Reflection 1In no more than 3 and no less than 2 full doubl.docx

Reflection 1:
In no more than 3 and no less than 2 full double spaced page(s)
of text, APA format respond to the following about the
information you have already covered (Ch. 7) about oppression
and microaggressions. Also read "Confronting a Bias" that is
attached to this assignment. (Don't forget to cite and source!)
1. How do you see yourself in relation to the information
presented in your textbook about racism and prejudice?
(remember that we all have some prejudices and that the
purpose here is to help you explore within yourself so you can
increase your own self-awareness)
2. What did you read in the microaggressions chart in Ch. 6
that resonated within you? This is likely to be among the things
you read that you had the strongest reactions to. Be SPECIFIC
in your responses. Describing generally what you didn't like or
don't ascribe to is too general.
3. What are your thoughts and reactions to the reading
"Confronting a Bias?" Use the information about oppression
and microaggressions thatyou have read, and analyze the
situation described in the reading.
Confronting a Bias:
Personal Example of Communicating an Observed
Bias
Initially upon reading the text about racism and prejudice, I was

able to identify times
when I was on the receiving end. A recent encounter at the
Michael Kors store came to mind as it resonated within me for
some time.
Just for background purposes, when you enter the Michael Kors
store you are greeted by the salesperson and they will let you
know of any specials they have. On this particular day I entered
right behind a daughter, her mother, and grandchild in a stroller,
which were white. As soon as they got in the middle store area
the sales person greeted them and told them about the sale they
were having. I was within a couple feet of them and received no
greeting or sales pitch.
Often I believe that in order to be sure it is not just me that I
need to observe. In my observation, there was an Asian female
that entered the store and she also did not receive a greeting or
sales pitch. At this point, I am feeling offended an aggravated
and felt that this behavior needed to be pointed out. So I
politely explained to the manager that because of my current
class at school I am being more observant with regards to
interactions and treatment. Furthermore, “I observed the
discriminative behaviors of your worker and it should be
addressed.”
Initially the manager was contributing the busyness of the store
to the worker being
distracted. However I was able to show the manager that as
another white female walked in the worker was always readily
available but I still had not received a greeting.
At this point, I was thinking of the Pretty Woman scene when
she was able to come back and let the sales person know that
their prejudgment of her had cost them big on commission and

sales. Unfortunately, I was unable to spend big and the
commission would not have resulted too much.
I definitely felt like a second class citizen in this situation.
Textbook:
Sue, D. W. and D. Sue (2013);
Counseling the Culturally Diverse: Theory and Practice
.
7th ed., John Wiley and Sons.
(available as an e-book on Cengage Unlimited)
Chapter 6: Microaggression in Counseling and Psychotherapy
Kiana is a 34-year old multiracial bisexual woman living in a
large metropolitan city. Her father is African American and her
mother is biracial: Korean and Italian American. Kiana has
medium skin tone and wears her hair very short and natural. She
is currently an administrative assistant at a large university
where she has worked for three years. Kiana works in this
position while pursuing her Master’s degree in Fine Arts. She
performs and choreographs modern dance. Kiana has felt
marginalized in her place of work and also recently ended a
long-term romantic relationship. She struggles with managing
her work environment and with re-entering the dating scene.
She has also had some trouble getting out of bed in the morning
and generally feels melan-choly. She asked a friend to
recommend a therapist, hoping it might help her feel more
energetic and motivated to meet a new partner. Kiana’s friend
referred her to a psychoanalyst she had been seeing for years:
Alan, a White male in his late 50s. Kiana had some reservations
about therapy; her mother felt it was disgraceful and
inappropriate to tell a stranger about personal problems and her
father felt it was for “crazy” people. In the first therapy session,

