Gender based Violence on Scheduled Caste Girls:
A Rapid Assessment of the Devadasi Practice In India
Submitted to
International Labour Organisation
(ILO)
New Delhi
By
Sampark, Bangalore
August, 2015
August, 2014
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Gender based Violence on Scheduled Caste Girls:
A Rapid Assessment of the Devadasi Practice in India
1. CONTENTS
I. Acknowledgements 7
II. Abbreviations 9
III. Executive Summary 10
PART I – INTRODUCTION AND OBJECTIVES
1. Introduction........................................................................18
1.1. Objectives....................................................................................................................................18
1.2 The Research Methodology........................................................................................................20
1.2.1 Consultative Workshop with Stakeholders.........................................................................20
1.2.2. Profile of 175 Devadasis......................................................................................................21
1.2.3. In Depth Case Studies .........................................................................................................22
1.2.4. Focus Group Discussions.....................................................................................................22
1.2.5 Key informant interviews....................................................................................................22
1.2.5. Sharing and Validation of the Findings of the Results ........................................................23
PART II – BACKGROUND OF DEVADASI PRACTICE
2. The Devadasi System– History.............................................23
2.1. The Colonial Era ..........................................................................................................................25
2.2. Current Context ..........................................................................................................................25
2.3. The Estimated Number of Devadasis.........................................................................................26
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PART III–LIVELIHOODS OFTHE DEVADASIS
3. The Devadasi Practice..........................................................30
3.1. Caste............................................................................................................................................30
3.2. Age of dedication........................................................................................................................31
3.3. Key people involved in the induction .........................................................................................33
3.4. Reasons for Dedication...............................................................................................................34
3.5. Age at which they had their first partner....................................................................................36
3.6. Sourcing of partners....................................................................................................................37
3.7. Caste and social based discrimination........................................................................................37
3.8. Decision making within the family..............................................................................................41
4. Economic Status..................................................................42
4.1. Education ....................................................................................................................................42
4.2. Family and their children ............................................................................................................43
4.3. Skill Development of Children.....................................................................................................44
4.4. Ownership of Assets ...................................................................................................................46
4.5. Housing .......................................................................................................................................47
4.6. Migration.....................................................................................................................................47
4.7. Type of work ...............................................................................................................................49
4.8. Income earned by devadasis.......................................................................................................50
5. Access to Financial Products ................................................56
5.1. Ability to Save .............................................................................................................................56
5.2. Sources of Credit.........................................................................................................................59
5.3. Insurance coverage.....................................................................................................................60
6. Occupational Health and Safety...........................................61
6.1. Health condition in the last one year..........................................................................................61
6.2. Types of Illness............................................................................................................................62
6.3. Protected Sexual intercourse......................................................................................................62
6.4. Access to Healthcare...................................................................................................................66
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7. Official Identity and Access to Social Welfare Schemes ........68
7.1. Awareness and Access to State run Schemes.............................................................................69
7.2. Sources of Information ...............................................................................................................75
8. Collectivization and Access to Legal Services........................76
8.1. Access to Collectives...................................................................................................................76
8.2. Source of information about collectives.....................................................................................77
8.3. Perceived benefits from membership ........................................................................................77
8.4. Access to Legal justice.................................................................................................................78
PART IV- CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMENDATIONS
9. Conclusions.........................................................................80
9.1. The Caste based discrimination..................................................................................................80
9.2. Gender and caste discrimination................................................................................................81
9.3. Cultural practice or forced labour?.............................................................................................83
9.4. Child labour and child marriage..................................................................................................84
9.5. Sex work or slavery? ...................................................................................................................84
9.6. Gender norms as basis for practice ............................................................................................87
9.7. Unacceptable form of work ........................................................................................................87
9.7.1. Lack of Fundamental Rights at Work:.................................................................................88
9.7.2. Risks of Lives, Health and Security:.....................................................................................89
9.7.3. Extreme Poverty..................................................................................................................91
10. Recommendations............................................................92
10.1. Information and Monitoring...................................................................................................92
10.2. Providing more assets and resources .....................................................................................93
10.3. Organisation building..............................................................................................................94
10.4. Changing norms and institutions ............................................................................................95
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List of Tables
Table 1 District wise distribution of research respondents........................................................................21
Table 2: Stakeholder interviews..................................................................................................................23
Table 3: Number of Devadasis in the Three Study States...........................................................................26
Table 4: Age of the research respondents..................................................................................................27
Table 5: District wise caste distribution......................................................................................................30
Table 6: Age when Respondents were dedicated as Devadasis.................................................................31
Table 7: People who are involved in converting the women into Devadasi ..............................................33
Table 8: Reasons due to which women turn into Devadasi........................................................................34
Table 9: Age at which they had their first partner......................................................................................36
Table 10: People/groups who identified partners for them.......................................................................37
Table 11:Devadasis who faced discrimination............................................................................................37
Table 12: Total number of women who practice rituals after becoming Devadasi ...................................40
Table 13: Rituals followed by the Devadasis as part of practice ................................................................40
Table 14: Family related decision making...................................................................................................41
Table 15: District wise breakdown of literacy levels...................................................................................42
Table 16: Total number of family members in each woman’s house.........................................................43
Table 17: Total number of children ............................................................................................................43
Table 18: Status of skill training of the children .........................................................................................45
Table 19: Type of skill trainings accessed by the children..........................................................................45
Table 20: Ownership of assets (Frequency)................................................................................................46
Table 21: Type of House..............................................................................................................................47
Table 22: Migration –time period...............................................................................................................47
Table 23: Onward migration.......................................................................................................................48
Table 24: Type of work at source and destination......................................................................................49
Table 25: Income earned in a year..............................................................................................................51
Table 26: Kind of support from partner......................................................................................................52
Table 27: Cash provided by the partner.....................................................................................................52
Table 28: Women who save money............................................................................................................56
Table 29: Sources of saving.........................................................................................................................57
Table 30: Frequency of saving ....................................................................................................................57
Table 31: Purposes of saving......................................................................................................................58
Table 32: Sources of credit..........................................................................................................................59
Table 33: Women who have insurance.......................................................................................................60
Table 34: Different types of insurance........................................................................................................60
Table 35: Women affected by illness in last one year ................................................................................61
Table 36: Type of illness..............................................................................................................................62
Table 37: Awareness of HIV/AIDS and other STD risks of having sex with multiple partners....................62
Table 38: Source for information regarding AIDS risk ................................................................................63
Table 39: Awareness about use of condom to prevent HIV/AIDS and STDs ..............................................64
Table 40: Places for health check-up..........................................................................................................66
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Table 41: Women facing difficulties in accessing health services ..............................................................66
Table 42: Identity cards district -wise held by the women........................................................................69
Table 43: Overview of schemes for devadasis............................................................................................69
Table 44: Awareness and access to State run schemes..............................................................................71
Table 45: Sources of information for the schemes.....................................................................................75
Table 46: Source of knowledge of the collectives ......................................................................................77
Table 47: Benefits of joining the collectives/groups...................................................................................77
Table 48: Women who are aware of legal protection................................................................................78
Table 49: Source of information regarding acts .........................................................................................78
Lis
Figure 1 The Research Methodology ..........................................................................................................20
Figure 2: Details about Migration...............................................................................................................47
Figure 3: Across all districts: identity cards held by women.......................................................................68
Figure 4: Members of any groups/collectives ............................................................................................76
Figure 5: Framework of UFW......................................................................................................................87
Figure 6: Lack of Fundamental Rights.........................................................................................................88
Figure 7: Risks of Lives ................................................................................................................................89
Figure 8: Components of Poverty ..............................................................................................................91
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Acknowledgments
The International Labour Organization (ILO) commissioned Sampark to conduct the study “Gender based
Violence on Scheduled Caste Girls: A Rapid Assessment of the Devadasi Practice in India”. The Sampark
research team would like to say a special thank you to Mr. Coen Kompier, Senior Specialist International
Labour Standards, ILO, for entrusting the research work and for providing valuable inputs on the
concept of “Unacceptable Forms of Work”. We would also like to thank Mr. Sameer Taware, who acted
as ILO’s lead consultant for the project and helped the research team in identifying the literature on the
devadasi practice and also by providing the contact details of development practitioners and other
researchers who have worked in this area of study. He also provided on timely inputs on study
methodology and consolidation of our findings.
In Karnataka, the Sampark team extends its gratitude to Mr. N. Jayaram District Collector, Belagavi, Mr.
M. Muni Raju, Deputy Director and Mr. M.K. Kulkarni, Project Officer and other support staff of
Department of Women Development Corporation (WDC) Belagavi for providing insights on the devadasi
practice and its implications on the lives of the devadasi women their families; and for information
about the social protection schemes available for devadasis. We would like to thank Mr. Mr.
Ramachandra Rao K, Director Social Protection, Karnataka Health Promotion Trust, and Ms. Nisha Gulur,
Advocacy Officer, Sangama- the Karnataka Sex Workers Union, for providing insights on the devadasi
practice and its implications on the health issues the devadasi women their families. We would like to
thank the following officials from NGOs: Ms. Shitavva Jodatti, Ms. Shobha Gasti and Ms. Iravathi from
Mahila Abhivrudhi Mattu Samrakshana Samasthe (MASS), Ms. Gangavva Teli and Ms. Lalitha Hosamani
from Shakthi Aids Tadegattuva Mahila Sangha and Mr. B.K. Barlaya, BIRDS, for their support to organise
field visits, conduct the research survey and provide their inputs on the devadasi practice, the devadasi
women and their families.
In Telangana the team would like to thank to Ms. P. Sandhya, Joint Director, Women and Child
Development, Hyderabad, Mr. Jai Prakash, Joint Collector, Mehboobnagar, Mr. Obhilesh, Executive
Director, Scheduled Caste Corporation, Mehboobnagar and Mr. Jaiprakash, Project Director,
Department of Social Welfare, Mehboobnagar for providing insights on official schemes available for the
devadasi women and present statistics of devadasi women in the State. The team would like to
acknowledge Mr. Raghunatha Rao, author of the ‘One Man Commission Report, 2013 Andhra Pradesh’,
for sharing his experiences in the documentation of the one man commission report and for providing
his inputs on relevant legislations for the property right of the children of devadasis. The team would
like to thank the following officials of NGOs: Ms. Grace Nirmala from Ashraya, Ms. Uma Devi from the
Andhra Pradesh Mahila Samatha Society (APMASS), and Ms. Hajamma and Ms. Lakshmi from the Jogni
Vyavastha Vethirekha Horata Sanghatana (JVVPS) for their support to organise field visits, conduct the
research survey and provide their inputs on the devadasi practice, the devadasi women and their
families.
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In Maharashtra, the Sampark team extends its gratitude to Mr. Desawle,
Deputy Commissioner, Women’s Development, Maharashtra State,
Pune, Mr. Pramod Nikalje, District Project Officer and other officials
from Commissionerate of Women’s & Child Development the officials
from the Commission of Women and Child Development, Pune, for
providing insights on the official schemes available for the devadasi
women and for providing us the statistics about the devadasi women
after the implementation of State devadasis (Prohibition of Dedication)
Act. The team would like to thank the following officials of the NGOs:
Ms. Tejaswi Sevekari from Saheli, HIV/AIDs Karnataka Sangha, Ms.
Renuka Jadhav and Ms. Kashi Bai Jadhav from the Kranthi Mahila
Sangha, and Mr. Yashwant Fadtare from the Andhrudhi Nirmulan Samiti
for their support to organise field visits, conduct the research survey
and provide their inputs on the devadasi practice, the devadasi women
and their families.
Sampark would like to acknowledge the devadasi women from the
sample villages who participated in this study and shared their life
stories and information about their families. The women were not only
generous with their time, but also in sharing their stories. Their
contributions have provided the main content for the study.
Sampark would like to thank Dr. Kiran Rao, President of Sampark for her valuable suggestions to design
the research methodology and tools for the study. The team would like to thank, last but not the least,
the Sampark field staff: Ms. Uma Shirol and Ms Shameem Banu; Sampark’s Associates Ms. Nirmala
Tammineni and Ms. Mandakini for collection of the case stories of the devadasi women; Ms. K.G
Meenakshi and Mr. Kiran for tirelessly entering the data and completing it on time. We would like to
thank the members of the survey and support teams to obtain good quality of data in the limited time
available.
