, sent to
Calais, by a pursuivant-at-arms, a challenge to a deed of arms,
addressed to the Cavaliers of England, in the following terms:—
“Au nom de Dieu, et de la benoite vierge Marie, de
saint Michel et de saint George, je, Michel d’Oris, pour
mon nom exhausser, sachant certainement la
renommée des prouesses de chevalerie d’Angleterre,
ai, au jour de la date de ces présentes, pris un tronçon
de gréve à porter à ma jambe jusqu’à tant qu’on
chevalier du dit royaume d’Angleterre m’aura délivré à
faire les armes qui s’ensuivent. Premièrement, d’entrer
en place à pied, et d’être armé chacun ainsi que bon
lui semblera, et d’avoir chacun sa dague et son épée
sur son corps, en quelque lieu qu’il lui plaira, ayant
chacun une hache, dont je baillerai la longueur. Et sera
le nombre des coups de tous les bâtons et armes
ensuivant: c’est à savoir: de la hache, dix coups sans
reprendre. Et quand ces dix coups seront parfaits et
que le juge dira: Ho! nous férirons dix coups d’épée
sans reprendre ni partier l’un de l’autre, et sans
changer harnois. Et quand le juge aura dit: Ho! nous
viendrons aux dagues et férirons dix coups sur main.
Et si aucun de nous perdoit ou laissoit cheoir un de ses
bâtons, l’autre pourra faire son plaisir du bâton, qu’il
tiendra jusqu’à ce que le juge ai dit: Ho! Et les armes à
pied accomplies, nous monterons à cheval; et sera
armé du corps chacun ainsi qu’il lui plaira, et aura deux
chapeaux de fer paraux, lesquels je liverai; et choisra
mon dit compagnon lequel qu’il lui plaira des deux](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/18935-250705150859-98e9cb88/85/Quantitative-Medical-Data-Analysis-Using-Mathematical-Tools-and-Statistical-Techniques-1st-Edition-Don-Hong-48-320.jpg)
Quantitative Medical Data Analysis Using Mathematical Tools and Statistical Techniques 1st Edition Don Hong
- 1. Quantitative Medical Data Analysis Using Mathematical Tools and Statistical Techniques 1st Edition Don Hong download pdf https://ebookultra.com/download/quantitative-medical-data-analysis- using-mathematical-tools-and-statistical-techniques-1st-edition-don- hong/ Discover thousands of ebooks and textbooks at ebookultra.com download your favorites today!
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- 5. Quantitative Medical Data Analysis Using Mathematical Tools and Statistical Techniques 1st Edition Don Hong Digital Instant Download Author(s): Don Hong, Yu Shyr, Don Hong, Yu Shyr ISBN(s): 9789812704610, 9812704612 Edition: 1 File Details: PDF, 7.18 MB Year: 2007 Language: english
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- 9. NEW JERSEY • LONDON • SINGAPORE • BEIJING • SHANGHAI • HONG KONG • TAIPEI • CHENNAI World Scientific quantitative medical data analysis using mathematical tools and statistical techniques editors don hong MiddleTennessee State University &Vanderbilt University,USA yu shyr Vanderbilt University School of Medicine,USA
- 10. British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. For photocopying of material in this volume, please pay a copying fee through the Copyright Clearance Center, Inc., 222 Rosewood Drive, Danvers, MA 01923, USA. In this case permission to photocopy is not required from the publisher. ISBN-13 978-981-270-461-0 ISBN-10 981-270-461-2 All rights reserved. This book, or parts thereof, may not be reproduced in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording or any information storage and retrieval system now known or to be invented, without written permission from the Publisher. Copyright © 2007 by World Scientific Publishing Co. Pte. Ltd. Published by World Scientific Publishing Co. Pte. Ltd. 5 Toh Tuck Link, Singapore 596224 USA office: 27 Warren Street, Suite 401-402, Hackensack, NJ 07601 UK office: 57 Shelton Street, Covent Garden, London WC2H 9HE Printed in Singapore. QUANTITATIVE MEDICAL DATA ANALYSIS USING MATHEMATICAL TOOLS AND STATISTICAL TECHNIQUES
- 11. May 23, 2007 18:46 WSPC/Trim Size: 9in x 6in for Review Volume Preface PREFACE The increasing power and sophistication of computers over the past decade has placed many scientific disciplines in a position to incorporate formal mathematical tools, statistical techniques, and computer modeling and simulations into their methodologies. At the same time, there has been a growing interest among mathematicians, physicists, computer scientists, and engineers in the complex systems and databases of the life sciences. The resulting natural alliance of biologists with mathematicians, physi- cists, computer scientists, and engineers has led to the emergence of the rapidly growing and highly interdisciplinary field of Integrative Life Sci- ences. In today’s environment, the volume of data available for medical research has increased dramatically. Quantitative Analysis can assist by applying advanced statistical analysis techniques and mathematical tools to help one get more information from the data sources. With quantitative biomedical data analysis, one can better understand the data and interpret the discovered biomarkers for diagnostic applications. In addition to tra- ditional statistical techniques and mathematical models using differential equations, new developments with a very broad spectrum of applications, such as wavelets, spline functions, and learning theory, have found their mathematical home in Biomedical Data Analysis. This book gives new and integrated introduction to quantitative medical data analysis from the viewpoint of the biomathematicians, biostatisticians, and bioinformaticians. Topics include mathematical models for cancer invasion and clinical sciences, data mining techniques and subset selec- tion in data analysis, survival data analysis and survival models for cancer patients, statistical analysis and neural network techniques for genomic and proteomic data analysis, wavelet and spline applications for mass spectrometry data preprocessing, and statistical computing. The book of- fers a definitive resource to bridge mathematics, statistics, and biomedical sciences. It will be of interest to mathematicians, statisticians, and com- puter scientists working in biomedical data mining and analysis, disease v
- 12. May 23, 2007 18:46 WSPC/Trim Size: 9in x 6in for Review Volume Preface vi Preface modeling, and related applications. It will be also useful for biological and medical researchers who want an application-based introduction to current biomathematical models and statistical methods. The contributors of this volume include experts in the fields. Besides the invited submissions for this review volume, selected papers presented at a workshop “Quantitative Medical Data Analysis”, held at Johnson City, Tennessee from October 13-14, 2005 are included. All of the papers were peer reviewed. The workshop was sponsored by the National Security Agency. The Offices of the Vice Provost for Research and the Dean of Basic & Applied Sciences at Middle Tennessee State University (MTSU). The editors gratefully acknowledge the support provided by the National Science Foundation (NSF), the National Security Agency (NSA), and the National Institutes of Health (NIH) during the past several years. The editors would also like to thank their colleagues: Maria A. Byrne, Curtis Church, Lisa Green, Robert Greevy, Changbin Guo, Peter Hinow, Aixiang Jiang, Cen Li, Anhua Lin, Yali Liu, Ginger Rowell, Ping Zhang, and Jan Zijlstra for their valuable suggestions and kind assistance in the editing of this book. The time and effort contributed by the anonymous reviewers to this edited volume for publication are greatly appreciated. We are also grateful to Jennifer Hong and Mindy Hong for their assistance on the proofreading of many articles. It is a pleasure to acknowledge the great support given to us by Ying Oi CHIEW and Lai Fun KWONG from World Scientific Publishing. Finally, we owe deep thanks to our families for their constant love, patience, understanding, and support. It is to them that we dedicate this book. Don Hong and Yu Shyr Nashville, Tennessee, USA
- 13. June 7, 2007 9:34 WSPC/Trim Size: 9in x 6in for Review Volume ToC CONTENTS Preface v Unit I. Statistical Methodology and Stochastic Modeling Chapter 1 An Overview on Variable Selection for Longitudinal Data 3 John J. Dziak and Runze Li Chapter 2 Some Recent Results in Model Selection 25 Xiaoming Huo and Xuelei (Sherry) Ni Chapter 3 Some State Space Models of AIDS Epidemiology in Homosexual Populations 43 Wai Y. Tan Chapter 4 Stochastic and State Space Models of Carcinogenesis: Some New Modeling Approaches 61 Wai Y. Tan and L. J. Zhang Chapter 5 Semiparametric Methods for Data from an Outcome- Dependent Sampling Scheme 93 Haibo Zhou and Jinhong You Unit II. Proteomics and Genomics Chapter 6 Automated Peak Identification in a TOF-MS Spectrum 113 Haijian Chen, Eugene R. Tracy, William E. Cooke, O. John Semmes, Maciek Sasinowski and Dennis M. Manos Chapter 7 Microarray Data Analysis in Affymetrix Gene Chip 133 Dung-Tsa Chen and James J. Chen vii
- 14. June 7, 2007 9:34 WSPC/Trim Size: 9in x 6in for Review Volume ToC viii Contents Chapter 8 Wavelets and Projecting Spectrum Binning for Proteomic Data Processing 159 Don Hong, Huiming Li, Ming Li and Yu Shyr Unit III. Survival Modeling and Analysis Chapter 9 Application of the Non-Proportional Rates Model to Recurrent Event Data: Analysis of Risk Factors for Pre-School Asthma 181 Jianwen Cai and Douglas E. Schaubel Chapter 10 Survival Model and Estimation for Lung Cancer Patients 201 Xingchen Yuan, Don Hong and Yu Shyr Chapter 11 Nonparametric Regression Techniques in Survival Analysis 223 Chin-Shang Li Unit IV. Mathematical Models for Diseases Chapter 12 Eigenslope Method for Second-Order Parabolic Partial Differential Equations and the Special Case of Cylindrical Cellular Structures with Spatial Gradients in Membrane Capacitance 255 Lloyd Lee Glenn and Jeff Knisley Chapter 13 Mathematical Modelling of Non-Invasive Pressure Support Ventilation: Investigation of Tidal Volume Instability 277 Sahattaya Rattanamongkonkul, Yongwimon Lenbury, John R. Hotchkiss and Philip S. Crooke Chapter 14 Mathematical Models on the Growth of Solid Tumors 297 Zachariah Sinkala