Kiana described the difficulties she was having meeting other
single people in the city. Alan asked Kiana if she might be
contributing to her inability to meet men by having an
“unapproach able air.” Kiana was surprised by his question and
asked him what he meant by “unapproachable”? He shared his
first impression of her, which was that her body language
seemed closed and she appeared angry. Kiana paused, as this
was not the first time someone had perceived her as an “angry
Black woman.” She did not have the energy to explore this with
him, and so accepted his observation and tried to change the
subject by pointing out that she is attracted to both men and
women. Alan was curious about Kiana’s bisexuality and how
she understands it. He offered an interpretation of bisexuality as
being a phase during which a person is trying to find their
sexual identity. He asked her if identity issues had been an
ongoing theme in her life and wondered aloud about her
ethnicity. Once again, the kind of curiosity Alan was expressing
was a familiar experience to Kiana, but she did not want to
waste her time in therapy educating Alan about her sexuality or
her ethnicity. She agreed with him that identity issues were an
ongoing theme in her life and moved the discussion to her
workplace. Kiana shared with Alan that in her current role as
administrative assistant, she expe-riences persistent feelings of
invisibility. She relayed multiple incidents in which she would
be sitting at her desk and people would look right past her, act
as if she was not there, and generally treat her as unimportant.
Further, though she was in this job to support her Master’s
degree studies, she felt she was often treated by professors and
students as a “second class citizen”: there to serve them. She
frequently noted looks of surprise and shock when she revealed
that she was a Master’s candidate. For example, a professor
from a different department had recently come in to inquire
about prereq-uisites for a particular course. Though the
professor hadn’t directed her question to her, Kiana spoke up,
saying that she had taken the course and the student should be
fine even with a limited background in the subject matter. The

professor looked somewhat stunned and thanked Kiana
tentatively before asking, “Why did you take the course? Is it
free for staff?” Kiana shared an office space with another
administrative assistant named Michelle, who was a younger
White female and newer to the job. When a colleague would
come into their office with a policy or inventory question, they
always directed it to Michelle. When a delivery person or tech
would come in, they would address Michelle, and if Michelle
was not at her desk (but Kiana was), they would simply walk
out, as if no one were in the office. She shared with Alan that
she sometimes wonders: can anybody see me? While exploring
this, Alan wondered if Kiana was “making a mountain out of a
mole hill.” For example, he asked if Michelle’s desk was
positioned closer to the door in the office, implying that she is
the “first line” for inquiries. He also asked how Michelle greets
people: was she smiling and cheerful? Pleasant and warm? Alan
felt it was important for Kiana to consider where these feelings
of invisibility may be coming from, and invited her to consider
if she felt that she was not worthy of others’ attention and
admiration. He then began to ask her how her relationship was
with her parents as a child, with particular interest in how she
felt about her father. These questions frustrated Kiana, but she
was aware that Alan was already experienc-ing her as closed
and angry. Actually, she was feeling angry, and it felt very
similar to the anger she experienced in her workplace. She felt
caught in that moment between shar-ing her authentic reaction
and being type cast as an angry Black woman and holding in her
true feelings to avoid the stereotype. It was a familiar scenario.
Alan interpreted Kiana’s silence as resistance to the therapeutic
process. Kiana responded that she had come to therapy to
deepen her self-awareness; however, she could see that there
were going to be too many barriers between herself and Alan for
her to be able to authenti-cally share herself. Alan expressed
regret about this and asked if Kiana would consider coming to
another session the next day. He felt that Kiana’s desire to
terminate their work prematurely was a defense mechanism; a