Dr. Smita Premchander Ms. V. Prameela,
Research Team Leader, Sampark Research Manager, Sampark
Survey Team
Ms. P. Eshwaramma
Ms. Eshwaramma
Ms. R. Jyothi
Mr. K. Narayan
MS. T. Nirmala
Ms. R. Bharathi
Ms. Chukkama
Support Team
Ms. Yellamma
Mr. Arjun
Ms. Rekha
Mr. Jetendra
Ms. Mangala
Ms. Renuka
Ms. Sathish
Ms. Parappa
Ms. Shasidhar
Ms. Lakahmi
Mr. Umesh
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Abbreviations
ACI - Area of Critical Interest
AP - Andhra Pradesh
BIRDS - Belgaum Integrated Rural Development Society
FGD - Focus Group Discussion
HIV/AIDS - Human Deficiency Virus /Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome
IEC - Information Education and Communication
IGP - Income Generating Programmes
ILO - International Labour Organization
INR - Indian Rupee
ITUC - International Trade Union Confederation
KHPT - Karnataka Health Promotion Trust
KIMS - Krishna Institute of Medical Sciences Ltd
KSAPS - Karnataka State AIDS prevention Society
MASS - Mahila Abhivrudhi Mattu Samrakshana Samsthe
MGNREGA - Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme
MTP - Medical Termination of Pregnancy
NA - Not Applicable
NGOs - Non-Governmental Organizations
NREGA - National Rural Employment Guarantee Act
SC - Schedule Caste
SHGs - Self-Help Groups
ST - Schedule Tribe
STDs - Sexually Transmitted Diseases
TV - Television
UFW - Unacceptable forms of Work
WDC - Women Development Corporation
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Executive Summary
Introduction
An important mandate of the International Labour Organisation (ILO) is to focus on some of the most
blatant manifestations of social injustice. To fulfill this mandate, the ILO highlights those who are
subjected to Unacceptable Forms of Work (UFW). Thus UFW forms an Area of Critical Interest (ACI),
within its larger mandate of promoting the Decent Work Agenda.
UFWs are occupations that involve the denial of fundamental principles and rights at work, put at risk
the lives, health, freedom, human dignity and security of workers, and keep households in conditions of
extreme poverty.
The Devadasi practice in India involves dedicating young dalit girls to a goddess in temples, and is
culturally sanctioned by religion and the caste system. Known in different states of India by different
names, the practice is widely prevalent in specific pockets of north Karnataka, Telangana, Andhra
Pradesh and Maharashtra. In the Devadasi practice, girls as young as 4 years old are ‘dedicated’ to a
local deity. Upon reaching puberty they are then introduced to sexual intercourse. This happens within
the context of zero consent and no space for agency on the part of the Devadasi – they are not
permitted to refuse participating in intercourse with the interested party. The ILO Committee of Experts
have adjudged that, the absence of consent – sexual and otherwise – involved in this practice, its links to
sexual trafficking that make use of the girls and women for commercial exploitation, qualifies the
Devadasi practice to be deemed as ‘forced labour’ under the Forced Labour Convention No. 29,
There have been several anthropological and sociological research studies on devadasis, most of which
have focused on the reasons for making young girls devadasis and the details of the practice
(Kersenboom, 1987, Chawla, 2002; Sampark, 2002, Orchard, 2007; Nikolova, 2009). After the legal
abolition of the practice, there is a knowledge gap in understanding the current status of devadasis with
respect to their working and living conditions. To fill this gap, Sampark Sampark In collaboration with
the International Labour Organisation (ILO) Delhi, conducted a research study on “Gender based
Violence on Schedule Caste Girls: A Rapid Assessment of the Devadasi Practice in North Karnataka,
Telangana and Maharashtra”.
Objectives
The research objectives were, to:
1. Estimate the existing number of devadasis, which important, because it is totally unclear how
many girls are currently being dedicated.
2. Understand the devadasi practise in India, by focussing on the conditions of work in this system.
3. Examine what exactly “Unacceptability” is, in the context of devadasis and devise different ways in
which the ILO and other relevant stakeholders can respond to stop the practice.
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4. Understand the livelihoods of the devadasis with particular emphasis on the social, legal and
economic aspects.
Methodology
The study was conducted in Belagavi district, Karnataka, Mehboonagar district, Telangana and Sholapur
district, Maharashtra. The study used a mixed-method design: both quantitative and qualitative
methods. As part of the quantitative methodology, 175 profiles were collected using the location and
age as criteria for purposive sampling. The quantitative survey among devadasis was used to profile the
devadasis, in relation to their age, education, family details, age at which they were dedicated as
devadasis, people involved in the dedication, relationship with partners, partners contribution to
devadasis family, income sources, average monthly income, migration patterns, housing patterns,
sanitation facilities, occupational health issues and their awareness about them, access to financial
services (savings, credit and insurance) and government schemes, awareness about relevant Acts,
membership in collectives and its benefits, aspirations for themselves and their children were collected
to understand the social and economic well-being of the research participants.
The qualitative group comprised of 30 individuals selected from the 175 respondents based on their age,
willingness and consent.
Five Focused Group Discussions (FGDs) were undertaken with 60 devadasi women in Mehboobnagar
and Belagavi. In these FGDs, only those aspects which are non-stigmatizing and neutral were discussed;
72 personal interviews with key stakeholders such as NGO personnel, unions, officials working in the
departments of women and child welfare, social welfare, scheduled caste welfare, and municipal
corporations; as well as legal experts, were conducted in all three districts and state level offices.
A total of 235 (175+60) devadasi women were contacted during the survey, in-depth interviews and
FGDs.
Two stakeholders’ workshops were conducted to plan the research tools and research areas and also to
share and validate the results of the study.
Background of Devadasi Practice
The practice of consigning girls to a temple as devadasis is several centuries old. In those ancient times,
some women, particularly from the socially and economically backward sections (currently classified as
scheduled castes/ scheduled tribes) were selected and dedicated to the service of the Gods; as the
wives of the Gods. They were called ’devadasis’, literally meaning the servants of God. According to
folklore, these women spent their entire lives in and around the temples, serving the Gods, entertaining
the royal families, Brahmins and priests with their music and dance and actively participated in various
religious ceremonies. Over time however, the cultural positioning of temples changed, and the status of
the devadasis declined. The link with temple rites and performing arts dissolved over time, and the
devadasis were in the mercy of the rich and powerful, who were usually their patrons.
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The current study traces the existence of the devadasi system and its practices across South India, and
has specifically identified its spread in the Indian states of Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh, Telangana and
Maharashtra.
Estimated Number of Devadasis
In Karnataka, two official surveys undertaken: The first one conducted in 1993-94 identified 22,873
devadasis; and the latest one in 2007-08, identified 23,783 devadasis. In Andhra-Pradesh, a survey
conducted in 1987-88 identified 24,273 devadasis; in Maharashtra, the 2010 survey showed that there
were 3907 devadasis. These figures are most likely to be a gross underestimation because according to
the One-man Commission 2013, the official estimate is close to 450,000 devadasis spread over many
states of India. Without proper identification of the scale of the issue, further steps towards eradication
will be problematic and implementation will be poor.
The State Devadasis (Prohibition of Dedication) Acts, have been in existence since 32 years in
Karnataka1
. About 52% women have been dedicated after the practice was banned. The fact that 8%
of the women are under 27 years of age shows that even upto 10 to 15 years ago, dedications took
place in Karnataka. The State Devadasis (Prohibition of Dedication) Acts, have been in existence since
27 years in Telangana (Andhra Pradesh). In Telangana, very high percentage (63%) of dedications after
the ban. Further, in Maharashtra State Devadasis (Prohibition of Dedication) Act came into existence
since 80 years, hence all the respondents of the sample survey are dedicated after enforcement of the
Act. The study shows that the respondents across all the districts have been dedicated as devadasi,
subsequent to the prohibition of the devadasi system, thereby questioning the effectiveness of these
Acts.
Livelihoods of Devadasis
This study conducted in the three states suggests that a typical devadasi would be an illiterate woman
aged between 20 to 43 years from the dalit caste, living in a Kutcha house with two or more children.
Though there are several reasons associated with the practice of dedicating women as devadasis, the
persons involved in the process and thereby ensuring that this heinous practice is kept alive are usually
closely related to the victim or are respected citizens of the community. Around 80% of the
respondents were dedicated into the devadasi system by close family members (father, mother or
grandmother). In the Sholapur district, temple priests (locally called as Gurus) were also involved in the
induction. Surprisingly 3% respondents from Belagavi and Mehboobnagar said local leaders were
responsible for dedicating them to the Devadasi system, which clearly shows that political, non dalits
vested interests also play an important role in dedicating girls from families of lower castes in order to
continue the sexual exploitation.
1
Prohibition of Act came into existence in 1982 in Karnataka and in 1988 in Andhra Pradesh (Telangana and Andhra ) and in
1935 in Maharashtra
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The major institutional reasons for such dedications are economic dependence, financial vulnerability,
social influence, beliefs, perceptions, customs and traditions. Other specific reasons are lack of parents’
capacity to arrange the marriage of their daughters, few/no male children to support the household,
daughter’s responsibility to look after parents and properties (in case of single child), to fix girl’s stay at
home in the absence of sons, to continue serving deities, social stigma. Hence, there has been forced as
well as self -enforced dedication into the system amongst women from lower caste/class backgrounds.
On the other hand, social stigmatization and better recognition and respect have however forced sex
workers in the urban cities to consciously convert and identify themselves as devadasis by their own
will. Most of the devadasis (70%) are contacted by their partners between the ages of 12 -17 years. In
Sholapur almost 29% of the women have been dedicated only after attaining 20 years of age. This
clearly shows that most of them are involved in sex work first and were then converted as devadasis in-
order to protect from the social stigma attached to sex work.
The devadasi women are entrapped into the devadasi system due to widely prevalent discrimination of
such socially and economically vulnerable groups. Social exclusion, stigma and attitude of the
community have further prevented the devadasis from engaging in any other alternate profession.
The devadasis have a firm religious belief that they must not get married to any man as they are already
married to God. Due to this belief, they are not able to get the status of a wife in the society and their
children are discriminated in the community. The legitimacy and upbringing of their children is a major
problem for the devadasis; 95% were not able to register their patrons as the father of their children in
the admission records of schools. This indicates that the children of devadasis are denied legitimacy and
have to be content with getting only their mother’s, grandfather’s or grandmother’s name entered in
the school register.
The magnitude of the problems faced by devadasi women is witnessed in cases where the children of
devadasis do not get passports as they are not able to produce their father’s name. (Raghunath Rao,
2013).
The social exclusion and stigmatization can also be linked to their economic conditions. Some devadasis
migrate to cities for economic gain, because unskilled manual work is more rewarding urban areas. They
tend to either work in the construction industry (48%) and/or become sex workers (28%) in these
cities/towns. Among them, 57% of the devadasis earn between Rs. 10,000/- to 20,000/- per annum; 22%
of the devadasis earn between Rs. 20,000/- to Rs. 50,000/-; and 75% of the devadasis in the sample
earn less than Rs. 40, 000/- per annum. It can be concluded that migration to urban cities has been a
sign of hope and betterment for the devadasis and an escape route from the evils of devadasi system.
Although they do face similar problems, such as when their identity as a member of the devadasi
community is revealed, the employers start exploiting them sexually, yet, the movement to urban cities
for alternate jobs have proven to be economically beneficial for the women. When the wages are
meagre and insufficient to sustain themselves and feed their family members, the devadasis take
financial aid from various sources.
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The financial status of the devadasis is a reflection of the nature of the relationship they have with their
partners. The devadasis depend heavily on these partners for financial support in forms of cash (30%)
and kind (26%) and also for health care (18%) and child care (13%) expenses. However, only 5% of the
women depend on their partners for emotional support. Most partners provide cash to devadasis every
week, ranging between Rs. 250 -501. Though there is an informal agreement that the partners must
financially support devadasis, such support is mostly meagre and insufficient to support their
households. Due to this, the entire burden of taking care of their families and meeting the expenses is
with devadasis. Thus, they are forced them to enter sex work, which is the only livelihood option
available given their illiteracy and limited skills.
Another major issue that plagues the members of the devadasi communities is poor access to
healthcare, which is again due to their financial incapacity. The devadasi women are weak not only due
to common illness but are also vulnerable to sexual and physical abuse considering their nature of work.
Girls dedicated as devadasis at the tender ages of 6-12 years are sexually exploited not only by their
patrons but also by the upper and their own caste men of the village. The devadasis suffer from trauma
and psychological disorders, and some even suffer from sexually transmitted diseases. Hence, there is a
dire need for proper medical care wherein the State must take remedial measures and provide free
health care as a universal social welfare programme.
Sex trade and/or engaging multiple partners combined with alcoholism have created a less conducive
environment for Devadasi children. They are called names and ridiculed in society. Their children face a
high risk of entering into devadasi/sex work though their mothers do not want their children enter into
devadasi or sex work as they grow in that environment.
While analysing access to social welfare schemes run by the State, the devadasis’ level of awareness
must be taken into consideration. This study has shown that the respondents were mostly aware of the
pension scheme, the housing loan scheme, land scheme, loan or subsidy for LGP and marriage benefits.