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- 16. collected from heralds, pursuivants, kings-of-arms and other officials at the tourney. Froissart was born about the year 1337, and he began to gather the material for his history when about twenty years of age, viz. eleven years after the battle of Crecy. The Chronicles commence with the coronation of Edward III, in 1337, and with the accession of Philip of Valois to the crown of France, and they close about the end of the century with the death of Richard II of England. At the beginning of his career Froissart was closely associated with the English court as a poet and historian, acting, indeed, as clerk to the closet to Queen Philippa, after which he entered the Church, becoming later canon of Chimay. His fine personal gifts soon placed him in excellent and confidential relations with many prominent and influential personages, both of France and England, able to give him reliable information for his history. His industry was remarkable, his style of writing both original and luminous, and his facts and narrations, though often marshalled with some confusion, are most reliable, so far at least as we can judge now. He was no extreme partisan, but tried, as he often says, whenever possible to hear both sides to a question. The weak place in his history is his dates and the lack of them. Sainte-Palaye says of him: “Froissart, qui a mieux réussi qu’acun de nos historiens à peindre les mœurs de son siècle, ...” Royal jousts were often held in celebration of the coronations and weddings of princes; and such were usually proclaimed in advance in other countries of chivalry, so as to afford opportunities for the attendance of foreign cavaliers anxious to distinguish themselves; and these were provided with safe-conducts by the crown. In 1302 “Tournies, iustes, barriers, and other warlike exercises, which yovng lords and gentlemen had appointed to exercise for their pastime in diuerse parts of the realme, were forbidden by the kings proclamations sent downe to be published by the shirifs in euerie countie abroad in the realme: the teste of the writ was from Westminster the sixteenth of Julie.”[58]
- 17. A tournament was proclaimed by the King of Bohemia and the Earl of Hainault, to be held at Condé in 1327, just after the coronation of Edward III; and Sir John de Hainault, who had been present at the ceremony, left England to attend this tourney, accompanied by fifteen English knights, who intended taking part. [59] Holinshed states that in September, 1330, the King (Ed. III) held jousts in Cheapside, when he with twelve challengers answered all comers. The meeting continued over three days, and no serious accidents took place. A joust of the same year is figured in Codex Balduini Trevirencis. The cavaliers are seen jousting with lances tipped with coronals and with flat triangular shields, heraldically ensigned: they wear ample surcoats and the horses are trapped in cloth. The heaumes bear fan crests, the saddles are without supports; and the object in contemplation is the splintering of lances and unhorsing. “Great iustes was kept by King Edward at the toune of Dunstable in 1341, with other counterfeited feats of warre, at the request of diuerse yovng lords and gentlemen, whereat both the king and queene were present, with the more part of the lords and ladies of the land.”[60] King Edward held a tournament in London in the middle of August, 1342; and had sent heralds into Flanders, Brabant and France to proclaim it. Froissart states that the eldest son of Viscount Beaumont[61] was killed at this tournament. Other chroniclers date this passage of arms in 1343. To cry a tourney—“Cy sensuyt la façon des criz de Tournois et des Joustes. Cy peut on à prendre à crier et à publier pour ceulx qui en seront dignes,” etc. Ashmolean MS., No. 764, 31, 43.[62] On the reverse of the last leaf is a picture of a Joust, wherein two combatants on horseback, bearing their crests, are fighting with lances within the lists.
- 18. The Round Table held at Windsor on St. George’s Day in 1344 has been referred to in the section devoted to the Tabula Rotunda. These hastiludes and jousts are mentioned by Froissart, who tells us that they were characterized by great splendour. The Queen was attended on the occasion by three hundred ladies, richly attired; while the King had a great array of earls and barons in his train. The “feast” was noble, with all good cheer and jousting, and lasted over fifteen days. Holinshed’s account, under the year 1344, is as follows: —“Moreouer, about the beginning of the eighteenth yeare (?) of his reigne, King Edward held a solemne feast at his castell of Windsore, where betwixt Candlemasse and Lent, was atchiued manie martiall feasts, and iusts, and tornaments, and diuerse other the like warlike pastimes, at which were present manie strangers of other lands, and in the end thereof, he deuised the order of the garter, and after established it, as it is to this daie. There are six and twentie companions or confrers of this felowship of that order, being called knights of the blew garter, and as one dieth or is depriued, an other is admitted into his place. The K. of England is euer chiefe of this order. They weare a blew robe or mantell, and a garter about their left leg, richlie wrought with gold and pretious stones, hauing this inscription in French vpon it, Honi soit qui mal y pense, Shame come to him who euill thinketh. This order is dedicated to S. George, as chéefe patrone of men of warre, and therefor euerie yeare doo the knights of the order kéepe solmne his feast, with manie noble ceremonies at the castell of Windsore, where King Edward founded a colledge of canons.”[63] Shortly after this round table the King issued letters patent for hastiludes and jousts to be held annually at Lincoln, over which the Earl of Derby was nominated as Captain by the King, the office to be retained by the earl during life-time, but after his death to become elective. The “Feast of the Round Table” was again held at Windsor in 1345, and within a few years of it jousts took place at Northampton, Dunstable, Canterbury, Bury, Reading and Eltham, the exact years of
- 19. which do not appear in the wardrobe accounts which have been preserved. In July, 1346, King Edward invaded France, and did not return to London until October, 1347, his home-coming being celebrated by jousts, tournaments, masques and other festivities. A manuscript covering the expenses of the great wardrobe of Edward III from December, 1345, to January, 1349, now in the Public Record Office, is printed in Archæologia for the year 1846.[64] Some of the items scheduled cover robes for the person, which were delivered to certain of the knights taking part in a “round-table” held by the King at Lichfield in 1348 or 1349, more probably the former year; viz. for the King’s person and eleven knights of his chamber, these being Sir Walter Manny, John de L’Isle, Hugo Courtenay, John Gray, Robert de Ferrers, Richard de la Vache, Philip de Spencer, Roger de Beauchamp, Miles de Stapleton, Ralph de Ferrers and Robert de Mauley. To each of these knights two yards of blue cloth for coats and “three quarters and half a yard” of white cloth for hoods[65] was delivered. Similar cloth was also issued to some of the other knights. The challengers, or tenans, of the round table consisted of the king and seventeen of his knights; their opponents, the venans, comprised fourteen knights, with the Earl of Lancaster at their head. An entry in the wardrobe accounts shows that King Edward wore a harness bearing the arms of Sir Thomas Bradeston on the occasion. Any further particulars of this round table, beyond the details of the robes for the banquet, are lacking. This tournament was celebrated with great pomp and magnificence. A spirited verse from Chaucer’s “Knight’s Tale” follows:—[66]
- 20. “The heraudes lefte hir prikyng up and doun; Now ryngen trompès loude and clarioun; Ther is namoore to seyn, but west and est In goon the speres ful sadly in arrest; In gooth the sharpè spore into the syde. Ther seen men who kan juste and who kan ryde; Ther shyveren shaftès upon sheeldès thikke; He feeleth thurgh the hertè-spoon the prikke. Up spryngen sperès twenty foot on highte; Out gooth the swerdes as the silver brighte; The helmès they to-hewen and to-shrede, Out brest the blood with stiernè stremès rede; With myghty maces the bonès they to-breste. He, thurgh the thikkeste of the throng gan threste, Ther, stomblen steedès stronge, and doun gooth al; He, rolleth under foot as dooth a bal.” We see in the Romance of Perceforest how the ladies at a tournament tore off pieces of their apparel to be used as tokens or favours by their devoted knights, to an extent leaving them in a condition of dishabille. A knight often wore “a kerchief of pleasance” on his helmet, a token from his lady-love. In 1358 “Roiall iustes were holden in Smithfield, at which were present the Kings of England, France and Scotland ... of which the more part of the strangers were as their prisoners.”[67] “Moreouer, this year (1359) in the Rogation wéeke was solemne iusts enterprised at London, for the maior and his foure and twentie brethern as challengers did appoint to ansuer all commers, in whose name and stéed the King with his foure sonnes, Edward, Lionell, John and Edmund, and ninetéene other great lords; in secret manner came and held the field with honor, to the great pleasure of the citizens that beheld the same.”[68]