common reaction for those who are new to therapy. Somehow,
this did not resonate for Kiana and she did not return for a
second session. here is clearly misunderstanding and
miscommunication between Kiana and Alan. Kiana was
attending therapy in hopes of deepening her self-understanding;
however, her initial session has served as a microcosm for her
experiences in society at large where she feels invisible. Alan
seems to relate to Kiana as a stereotype (“angry Black
woman”) and explains her feelings of invisibility as being self-
imposed (rather than being caused by the environment and
larger climate of racism and sexism). Kiana’s feelings and
experience are unknowingly invalidated, negated, and dismissed
by the therapist. This anecdote illustrates how racial, gender,
and sexual orientation microaggressions can have a detrimental
impact upon marginalized groups and also undermine the
therapeutic process. Let us briefly review Kiana’s interactions
with others from her perspective. In her workplace, Kiana
experiences persistent feelings of invisibility. She feels she is
often overlooked by others and is generally taken to be less
important and qualified than her younger and less experienced
White officemate. Yet she is placed in an unenviable position of
not being absolutely certain that colleagues are react-ing to her
race. Further, she is keenly aware of the stereotype of the
“angry Black woman” and does not want to be typecast should
she express her frustrations. She is aware that if she is
experienced as hostile and angry, then people may avoid her in
the future, only compounding her feelings of invisibility.
Therefore, Kiana feels a persistent need to monitor her
authentic reactions and her tone of voice, imped-ing her ability
to be her true self (and using a lot of psychic energy!) while at
work. Although the therapist may be attempting to help Kiana
by asking her to look inside herself for the cause of these
feelings of invisibility (a common psychody-namic intervention
is to explore intrapsychic dynamics) he actually undermines and
invalidates Kiana’s experiential reality. Instead of exploring the
workplace environment and considering that racism and sexism

cause people to see a Black woman such as Kiana as less
capable, intelligent, and important, Alan immedi-ately locates
the problem within Kiana (“blaming the victim”). He does the
same thing when asking her about dating. He uses his own
experience of her in therapy (closed body language, angry
expression) and asks her about an “unapproachable air”; again
locating the problem within Kiana. Alan also makes a
heteronormative assumption about Kiana’s sexuality when he
asks her why she is having diffi-culty meeting men. Then, when
Kiana responds that she is interested in men and women, he has
difficulty owning up to his lack of awareness and instead
interprets bisexuality as a phase, thereby invalidating Kiana’s
sexual identity. He goes on to further alienate his client by
suggesting that Kiana struggles with identity issues, given her
multiple ethnic identities. Being multiethnic, Kiana has faced
questions her entire life about “what she is” and even though
she has a strong understanding of herself as a racial being, Alan
has enacted the idea that she must be confused and unsure of
her identity. he incidents experienced by Kiana are examples of
microaggressions. The term racial microaggressions was
originally coined by Chester Pierce to describe the subtle and
often automatic put-downs that African Americans face (Pierce,
Carew, Pierce-Gonzalez, & Willis, 1978; Pierce, 1995). Since
then, the definition has expanded to apply to any marginalized
group. Microaggressions can be defined as brief, everyday
exchanges that send denigrating messages to a target group,
such as people of color; religious minorities; women; people
with disabilities; and gay, lesbian, bisexual, and transgendered
individuals (Sue, 2010; Sue, Capodilupo, et al., 2007). These
microaggressions are often subtle in nature and can be
manifested in the verbal, nonverbal, visual, or behavioral realm.
They are often enacted auto matically and unconsciously
(Pierce et al., 1978; Solórzano, Ceja, & Yosso, 2000), although
the person who delivers the microaggression can do so
intentionally or unintentionally (Sue, Capodilupo, et al., 2007).
Investigators have recently intro-duced the term hierarchical

microaggressions, defined as “everyday slights found in higher
education that communicate systemic valuing (or devaluing) of
a person because of the institutional role held by that person”
(Young, Anderson & Stewart, 2015, p. 66). Consistent with
Kiana’s experiences, participants in that study felt that staff
were devalued and made to feel unimportant. When colleagues
and service workers seek answers only from Kiana’s coworker
and ignore Kiana, they are sending a nonverbal message
(walking out of the office) that they do not believe Kiana is
competent to handle the task at hand. When the professor is
surprised to learn that Kiana has taken a graduate course and
assumes it is free for staff, she is sending a nonverbal (look of
surprise) and verbal message that Kiana does not belong in the
advanced academic environment. The underlying thought
process seems to be that Black people are less qualified, less
competent, and less educated. As we shall see, microaggressions
may seem inno- cent and innocuous, but their cumulative nature
can be extremely harmful to the victim’s physical and mental
health. In addition, they create hostile work environ-ments such
as Kiana’s where she may be denied opportunities and have
difficulties advancing because of unconscious biases and beliefs
held by the colleagues. To help in understanding the effects of
microaggressions on marginalized groups, we will be (a)
reviewing related literature on contemporary forms of
oppression (e.g., racism, sexism, heterosexism, ableism, and
religious discrimination); (b) presenting a framework for
classifying and understanding the hidden and damaging
messages of microaggressions; and (c) presenting findings from
studies that have explored people’s lived experiences of
microaggressions.
CONTEMPORARY FORMS OF OPPRESSION
Most people associate racism with blatant and overt acts of
discrimination that are epitomized by White supremacy and hate
crimes. Studies suggest, however, that what has been called