Devadasis of Sholapur suffer from low levels of awareness resulting in little or no access to state run
schemes. The non-operation of NGOs in this district can be identified as one of the causes for low
awareness levels. One main learning from this study is that awareness about a scheme does not
automatically lead to or ensure access to the benefits of the scheme. For instance, although 63% (
devadasis who were part of the study sample) were aware of the land scheme in Belagavi, only 2% has
accessed the benefit. In Sholapur, where the level of awareness and access is lowest, only about 5% of
the devadasis have been able to avail the pension and loan facilities. This clearly depicts the widespread
lack of awareness about the schemes and the difficulties involved in accessing the same. The main
reasons for not access the schemes include: lack of relevant certificates (marriage certificate), lack of
sufficient funds with the government, lack of a separate wing to deal with the devadasis’ issue within
the department, for example: devadasi rehabilitation cell in women’s development corporation,
Karnataka.
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As a means of improving their livelihoods and preventing inter – generational dedication, the children of
the devadasis are given vocational training and skills. There are special skill development schemes
existing for the children of devadasis such as tailoring (40%) and driving (36%) training. High-end skills
such as teacher training and Information Technology (IT) skills are also being provided in Sholapur
district.
With increasing awareness and training, the women have begun to save portions of their earnings. The
main sources of savings are Self Help Groups (SHGs), banks, post offices or cash saved up at the house.
Although SHGs and banks act the primary source of credit, the majority of the respondents rely on
informal sources of credit such as relatives or friends especially in Sholapur. The interest rates for loans
in banks, SHGs and chit funds were in the ranges 12%, 18% to 24% and 36% respectively. NGOs and
peers played an important role in creating awareness about the benefits of collectives such as SHGs,
federations and unions.
A singular classification is not sufficient, as this particular practice lies at the intersection of all these
categories. For this reason, the study analysed devdadasi practice with respect to gender and caste
based discriminations, child labour and child marriage, is it cultural practice or forced labour, is it sex
work or slavery and Unacceptable Forms of Work.
Most devadasis are dalit women and are sexually exploited by priest (local gurus) and highest castes
men. The devadasi practice can be termed as a particularly severe, gendered and caste-based form of
forced labour, targeted at girl children, that endangers their safety and puts them at high risk of
vulnerability to experiencing routine sexual exploitation.
The girls are dedicated at early age and are raped as soon as they attain puberty, due to this they are
denied their fundamental right to education and spend crucial years in conditions of slavery. Adult
devadasis lose freedom of getting married and cannot legitimately name their partner as husband or
father of children.
The devadasis were expected to have sexual partnerships with men who could support them and their
families, camouflaged as a long term socially sanctioned partnership akin to a marriage. With limited
education, skills and livelihood opportunities some devadasis also got pushed into commercial sex work
in semi-urban and urban areas with limited.
Unacceptable Forms of Work comprise conditions that deny fundamental principles and rights at work,
put at risk the lives, health, freedom, human dignity and security of workers or keep households in
conditions of poverty. The multiple and interrelated policy areas that address UFW include measures
relating to the promotion of freedom of association and the right to effective collective bargaining; the
abolition of child labour and forced labour; the promotion of non-discrimination and equality; actions to
address occupational safety and health conditions and working-time arrangements that put workers’
health and safety at risk; and well-structured minimum wages and effective wage protection measures
to protect workers and their families from extreme income insecurity. This study has established that
the devadasi dedication system is an unacceptable form of work, based on the broad framework of
UFW. Discrimination at various social places, lacking political recognition, being dedicated at young and
16
tender age, being forced into the system without consent and absence of scope for organization, are all
signs of lack of fundamental rights at work. The risk to life, health and safety is evident from the extreme
hardships that the devadasis have to face such as human trafficking, physical and mental abuse, denial
of marriage rights and property, harassment of self and the children. All these factors eventually result
in extremely poor living conditions, forcing the women into a vicious cycle of poverty and lack of
livelihood opportunities. Absence of strong legal provisions, poor and weak implementation of social
protection and low literacy levels has ensured their perpetual ties to the system of bonded labour.
Recommendations
The first recommendation relates to the correct estimation of the number of devadasis, as this is critical
to designing schemes for their rehabilitation as well as for strategizing prevention. The second is to
provide more assets and resources to this excluded group of devadasis by designing effective
rehabilitation programmes. For this, the government must provide compulsory free education and free
skill development for the children of the devadasis in order to create alternate livelihoods, thereby
safeguarding the next generations of the devadasis from being caught up in this age old evil system.
Besides these, the government must also ensure that the girl children of devadasis get priority when it
comes to education, admission, hostels, scholarships and government jobs. The State must provide
fertile land with irrigation facility, handholding service and capital for Income Generation Activities (IGA)
so that the devadasis can break out of low-skill and low wages model of employment such as sex work,
domestic work or construction work. Along with economic development, the government must provide
other social protection schemes such as financial assistance for marriage; financial services (savings,
credit and insurances) and old age as well as widow pension for the devadasis. Given the major health
risks of their occupation, it is important to extend health and life insurance coverage through existing
schemes such as the Rasthriya Swasth Bima Yojana2
, Pradhan Mantri Suraksha Bima Yojana (PMSBY3
)
and the Pradhan Mantri Jeevan Jyoti Bima Yojana4
.
The third recommendation is that the devadasi women must be organised into collectives such as Self
Help Groups (SHGs), federations, and unions, cooperatives for better representation through which they
can claim their rights, resources, and mutual support for their needs and concerns.
The fourth recommendation is to change norms and create institutions with a comprehensive policy to
eradicate the devadasi system. These policies should have: i) A law which provides property rights to
long term partners, such as devadasis, which will stop the exploitative partnerships that the landed and
rich villagers have with the devadasis, The provisions of “Live-in relationships” may be used to get the
2
Cashless Health insurance of Rs.30,000/- per annum per household of 5 members for BPL families and other
vulnerable sections such as Domestic workers.
3
Accident insurance plan with a Rs 12 per annum, risk Coverage of Rs. 2 Lakh.
4
Life insurance plan with premium of Rs. 330 per annum, risk Coverage of Rs. 2 Lakh on death of the Insured
member for any reason is payable to the Nominee.
17
devadasis and their children their due maintenance and property rights from the partners. ii). Create
ccritical awareness among the male members of the devadasi and Dalit communities and prepare them
as barefoot lawyers or social advocates to end this practice and protect their women at the family and
community levels. iii). Utilise children at schools as change agents in sensitizing parents against the
devadasi practice and ensure discrimination-free education at schools and respectful socialisation in the
families. iv). Prevention strategies include: Conscientisation and raising awareness of the ill effects of the
devadasi system among the parents, priests, implementing government officers, NGO staff and police,
who need to know the laws and the procedures by which they can prevent the practice; Creating
awareness, not only about the devadasi laws but also other legislations such as the relevant sections
under the Criminal Penal Code and the Indian Penal Code (IPC), the child marriage prohibition Act,
atrotcies against SC and ST (Prevention of Atrocity) Act, 1989 and other relevant Acts. For effective
enforcement the laws must have teeth, and for this, the rules for acts need to be framed and adopted,
responsibilities and timeframe for this also need to be fixed.
In conclusion, the devadasis epitomise a highly exploited group of women, who are ill-treated and
abused on grounds of caste, gender and poverty. Despite laws to the contrary the practice has
continued to exist, and even though new entrants to the traditional system have reduced significantly,
the market for commercial sex has led to the mutation of the practice whereby many sex workers adopt
the label of devadasis. The traditional practice too has given little economic security to devadasi women,
leading many to move into sex work. These trends can only be reversed by effective prevention of
dedications, combined with significant livelihoods support to bring devadasi households out of poverty
and vulnerabilities. The eradication of the practice will require a concentrated effort by government
and civil society organisations, and this entails close monitoring till this social evil is fully eradicated from
India.
18
PART I – INTRODUCTION AND OBJECTIVES
1. Introduction
An important mandate of the International Labour Organisation (ILO) is to focus on some of the most
blatant manifestations of social injustice. To fulfill this mandate, the ILO highlights those who are
subjected to Unacceptable Forms of Work (UFW). Thus UFW forms an Area of Critical Interest (ACI),
within its larger mandate of promoting the Decent Work Agenda.
UFWs are occupations that involve the denial of fundamental principles and rights at work, put at risk
the lives, health, freedom, human dignity and security of workers, and keep households in conditions of
extreme poverty.
The Devadasi practice in India involves dedicating young dalit girls to a goddess in temples, and is
culturally sanctioned by religion and the caste system. Known in different states of India by different
names, the practice is widely prevalent in specific pockets of north Karnataka, Telangana, Andhra
Pradesh and Maharashtra.In the Devadasi practice, girls as young as 4 years old are ‘dedicated’ to a local
deity. Upon reaching puberty they are then introduced to sexual intercourse. This happens within the
context of zero consent and no space for agency on the part of the Devadasi – they are not permitted to
refuse participating in intercourse with the interested party. The ILO Committee of Experts have
adjudged that, the absence of consent – sexual and otherwise – involved in this practise, its links to
sexual trafficking that make use of the girls and women for commercial exploitation, qualifies the
Devadasi practise to be deemed as ‘forced labour’ under the Forced Labour Convention No. 29.
Further, the Committee has also taken cognizance of the illegality of the devadasi practice as per Indian
laws that state the persons responsible for ‘dedication’ of girls to temples as liable to be punished by
way of penalties in the form of fine, imprisonment or both. Although officially prohibited since
independence, a large number of girls are still dedicated to deities as devadasis. This is testified by
official figures for key districts in Andhra Pradesh (17,000), Karnataka (23,000). Despite initiations of
‘dedications’ being on the decline, these figures are telling as to the large amount of damage
perpetrated by this practice.
The literature regarding the practice has focussed on caste and cultural factors, rather than on the work
related aspects, or understanding the working and living conditions of devadasis, which is the
knowledge gap that this study seeks to fill.
1.1. Objectives
The ILO recognizes that UFW is more likely to manifest in informal work spaces. This is further
exaggerated in the realm of sex work, where the sector is criminalized, unregulated and could be illegal
as well. Where sex work is criminalized, women sex workers are more vulnerable and susceptible to
harm. Given the vulnerability of women in these sectors, ILO has initiated rapid assessments in selected
19
countries with the objective of identifying and tracking UFWs. The objectives are to understand the
nature of the UFW, so as to develop a better understanding of the nature of UFWs in various country
contexts. The exploration of different forms of UFW will also yield an understanding of why such work
exists, what measures are taken and could be taken to address and eliminate it.
The need for studying the devadasi practice as an UFW arises because of the knowledge gap that exists
about the practice. The existing studies are not comprehensive in nature. There are no clear statistics
as to the actual number of girls who are currently ‘dedicated’. Beyond an awareness of the devadasis
being predominantly Dalit girls, there is not much information as to their socio-economic background.
Similarly there is no information on the number of girls who join or are forced to join brothels once they
are no longer in a position to continue living as a devadasi. Pertinent details of trafficking patterns and
routes, varied forms and degrees of coercion on the girls and deception practices followed are all
unknown.
Other unknown factors include various work related elements of the practice, such as compensations,
and working conditions. Little is known about the economic, educational and social status of the girls
dedicated as devadasis. Their livelihoods are not documented: their incomes, sources of earning, etc.
The practice is illegal, and the efficacy of laws prohibiting the practice has not been studied. The
vulnerability of devadasis to sexually transmitted diseases and infections, their health, and life
expectancy are a few relevant details that are currently unavailable. The government benefits available,
and the devadasi women’s access to rehabilitation support are additional information gaps. The study
aims to address these knowledge gaps.
The primary research objectives of the study are to:
a. Estimate the existing number of Devadasis: This is important, because it is totally unclear how
many girls are currently being dedicated. Without data on number of devadasis, it is difficult to
design and provide social protection schemes.
b. Understand Devadasi practice with main focus on the conditions of work in this system. Most of
the previous research studies have focused on socio-cultural aspects of the Devadasi practice, and
not on their work and working conditions. In addition, there is hardly any data available on the main
livelihoods of the Devadasi women, particularly after enforcement of the Devadasi Prohibition Act.
20
Consultative workshop with stakeholders
including devadasis
Quantitative: Profiles of 175 Devadasis
Qualitative
– In-depth interviews with devadasi women
– FGDs with devadasi women
– Key informant interviews with officials from
government department and NGOs,
Unions/Collectives.
Validation of research findings
– Presentation of findings at UNWOMEN
workshop on Unpaid work of women
– Presentation of findings at a workshop on
India Exclusion Report, 2015
– One day workshop with devadasis and other
stakeholders for validation of findings
Figure 1 The Research Methodology
c. Examine what exactly “Unacceptability” is in the context of Devadasis: This shall follow a two-part
approach to examine whether the Devadasi practice comes under UFW. If yes, then to examine the
main causes of Unacceptable Forms of
Work (UFW) and devise different ways
in which the ILO and other relevant
stakeholders can respond to this, so as
to design interventions to stop the
practice.Understand livelihoods of the
Devadasis with a focus on social, legal
and economic aspects: Understanding
economic conditions of the livelihoods
of Devadasi women helps to determine
if poverty is the main reason or other
factors also play a role in the
continuance of the practice.
Understanding the legal aspects shall
also help to bring about suitable policy
related changes which can create an
environment for the practice to stop.