- 21. “Moreouer this yeare (1362) the fiue first daies of Maie, were kept roiall iusts in Smithfield by London, the king and queene being present, with a great multitude of ladies and gentlemen of both the realms of England and France.”[69] Much detailed information concerning the jousting of the fourteenth century has fortunately been preserved in the records of the wars in France, some examples of which follow. At the time when the siege of Tournay was raised by means of a truce, a tournament was held at Mons, at which Sir Gerard de Verchin, Seneschal of Hainault, was mortally wounded.[70] Froissart states[71] that a combat took place before the walls of the town of Rennes in 1357, then being besieged by the English forces, between a young knight-bachelor,[72] Bertrand du Guesclin, and an English cavalier, Sir Nicholas Dagworth. The articles of combat provided for three courses with the lance, three strokes with the battle-axe and three thrusts with the dagger. These were all duly delivered, the knights bearing themselves right gallantly, without hurt to either of them. The fight was viewed with extreme interest by both armies. So far Froissart. But there is some doubt whether it was Sir Nicholas Dagworth who was one of the principals in this duel; for in the Histoire de Bretagne it is stated that it was William de Blanchbourg, brother of the Governor of Fougerai, who was Sir Bertrand’s opponent on the occasion, and that he was wounded and unhorsed. It is more probable, however, that both duels were fought, though the last-named combat was not likely to have taken place under the walls of Rennes, for both cavaliers were Frenchmen. There is a singularly beautiful brass in the pavement of the south chapel of Blickling Church, Norfolk, in memory of Sir Nicholas Dagworth, who was a man of importance in the reigns of kings Edward III and Richard II. He lived until the year 1401,[73] and his will appears in Testamenta Vetusta. The brass is given in the Boutell
- 22. Collection. It affords an excellent example of the armour prevailing at the end of the fourteenth century, when the evolution from chain- mail to full plate-armour had been almost completed. The helmet is the pointed bascinet, with the camail, the latter with an ornamental bordering coming over the top of the jupon. The cyclas, which has an enriched fringing, hides the body-armour from view, and the knightly belt is elaborately decorated; the pouldrons are articulated. The gauntlets, with short cuffs, have gads over the fingers for use in the mêlée, and they show an imitation of finger-nails, and the solerets are freely articulated. The knight’s head rests on his great helm, which has a mantling; and a wreath, surmounted by the crest, a griffin. The armour is enriched with chasing. The Arms—Erm, on a fesse, gu., three bezants: impaling Rosale, Cu., a fesse between six martlet’s or. The armour of the Black Prince in the Chapel of the Holy Trinity, at Canterbury Cathedral, affords an excellent illustration of the degree of progress reached in the last quarter of the fourteenth century. The process of evolution from chain-mail to plate is here almost completed, there being only small pieces of the former at the skirt, arms and insteps of the solerets. The Prince died in 1376, and the date of his effigy is somewhat later. During a skirmish at Toury, in France, shortly before the death of King Charles V, in 1380, an esquire of Beauce, named Gauvain Micaille, enquired through an herald if any English gentleman would be willing to try a feat of arms with him—a joust of three courses, and the exchange of three blows with the battle-axe and of three thrusts with the dagger. The challenge was accepted by an English esquire, named Joachim Cator. The Frenchman received a severe wound in the thigh in the jousting, which was in contravention of the rules of the tourney; but the Englishman pleaded that it was an accident solely due to the restiveness of his horse; and this explanation was accepted by the umpire.[74] An interesting tournament took place at Cambray in 1385 on the marriage of the Count d’Ostrevant to the daughter of Duke Philip of
- 23. Burgundy. The ceremony was followed by a banquet at which the King of France was present as well as the Duke. The tournament was held in the market-place of the town, and forty knights took part, the King tilting with a knight of Hainault. The prize was a clasp of precious stones, taken from off the bosom of the Duchess of Burgundy; it was won by a knight of Hainault, Sir John Destrenne, and was formally presented by the Admiral of France and Sir Guy de la Trimouille.[75] The number of courses run in jousting and the blows and strokes exchanged with battle-axes, swords and daggers at a meeting like that just described was usually three each; but they tended to increase as the century advanced, and five got to be a common number, and later as many as ten or even twelve. In the duel between Sir Thomas Harpenden and Messire Jean des Barres, at Montereau sur Yonne in 1387, they numbered “cinq lances à cheval, cinq coups d’épée, cinq coups de dague et cinq coups de hache.” The first four courses of the jousts were run with equal fortune, but in the fifth Sir Thomas was unhorsed and lay senseless on the ground; he revived, however, after a time, and all the strokes and blows were duly exchanged without further hurt to either knight. The King of France was present on the occasion.[76] About this time, when the war between France and England was in full progress, there was much jousting with pointed lances between the knights and esquires of the two nations; safe-conducts being issued by the commanders on either side. A meeting was arranged to take place near Nantes, under the auspices of the Constable of France and the Earl of Buckingham. The first encounter was a combat on foot, with sharp spears, in which one of the cavaliers was slightly wounded; the pair then ran three courses with the lance without further mishap. Next Sir John Ambreticourt of Hainault and Sir Tristram de la Jaille of Poitou advanced from the ranks and jousted three courses, without hurt. A duel followed between Edward Beauchamp, son of Sir Robert Beauchamp, and the bastard Clarius de Savoye. Clarius was much
- 24. the stronger man of the two, and Beauchamp was unhorsed. The bastard then offered to fight another English champion, and an esquire named Jannequin Finchly came forward in answer to the call; the combat with swords and lances was very violent, but neither of the parties was hurt. Another encounter took place between John de Châtelmorant and Jannequin Clinton, in which the Englishman was unhorsed. Finally Châtelmorant fought with Sir William Farrington, the former receiving a dangerous wound in the thigh, for which the Englishman was greatly blamed, as being an infraction of the rules of the tourney; but an accident was pleaded as in the case of the duel between Gauvain Micaille and Joachim Cator. At this meeting the honours lay with the Frenchmen.[77] Somewhat later a combat à outrance[78] took place at Chateau Josselin, near Vannes, between John Boucmel, a Frenchman, and Nicholas Clifford, in which Boucmel was struck on the upper part of the breastplate by his opponent’s lance, which, glancing off, entered his neck through the camail and severed the jugular vein, killing him instantly.[79] A plate of Froissart’s represents this duel as a combat on foot with long lances, taking place in a small quadrangular enclosure. Juvenal des Ursins states[80] that at the marriage of Charles VI, of France, with Isabel (Isabeau) of Bavaria, 1385, jousts and grand fêtes took place in its honour. Sir Peter Courtenay came to France at the time with the object of accomplishing a feat of arms with the Seigneur de la Tremouille. The King’s consent to the duel had been obtained, and the day and place were fixed for its accomplishment. The knights appeared in the lists on the day appointed in order to fulfil their engagement in presence of the King, who, however, at the last moment, owing to some remonstrances, forbade the combat: but a duel did take place at the time between an English knight and the Seigneur de Clery, in which the Englishman was wounded and unhorsed. This joust had been brought to the notice of the Duke of Burgundy, who said that the offence committed by a Frenchman in jousting with an enemy without the consent of his sovereign was