“old-fashioned” racism has seemingly declined (Dovidio &
Gaertner, 2000). However, the nature and expression of racism
(see Chapter 4) has evolved into a more subtle and ambiguous
form, perhaps reflecting people’s belief that overt and blatant
acts of racism are unjust and politically incorrect (Dovidio,
Gaertner, Kawakami, & Hodson, 2002). In a sense, racism has
gone underground, has become more disguised, and is more
likely to be covert. A similar process seems to have occurred
with sexism as well. Three types of sexism have been identified:
overt, covert, and subtle (Swim & Cohen, 1997). Overt sexism
is blatant unequal and unfair treatment of women. Covert
sexism refers to unequal and harmful treat-ment of women that
is conducted in a hidden manner (Swim & Cohen, 1997); for
example, a person may endorse a belief in gender equality but
engage in hiring practices that are gender biased. The third
type, subtle sexism, represents “unequal and unfair treatment of
women that is not recognized by many people because it is
perceived to be normative, and therefore does not appear
unusual” (Swim, Mallett, & Stangor, 2004, p. 117). Whereas
overt and covert sexism are intentional, subtle sexism is not
deliberate or conscious. An example of subtle sexism is sexist
lan-guage, such as the use of the pronoun he to convey
universal human experience. In many ways, subtle sexism
contains many of the features that define aversive racism, a
form of subtle and unintentional racism (Dovidio & Gaertner,
2000). Aversive racism is manifested in individuals who
consciously assert egalitarian values but unconsciously hold
anti-minority feelings; therefore, “aversive racists consciously
sympathize with victims of past injustice, support the principles
of racial equality, and regard themselves as nonprejudiced. At
the same time, however, they possess negative feelings and
beliefs about historically disadvantaged groups, which may be
unconscious” (Gaertner & Dovidio, 2006, p. 618). Inheriting
such negative feelings and beliefs about members of
marginalized groups (e.g., people of color, women, and lesbian,
gay, bisexual, or transgendered person [LGBT] populations) is

unavoidable and inevitable due to the socialization process in
the United States (Sue, 2004), where biased attitudes and
stereotypes reinforce group hierarchy (Gaertner & Dovidio,
2006). Subtle sexism is very similar to aversive racism in that
individuals support and actively condone gender equality, yet
unknowingly engage in behaviors that contribute to the unequal
treatment of women (Cundiff, Zawadzki, Danube, & Shields,
2014). Much like aversive racism, subtle sexism devalues
women, dismisses their accomplishments, and limits their
effectiveness in a variety of social and professional settings
(Calogero & Tylka, 2014). Researchers have begun to
underscore the importance of these daily experiences of subtle
sexism, arguing that they are in fact harmful and need to be
recognized as such (Becker & Swim, 2012; Cundiff et al.,
2014). Researchers have used the templates of modern forms of
racism and sexism to better understand the various forms of
modern heterosexism (Smith & Shin, 2014; Walls, 2008) and
modern homonegativity (M. A. Morrison & T. G. Morrison,
2002). Heterosexism and anti-gay harassment has a long history
and is currently prevalent in the United States. Recent studies
find the following for LGBT persons in the workplace: (a) 15–
43 percent experience discrimination or harassment; (b) 7–41
percent report verbal or physical abuse or had their workplace
vandalized; and (c) 10–28 percent were not promoted because
they were gay or transgender (Burns & Krehely, 2011). Anti-
gay harassment can be defined as “verbal or physical behavior
that injures, interferes with, or intimidates lesbian women, gay
men, and bisexual individuals” (Burn, Kadlec, & Rexler, 2005,
p. 24). Although anti-gay harassment includes comments and
jokes that convey that LGB individuals are pathological,
abnormal, or unwelcome, authors identify subtle heterosexism
by the indirect nature of such remarks (Burn et al., 2005). For
example, blatant heterosexism would be calling a lesbian a
dyke, whereas subtle heterosexism would be referring to
something as gay to convey that it is stupid. For sexual
minorities, hearing this remark may result in a vicarious