1.2The Research
Methodology
A study of multiple dimensions of a
complex issue such as the devadasi
practice required a multi-pronged approach
involving a review of secondary literature, wide-ranging consultations, profiling a large number of
devadasis, and a few in-depth case studies. The study was conducted in three States of India: Karnataka,
Telangana and Maharashtra, where there is a concentration of devadasis and such practices. The study
used a mixed-method design and includes both quantitative and qualitative methods.
The steps in the methodology are given below:
1.2.1 Consultative Workshop with Stakeholders
Sampark conducted a one day introduction and planning workshop with stakeholders. The workshop
was attended by 60 participants from Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh, Telangana and Maharashtra. The
participants represented devadasis and sex workers and their organisations, NGOs, government
departments, research institutions and individual researchers working for the devadasis and sex
workers.
The objectives of the study were presented to the participants, who identified the three districts with a
large presence of devadasis, and suggested the three districts to focus on, in the current study. These
districts include Belagavi district in Karnataka, Mehboobnagar in Telangana and Sholapur in
21
Maharashtra. In each District Taluk/blocks were selected where there is a high concentration of
devadasis.
As per the ILO framework for Decent Work based on dignity of labour and social justice, the four pillars-
fundamental principles and rights at work, decent employment and income, social protection for all and
social dialogue, have been used to frame the research questions and sub questions so that the data
analysis may use this framework. The research questions are given in Annexure 1.
1.2.2. Profile of 175 Devadasis.
Quantitative data was collected from 175 devadasis in the three districts, using a structured
questionnaire. These profiles were collected using location and age as criteria for purposive sampling.
The quantitative survey among devadasis was used to profile the devadasis, in relation to their age,
education, family details, age at which they were dedicated as devadasis, people involved in the
dedication, relationship with partners, partners contribution to devadasis family, income sources,
average monthly income, migration patterns, housing patterns, sanitation facilities, occupational health
issues and their awareness about them, access to financial services (savings, credit and insurance) and
government schemes, awareness about relevant Acts, membership in collectives and its benefits,
aspirations for themselves and their children were collected to understand the social and economic
well-being of the research participants.
The names of the taluks and number of profiles collected from each district are given in Table 1.
Table 1 District wise distribution of research respondents
District Belagavi Mehboobnagar Sholapur Total
Gokak,
Rayabaga
and
Athini
Utkur,
Naryanpet,
Makthal and
Dhanwada
Sholapur,
Pandrapur,
Barshi
10
Taluks
No. of Devadasi women surveyed 60 60 55 175
No of In-depth case studies (from those
surveyed)
12 11 7 30
No of devadasi women covered through FGDs 28 32 0 60
Total devadasi women covered 88 92 55 235
The profile survey covered 175 devadasi women, of which 60 were from each of Belagavi and
Mehboobnagar district. It was difficult to find devadasis in the State of Maharashtra due to the paucity
of NGOs working with Devadasis, limiting the coverage to 55 devadasis from Sholapur.
22
1.2.3. In Depth Case Studies
Qualitative methods are more useful and provide deeper insights than quantitative methods in such
cases. Moreover, perceptions about and experiences of UFWs cannot be expressed in numbers and
require qualitative methods. A smaller sub-set of the devadasi women profiled were then identified for
an in-depth individual interview, which covered aspects of women’s families, dedication, work, wages,
family lives and livelihoods. Data was collected through personal interviews using semi structured
interview schedules.
Of the 175 covered in the survey, 30 were selected for in-depth interviews. The criteria used for
selecting 30 devadasi women for indepth interviews includes age and their willingness to spend 2-3
hours, share their life stories and consent. Eight adolescent/young adult children of Devadasis were
interviewed. One-on-one interviews were conducted to gather the narratives of the Devadasi women
regarding their work, lives and livelihoods. Since the topics are sensitive, trust and intimacy needed to
be built between the respondents and researcher. Full confidentiality was promised to the women, and,
in keeping with ILO’s principles, care was taken to ensure that women were not forced to share any
information, and were not emotionally disturbed by the discussions.
1.2.4. Focus Group Discussions
Profiles and individual interviews were supplemented by conducting Focus Group Discussions (FGD) with
devadasis, which helped to triangulate the findings and insights gained from the profiles and individual
interviews. The Focus group discussions (FGDs) were conducted with devadasis s) to elicit beliefs,
perceptions, feelings about social norms and stereotypes. Participants discussed issues and situations
that are not about them personally, so opinions and beliefs could be expressed in a more spontaneous
manner. Participants could ask questions of each other, respond, comment and clarify views. The FGDs
were conducted to achieve active participation to understand the major common and different points of
view.
Five Focused Group Discussions (FGDs) were undertaken with 60 Devadasi women in Mehboobnagar
and Belagavi (refer Table 1). Details of which are given in Annexure 1. The study team was not able to
conduct FGDs in Sholapur due to the difficulties mentioned earlier. In these FGDs aspects which are non-
stigmatizing and neutral were discussed.
A total of 235 (175+60) devadasi women were contacted during the survey, in-depth interviews and
FGDs.
1.2.5 Key informant interviews
Interviews were conducted with other stakeholders and key informants (government departments,
trade unions and civil society partners) for detailed investigation of facts, experiences and opinions of
respondents.
The details about number of stakeholder interviews are given in Table 2.
23
Table 2: Stakeholder interviews
States Karnataka Telangana Maharashtra Total
Judicial Commissioned by government 1 1
Government Dept. (Women Development
Corporation (WDC), SC/ST Corporation)
7 12 4 23
NGOs 14 13 6 33
Unions/Collectives 5 10 15
Total 26 36 10 72
A total of 72 personal interviews were conducted with key stakeholders such as NGO personnel, unions,
officials within the women and child welfare, social welfare, scheduled caste welfare departments,
municipal corporations, legal experts in all three districts (Belagavi, Mehboobnagar and Sholapur) and
State level offices.
1.2.5. Sharing and Validation of the Findings of the Results
The preliminary findings of the study were shared in two national level workshops. The UNWOMEN
conducted a study on unpaid work by women; the findings of the devadasi study were presented, as
devadasi work forms unpaid work, accompanied by gender based violence of a most severe nature. The
case study will feature in a UNWOMEN publication.
Another presentation was made at workshops of the Centre for Equity Studies (CES), where in the
conceptual framework and implications of the findings were discussed in detail. The key findings of the
paper as regards extreme exclusion and exploitation of devadasi women will be included as a paper in
the flagship annual publication of CES, the India Exclusion Report, 2015.
A day long workshop was held with stakeholders to. The workshop was attended by 36 participants from
Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh, Telangana and Maharashtra. The participants represented various
categories such as the ILO, NGOs, Government departments, Research Institutions and individual
researchers, legal experts working for the devadasis and sex workers. The main objective of the
workshop was to share and discuss the draft findings of the study with the participants to take their
suggestions and feedback. Based on the suggestions and feedback of the participants the research
findings were finalised.
The study has been participatory, involving a large range of stakeholders in the design, and in finalising
the findings. The details of which are given in Annexure 2.
PART II – BACKGROUND OF DEVADASI PRACTICE
2. The Devadasi System– History
The term devadasi is of Sanskrit origin. The practice of consigning girls to a temple to create devadasis is
several centuries old; the tale traditionally told is that some women, particularly from the socially and
24
economically backward (Scheduled Castes/ Scheduled Tribes) sections were selected as the wives of
God and named as Devadasis, literally meaning the servants of God. The women dedicated to temples
and men’s entertainment were called Devadasis in Karnataka, Joginis or Mathammas in Andhra Pradesh,
Mathangi/Murali in Maharashtra, Devaradiar or Dasis in Tamil Nadu and Kudikkars in the Travancore
region (Kerala).
The majority of devadasis are dedicated to Goddess Yellamma whose other names are Renuka,
Jogamma and Holiyamma (Torri, 2009). The Yellamma cult is popular in Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh and
Maharashtra. A famous Yellamma temple was built in 1514 in Saundati hills of North Karnataka which
illustrates the significance of the cult and by extension, Devadasis, at this time(Orchard, 2007).
The temple continues to be the major site of dedication even today, with devadasis being dedicated
there every year5
. The devotees of Yellamma who dedicate young girls as devadasis to the goddess are
mostly Dalits and Bahujans, from the Madiga and Valmiki castes (being economically disadvantaged),
and sometimes other Dalits as well. Once married to the god, devadasis are not allowed to marry any
mortal man in their whole life (Shankar, 1994).
Historically, the devadasi practice has been a prominent part of Hindu culture and is said to have been
prevalent from the Vedic era. Early accounts date back to AD 985 during the reign of the King Raja Chola
– the practice was at its height during the Pallava, Chola and Pandya dynasties from the 7th
to the
13th
century in South India, especially in Tamil Nadu. According to folklore these women spent their
entire lives in and around the temple, serving the Gods, entertaining the royal families, Brahmins and
priests with their music and dance and actively participating in various religious ceremonies. As a
talented community, the devadasis helped in developing the current systems of music and tradition in
various parts of India; dance forms like Bharatnatyam from Tamil Nadu, Kuchipudi from Andhra Pradesh,
and Odissi from Odisha all trace their lineage to this community (Torri, 2009).
The culture from which devadasis emerged was at one point situated in the context of the liberal
traditions of ancient Hindu society. The devadasi was able to hone her skills and talents rather than bind
herself to wedlock and the confinements of the four walls of her house. She could exhibit her talents,
develop contemporary dancing styles, command respect as an individual and interact with the elite and
the non dalit. At the same time she was allowed to lead a close to traditional life with respect to her
sexual activities and the bearing of children as most of the relations she had were steady and long term
in nature (Shankar, 1994).
In the pre-colonial era such “dedicated women” or devadasis started entertaining Kings and other
important persons in the court and were richly rewarded with gold and land. The temple economy and
the dependent Devadasi system were well supported by the patrons and the kings of the land.
Consequently, in that period, Devadasis were economically well off. Said to be educated in as many as
64 arts and having a wide exposure to education and knowledge. They were empowered, independent,
5
The numbers cannot be estimated, however, as dedications are illegal, and most of the dedications are done secretly. Devadasis report that
the villagers find out about devadasis sometimes one or two years after the dedications.
25
had good social standing and allowed to mix freely with men. After the ‘dedication’, it was socially
accepted that they would have a male partner and bear children. They followed the matriarchal pattern
of lineage. They often played a very important role in the partner’s family, almost as important as a wife.
However, in public, a Devadasi woman could never acknowledge her partner as husband or father of her
children. The clandestine nature of these ‘dedications’ did not let the devadasi women earn money
through traditional methods such as dancing in festivals and at ceremonies like marriages, although in
some cases peoples’ belief in their auspiciousness caused them to be invited to be present at wedding
ceremonies (Reddy, 2012).
2.1. The Colonial Era
Despite the inconsistencies in the devadasis’ situation described above, their status was considerably
better than what it became during British Colonial rule. The temples and kings lost their wealth and the
temple economy suffered, the Devadasis also lost much of their earlier social and economic status as a
result. They were reduced to the state of “nautch girls”or dancing girls and were forced to perform on
the streets to earn their livelihood, they began to face poverty (Harp, 1997).
In the 20th
century, girls from scheduled castes and scheduled tribes were dedicated and exploited by
men from their own and non scheduled castes. In order to address the vulnerability of Devadasi women,
social activists put pressure on the Government to ban the Devadasi practice (Shankar, 1994,
Prasannakumar, and Srinivasa, 2012).
It was in the 19th
Century, with the advance of British imperialism in India, native traditions, customs and
practices like sati, child marriage and devadasis were questioned for the first time. During the British
period, temples lost their royal patronage, wealth diminished and Devadasis turned to prostitution for
their livelihood. By the late 1800’s, reformists had begun to criticize the devadasi practice and they
insisted on legally banning the practice (Harp, 1997).
2.2. Current Context
The first legal banning of the practice was through the enactment of the Bombay Devadasi Protection
Act, 1934.The chronological enactments of laws passed to ban the devadasi practice include:
The Madras Devadasis (Prevention of Dedication) Act (also called the Tamil Nadu Devadasis
(Prevention of Dedication) Act or the Madras Devadasi Act) in1947 just after India became
independent from British rule.
The Andhra Pradesh Devadasi (Prevention of Dedication) Act, first promulgated in 1947 was
amended in 1988.
The Karnataka State (Prevention of Dedication) Act was enacted in 1982, and amended in 2010.
However, instead of protecting the Devadasis these legislations criminalized their actions. Due to the
internalization of cultural beliefs in the community, girls were dedicated in secrecy, despite the
prevailing laws banning the practice.. In some cases the girls were also subjected to sexual trafficking for
commercial exploitation.
26
The relatively high status accorded to devadasis in the past is no longer relevant in the present day
context of her criminalization by way of the legislations, leading to exploitation being rife. Reports have
conclusively shown that it is the dalit caste girls (mostly from the dalit castes) who are being exploited
and abused as devadasis. Dedicated’ girls are expected, upon reaching puberty, to serve the goddess by
way of having sexual relations with men in return for money in their community. The girls are also
extremely vulnerable to being sold or trafficked into urban brothels the illegality of the custom has not
put a stop on its continuance.