- 25. worthy of death; his Majesty, however, at length pardoned the offender. Froissart describes a realistic tournament, held at Paris during the wedding festivities, as between the Saracens under Saladin, and the Crusaders, led by Richard Cœur de Lion. The feat of arms between Sir John Holland and Sir Reginald de Roye, a French chevalier of distinction, held at the town of Entença, before the King and Queen of Portugal and the Duke and Duchess of Lancaster, presents features of its own. The French knight sent an invitation to the Englishman entreating him to joust with him three courses with the lance, and to exchange the same number of strokes with the battle-axe, sword and dagger, for the love of his lady. The challenge was promptly accepted, and an answer returned by the herald, together with a safe-conduct for the Frenchman and his company. Sir Reginald arrived in due time at Entença, handsomely accompanied by six score knights and esquires. The meeting was held in a spacious close in the town, the ground well strewn with sand; and galleries had been erected for the accommodation of the royal and ducal parties, with other spectators. The jousting was to be with sharp lances, to be followed by a contest with sharp and well-tempered battle-axes, swords and daggers. The champions were well mounted and rode into the lists in full armour, taking up positions for their careers at either end of the lists, with the distance of a bow-shot between them. The signal for the onset having been sounded, the knights charged each other at the gallop, and Sir Reginald struck the bars of his opponent’s visor so stoutly that his lance splintered on impact. Sir John Holland also struck the visor of his adversary well and fairly, but the helmet of the Frenchman, instead of having been securely laced to his body-armour as was usual, was only held by a single thong, and of course slipped off, leaving the knight bare-headed and Sir John’s lance unbroken. The jousters then returned to their stations, and charged each other as before, and again the same thing happened, owing to the same cause. The English who were present regarded the unusual loose fastening of the helmet as a trick, but the umpire, the Duke of
- 26. Lancaster, ruled that it was admissible for Sir John Holland to have employed the same artifice had he chosen to do so, and that therefore he could not decide against the French knight.[81] After the stipulated three courses with the lance had been run, the knights fought three rounds each with battle-axes swords and daggers, without either receiving a scratch. The French chevalier was adjudged to have had the advantage, though both had done well.[82] In 1389 a deed of arms was performed at Bordeaux before the Duke of Lancaster, between five Englishmen and five Frenchmen: three courses with the lance, three courses with swords, and the same number with battle-axes. None was wounded, but one of the English knights killed the horse of a Frenchman with his lance, which greatly angered the Duke, who replaced the loss with one of his own chargers.[83] The most prominent and accomplished jouster of his day was the Chevalier Jean Le Maingre, called De Boucicaut, Mareschal of France 1368-1421, and his Mémoires,[84] by an unknown author, contain descriptions of some of his exploits in the tiltyard. One of these recitals[85] follows:—During the three years’ truce between France and England, when King Charles VI was at Montpellier,[86] the French Seigneurs De Boucicaut, de Sampi and de Roye challenged all comers, being foreign knights and esquires, to joust five courses with lances, pointed or blunted, at their pleasure, at St. Ingelbert, [87] a place near Calais; the pas d’armes (or the “table-ronde,” as it is called in the Chapitres d’Armes, or articles of combat) to continue for thirty days. A great elm stood before the pavilions of the challengers, and hanging from its branches were two shields of wood, one of them plated with iron, “l’un de paix, l’autre de guerre,” so that each venant on arriving at the rendezvous could signify his pleasure as to whether he elected to fight with pointed or rebated lances by striking with a wand the shield for peace or that for war. The arms and devices of the three tenans were painted above the
- 27. two shields, so that each venant might be able to select his adversary among them, and a note blown on a horn proclaimed his choice. Each venant was to furnish the king of arms with his name and titles, and to bring another cavalier with him as his sponsor. The lists were richly decorated, the challengers handsomely apparelled; and lavish hospitality was dispensed in a pavilion specially pitched for the purpose. Any arms, armour, or other requisites of which the venans might stand in need, were freely provided, the motto everywhere displayed being “Ce que vouldrez.” The chronicle goes on to state that on the first day of the jousting, Jean de Holland, Earl of Huntingdon, half-brother to King Richard, signified his intention of jousting with Boucicaut. Both lances were fairly splintered in the first encounter, the second and third being fought with equal fortune; but in the fourth the horse of the English knight fell with its rider, who was severely injured, his antagonist only retaining his seat by the prompt support of his varlets. Boucicaut then retired to his pavilion, but was not allowed to remain resting for long, for other English cavaliers desired to joust with him, and he disposed of two other knights the same day. While he was engaged in combat day after day, his fellow tenans were not idle, and the thirty days stipulated in the Chapitres d’Armes ran their course. Among other cavaliers from England taking part were Earl Marschal, the knights de Beaumont, Thomas de Perci, de Clifford and Courtenay, besides Sir John d’Ambreticourt and many Spanish and German cavaliers. Boucicaut is said to have gone through the whole thirty days of jousting without a scratch. The rôle of the tenans at a pas d’armes was no sinecure, and for three knights to have held the pas for thirty days against all comers, as in this case, must have been an arduous undertaking; and very dangerous also, more especially as much of the jousting was with pointed lances. No. XI of Froissart’s plates professes to depict one of the jousts of this pas d’armes; but it pictures one at the tilt, so that the drawing is obviously of a later date than that of the Inglevert meeting, and was, in fact, executed in the reign of Edward IV, when the tilt was in common use. Froissart[88] gives a long and
- 28. circumstantial account of this meeting, and states that it was very richly appointed. King Charles of France was present incognito, and had subscribed very handsomely towards the heavy expenses incurred. Monkish chronicles, written in times not contemporaneous with the events they describe, are usually unreliable in being coloured with the circumstances of a later age; and any illuminations or wood-cuts accompanying them are apt to reflect the times in which they were executed, rather than those they are represented to portray, for the artist fills in his picture with the details of the scenes before him. However, with the accumulated knowledge we now possess, we are enabled to correct some of the mistakes, from a chronological point of view. A royal tournament was held in London by King Richard II, immediately after the Michaelmas of the year 1390, in honour of Queen Isabella; and heralds were sent to proclaim it throughout England, Scotland, Hainault, Germany, Flanders and France. Sixty knights were to joust with rebated lances, as tenans, for two successive days, the Sunday and Monday, against all comers; and the Tuesday following was set apart for the esquires. The jousting was to be followed by banquets, dances and sumptuous fêtes and entertainments of various kinds. The prizes for the Sunday were as follows:—A rich crown of gold for the best lance among the venans; and, for the most successful among the tenans, a very rich golden clasp. Those for the Monday are not stated; but for the Tuesday, the esquires’ day, they were a handsome charger, fully accoutred, and a falcon, for the best lances of the venans and tenans, respectively. The ladies were to act as judges and to present them. The Sunday’s jousting was called the feast of the challengers. At three p.m. the procession started from the Tower of London. Sixty barded chargers, an esquire mounted on each, advanced at a foot’s pace; then sixty ladies of rank richly apparelled and mounted on palfreys, rode in single file, each leading a knight, in full armour, by a silver chain. The procession thus formed proceeded along the streets of London, down Cheapside to Smithfield, attended by minstrels and
- 29. trumpeters. The King and Queen, with their suites, accompanied by some of the great barons, had gone earlier to Smithfield, and there awaited the arrival of the procession and the knights from abroad. Their Majesties were lodged in the Bishop’s palace, and there the banquets and dances were to be held. Many foreign knights and esquires attended, and among them Sir William of Hainault (Count d’Ostrevant)[89] and the Count de St. Pol. On the arrival of the procession at Smithfield the knights mounted their horses and prepared for jousting, which began soon after. The prize for the best lance of the venans on the Sunday, the first day of jousting, was awarded by the ladies to the Count de St. Pol; and that for the most skilful knight among the tenans, to the Earl of Huntingdon.[90] The King led the tenans on the Monday; and the prize for the best lance of the venans was awarded to the Count d’Ostrevant; that for the most successful of their opponents to Sir Hugh Spencer. The esquires jousted on the Tuesday, after which there was a banquet, and dancing was continued until daybreak. There was jousting on the Wednesday for knights and esquires indiscriminately; and on Thursday and Friday fêtes, masques and banquets, after which the royal party left for Windsor.[91] Caxton refers to these royal jousts in the following terms:— “All of the King’s hous were of one sute, theyr cotys, theyr armys, theyr sheldes and theyr trappours were embrowdred all with whyte hertis, with crownes of gold about their necks, and cheynes of gold hangyng thereon; whiche hertys were the King’s leverey, that he gaf to lordes, ladyes, knyghtes, ＆ squyers, to know his houshold peple from other; then four and twenty ladyes comynge to the justys, ladde[92] four and twenty lordes with chynes of gold, and alle in the same sute of hertes as is afore sayd, from the Tour on horsback thrurgh the cyte of London into Smythfeld.” The narrative of this tournament by