experience of insult and invalidation (Burn et al., 2005;
Marzullo & Libman, 2009). It may also encourage individuals to
remain closeted, as the environment can be perceived as hostile.
The discriminatory experiences of transgendered people have
been very rarely studied in psychology (Nadal, Rivera, &
Corpus, 2010), yet there is evidence to suggest that the
pervasive daily discrimination faced by this population is
associated with an elevated risk for suicide (Marzullo &
Libman, 2009). One term used to define prejudice against
transgendered individuals is transphobia, “an emotional disgust
toward individuals who do not conform to society’s gender
expectations” (Hill & Willoughby, 2005, p. 533). There is
recent evidence to suggest that the microaggressions
experienced by transgender individuals are distinct from those
experienced by lesbian, gay, and bisexual people (Nadal,
Skolnik, &Wong, 2012). Although it is increasingly considered
politically incorrect to hold racist, sexist, and, to some extent,
heterosexist beliefs, gender roles and expectations tend to be
rigid in the United States, and people may feel more justified in
adhering to their transphobic views (Nadal, Issa, Griffin, Hamit,
& Lyons, 2010; Nadal et al., 2012). Another area that has
received limited attention in the psychological literature is
religious discrimination, despite a high prevalence of religious-
based hate crimes in the United States (Nadal et al., 2010). The
largest percentage of religious harassment and civil rights
violations in the United States are commit- ted against Jewish
and Muslim individuals (Nadal et al., 2010). Some commonly
held anti-Semitic beliefs are that Jews (a) are more loyal to
Israel than to the United States, (b) hold too much power in the
United States, and (c) are respon-sible for the death of Jesus
Christ (Nadal et al., 2010). The prejudice experienced by
Muslim individuals is often referred to as Islamaphobia and has
been well documented in Western European countries both
before and after the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks (Nadal
et al., 2010). The media tends to depict Muslims as religious
fanatics and terrorists (James, 2008), and one study reveals that

Americans hold both implicit and explicit negative attitudes
toward this group (Rowatt, Franklin, & Cotton, 2005). Finally,
though discriminatory practices toward people with disabilities
(PWD) is long-standing in the United States and even believed
to be increasing in frequency and intensity (Leadership
Conference on Civil Rights Education Fund [LCCREF], 2009,
as cited in Keller & Galgay, 2010), ableism is rarely included in
discussions about modern forms of oppression (Keller &
Galgay, 2010). The expression of ableism “favors people
without disabilities and maintains that disability in and of itself
is a negative concept, state, and experience” (Keller & Galgay,
2010, p. 242). What makes this phenomenon of subtle
discrimination particularly complex is that ambiguity and
alternative explanations obscure the true meaning of the event
not only for the person who engages in this behavior, but also
for the person on the receiving end of the action. This is the
central dilemma created by microag-gressions, which are
manifestations of these subtle forms of oppression.
EVOLUTION OF THE “ISMS”: MICROAGGRESSIONS
Microaggressions are “brief and commonplace daily verbal or
behavioral indigni-ties, whether intentional or unintentional,
that communicate hostile, derogatory, or negative racial slights
and insults that potentially have a harmful or unpleasant
psychological impact on the target person or group” (Sue,
Bucceri, Lin, Nadal, & Torino, 2007). Microaggressions can
also be delivered environmentally through the physical
surroundings of target groups, where they are made to feel
unwelcome, isolated, unsafe, and alienated. For example, a
prestigious Eastern university con- ducts new faculty
orientations in their main conference room, which displays
portraits of all past presidents of the university. One new
female faculty of color mentioned that during the orientation
she noticed that every single portrait was that of a White male.
She described feelings of unease and alienation. To her, the all-