The caste oppression is perpetuated by invoking the religious element of “glorification” of women. The
caste indoctrination is achieved by using women as the gateway of the caste system. In contrast to dalit
women, women from dominating castes are kept out of public view by ‘purdah’, meaning they stay at
home to the maximum extent or appear veiled in public. These patriarchal tactics also prevent a degree
of solidarity between women from different castes.
In this context the first question that arises about devadasis is the number and geographical spread of
the devadasis.
2.3. The Estimated Number of Devadasis
The devadasi system is prevalent mainly across South India and spread across the States of Karnataka,
Andhra Pradesh, Telangana and Maharashtra. The actual number of devadasis is however a matter of
much debate and controversy. The most ironical fact about the most vulnerable groups is that official
agencies don’t even acknowledge that they exist. Many officials, especially in the State of Maharashtra,
claimed that as the practice is outlawed, devadasis do not exist, almost by definition.
Civil Society Organisations (CSOs) contest the numbers from the government surveys in the States of
Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh (including Telangana) and Maharashtra. CSOs claim that even though
dedications are on a decline, there are thousands of devadasis spread over the three research States of
Tamil Nadu, Karnataka and Andhra Pradesh. Some estimates of the number of Devadasis are available
to us from various sources, for the three States in India where the practice is highly prevalent.
The number of devadasi dedications and the total number of devadasi girls is difficult to obtain: most of
the traditional devadasi work is now home-based in rural villages, the girl continues to serve where she
resides;. Furthermore, the legal implications of admitting the status and the stigma of discrimination
when disclosing this to outsiders make it difficult to obtain accurate data.
In Karnataka there were two official surveys undertaken; one in 1993-94 identified 22,873 devadasis
and the latest in 2007-08, identified 23,783 devadasis. In Andhra-Pradesh, there has been a survey from
1987-88 with 24,273 devadasis, whereas the Justice Raghunath Rao one man commission report showed
that there are 80,000 Joginis in Andhra Pradesh. In Maharashtra the survey conducted in 2010 showed
that there are 3907 devadasis. The latest available figures based on these official sources are indicated
in Table 3.
Table 3: Number of Devadasis in the Three Study States
27
State No of Devadasis/Year of 1st
Survey No Devadasis/Year of 2nd
Survey Realistic Estimate
Karnataka 22,873 (1993-94)6
23,783 (2007-08) 1,00,000
Andhra
Pradesh
24, 273 (1987-88)7
80,000
Maharashtra 3907 (2010)8
30,000
Field team observed that even in the previous six months during jathres, , that there have been reports
of dedications even in the previous six months, during jathres, wherein NGOs have reportedly stopped
dedications. This subject was reviewed in the United Nations Organisation in 2008, where the National
Human Rights Commission has reported the number of devadasis in India as 450,000. The One Man
Commission appointed by Andhra Pradesh government endorses the same estimate. District wise break
of these surveys in Karnataka and Andhra Pradesh is given in Annexure 3. Data on district wise break up
of survey conducted in Maharashtra is not available.
However, the actual number of devadasis is contested. The above figures are most likely an
underestimation. According to the one-man Commission, the official estimate is about 450,000
Devadasis spread over many States of India.
The governments of the relevant States exhibits a reluctance to undertake comprehensive new surveys,
due to the fear that non-devadasis may identify themselves as devadasis to access schemes targeted for
the benefit of devadasis. In Karnataka, a separate cell has been established in the Ministry of Social
Welfare which works for the welfare of devadasis identified in surveys conducted in 1993-94 and 2007-
2008. They are active in rehabilitation of these identified devadasis. Whereas in Telangana, neither the
social welfare department nor the women and child department has taken responsibility in
rehabilitation of devadasis. Without proper identification of the scale of the issue, further steps towards
eradication are difficult and implementation of existing laws and schemes remains poor.
The age breakup of the research respondents is provided in Table 4. Age was taken as one of the criteria
during sample-selection so that sample will have devadasis who are dedicated before and after
enforcement of the Prohibition of Devadasi Acts. Here, the age has been grouped in 11 categories
starting with less than 18 years old to above 57 years old.
Table 4: Age of the research respondents
6
Received data from department of women development corporation at Belagavi
7
Received data from Andhra Pradesh scheduled castes corporation, finance corporation Limited, Hyderabad,
8
Received data from department of Comessionarate of women and child development, Pune
28
District Of all 3 Districts
Age group Belagavi Mehboobnagar Sholapur
Less than 18 0% 3% 0% 1%
18-22 0% 7% 4% 3%
23-27 8% 10% 5% 8%
28-32 10% 25% 15% 17%
33-37 17% 18% 15% 17%
38-42 17% 17% 15% 16%
43-47 13% 3% 11% 9%
48-52 20% 8% 15% 14%
53-57 5% 2% 9% 5%
Above 57 8% 7% 13% 9%
Total 100% 100% 100% 100%
A detailed classification of age was done to analyse whether the devadasi practice has stopped or not.
The Prohibition of Act came into existence in 1982 in Karnataka and in 1988 in Andhra Pradesh
(Telangana and Andhra ) and in 1935 in Maharashtra. As there is no recent amendment of the Act in
Maharashtra, the age check could not be performed. In Karnataka and Andhra Pradesh, it was
performed as follows:
As the Act was promulgated in 1982 in Karnataka, 32 years ago. Given that Devadasi dedications
take place between 5 and 12 years of age, if no dedications have taken place after 1982, we should
find no devadasi younger than 44 years old, if dedicated at 12. If dedicated earlier, we should not
find a devadasi older than 37 years old. The data shows that 35% of the women surveyed were
under the age of 37. Even if 44 is taken as the cut-off age, 52 to 54% women were found to be in
that age bracket. This shows that at least 52% women have been dedicated after the practice was
banned. The fact that 8% of the women are under 27 years of age shows that even upto 10 to 15
years ago, dedications took place in Karnataka.
29
In Andhra Pradesh, the Act was promulgated in 1988. By the same logic as above, if the ban is
effective, we should not find devadasi women in the age group less than 32 to 39 years old.
Instead, as many as 45% of the devadasis surveyed in Mehboobnagar are less than 32 year old, and
the percentage of women less than 39 years old is 63%. These data show very high percentage of
dedications after the ban.
Given that over the three districts, nearly half the women surveyed were under 37 years of age, it is lear
that dedications have continued much after the prohibition of the Devadasi system. Further, in
Maharashtra State Devadasis (Prohibition of Dedication) Act came into existence since 80 years, hence
all the respondents of the sample survey are dedicated after enforcement of the Act. As a result of the
various bans passed, the practice now unfolds in secrecy. Dedications in the State of Karnataka, parts of
Andhra Pradesh and Maharashtra are no longer a public celebration but happen in private for fear of
fines and/or imprisonment.
‘People in the village are still
making their daughters joginis.
Though sporadic it is still
happening here and there. Even if
I tell someone that this system is
bad they will ridicule me. Some
women have told me that it is easy
to make money after converting
into jogini. So I stopped interfering
in others affairs. I take care of
myself and my family. Let them go
around. Tomorrow when they get
diseases they will know’.
Narasamma,
Mehboobnagar district
Ineffective implementation of law
Seetha, Devadasi, Gokak, Belagavi shared that
“When I was 12 years old my mother along with a
Joginiand other neighbours visited Saundati
Yellamma temple. I was given a set of new clothes
and the women who had come with me were
performing rituals around me. The police arrived at
the temple. The people around me quickly covered
all the things used in the rituals. They all sat in a
group and started singing songs and bhajans loudly.
The police approached the group and enquired
about the occasion. Everyone pretended as if it was
a routine pooja. The police went around the temple
and stayed put at the temple, observing the group
closely for an hour. After the police left the ladies
called me back. I had run away from the scene
when the police arrived. The women caught hold of
me and force fully sat me down on the kabala
(blanket). The pujari of the temple came and tied
the Pearl necklace (Mutthinahara) around my neck.
I knew I was dedicated to be a devadasi”.
30
Field observations and interviews with stakeholders showed several NGOs and government
departments (especially the department of women and child development in Karnataka) have
undertaken mass awareness campaigns among people in all the districts of Karnataka about the ills of
Devadasi practice. This has resulted in a reduction in the intensity of the Devadasi system, but has failed
to eradicate the system in entirety.
PART III–LIVELIHOODS OFTHE DEVADASIS
3. The Devadasi Practice
A study of the context of the socio-economic conditions of the women and their families helps to
understand the perpetuation of the Devadasi system. This analysis will ensure a greater insight in to the
failure of the legal prohibition of the Devadasi system and ultimately form the basis of a holistic
approach towards the eradication of this inhumane system.
3.1. Caste
The details about the caste of the respondents are given in Table 5. Caste is an important dimension
within the Devadasi system. Social inequities and caste structures help perpetuate the system within
vulnerable communities.
Table 5: District wise caste distribution
District Scheduled Caste OBC Scheduled Tribe General9
Grand Total
Belgavi 100% - - - 100%
Mehboobnagar 83% 12% - 5% 100%
Sholapur 71% 4% 15% 11% 100%
Within the sample of devadasis studied, a predominant 85% of the respondents belong to the Dalit
caste. In Belagavi all the respondents were Dalits, followed by 83% in Mehboobnagar and 71% in
Sholapur. In Mehboobnagar 5% of respondents are girls from the general caste girls who were
dedicated as devadasis, main reason for dedication being the lack of a male child. In Sholapur 10% of
the respondents are from general caste and reasons for dedications include superstitious e.g. dedicating
a daughter may be followed by the birth of a son, or some illness in the family may be cured, etc.
9
The general castes mentioned are Brahmin, Lingayath, Kapu
31
The practice of offering of girls as devadasis is followed by scheduled castes and other backward
communities (Chawla, 2002;
Nikolova, 2009, Raghunath Rao,
2013, Kompier 2014). Caste has
always played a central and
decisive role in employment
relations, class formation, and
determination of social and
economic status in our society.
The caste indoctrination is
achieved by using women as the
gateway of caste system.
A majority of the households with
devadasi members, at present, do
not have a history of dedication in
the family indicating the fact that
they were the first generation of
Devadasis (Marglin, 1985;
Nikolova, 2009).
3.2. Age of dedication
The details about the age at which the respondents were made devadasis are given in Table 6.
Table 6: Age when Respondents were dedicated as Devadasis
Age the women made into Devadasi District Of all 3
DistrictsBelagavi Mehboobnagar Sholapur
Less than 5 years 25% 12% 4% 14%
6-10 years 20% 35% 15% 23%
11 – 15 years 23% 42% 33% 33%
16-20 years 7% 3% 20% 10%
Above 20 years 3% 0% 29% 10%
Do not know 22% 8% 0% 10%
Total 100% 100% 100% 100%
Nearly 70% of the respondents were dedicated into the Devadasi system before they could attain the
age of 15 years. 37% of them were dedicated before the age of 11 years. It is clear that most of the
respondents have been forced into this system at an age when they could not have fathomed the
implications of being dedicated into the Devadasi system. In Sholapur, almost 30% of the women have
Rathnakka, Devadasi from Belagavi, stated: “I belong to SC
committee. I am the third child for my parents after two elder
brothers. I used to fall ill often and my parents would take me
to all the nearby temples finally my parents felt that offering
me to the Goddess that is how I am dedicated to the Yellamma.
I was made devadasi at the age of 8 and I remember that
celebration. I was taken to the Yellamma temple in Saundati
during the temple fair. All our relatives were invited to the
function at the temple. After the pooja the pujari tied the pearl
thread to my neck, that night we stayed in the temple. The next
day we returned to our village. Once we are at the home my
mother told me not to remove the pearl mala at all. I have to
beg on Tuesday, Friday and new moon day in the street which
is the custom I need to follow as devadasi”.
32
been dedicated after attaining 20
years of age, which is because a
majority of them are first involved
in sex work and then converted as
Devadasis inorder to protect
themselves from the stigma
associated with sex work (FGD
findings, Prasannakumar and
Srinivasa, 2012).
These stories illustrate that devadasis are dedicated as children, when they do not understand the
implications of the practice. Their parents are invariably from the scheduled castes and have extremely
low levels of assets and incomes.
Saraswathi, a devadasi from Belagavi says “When I
was 8 years of age my mother and her relatives took
me to Saundati Yellamma temple and made me
wear a new sari, green bangles, lots of flowers in
my hair. They sat me down on a blanket and the
women sat around me and sang bhajans and then
offered pooja to the Goddess. The poojari of the
temple tied a pearl necklace around my neck. I
enjoyed all the attention given to me on that day. I
was happy as I got to wear new clothes and
bangles” on the day”. The true import of the
dedication on Saraswathi only when she attained
puberty and her mother forced her to take a
partner. She has taken another partner since her
dedication and continues to live with him. She
rues the day she was dedicated as a devadasi, she
has borne the brunt of stigmatization of this cruel
system and thus has ensured both her daughters
are married.