- 30. Holinshed[93] is far from being so picturesque as that of Froissart, and it differs in some particulars from it. He says there were twenty-four ladies, not sixty, mounted on palfreys; and that the prizes for the first day were awarded to the Comte de St. Pol and the Earl of Huntingdon; and on the Monday to the Earl of Ostravant and Sir Hugh Spencer. King Richard proclaimed another grand tournament to be held at Windsor in one of the closing years of his reign; the tenans or challengers to be forty knights and forty esquires, clothed in green. The Queen was present, but very few of the barons attended, owing to the great unpopularity and arbitrary actions of the King,[94] whose reign had begun under the happiest auspices, but the manifest defects in his character brought his career to a sorrowful ending. There was a kind of tourney called the Espinette held at Lille, in honour of a relic preserved there, which, though obscure, would seem to have been but an ordinary joust with which certain annual ceremonies were connected. Hewitt[95] quotes the Chronicle of Flanders concerning a celebration in the year 1339:—“Jehan Bernier went to joust at the Espinette, taking with him four damsels, namely, the wife of Seigneur Jehan Biensemé, the wife of Symon du Gardin, the wife of Monseigneur Amoury de la Vingne, and mademoiselle his own wife. And the said Jehan Bernier was led into the lists by two of the aforesaid damsels by two golden cords, the other two carrying each a lance. And the King of the Espinette this year was Pierre de Courtray, who bore Sable, three golden Eagles with two heads and red beaks and feet.” M. Leber gives some account of the fête de l’épinette in the Collection des traités. The vamplate, avant-plate, placed on the shaft of the lance, for the protection of the right hand and arm, first appears in the fourteenth century; and so does the lance-rest on the breastplate. An ordinance of the thirteenth century orders the lance to be blunted for the tourney; but in the fourteenth it was ordered to be
- 31. tipped with a coronal, the short points of which were just sufficient to catch on to the armour without being capable of piercing it. The helmet of the fourteenth century was the pointed bascinet, with the camail or hood of mail worn over the top of the cyclas. The great heaume used early in the fourteenth century differs little from that of the end of the thirteenth; later it assumed the form of a cylinder, surmounted by a truncated cone. It was usually of iron, though sometimes of leather, either ordinary or of cuir-bouilli. The fan crest, doubtless adopted from a classic prototype, came into vogue in the last quarter of the thirteenth century, though it is represented on the seal of King Richard I. Crests were made of various materials. Those for the cavaliers taking part in the tournament at Windsor Park, in 1278, were of calf- skin, one for the man and another for the horse, as shown in the Roll of Purchases; that of the Black Prince, at Canterbury,[96] was of cloth. They were attached to the helm by means of a thin iron bar. Crests were usually affixed to the great helm, which was worn over the bascinet; though there are instances of their being used alone on the smaller head-piece. The heraldic crest does not appear before towards the close of the thirteenth century; a notable instance may be cited in the case of the remarkable effigy of Sir John de Botiler, in St. Bride’s Church, Glamorganshire, which dates about the year 1300. The helmet of this monument is the cervellière, which is a visor-less, saucer or shallow basin-shaped head-piece, going over the hood of mail; and the crest is embossed on its front. Crests were not generally worn before about the end of the first quarter of the fourteenth century, after which period they develop from comparative simplicity into fantastic and even ridiculous conceptions. A strange fancy was the cap-of-maintenance, the placing of a cap of velvet or other material on the helm, surmounted by the family crest; and in the second half of the century or a little later the orle or wreath and mantling or lambrequin are added.
- 32. The shield of the century was of the triangular kite or heater- shaped form. In 1390 “John de Hastings earle of Pembroke, as he was practising to learne to ioust, thrugh mishap was striken about the priuie parts, by a knight called Sir John S. John, that ran against him, so as his inner parts being perished, death presentlie followed.”[97] In 1398 the Earl of Crawford, of Scotland, jousted à outrance, i.e. with sharp lances, with Lord Wells of England at London Bridge, the 23rd April, being the feast day of St. George. An attaint was made in the first course, and both champions kept their seats. The Earl sat so steadfast in his saddle under the shock that the by-standers cried out that he was locked to his seat, on hearing which he jumped off his horse and then vaulted back into his saddle again with such agility as greatly to astonish the people. In the second course they met again as before without either being hurt; but in the third Lord Wells “was borne out of the saddle and sore hurt with a grieuous fall.” Not long after a duel on horseback took place in Scotland between Sir Robert Morley, an Englishman, and Sir Archibald Edmounston, and afterwards with another Scot Hugh Wallace, and the first-named was the victor in both cases; but he was at length overcome by one Hugh Traill, at Berwick, and died shortly after from chagrin.[98]
- 33. T CHAPTER IV he fifteenth century marks a very distinct epoch in the history of the tourney, which became milder and less dangerous to life and limb; and during its course a stricter observance than hitherto of the rules, regulations and limitations prescribed were progressively more strictly enforced, and their infringement subjected the offenders to severe and sometimes degrading penalties. An oath to observe the rules of chivalry was administered to all cavaliers taking part in the tournament. Body-armour had proved inadequate to resist the then weapons of attack, and at the commencement of the century, or perhaps a couple of decades earlier, the armour-smith was especially directing his attention towards the strengthening of the knightly harness. The chief seat of the industry for the greater part of the century was at Milan, at which city armour was forged of such strength as to be capable of resisting thrusts with the lance and strokes from the terrible battle-axe, sword and mace practically without fracture; and one meets with references in English and other records to orders being sent to Milan for harnesses of proof, a civil garment being forwarded to indicate the stature and build of the person, since ill- fitting suits would be apt to chafe the wearers. But, while the best and most costly harnesses came from Italy, less expensive equipments were imported into England from Germany; for “ostling” (Easterling) armour is sometimes mentioned in English articles of combat, and it was probably obtained through the agency of the Hanseatic Confederation from their London depôt, the Steelyard, then situated in what is now Lower Thames Street, London. The cost of carriage also would be much less from Germany. The great armour-smiths of Milan at the period immediately under review were members of the Missaglia Negroli family, which,
- 34. like many others, carried on their craft for several generations. The Germans have always been wont to borrow the inventions and processes of other nations, and then often to cheapen them; and so it was with body-armour. They gradually succeeded, under the personal inspiration and direction of the Emperor Maximilian, in transferring the bulk of that industry, even in the best harnesses, to German soil, until at length cities like Nuremberg and Augsburg became the chief seats of the manufacture; and indeed the bulk of the armours preserved to us of the later “Gothic” and “Maximilian” styles are of German make. That Maximilian engaged armour-smiths from Italy is seen by a contract made in 1494[99] with the Milan armourers Gabrielle and Francesco de Merate, to erect and equip for him a smithy in the town of Arbois, in Burgundy, to forge there a certain number of harnesses at fixed prices. The armour worn by Maximilian I at Worms, in 1495, in a combat on foot with the Burgundian, Claude de Vaudrey, bears the stamp “m,e,r,” surmounted by a crown, the Milan mark of these smiths, who came next in celebrity to the Missaglias. Many ameliorations were conceived in the fifteenth century with a view to further minimizing the risk of serious accidents, and one of the most far-reaching and important was the application of the tilt in jousting. Many injuries had befallen the riders in the tourney by the collision of their horses, sometimes by accident, at others by design, and the idea of the tilt was conceived greatly with a view towards obviating this danger. The tilt, or toile, was at first a rope hung with cloth, stretched along the middle of the lists, but later it became a barrier of planks, along which the tilters charged in opposite directions, their bridle-arms towards it, their lances held in rest in their right hands on the tilt side of the horse’s neck, striking the polished, glancing surface of their adversary’s armour at an angle. The tilt had the advantage of lending a fixed direction to the jousters in their careers, though they often failed to touch each other. With the danger of these collisions removed, the knight ran his course with but little risk.