White-male portraits sent powerful messages: “Your kind does
not belong here,” “You will not be comfortable here,” and “If
you stay, there is only so far you can rise at this university!”
Environmental microaggressions can occur when there is an
absence of students or faculty of color on college campuses, few
women in the upper echelons of the workplace, and limited or
no access for disabled persons in buildings (e.g., only stairs and
no ramp; no Braille in elevators). Research suggests that the
socialization process culturally conditions racist, sexist, and
heterosexist attitudes and behaviors in well-intentioned
individuals and that these biases are often automatically enacted
without conscious awareness, particularly for those who endorse
egalitarian values (Dovidio & Gaertner, 2000). Based on the
literature on subtle forms of oppression, one might conclude the
following about microaggressions: They (a) tend to be subtle,
unintentional, and indirect; (b) often occur in situations where
there are alternative explanations; (c) represent unconscious and
ingrained biased beliefs and attitudes; and (d) are more likely to
occur when people pretend not to notice differences, thereby
denying that race, sex, sexual orientation, religion, or ability
had anything to do with their actions (Sue, Capodilupi, et al.,
2007). Three types of microaggressions have been identified:
microassault, microinsult, and microinvalidation.
Microassault
The term microassault refers to a blatant verbal, nonverbal, or
environmental attack intended to convey discriminatory and
biased sentiments. This notion is related to overt racism,
sexism, heterosexism, ableism, and religious discrimination in
which individuals deliberately convey derogatory messages to
target groups. Using epithets like spic, faggot, or kyke; hiring
only men for managerial positions; requesting not to sit next to
a Muslim on an airplane; and deliberately serving disabled
patrons last are examples. Unless we are talking about White
suprema- cists, most perpetrators with conscious biases will

engage in overt discrimination only under three conditions: (a)
when some degree of anonymity can be insured, (b) when they
are in the presence of others who share or tolerate their biased
beliefs and actions, or (c) when they lose control of their
feelings and actions. Two past high-profile examples exemplify
the first condition: (a) Paula Deen’s use of the N-word and
racial harassment to employees of color (caught on tape), and
(b) Justin Bieber’s use of the N-word and racial jokes (caught
on video). There are also high-profile examples of the last
condition: (a) actor Mel Gibson made highly inflammatory anti-
Semitic public statements to police officers when he was
arrested for driving while intoxicated, and (b) comedian
Michael Richards, who played Kramer on Seinfeld, went on an
out-of-control rant at a comedy club and publicly insulted
African Americans by hurling racial epithets at them and by
demeaning their race. Gibson and Richards denied being anti-
Semitic or racist and issued immediate apologies, but it was
obvious both had lost control. Because microassaults are most
similar to old-fashioned racism, no guessing game is likely to
occur as to their intent: to hurt or injure the recipient. Both the
perpetrator and the recipient are clear about what has
transpired. We submit that microassaults are in many respects
easier to deal with than those that are unintentional and outside
the perpetrator’s level of awareness (microinsults and
microinvalidations).
Microinsult
Microinsults are unintentional behaviors or verbal comments
that convey rude ness or insensitivity or demean a person’s
racial heritage/identity, gender identity, religion, ability, or
sexual orientation identity. Despite being outside the level of
conscious awareness, these subtle snubs are characterized by an
insulting hidden statements such as “there is only one race: the
human race” negate the lived experiences of religious and
ethnic minorities in the United States. Such statements have