Seshamma, a devadasi from Mehboobnagar says ‘25
years ago, when I was 7 years old I was made a
Jogini by my parents! I was too young to remember
the process, the rituals and other nuances. However
I can vaguely recollect the colourful tent put up in
front of my mother’s house. A lot of our relatives
came and gave me flowers, sweets, and bangles. I
barely knew what the fun and fervour was all
about’! ‘I was made a Jogini because my parents
had no male child. I am the second of the two
daughters of my parents. My parents are very poor
and survived on physical labour. They worked as
agriculture labourers and construction labourers
depending on what was available. The one acre of
land we owned was rain-fed. We did not have money
to dig a bore well. We belong to Madiga community
and are poor and not influential. Poverty forced me
and my sister to work since childhood. We never
went to school. Only through the efforts of SHG, I
manage to write my name now. Other than writing
my name, I cannot read or write’.
Premalatha, Sex worker turned Devadasi, Sholapur: This house
‘Malkin’ (Madam) and I both are from the neighboring village. I
told her my story of how I ran away from my abusive husband and
was forced in to sex work. She said “I will take you to Soundathi and
tie ‘Muthu’ (Pearl). She made me a devadasi. It is like marriage
with Goddess Yellamma. She said: “ If you save money you can sit
and eat in your old age, otherwise you can beg for your livelihood
and you can sleep in any of the temples as a Devadasi”.
33
3.3. Key people involved in the induction
The respondents were asked who the person in the family was or community primarily involved in the
dedication them, and the answers, in percentages, are given in Table 7. There are 247 responses from
sample of 175, with 62 respondents providing more than 1 option mentioned in the survey form.
Table 7: People who are involved in converting the women into Devadasi
Persons who make Devadasi
District % of all 3
Districts
Belagavi Mehboobnagar Sholapur
Father 32% 37% 20% 32%
Mother 21% 30% 15% 24%
Grandmother 40% 24% 3% 23%
Temple priest (locally called gurus) - - 31% 7%
Others 5% 2% 15% 6%
Aunty - - 15% 4%
Local leaders 3% 5% - 3%
Relatives - 2% - 1%
Number of women responded 100% 100% 100% 100%
The majority of respondents, 79%, were dedicated as devadasi through close family members (father,
mother or grandmother), in Belagavi 93% and in Mehboobnagar 91%. In Sholapur district, 31% of the
respondents said that temple priests and self-styled gurus (locally known as Gurus,) were also involved
in the induction. In addition 9% of the respondents from Belagavi and Mehboobnagar said local leaders
dedicated them to the Devadasi system, which clearly shows that political, non scheduled caste vested
interests play an important role in dedicating girls from families of scheduled caste, a form of caste
based sexual exploitation.
Even Families are Exploitative
“All relations depend on money. Till the time I was giving money to my family, they were supportive to
me but after my daughter’s birth when I stopped giving them money, they stopped all relations with me.
My mother and sister always demanded money and other things from me but now, when I stopped
helping them they don’t take care of me and my daughter. If my own family does this to me, then how
can I trust my partner? I know that he will also look after me only till I give him money. Here I am
happy with my peer group in brothel house as they help me, so now this is my family
Swarnalatha, from Sholapur who is involved in sex work says
34
3.4. Reasons for Dedication
The reasons mentioned by the respondents for dedication of girls as devadasis are given in Table 8.
Table 8: Reasons due to which women turn into Devadasi
Reasons that turned women into Devadasi
District Grand
TotalBelagavi Mehboobnagar Sholapur
Girl child from dalit households to take care of parents 25% 31% 1% 57%
No other children or illness of children 9% 3% 29% 42%
Dalits don’t want to discontinue the practice 0.57% - 0.57% 1%
Pressure from higher castes to continue the practice - - - 0%
When a dalit girl reaches puberty, it is considered safe
to marry them rather than keep them at home.
- - 0.57% 0.57%
Total 35% 34% 31% 100%
Fifty seven percentages of the respondents were dedicated to the Devadasi due to girl child form dalit
families has to take care of parents. 42% mentioned that they were dedicated as devadasis either
family do not have children or children falling ill frequently. In such cases girls are dedicated in to this
system, and forced to support their parents/family.
Sickness is Reason for Making Devadasi
“my father died when I was 4 years old. I used to fall sick frequently in my childhood. My
grandmother observed this and before death she instructed my mother to perform a ceremony to the
Kokuntnur goddess. My mother asked the priest (local guru) to do some ceremony. In that ceremony,
the priest and jogtis gave me Pardi. I couldn’t fully understand what the ceremony was”.
Jayamala, a devadasi, Sholapur
35
Superstition – blind faith is the reason to make
Prbahavathi a Devadasi: Prabhavati, a devadasi from
Sholapur. She had two sisters and one brother. Her
father was a scrap dealer and her mother worked in
cotton fields. When she was 7 years old her father left
them and went away to Pandharpur. He gambled a lot
and lost everything they had. They were left without a
shelter (house) and started living near bus station.
Every year her family visited Saundati temple in
Karnataka during Jathre. Once during Jathre time, her
mother noticed that Prabhavati’s hair was completely
entangled and had formed a ‘jat’ which was assumed to
be God’s will and calling. ‘Her mother took her to the
temple town, worshipped their deity and when
Prabhavati was given a bath, a garland fell around her
neck by chance. It came from the water that was poured
on her. This was again taken as a sign she was needed
for the God. Also, a lady who was possessed by a
Goddess (Devi) came to their house and said “I want
this girl to be initiated into a Devadasi. Initially her
mother refused, but a lot of obstacles and problems that
happened at home made her mother tell ‘yes’ and was
immediately taken to a guru called ‘ Majukh’ who
performed various poojas , tied a moti mal around
Prabhavati ’s neck and took her under his care. Lot of
ceremonies were conducted, gifts were given to guests
and the ritual of going to the jathre every year began.
She was also taught music, singing and dancing and
was made to perform at the jathre each time in the
festive season.
Begam nirmala is from Morab village of
Raibagh taluk of Belagavi district. Her
mother is a devadasi by tradition. Since
Begam nirmala was the only daughter of
her mother, she was made a devadasi.
She is not able to recall the rituals of
devadasi except that she acquired a pearl
necklace. Noticing the pearl necklace,
her friends at the hostel started teasing
her about it, when Begam nirmala asked
her mother if she could remove it. Her
mother refused to allow her to remove it.
Begam nirmala recalls; “I came home
for summer vacation and one of my
relatives of similar age was getting
married. I attended that marriage with
my mother. When we returned home I
asked my mother if I would also get
married soon. This upset my mother
greatly who told me that you are my only
daughter and if you get married who will
look after me. Only then did my mother
reveal the true nature of the devadasi
system. My mother decided to cut short
my education, due to the fear that I may
develop and pursue other ideas. It
dawned on me that my life was
purposeless and I was helpless since my
mother was emotionally and materially
dependent on me.”
The major institutional reasons for dedications are economic dependence and vulnerability, social
influence, beliefs and perceptions, customs and traditions. Other specific reasons are lack of capacity of
36
parents to arrange daughter’s marriage, less number of male children to support household, daughter’s
responsibility to look after parents and properties (in case of single child), to fix girl’s stay at home in
absence of sons, to continue serving deities, social stigma of being from Madar community and inability
to arrange marriage, illness-stricken girls chosen as devadasis, being offered girls as a gift to goddess to
save lives of others etc (Sampark, 2002, Marglin, 1985).
3.5. Age at which they had their first partner
Age at which the respondents had their first partner is given in Table 9.
Table 9: Age at which they had their first partner
Age during first partner Districts % of all 3 Districts
Belagavi Mehboobnagar Sholapur
Less than 12 years - 12% 4% 5%
12 – 17 years 78% 72% 40% 70%
18 – 21 years 22% 17% 33% 18%
22 – 26 years - - 4% 1%
Above 31 years - - 11% 3%
Not mentioned - - 9% 3%
Total 100% 100% 100% 100%
In Belagavi and Mehboobnagar, as there exists the custom of dedicating young girls to the Devadasi
system, more than 70% of the respondents had their first partner before/at the age of 17 years.
The story shows that young girls are often forced in to marriage-like conditions of sexual intercourse and
sexually exploited by the men within and outside families in the Devadasi practice.
“I was Raped by Brother –in-law and Neighbour”: Seshamma, a devadasi from Mehboobnagar
painfully recounts the horrific experience of being raped by her Brother-in-law and her neighbour. “‘I
ran out of the house in fear, saw my sister sleeping outside and hid under her cot. But my brother-in-
law came out, searched for me, dragged me from under the cot and forced into me again. It pained like
hell. The next morning I woke up with very painful and swollen privates”. ‘I was raped by my
neighbour. He is from the same community as I am and lives just behind our house. I returned home
crying and complained to my mother. My mother fought with my neighbour but he defended his act by
stating that I am a Jogini and hence should be accessible to all’!
37
3.6. Sourcing of partners
Details about the people who identified the partners for devadasi women are given in Table 10.
Table 10: People/groups who identified partners for them
People/groups who identified
partners for these women
Districts % of all 3 Districts
Belagavi Mehboobnagar Sholapur
Self 31% 43% 28% 34%
Father 3% 23% 31% 19%
Others 13% 5% 21% 13%
Mother 13% 18% 5% 12%
Pimps 18% 2% 3% 8%
Grand mother 15% 2% 3% 7%
Local leaders 5% 7% - 4%
Aunty 2% - 5% 2%
Not Mentioned - - 3% 1%
Grand Total 100% 100% 100% 100%
Table 10 shows that around 34% of the respondents chose their partners themselves after being
dedicated to the devadasi system. Close family members such as the father or mother accounted for
31% (19+13%) of the people who identify partners for devadasis. The other categories include
neighbours and other devadasis (13%). In Belagavi pimps being involved in 18% show a linkage to sex
work.
3.7. Caste and social based discrimination
Details about the devadasis who faced either case or social based discriminations are given in Table 11.
The respondents were asked whether they face any discrimination in getting invitation for the functions
or festivals, or their children face any eve teasing within schools or colleges.
Table 11:Devadasis who faced discrimination
Districts
Devadasis who
faced
discrimination
Places of discrimination % of all
3
Districts
Functions Others Festivals
like
‘Jathres’
Temples Schools
Belagavi 7% 19% - - - - 7%
Mehboobnagar 67% 69% 25% 100% 80% 100% 67%
Sholapur 26% 13% 75% 20% 26%
Grand Total 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100%
38
Social discrimination was a reality for 43 of the respondents. Discrimination happens at social events
and village festivals (Jattras). In Mehboobnagar, most of them mentioned that their children face eve
teasing from their classmates.
Other forms of discrimination include being asked for husbands/fathers name, slander within the
community.
The legitimacy and upbringing of children is a major problem. As many as of the devadasis, 95% were
not able to register their patrons as parents in the admission records of schools for their children. This
indicates that the children of devadasis are denied legitimate status and have to be content with getting
their mother’s or grandfather’s or grandmother’s name entered in the register (Sampark, 2002).
Though quantitative data shows that there is little or no
discrimination in schools, most of the in-depth case studies and
FGDs showed that their children face lot of discrimination at the
time of admission in the schools, getting jobs in government
departments – mainly because devadasis cannot disclose the
father’s name in the application form.
Yes, in the local areas they
recognize us and they know we
are prostitutes and we don’t get
any respect.
Galavva, Sholapur
Shivakka’ second son, Madhu is very upset because his mother is a devdadasi. He shared an incident from
his life. He wanted to join the army and attended a psychical fitness selection process and interview in
Raichur district. Before a person took the test for physical fitness, his certificates were first checked by an
officer. When Madhu’s turn came, the officer who was checking the certificates asked him why he had not
filled in his father’s name. Madhu told us that he could not face that situation as he did not want to say
that his mother was a devadasi and therefore came out of the ground without completing the physical
fitness process. He took back his certificates from the officer and returned to his village. He said that he
was angry with his mother for making him face such situations and thereby making him not able to get a
job in the army. Madhu said that often he has to face such situations because he was born to a devadasi,
and was not able to tell the world that he does have a father, whose name he cannot disclose.
39
The story of an ingenious way of solving the problem is illustrated below.
The discrimination, social exclusion, stigma faced by devadasis and the attitude of the community have
forced current devadasis not to engage in alternate professions. Moreover, the former chairperson of
the One Man Commission, (Retired) Justice Raghunath Rao also discussed an additional issue wherein
children of devadasis do not get a passport as they are not able to produce their father’s name which is
essential for issuing a passport. As a result, they are unable to go foreign countries to pursue their
higher education and employment even (Raghunath Rao, 2013).
The details about the respondents who practiced rituals as devadasi are given in Table 12 and 13.The
aspect of rituals is important because rituals of this social order are essentially designed to reinforce
discrimination and legitimise various forms of discrimination.
‘When my children were young they faced ridicule
from society because I am basvini. Now they don’t
face such discrimination. Now my children are
grown up and they do not tolerate such ridicule.