- 35. Jousting in the open with pointed lances was, however, continued by a hardier type of jousters until long after the introduction of the tilt; and here the saddle was without cantle, so as to offer no impediment to unhorsing; and a cushion or mattress, stuffed with straw, was placed over the chests of the horses, to act as a buffer in case of collision. A rough game it was for a cavalier to be unseated and thrown to the ground in his heavy armour, sometimes carrying a weight of two hundred pounds; though his fall was broken by the ground of the lists being covered with thickly strewn sand or mulched with refuse from the tan-yard. This form was much practised in Germany, though strange to say but little harm would seem to have been experienced by the champions in their falls, greatly owing to the extensive padding of their harnesses. Other important departures in the direction of comparative safety were the designing of special forms of armour for the tiltyard, and the introduction of additional or reinforcing pieces, for doubly protecting those parts of the body on which the brunt of the attack fell, viz. mainly on the left side. They first appear in England in the reign of Edward IV. “William Lord Bergavenny bequeathed to his son the best sword and harness for justs of peace and that which belong to war.” The vamplate of this century was much enlarged, for the protection of the lance-arm; and the steels of the saddles lent great protection to the bodies of the jousters below the breast. The effect of all this was to encase those taking part in the tourney in an almost impenetrable shell, from which they could barely see or do more than couch and aim their lances. Armour for the lists became sharply divided from that employed for “hoasting” purposes, as harnesses for the field were called, though in what country the change had its origin, whether in Burgundy, Italy or Germany, is uncertain. It was in use in Burgundy in the year 1443, for we read in the account given in Mémoires D’Olivier De La Marche,[100] that during the time the necessary preparations were being made for the tournament held at L’Arbre de Charlemagne, Dijon, in that year, the young cavaliers practised
- 36. jousting before the duke “et là furent faictes une jouste à selles plattes et en harnois de joûte.” Harnesses for the lists assume different forms in Germany from those in Italy. In the first-named country in the case of the armour for jousting in the open, so to speak, the breastplate was flattened on the right side for better couching and aiming the lance, which was supported by a Rasthaken or queue behind, as well as by a lance-rest in front, while in Italy the cuirass continued rounded in form. The lance-rest (Rüsthaken) assumed various forms, though usually that of a curved bracket. Reinforcing pieces were employed in all courses. There is another variety of armour which was used in Scharfrennen, [101] but it, with the others, will be particularly described and illustrated later on. Jousting at the tilt prevailed greatly in England, though abroad many other varieties were practised as well. Jousting lances were often painted or ornamented with party-coloured puffs of cloth along their length. Lance-heads assumed various forms, examples of which may be seen in several of the German museums and in the Tower of London. Illustrations are given by Boeheim.[102] The shafts varied in form, weight and thickness for the different courses. The armour for combats on foot was made very strong and heavy, and so padded with under-clothing as to cause faintings and even deaths in hot weather. Foot-fighting was rendered much safer by the introduction of “barriers,” over which the champions fought, but they do not appear much before the sixteenth century. The physical strain on those taking part in a tournament must have been great, and the combatants weary at the end of a long day; nevertheless they joined the ladies in the evening, when the successful competitors received the prizes from their hands; and after the banquet came the dance. The century saw the mingling of the tourney with the pageant; the mêlée had been much supplanted by the joust, which demanded
- 37. more individual skill, for in the throng and confusion of the mêlée the element of chance helped certain of the combatants to a distinction beyond their real deserts; while in the joust, which was a contest between two champions only, each had to stand or fall solely on his own merits. A favourite form of the tourney of the fifteenth century was the Kolbenturnier or baston course, which differed essentially from all the others in that no personal injury was intended in the contest, the object being to batter off the crest which decorated the helm of an adversary; and it was thus purely a game or trial of skill. The weapon employed was a Kolben, a heavy polygonally-cut baston or mace of hard wood, about 80 cm. in length. The Kolben swells out along its shaft to an obtuse point, has a round pommel, short grip, and a rondel-guard of iron. There is an illustration of this weapon in the Tourney-book of René d’Anjou. The helm, a huge, globose form of bascinet, was latticed over the face with strong iron bars, and screwed to the cuirass back and front; it was thickly lined inside and roomy enough to prevent any injury which might be caused by the heavy blows exchanged. It was covered outside with leather and painted with various devices. A fine example of this type of helm is at Dresden, and Boeheim in Waffenkunde,[103] figures one of them in the Collection Mayerfisch at Sigmaringen. The saddle was the high one, known as the Sattel im hohen Zeug; an example, of the second half of the fifteenth century, is in the Germanische National Museum at Nuremburg. The Kolbenturnier ceased being run about the end of the first quarter of the sixteenth century. It was at first practised on foot, and doubtless grew out of the Judicial combats with the baston of the lower classes. Boeheim in Waffenkunde[104] illustrates Duke Georg of Bayern-Zandshut, at Heidelberg, armed for a Kolbenturnier in 1482: from Hans Burgmaior’s Turnierbuch, in possession of the Prince of Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen. The crests of the fifteenth century are most fanciful and fantastic, such as a crowned unicorn or the tail of a fox; many examples may be seen in the tourney-book of King René, the
- 38. Beauchamp pageants, the German tourney books, and other works of the kind; and René describes their construction very fully. They are fragile and made greatly of the same materials as those of the century preceding, though oftener of cuir-bouilli, which substance was more substantial and enduring. The tapestry at Valenciennes, which pictures a mêlée of the fifteenth century, shows numerous fragments of crests lying on the ground under the hoofs of the horses. The knights prized their crests greatly; and they were often buried with them. They were fixed in position by an iron bar or brooch; an example of the latter may be seen at the Musée d’Artillerie, Paris. Sometimes the horse was also provided with a crest, as in the tournament at Windsor Park in 1278. The hours during which fêtes d’armes took place show that the lists were frequently artificially lighted, and, indeed, torches and flambeaux are sometimes mentioned. Tournaments held at the royal and princely courts of the countries of chivalry were strictly games, the hosts often challenging their guests to trials of skill; and some correspondence preserved of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, between German princes, shows what a great part these martial sports played in the routine of their daily lives; second only, if even that, to the chase. Kurfürst Albrecht von Brandenburg, writing to a friend in the last quarter of the century, says:—“Wir sind yor mit gots hilff die fordersten im Turnier gewesen und gedenkens aber zu bleiben.”[105] Maximilian, writing, at the age of nineteen, to Sigmund Pruschenk, remarks: —“Ich hab das pest gethan, wann ich hab VIII stechholz zerstossen.”[106] Much depended on the docility and training of the chargers, which were often ridden blindfolded, and they were sometimes influenced by a spirit of combat like their riders. The bodies of the horses were padded and covered by the trapper, which fell down almost to the ground, considerably hampering their motions; a mattress of straw, crescent-formed, protected their chests;[107] their ears were sometimes stopped with wool or oakum; the head and tail