been coined by researchers as “color-blind” attitudes and new
research shows that among White adults in a workplace setting,
higher color-blind attitudes are associated with lower
likelihoods of perceiving microaggressions (Offermann et al.,
2014; Sue, 2010). To further illustrate the concepts of
microinsults and microinvalidations, Table 6.1 provides
examples of comments, actions, and situations, as well as
accompanying hidden messages and assumptions. There are 16
distinct cat egories represented in this table: alien in one’s own
land; ascription of intelligence; assumption of abnormality;
color blindness; criminality/assumption of criminal status;
denial of individual racism/sexism/heterosexism/religious
prejudice; myth of meritocracy; pathologizing cultural
values/communication styles; second-class status; sexual
objectification; use of sexist/heterosexist language; traditional
gender role prejudice and stereotyping; helplessness; denial of
personal identity; exotici zation; and assumption of one’s own
religion as normal. Some of these categories are more
applicable to certain forms of microaggressions (racial, gender,
religion,
Table 6.1 Examples of Microagression
Themes
Microagression
Message

Alien in own land
· When Asian Americans and Latinos are assumed to be
foreign- born
· A person asking an Asian American to teach them words in
their native language
·
· “Where are you from?”“Where were you born?”
· “You speak good English”
· You are a foreigner.
· You are not American.
Ascription of Intelligence
· Assigning intelligence to a person of color or a woman based
on his or her race/gender

· You are a credit to your race.
· “Wow! How did you become so good in math?”
· Asking an Asian person to help with a math or science
problem
· You only got into college because of affirmative action.”
· ” People of color are generally not as intelligent as Whites.
· It is unusual for a woman to be smart in math.
· All Asians are intelligent and good in math/sciences.
· You are not smart enough on your own to get into college
Color Blindness
· Blindness Statements that indicate that a White person does
not want to acknowledge race
· When I look at you, I don’t see color
· “America is a Melting Pot.”
· There is only one race: the human race.”

· Assimilate/acculturate to dominant culture.
· Denying a person of color’s racial/ethnic experiences
Criminality/Assumption of Criminal Status
· A person of color is presumed to be dangerous, criminal, or
deviant based on their race
· A White man or woman clutching their purse or checking
their wallet as a Black or Latino approaches or passes.
· A White person waits to ride the next elevator when a person
of color is on i
· You are a criminal/You are dangerous.
· You are dangerous.
Use of Sexist/Heterosexist Language

Terms that exclude or degrade women and LGB persons
· Use of the pronoun “he” to refer to all people. Male
experience is universal.
· Though a male-to-female transgendered employee has
consistently referred to herself as “she,” coworkers continue to
refer to “he.”
· Two options for Relationship Status: Married or Single.
· An assertive woman is labeled a “bitch.
· A heterosexual man who often hangs out with his female
friends more than his male friends is labeled a “faggot.”
· Male experience is universal.
. Female experience is meaningless.
· Our language does not need to change to reflect your
identity; your identity is meaningless.
· . LGB partnerships do not matter/are meaningless.
· Women should be passive.
· Men who act like women are inferior (women are
inferior)/gay men are inferior
Denial of Individual Racism/ Sexism/Heterosexism/Religious

Discrimination
· A statement made when bias is denied
· “I’m not racist. I have several Black friends.”
· “I am not prejudiced against Muslims. I am just fearful of
Muslims who are religious fanatics.”
· As an employer, I always treat men and women equally.”
· I am immune to racism because I have friends of color.
· I can separate Islamaphobic social conditioning from my
feelings about Muslim people in general.
· I am incapable of sexism.
Myth of Meritocracy
· Meritocracy Statements that assert that race or gender does
not play a role in life successes

· “I believe the most qualified person should get the job.”
· “Men and women have equal opportunities for achievement.”
· People of color are given extra unfair benefits because of
their race.
· The playing field is even; so if women cannot make it, the
problem is with them.
Pathologizing Cultural Values/ Communication Styles
· The notion that the values and communication styles of the
dominant/White culture are ideal
· Asking a Black person: “Why do you have to be so
loud/animated?
· Dismissing an individual who brings up race/culture in
work/school setting
· Assimilate to dominant culture.
· Leave your cultural baggage outside.