They answer back without fear if they are
ridiculed. In fact the society respects us because
my children are pursuing good education. They
say irrespective of my past relationships, I am
giving good education to my children’.
Narayanamma, Utkurmandal, Telangana
Dr. Ambedkar is the Baba of all Dalits”:
Begamnirmala’s life is one full of tragedy and
inspiration, both in equal measure. In spite of the
enormous difficulties posed by the Devadasi system,
she has been strong to ensure that the future of her
children was secure. She narrates an incident about
school admission for her first son.
Begam nirmala was asked to give the name of the
father. The Head master of the school refused to
write mother’s name on the application. Begam
nirmala had a sudden flash of inspiration and filled
in “Baba” in the father’s name column of the school
application. She had used Dr.Babasaheb
Ambedkar’s name. Dr.Ambedkar is a living icon of
India, who through his writings and life story
continues to inspire countless Indians and Dalits to
fight against poverty and oppression. She signs off
saying that she is a happy woman as all her children
are well settled.
40
Table 12: Total number of women who practice rituals after becoming Devadasi
Women who practice rituals after
becoming Devadasi
Districts % of all 3
DistrictsBelagavi Mehboobnagar Sholapur
Yes 35% 72% 98% 67%
No 65% 28% 2% 33%
Grand Total 100% 100% 100% 100%
Table 13: Rituals followed by the Devadasis as part of practice
Rituals followed by the Devadasis as part of
practice :
District
% of all
3
Districts
Belagavi Of all 3 Districts Sholapur
E: Fasting at the time of death within village and
neighbouring village – after burying body, take
bath and cook food by herself and eat 7% 40% 15% 26%
A: Fasting on Tuesday and Friday 7% 41% 12% 25%
B: Doing pooja (prayers) on Tuesday and Friday 48% 15% 10% 18%
L: Others (dancing in functions) 11% 22% 10%
C: Begging on Tuesday and Friday 4% 4% 11% 7%
F: Doing pooja on Amavasaya and Pournami day 7% - 11% 5%
D: Doing pooja in Jathere 4% 0% 10% 4%
G: Give food to hungry people - - 4% 2%
I: Do not go to the houses where there is a child
delivered or where girls have reached puberty - - 4% 2%
K: Once in a year – take out bangles for 1 month
and beg during that month. With that money buy
new set of bangles. 11% - - 2%
J: Not to have food in the dark (will lit the lamp
though there is electricity) - - 1% 1%
Grand Total 100% 100% 100% 100%
In Sholapur the adherence to rituals is almost absolute among the respondents, in Mehboobnagar more
than 70% practice rituals. In Belagavi only 35% of the respondents follow rituals (refer Table 12).
In Belagavi 48% respondents follow ritual of doing pooja on Tuesday and Friday, where as in Sholapur
11% of them do begging on Tuesday and Friday. In Mehboobnagar 40% of them follow ritual of fasting
on Tuesday and Friday and also at the time of death of people in their villages (refer Table 13).
Devadasis are expected to fast when a death occurs in the village, beg during certain days of the week
and not allowed to visit houses where a girl child is born or has attained puberty. More than 50% of the
respondents fast on a regular basis. Discussions at FGDS and field observations report that in Belagavi
41
the practice of rituals is low due to the work carried out among the devadasis by local NGOs. These
rituals (not very subtly) reinforce discrimination of the devadasis within the larger community.
The women traditionally forced into the Devadasi practice like Mathammas and Joginis are invited to
weddings as their presence is considered particularly auspicious and at the same time these beliefs do
not preclude using them as prostitutes (sex workers), the only difference is that they are less stigmatized
compared to non–religiously sanctioned sex workers and are more integrated in the mainstream society
(Nikolova, 2009). Most devadasis are not interested in disclosing the names of their partners, whereas
they are open to sharing information about caste, work profile, marital status of the partner. Devadasis
have a firm religious belief that they must not get married as they are married to God. Due to this
strong belief it is difficult persuade them to marry, and also to find grooms for them. Sometimes few
devadasis, especially from the younger generation marry their partners in the temples, however such
marriage is not accepted either by the society or by the court as the partner might have already married
another women. Due to all these reasons, devadasis are not able to obtain the status of a wife in the
society and their children are discriminated against in the community.
3.8. Decision making within the family
The data on who makes different types of decisions in a devadasi household are depicted in Table 14.
Table 14: Family related decision making
Family related decisions Districts Alone
Myself
and
partner
Myself
&
family
Partner(s)
decide
Myself,
partner &
family
Grand
total
To have children Belagavi 51 6 3 - - 60
Mehboobnagar 33 7 10 1 2 53
Sholapur 18 15 7 8 2 50
Total 102 28 20 9 4 163
Follow family planning Belagavi 52 5 3 - - 60
Mehboobnagar 27 7 9 3 1 47
Sholapur 14 18 7 7 3 49
Total 93 30 19 10 4 156
Education of children Belagavi 50 7 3 - - 60
Mehboobnagar 27 9 13 2 1 52
Sholapur 17 18 10 6 - 51
Total 94 34 26 8 1 163
Marriage of children Belagavi 47 6 3 - - 56
Mehboobnagar 17 7 18 2 3 47
Sholapur 16 16 9 7 - 48
Total 80 29 30 9 3 151
Buying assets Belagavi 31 1 3 - - 35
Mehboobnagar 31 5 17 1 3 57
42
Sholapur 16 16 9 7 2 50
Total 78 22 29 8 5 142
The data shows that Devadasi women decide independently on most matters related to children, family
planning and buying assets, there is only a semblance of joint decision making. Field observations from
Sholapur note that most women do not live with their families and hence the decisions are made by the
women or jointly with their partners. In Mehboobnagar however, the family exercises a definite
influence on the choices of the devadasis.
Conclusions: The practice of dedicating girls as devadasis continues in all the three States even after
the enforcement of Devadasi Prohibition Acts. Devadasis are dedicated at a very young age into the
practice, mostly by a close family member. The major institutional reasons for such dedications are
economic dependence, financial vulnerability, social influence, beliefs, perceptions, customs and
traditions. Other specific reasons are lack of parents’ capacity to arrange the marriage of their
daughters, few/no male children to support the household, daughter’s responsibility to look after
parents and properties (in case of single child), to fix girl’s stay at home in the absence of sons, to
continue serving deities, social stigma. Hence, there has been forced as well as self -enforced dedication
into the system amongst women from dalit and non dalit backgrounds. On the other hand, social
stigmatization and better recognition and respect have however forced sex workers in the urban cities
to consciously convert and identify themselves as devadasis by their own will. Most of the devadasis are
from scheduled cast families. Most of devadasis identified their partners by themselves.
4. Economic Status
This Section looks at various relevant parameters influencing aspects of economic status such as
education, family and their children, type of assets, housing pattern, migration among the Devadasis,
type of work undertaken at destination and source, income earned through migration and partners.
4.1. Education
The literacy levels of the respondents are given in Table 15.
Table 15: District wise breakdown of literacy levels
Literacy levels District
Belagavi Mehboobnagar Sholapur % 0f all 3 Districts
Illiterate 75% 83% 75% 78%
Primary 22% 8% 18% 16%
High school 3% 9% 7% 6%
Grand total 100% 100% 100% 100%
As overall high percentage of illiteracy (78%) can be observed across all three districts among the
respondents. In Mehboobnagar, illiteracy is highest (83%) followed by both districts Belagavi and
Sholapur having 75% of illiteracy. Across all three districts only 16% of them have education upto
primary school.
43
4.2. Family and their children
The size and composition of 175 devadasi households is given in Table 16 and the number of children
is given in Table 17.
Table 16: Total number of family members in each woman’s house
No of Family Members District
Belagavi Mehboobnagar Sholapur
1 3% 7% 11%
2 to 4 57% 53% 55%
5 to 7 32% 40% 31%
8 to 10 7% - 4%
Above 10 2% - -
Grand total 100% 100% 100%
Table 17: Total number of children
District
No of Total children Belagavi Mehboobnagar Sholapur % 0f all 3
Districts
No children 2% 20% 13% 11%
One children 13% 33% 22% 23%
2 children 38% 32% 29% 33%
More than 3 children 47% 15% 36% 33%
Total 100% 100% 100% 100%
The data in Table 16 shows that a high proportion of the devadasis within the sample (55%) belong to a
family size between 2 to 4,a significant proportion within the sample (34%) belongs to larger family sizes
of 5 to 7. The largest family size within this sample was 14. Sholapur has the highest number of women
who live alone at 11%. In-depth case studies revealed that this is because the women in Sholapur are
involved in sex work, and they always prefer to keep to their children away from such an environment.
Tables 17 show that most of the devadasis within the sample have more than 2 children. Eleven
percentage of devadasis do not have children and 55% of them have 1 or 2 children and 33%of them,
nearly one-third have more than 3 children. Group discussion (FGDS) revealed that most devadasis
consider children an asset. There is an clear preference for the male child, with women opting to have
more children in order to have one or more male children.
44
4.3. Skill Development of Children
Skill development programs play an important role in the lives of Devadasis, as it provides an invaluable
opportunity to their children to escape the clutches of this inhumane system. Tables 18 depict the
access of devadasi children to skill training and Table 19 depicts the types of training they accessed.
The data from Table18 indicates that more than 86% of the children do not have any access to skill
development programs. Those who have availed of training have benefited from the special schemes
existing for children of Devadasis. Table 19 shows that tailoring (40%) and driving (36%) training are
most commonly taught skills. Higher-end skills such as teacher training and Information Technology
skills are imparted only at Sholapur district.
Gallavva told us that her daughter was born in Sholapur, but Gallavva doesn’t know who
her father is. When she comes to know that she was pregnant she went to her village to her
brother’s house, who supported her during her pregnancy. She gave birth to a girl baby.
After one year, she left her daughter with her brother and returned back to Sholapur to
continue the sex work. She used send money to her village for the upbringing of her
daughter. Her brother brought her daughter up and also gave her his name. Gallavva told
that her daughter does not know that her mother is working in Sholapur as a sex worker.
Galavva, Sholapur
45
Table 18: Status of skill training of the children
Skills training of the children District % of all 3 Districts
Belgavi Mehboobnagar Sholapur
Yes 11% 8% 24% 14%
No 89% 92% 76% 86%
Grand Total 100% 100% 100% 100%
Table 19: Type of skill trainings accessed by the children
Specific skills training
Districts % of all 3 Districts
Belagavi Mehboobnagar Sholapur
Beautician 14% - - 4%
Driving 14% 20% 54% 36%
Electrician - 60% - 12%
Tailoring 71% 20% 31% 40%
Teachers training - - 8% 4%
IT - - 8% 4%
Grand Total 100% 100% 100% 100%
Devadasis pay for private education of their children
Narayanamma has no tangible assets in form of a house or land. In addition to running the household,
she works as an agricultural labour, and also sells vegetables in the local market hopes that her children
will study and will support her. She hopes that her children will study and will support her. However,
the prohibitive costs of private education put a great strain on her resources. She says” ‘My first
daughter finished her 10th
class in the village government school itself. Then she got a seat in Gurukula
Patashala in Marikal. After she finished two years of her education there she did not get seat in
government Degree College. She wanted to pursue a nursing course. So I paid Rs.20,000 in KIMS
hospital in Hyderabad. When she finishes her college, she will get job placement in the hospital itself. It
is about 5 years now since she is staying in Hyderabad. Every year I pay Rs.12,000 for fee, boarding and
lodging, clothes. My son also studied in the government school in the village till 10th
class. After
finishing his 10th
class he went to Narayanpet to complete his Intermediate course. He finished his
second year now. He wanted to study a Lab Technician course but he did not secure admission in any
government college. Because I am already paying so much money for my daughter, I cannot afford to
pay for my son too. He requested me to pay for one year and then next year he said he will try and shift
to Government College. If I stop supporting him now he will lose focus and roam here and there.
Therefore I paid for him too and he is doing his Lab Technician course now’.
46
4.4. Ownership of Assets
The information about the assets owned by devadasis is given in Table 20.
Table 20: Ownership of assets (Frequency)
The data in Table 20 shows that 95% and 100% of the devadasis in the sample in Mehboobnagar and
Belgavi own a house, whereas in Sholapur 75% of them own a house. They got the house either from
parents or from State run housing schemes – Indira Awas Yojana (IAY) and Rajiv Gandhi Grameen
Housing scheme. In Mehboobnagar, 38% of Devadasis own land , which in turn is due to the recent
scheme run by the Telangana Government to provide 3 acres of land to landless families within the dalit
community.
The most alarming aspect to be noted is the lack of access to toilets, only a meagre 8% within the
sample have access to a toilet.
Assets
Belagavi Mehboobnagar Sholapur
House 95% 100% 75%
Mobile 75% 65% 53%
TV 88% 35% 44%
Gold & Silver jewelry 40% 48% 18%
Land 17% 38% 9%
Livestock 33% 10% 2%
Toilet 10% 3% 11%
Motorcycle 10% 3% 7%
Narayanamma, a Devadasi from Utkur Mandal, Mehboobnagaraged 38 year’s has two daughters and a son.