- 39. frequently decorated with feathers; and the animals advanced towards each other at a hand-gallop. The rowel-spurs had long necks. Each variety of joust had its own special type of saddle, devised with the object of making unhorsing either difficult or easy as the case might be. These saddles will be described in their order. Each prince or man of rank and fortune kept a considerable number of horses continually in practice; and the correspondence of the times reveals many requests for their loan. It was at the courts of Aix and Burgundy where for long the tourney was much fostered; and at both it may be said to have been reduced almost to a science. At the first-named court it was much a matter of amusement, emulation and relaxation; while in the latter, then the most brilliant in Europe, it was greatly the policy of the sovereign to encourage tournaments and fêtes of all kinds. They kept the leaders of the armies and the chevaliers generally in close touch with the head of the state and the country, besides providing gladiatorial spectacles for the duke’s somewhat restless and discontented subjects, who were often smarting under heavy imposts to provide him with the means for constant schemes of aggression and a profuse display, and who were frequently in a state of revolt. After the tragic death of Charles the Bold, the jousting traditions of the court of Burgundy passed over to that of Maximilian of Austria, who would seem to have made successful jousting one of the great objects of his life. There is perhaps necessarily a certain degree of monotony and repetition in the narrations of the chroniclers of the joust and tourney, but they convey collectively a much clearer idea of these encounters than a mere bald statement of the leading facts could do, and they reflect the chivalrous spirit of the times in the incessant craving of the young cavaliers for notoriety and distinction in the tiltyard. Many examples of jousts and pas d’armes of the fifteenth century are given in the Chronique de Monstrelet, the Mémoires de la Marche, and Chastelain’s Cronique Jacques de Lalain. The Chronicle of Euguerrand de Monstrelet, with its somewhat irregular continuations by de Couci and others, commences where that of
- 40. Froissart leaves off, viz. in the year 1400; and it has the advantage of being for the most part contemporaneous in regard to the events it narrates. Monstrelet’s style of writing is less sprightly and more monotonous than that of Froissart; but he gives dates to his recitals, which, however, leave much to be desired on the score of accuracy. The names of personages and even towns given in the Chronicles are most perplexing, being frequently so distorted as to make identification an impossibility. Like Froissart, Monstrelet does not confine himself to the events of the period under review in France and Burgundy, but deals also with those of other countries in relation to them. The Chronicles, which really amount to a history, afford a good insight into the subject of the jousts and tourneys of the times; and Monstrelet states that his information was carefully collected from heralds, kings-of-arms and other officials of the lists. Monstrelet was born about 1390 and died in 1453. The Bibliothèque de Bourgogne in the National Library at Brussels possesses many illuminations of the reign of Philip the Good and Charles the Bold; and there are also several in the Paris Collection and particularly in the Armorial de la Toison d’Or. An Ashmolean MS., No. 1116, ff. 137b-86, gives the names and arms of the sovereigns and knights of the Order of the Golden Fleece (Toison d’Or) from its institution in 1429 to the twenty-third festival of the Order, which was held by Philip II, King of Spain, 12 Aug. 1559; it gives historical accounts of the celebration of the feasts. The MS., which is in French, is beautifully written, with the arms tricked. Other MSS. in the same Collection, 139-66, 167-75b, of the year 1431, give the statutes and ordinances of the Order. Appendix A furnishes an abstract of all the Ashmolean MSS. relating to the tourney, for reference by our readers. The Mémoires D’Olivier De La Marche teem with spirited descriptions of numerous fêtes d’'armes held at the Burgundian court during the reign of Duke Philippe le Bon, which are full of detail; and several of them bear the impress of having been written by an actual eye-witness, with ample opportunities for getting
- 41. information, and with a sufficiency of technical knowledge for placing the scope and minutiæ of the encounters accurately and vividly before us. They also afford invaluable details of the costumes of the period, giving minute particulars of the dresses, and all matters connected with the lists. The Seigneur de la Marche was a Burgundian, born about 1425; he was appointed a page to his master the Duke in 1447, and was dubbed chevalier after the battle of Montlehéry. He distinguished himself before Ghent in 1452, was appointed a commissionary to the forces in 1456, was made a prisoner at Nancy in 1476, and died in 1502. The Mémoires cover a period of about fifty-three years, and form a very valuable contribution to the history of the tourney. They were first published in 1562.[108] Jean de Féore, Seigneur de St. Remy, describes some of the pas d’armes of the century; and the Traité de Tournois, by Louis de Bruges, written in the reign of Charles VIII, of France, deals with others of a later period. The Beauchamp Peageants[109] afford some excellent illustrations of jousts and combats on foot and on horseback. They are reproduced in the History of the Life and Acts of Richard Beauchamp, Earl of Warwick, by John Rouse, the Warwickshire antiquary and historian, who died on the 14th of February, 1491, the seventh year of Henry VII. Earl Richard was born in 1381 and died in 1439. Hefner’s plates, Nos. 109 and 138, also picture jousts and tourneys of this period. The Romance of Petit Jehan de Saintré,[110] written in 1459, by Antoine de la Sale, contains fifteen large and fine illustrations of jousts, combats on foot, etc., which, as far as we can judge, fairly represent such knightly encounters of the period. Hewitt[111] mentions the equipments and colours, as shown on fol. 39: “Near Knight.—Armour, iron-colour; feet, black; crest, red flower with gold leaves; saddle, bridle, and stirrup-leather, red; trapper, blue, marked with darker blue and lined with white fur. Far Knight.—Armour and feet as before; crest, gold with red feathers; saddle, buff; trapper, dark with black markings; bells, gold. Chanfreins both ridged and spiked, gold; the rest iron. The barrier is red and marked with a
- 42. deeper red. It will be observed that, except the helm, the whole armour differs in nothing from the usual war suit.” The Mémoires of the Sire de Haynin[112] afford some interesting details in connection with pas d’armes. The rules of the tourney promulgated by René d’Anjou, King of Naples, Sicily and Jerusalem, and Duke of Lorraine, in Tournois du Roi René, are most important. They contain many restrictions in the use of weapons, and all tend towards restraining the violence and disorder which had hitherto prevailed, and towards rendering these warlike games less dangerous; and they inculcate a spirit of chivalry, thus doing away greatly with much of the brutality of the former age. René thought lances too cumbersome for the tourney, and considered the proper weapons to be rebated swords and maces. The famous duel between the dukes of Brittany and Bourbon is described. But little jousting took place at Aix, the mêlée being preferred. There are several splendid manuscripts of the King’s writings extant, four of them at Paris, illuminated by the King himself, and they go into the minutest details of all which concern the tourney as practised at Aix. “The Ordinaunce, statutes and rules made by John Lord Typtofte, Erle of Worcester, Counstable of England by the Kinges commaundment, at Windsor the 29 of May ao sixto Edwardi quarti (1466), to be observed and kepte in all manner of Justes of pees royall with in this realme of England.”[113] There are several copies of the rules extant. The version here given, in an abridged form, is taken from the Antiquarian Repertory. It was copied from a MS. M. 61 in the Herald’s College.[114] Another copy may be seen in Nugae Antiquae, by Park, which is referred to in Archæologia, or the year 1813.[115] They are also printed in Dr. Meyrick’s Critical Essay on Antient Armor, III, 179-86, with valuable notes from the MS. M. 6, in the Herald’s College. These rules run:—
- 43. “Firste, whoso breaketh most speares, as they ought to be broken, shall have the price. Item, whoso hitteth thre tymes in the heaulme, shall have the price. Item, whoso meteth two tymes coronoll to coronoll, shall have the price. Item, whoso beareth a man downe with stroke of speare, shall have the price. For the price. Firste, whoso beareth a man downe owte of the saddell, or putteth him to earthe, horse and man, shall have the price, before him that striketh coronoll to coronoll two times. Item, he that striketh coronoll to coronoll two tymes, shall have the price before him that strike the sight thre tymes. Item, he that striketh the sight thre tymes, shall have the price before him that breake the moste speares. Item, yf there be any man that fortunetly in this wise shalbe deemed he bode longest in the feeld heaulmed, and ranne the fairest course, and gave the greatest strokes, helpinge himself best with his speare.” How prices shalbe loste. First. Whosoe striketh a horse, shall not have the price. Second. Whosoe striketh a mannes backe, turned or disarmed of his speare, shall have no price.