Second-Class Citizen
· Occurs when a target group member receives differential
treatment from the power group
· Person of color mistaken for a service worker
· Female doctor mistaken for a nurse
· Having a taxi cab pass a person of color and pick up a White
passenger
· Being ignored at a store counter as attention is given to the
White customer behind you
· A lesbian woman is not invited out with a group of
girlfriends because they thought she would be bored if they
were talking to men.
· People of color are servants to Whites. They couldn’t
possibly occupy high-status positions.
· Women occupy nurturing roles
· You are likely to cause trouble and/or travel to a dangerous
neighborhood.
· Whites are more valued customers than people of color
· You don’t belong.

Traditional Gender Role Prejudicing and Stereotyping
· Occurs when expectations of traditional roles or stereotypes
are conveyed
· When a female student asked a male professor for extra help
on a chemistry assignment, he asks, “What do you need to
work on this for anyway?”
· A person asks a woman her age and, upon hearing she is 31,
looks quickly at her ring finger.
· A woman is assumed to be a lesbian because she does not put
a lot of effort into her appearance.
· Women are less capable in math and science.
· Women should be married during child- bearing ages because
that is their primary purpose.
· Lesbians do not care about being attractive to others.
Sexual Objectification

· Occurs when women are treated like objects at men’s
disposal
· A male stranger puts his hands on a woman’s hips or on the
swell of her back to pass by her.
· Whistles and catcalls as a woman walks down the street.
Students use the term gay to describe a fellow student who is
socially ostracized at school
· Your body is not yours
· Your body/appearance is for men’s enjoyment and pleasure.
· People who are weird and different are “gay.”
Assumption of Abnormality
· Occurs when it is implied that there is something wrong with
being LGBT
· Two men holding hands in public receiving stares from
strangers

· . “Did something terrible happen to you in your childhood?”
to a transgendered person.
· You should keep your displays of affection private because
they are offensive.
· Your choices must be the result of a trauma and not your
authentic identity
Helplessness1
· Occurs when people frantically try to help people with
disabilities (PWDs
· Someone helps you onto a bus or train, even when you need
no help.
· People feel they need to rescue you from your disability.
· You can’t do anything by yourself because you have a
disability.
· Having a disability is a catastrophe.

Denial of Personal Identity2
· Occurs when any aspect of a person’s identity other than
disability is ignored or denied
· “I can’t believe you are married!”
Your life is not normal or like mine. The only thing I see when I
look at you is your disability
Exoticization
Occurs when an LGBT, women of color, or a religious
minority is treated as a foreign object for the pleasure/
entertainment of others
· “I’ve always wanted an Asian girlfriend! They wait hand and
foot on their men.”
· “Tell me some of your wild sex stories!” to an LGBT person.
· Asking a Muslim person incessant questions about his/her
diet, dress, and relationships.

· Asian American women are submissive and meant to serve
the physical needs of men.
· Your privacy is not valued; you should entertain with stories.
· Your privacy is not valued; you should educate me about
your cultural practices, which are strange and different.
Assumption of One’s Own Religion as Normal3
· Saying “Merry Christmas” as a universal greeting.
· The sole acknowledgment of Christian holidays in work and
school.
· Your religious beliefs are not important; everyone should
celebrate Christmas.
· Your religious holidays need to be celebrated on your time;
they are unimportant
Reflection 2:
Communication Styles and Its Impact on Counseling and
Psychotherapy
In no more than 2 but no less than 2 pages of double spaced
text,APA format reflect and respond to the questions below as

they pertain to you personally.
1. How would you describe your own communication style?
2. How would you describe your personal helping style?
Realizing that a counselor is in a position to influence clients,
what would you say might be YOUR influencing skills?
3. When you read over the information about communication
style differences, what culturally/racially influenced
communication styles cause you the greatest difficulty or
discomfort? (It is assumed that there will be difficulty or
discomfort - we all have some!) What is the discomfort about?
Reflect and write about where this comes from within yourself.
What stereotypes, fears or preconceived notions do you have
about various racial/ethnic groups? Please be honest with
yourself and be assured that your responses are confidential!
Thank you! Please let me know if you have questions!

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