- 44. Third. Who hitteth the toyle, or tilte 3 times, shall have no price. Fourth. Whosoe unhelmes himselfe 2 times, shall have no price, without his horse faile him. How speares shall be allowed. First. Whoso breaketh a speare betweene the saddle, and the charnell of the helme, shall be allowed one. Whoso breaketh a speare from the charnell vpwards, shall be allowed one. Whoso breaketh and putteth his aduersary downe, and out of the saddle, or disarmeth him in such wise, as he may not runne the next course after, shall be allowed three speares broken. How Speares broken be disallowed. First. Who breaketh a speare on the sadle, shall be disallowed for a speare broken. Second. Who hitts the tilt or toile once, shall be disallowed for 2 speares broken. Third. Whosoe hitts the tilt twice shal be for the two times abated, for 3 speares broken. Fourth. Whosoe breaketh a speare within a foot of the crownall (coronal), shall be judged as no speare broken, but a good attaynte. A few short rules follow for the mêlée and barriers. There is much confusion in the nomenclature employed by chroniclers in their descriptions of these chivalric war-games, and the terms “tournois,” “tourney,” “joustes” or “joûtes” and “pas d’armes,” are often confounded with each other, all or any being
- 45. sometimes used in a general sense to cover various forms of jousting and the tourney: and such meetings often received the general appellation of fêtes d’armes. In a contemporary recital of the meeting in 1559, which Henry II of France received his fatal wound, the terms “joûtes,” “tournois,” and pas d’armes are all employed to express the proceedings as a whole. The term “tourney” is very frequently used to denote the mêlée. A pas d’armes or passage of arms usually covered a variety of martial exercises. It was open to all comers, being knights and esquires qualified to take part, who were invited by proclamation to attend. The field was held by a certain number of challengers, called “les tenans” or holders of the pas; while the attacking cavaliers were known as “les venans,” or comers, who came to try and wrest the pas from them. A pas d’armes was also an imitation of an operation of war, a Scharmützel, in the attack and defence of a supposed position of strength, such as a pasteboard bridge-head, a castle of wood or the assumed gate to a town; the contest being waged with all the ardour of real warfare, though tempered by certain rules, pretences and limitations. The term pas d’armes is comprehensive, for besides jousting and strokes with the sword, etc., such meetings often included combats on foot; and, after the middle of the fifteenth century, contests on horseback with the baston or mace; and they often concluded with the tourney proper or mêlée, troop against troop. In the Antiquarian Repertory[116] is the following account of a pas d’armes held about the end of the fifteenth century:— “The king assigns to four maidens of his court the umpireship of the castle called ‘Loyall’; for the attack and defence of which they are to arrange as they may collectively decide upon. The castle is a mock fortress, representing one which had been subjected to a remarkable siege in history. The ladies confide its guard and custody to a captain and fifteen cavaliers to defend the ‘pas’ against all comers. A unicorn is placed
- 46. within the lists, the four legs of which support as many shields, coloured white, red, yellow and blue respectively. The first shield signifies the opening jousts at the tilt, to be run in ‘hoasting’ armour, with double or reinforcing pieces; the second shield denotes that in the tourney which follows the jousting twelve strokes with the sword are to be exchanged; the third a combat on foot at barriers, the same number of strokes with one-handed swords; the fourth, the defence and assault of the castle, with swords, shields and morris-pikes. The points and edges of all the weapons employed in the four sections to be rebated, only the foyne[117] excepted. Any cavalier, except the leader of either side, if taken prisoner, may be ransomed with three yards of satin, but captains must pay the cost of thirteen yards for their freedom. The pas d’armes to continue from the 27th November to New Year’s Day. The hours, after the first day, from one in the afternoon to seven in the evening.”[118] Other clauses in the Chapitres d’Armes are:— “Item. Yt shalbe lawfull for the assaulters to devise all manner of engynes for the wynenge of the said castell; engyn or tole to breake the ground or howse with all only excepted. Item. None do meddell with fier neyther within or without but to fire their gunnes. Item. If any man be disarmed, he maye withdrawne himselfe if he will; but once past the barres, he may not com agayne into the torney for that daye. Also there shall no man have his servant within the barres with any peace of harnois, for no man shalbe within
- 47. the said barres but such as shalbe assigned by the king’s grace. Item. Who shall beste demeane himselfe at thee same arte of armes, shall have a sword, garnished, to the valew of three hundred crownes or under. Item. If any man strike a horse with his speare, he shalbe put out of the torny withowt any favour; and if any slaye an horse, he shall paye to the owner of the said horse an hundred crownes in recompence; also yt is not to be thought that any man will slaye an horse willingly; for if he do it, it shall be to his great dishonor. Item. He that uses a close gauntlet (a locking or forbiden gauntlet) shall win no prize.[119] Item. He that his sword falleth owt of his hand, shal win no prize.” The gaining of prizes in jousting was settled as a rule by a counting of points, for and against, and they were usually:— Breaking a lance fairly on the body of an adversary, below the helmet, 1 point; above the breast, 2 points; unhorsing, 3 points. Points would be lost by striking the saddle or the tilt. A lance should be splintered more than a foot above the head. The long wars between France and England had engendered much hatred and bitterness between the nations, and frequent combats in the lists, à outrance, continued to take place between the respective cavaliers, many of which fights were characterized by great violence and ruthlessness. Matters at length got to such a pass that in the year 1409 the French King issued an ordinance against all such combats between cavaliers of the two nations.[120] Certain combats, however, continued to take place under royal licence.
- 48. In the year 1400 by advice of the Earl of Huntingdon, “solemne iusts were to be enterprised between him and 20 on his part, and the earle of Salisburie and 20 with him, at Oxford.” This was a conspiracy for the assassination of King Henry IV, but the plot miscarried.[121] In the year 1400 Michel d’Oris, an esquire of Arragon, sent to Calais, by a pursuivant-at-arms, a challenge to a deed of arms, addressed to the Cavaliers of England, in the following terms:— “Au nom de Dieu, et de la benoite vierge Marie, de saint Michel et de saint George, je, Michel d’Oris, pour mon nom exhausser, sachant certainement la renommée des prouesses de chevalerie d’Angleterre, ai, au jour de la date de ces présentes, pris un tronçon de gréve à porter à ma jambe jusqu’à tant qu’on chevalier du dit royaume d’Angleterre m’aura délivré à faire les armes qui s’ensuivent. Premièrement, d’entrer en place à pied, et d’être armé chacun ainsi que bon lui semblera, et d’avoir chacun sa dague et son épée sur son corps, en quelque lieu qu’il lui plaira, ayant chacun une hache, dont je baillerai la longueur. Et sera le nombre des coups de tous les bâtons et armes ensuivant: c’est à savoir: de la hache, dix coups sans reprendre. Et quand ces dix coups seront parfaits et que le juge dira: Ho! nous férirons dix coups d’épée sans reprendre ni partier l’un de l’autre, et sans changer harnois. Et quand le juge aura dit: Ho! nous viendrons aux dagues et férirons dix coups sur main. Et si aucun de nous perdoit ou laissoit cheoir un de ses bâtons, l’autre pourra faire son plaisir du bâton, qu’il tiendra jusqu’à ce que le juge ai dit: Ho! Et les armes à pied accomplies, nous monterons à cheval; et sera armé du corps chacun ainsi qu’il lui plaira, et aura deux chapeaux de fer paraux, lesquels je liverai; et choisra mon dit compagnon lequel qu’il lui plaira des deux
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