She struggles to make ends meet, especially with the costs of her children’s education. She persistently says; ‘I
have no land whatsoever. I have to depend entirely on my physical labour to run this family. If someone gives an
acre or so of land it will be of great help’, says Narayanamma. She does not own any gold or silver either.
Currently, Narayanamma is selling vegetables in the village market which is near the bus stand. ‘Now I started
selling vegetables. It is only about 4 days since I started doing this business. I sit on the road near the bus stand
and sell. I go to Marikal and get the vegetables. The bus charge to Marikal is about Rs.15. I finish household
chores in the morning, then go to Marikal to get the vegetables after which I sell them in the village. I make
about Rs.50 to Rs.70 in a day’. Narayanamma lives in a mud house with her mother. She says, ‘This house may
go to my brother. I will be homeless someday’.
47
4.5. Housing
Housing is a key aspect when assessing the poverty of a community. The types of house that the
respondents live are given in Table 21.
Table 21: Type of House
District % 0f all 3 Districts
Type of House Belagavi Mehboobnagar Sholapur
Kutchha 75% 78% 75% 76%
Pucca 25% 22% 25% 24%
Total 100% 100% 100% 100%
The data in Table 21 revealed that 76% of the devadasis within the sample live in Kutchha houses
(houses made from mud, thatch or other low quality material). This implies a recurring expense towards
the maintenance and upkeep of the houses, especially before the onset of the monsoon season.
4.6. Migration
The devadasis were asked about migration to and from the districts of Belagavi, Mehboobnagar and
Sholapur in addition to seasonal migration, and the data is presented in Figure 2.
Figure 2: Details about Migration
A high proportion of devadasis are migrants especially in the Mehboobnagar (50%) and Sholapur
(43%) districts.
The data from Table 22 captures the time-period of the migration.
Table 22: Migration –time period
0.00%
20.00%
40.00%
60.00%
80.00%
100.00%
Belgavi Mehboobnagar Sholapur
No
Yes
48
Duration of migration % 0f all 3
DistrictsTime – period Belagavi Mehboobnagar Sholapur
Less than 1 year 25% 27% 13% 21%
1- 5 years 50% 50% - 29%
6 – 10 years 25% 13% 8% 12%
11-15 years - 3% 17% 9%
Above 15 years - 7% 63% 29%
Grand Total 100% 100% 100% 100%
The Table 22 shows that in Belagavi and Mehboobnagar the migration is for relatively short periods with
the majority of devadasis migrating for less than 5 years. In Sholapur however, most devadasis (63%)
have migrated for over15 years. Field observations indicate that the prevalence of sex work among the
devadasis of Sholapur has meant stigmatization of the migrants, thus preventing them from going back
to their places of origin.
The information about the cities to which devadasis migrated is given in Table 23.
Table 23: Onward migration
Onward Migration (Destination) District % 0f all 3 Districts
Belagavi Mehboobnagar Sholapur
Bombay - 19% 21% 21%
Hyderabad - 12% 12%
N.Karnataka - 2% 10% 12%
Bangalore - 5% 5%
Bijapur - 2% 3% 5%
Jamkandi - 3% 3%
Pune 2% 2% 2% 5%
Goa 2% 2%
Others 3% 10% 2% 34%
Grand Total 7% 52% 41% 100%
An interesting aspect is the prevalence of migration from Mehboobnagar and Sholapur to other
destinations within the country in search of work. A high proportion of Devadasis from Mehboobnagar
(52%) and Sholapur (41%) tend to migrate to cities or towns in search of work. Mumbai and Hyderabad
seem to be the destination of choice from the information in Table 23. Ten percent of the respondents
from Sholapur originally migrated from Districts of North Karnataka
Devadasis migrate for economic gain to cities where unskilled manual work is more rewarding. It is a
combination of factors like lack of steady income, lack of support from partners and an absence of social
security that drives devadasis to migrate to cities.
49
4.7. Type of work
The type of work undertaken by devadasis at source and destination is given in Table 24.
Table 24: Type of work at source and destination
Belagavi Mehboobnagar Sholapur
Type of work Source Destination Source Destination Source Destination
Agriculture labour
and own land
44% - 74% 2% 34% -
Construction 11% 5% 4% 36% 27% 9%
Sex work - 2% 1% 2% 25%
Business 19% - 11% 2% 14% 3%
Domestic 4% - 3% 3% 16% 5%
Others 22% - 7% 5% 9% 5%
In their home villages, the devadasis are
prominently involved in agriculture and
agricultural labour. In Belgavi 44% of the
devadasi women are involved in agricultural
labour work in others’ fields or their own land
and 22% in other work (sugar cane factory).
In Mehboobnagar, most of the respondents
(74%) are involved in agricultural labour work
in others’ fields or either own land. In
Sholapur 34% involved in agricultural labour,
27% in construction and 1% in sex work.
Seshamma, a devadasi from Mehboobnagar works as an agricultural labourer, this she says gives her an
income of about Rs 15,000 per year. She also engages in construction work in the village. In 2013
Seshamma went to Pune for working as a construction labourer. She earned Rs.30,000 during that time.
Seshamma owns an acre of land that is now given on lease because both her parents died and she cannot
take care of the land all by herself. In terms of other assets she only owns about half a gram of gold.
Seshamma says ‘I am not getting pension anymore since the time it has been enhanced to Rs.1,000. I used
to get Rs.200 before’, says Seshamma.
“Devdasis can do other kinds of jobs too. It is not
necessary that she becomes a sex worker. In the
villages, they go for coolie work or work in the fields.
They survive doing a respectable job. But my destiny
got me here and I fell into this drain. If I had more
knowledge then I wouldn’t have chosen this field of
work. However, that is past, now I cannot even work in
the fields.”
Galavva, Sholapur
50
As shown in Table 24 the migrants from the devadasi communities tend to enter the construction
industry (50%) and/or become sex workers (29%) in these cities/towns. The migrants pursue more than
one occupation during their migration in order to survive. Significantly, 25% of Devadasis from Sholapur
who choose to migrate are involved in sex work in cities/towns. Field observations show that women
from Sholapur are more vocal in accepting their work as sex work than women from Belagavi and
Mehboobnagar.
Table 24 shows that most women who migrated were involved in construction work. The Construction
industry has been growing across the country and the demand for both skilled and unskilled labour is
quite high. Women workers usually tend to be “helpers” or unskilled workers and are paid significantly
lesser than their male counterparts as a standard practice.
The construction sector is a male dominated one and a female worker often needs to depend on male
workers to get daily work and proper payment. Many fellow labourers and/or the site managers
sexually harass them, put pressure on them to have a physical relationship - sometimes Devadasis
cannot help but succumb under this pressure. Many Devadasis expressed that if they had husbands,
things would have been different.
4.8. Income earned by devadasis
The income earned by devadasis households is presented in 11 income categories in Table25
Across three districts fifty seven percentage of the devadasis earn between Rs. 10,000/- to 20,000/- per
annum. 22% of the devadasis earn between Rs. 20,000/- to Rs. 50,000/-. 75% of the devadasis in the
sample earn less than Rs. 40,000/- per annum. To put this into context, the daily wage for an unskilled
agricultural worker under the State run Rural employment guarantee scheme in Karnataka is Rs. 174/-.
100 days of guaranteed work is promised by the State amounting to Rs. 17,400/- for 100 days of work.
Jalaja ,a 45 years old devadasi from Belagavi is a sex worker. She is an illiterate and belongs to Scheduled
caste. When she was 17 years old she liked a man who was working in the same agriculture field and their
friendship turned to physical relationship, this was her first sexual relationship. Their relationship went on for
a long time but secretly. Finally one day her mother came to know about this and she was beaten up by her
brothers and thrown out of the house. She did not know what her future would be, so she hired a small place in
a street in the same village started living separately with the man. They had to struggle to earn their living and
no one would give them any work. Her mother was too weak to do any hard work. After a year the man
(partner) also stopped coming to her house. From her neighbourhood women she came know about the brothel
in the street. She considered visiting the brothel but did not know how to approach. One day through one
woman in the street she went to the brothel and started working as sex worker. She said that “ I used to get 2 to
3 clients a day at the rate of Rs.100 –Rs.150 per client. I worked in the brothel for nearly one and a half year but
was not happy about what I was into.”
51
Table 25: Income earned in a year
Range of income in Rs
Districts
Belagavi Mehboobnagar Sholapur
Less than 10000 3% 27% 58%
10,000-20,000 14% 52% 42%
20,000-30,000 14% 13% -
30,000-40,000 14% 5% -
40,000-50,000 5% 3% -
50,000-60,000 14% -
60,000-70,000 5% -
70,000-80,000 7% -
80,000-90,000 5% -
95000-100000 3% -
More than 100000 17% -
Grand Total 100% 100% 100%
Devadasi system and Sex work – A two way street:
Lalitha, Devadasi turned sex worker, Matkal,
Mehboobnagar: ‘Influenced by friends and driven
by needs in the family I have now taken up sex
work for living. My parents have become old. My
brothers do not care. So I found this as the only
option’. ‘I get my customers from the market and
from the toddy shop. When I go to market, boys
approach me. They give me some black pills that
make me dizzy and I lose my senses. Then they
take me along with them and use me. I do not
remember much of what happens then. In fact
once some boys beat me and even burnt me with
cigarettes. I cannot go to police station because
they treat me very poorly’. ‘The customers take me
on their bikes to fields and I sleep with them there.
They promise to give Rs.500 or Rs.1000 and liquor.
But when the work is over some pay less, some just
run away. Even if we are not interested to go with
them, we face violence. Once a fellow in the toddy
shop caught my hair and dragged me to his bike.
There was another man also. Both of them took me
to the field, raped me and fled. People in the toddy
shop were watching but did not interfere’. ‘Some
customers give Rs.200, some give Rs.300. We
cannot do anything even if they do not give us the
Parvathi is educated up to 5th
class, she does not
know how to read and write, bringing to focus the
quality of education in government schools.
Parvathi belongs to Madiga caste an SC. Parvathi
lives along with her disabled elder brother. They live
in a dilapidated kutchha house, the only piece of
property that her mother left her with. Parvathi has
two more brothers. Both of them are married and
left home to live separately in Narayanpet. She lost
her mother 5 years ago in an accident. Today
Parvathi ekes out a living as a domestic worker for
a meagre amount of Rs.1,000, which constitutes her
entire monthly earnings! In the past Parvathi
migrated for work to Mumbai where she worked as a
domestic worker. She earned Rs.5,000 per month.
She also went to Hyderabad to work in a hostel as a
cleaner where she earned about Rs.3,000 per month
but had to come back because her brother got very
sick. She used to go for agriculture work before but
now she is too feeble to do that work. She has no
land, no gold and no silver. At 20 years of age,
Parvathi is tired, pale and is clueless about her
future.
52
Support from partners
The kind and the amount of support that devadasis received from their partners are given in Table 26
and 27.
Table 26: Kind of support from partner
Kind of support from partner
Districts
% of all 3
Districts
Belagavi Mehboobnagar Sholapur
Nothing 8% 7% 10% 8%
Cash 32% 25% 34% 30%
Kind 27% 27% 25% 26%
Health care support 23% 20% 9% 18%
Things for children 8% 20% 9% 13%
Emotional support 1% 2% 14% 5%
Grand Total 100% 100% 100% 100%
Table 27: Cash provided by the partner
Frequency Cash provided (Amount in Rs) % of all 3
DistrictsLess
than 250
251-
500
501-750 501-
751
751-
1000
More than
1000
Nothing
Monthly 12% 17% 50% - 50% 64% - 19%
Never - - - - - - - 18%
Rarely 40% 23% - - 8% - - 21%
Weekly 47% 60% 50% 100% 25% 36% - 41%
Yearly - - 0% - 17% 0% - 1%
Grand Total 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% - 100%
Of all the respondents, 8% of the women did not recieve any kind of support from their partners. Some
of them, around 30% of them, recieved cash and around 26% of them things in kind. Yet, some of them
53
did provide them health care support (18%), things for children (13%) and in a few even emotional
support (5%). Women from Sholapur were the least supported ones’ and Mehboobnagar and Belagavi
had the most of them.
Data from Table 27 shows that as overall, it is on a weekly basis that the partner shares or provides cash
the maximum. Most of the partners provide less than 250 rupees. Though some times, the partner does
give more than 1000 rupees, in case of 8% of the respondents.
Data from Table 26 and 27 shows that most of devadasis do not receive proper material or emotional
support from their partners. Their partners only enjoy sexual favours free from any sort of obligations.
Some devadasis get material support in cash or kind. Very few partners actually provide for healthcare
and childcare. It is quite clear that devadasis are in dire need of both social and economic support from
the State.
54
Meena, a devadasi from Athini Taluk of Belagavi District was born with a handicap in her leg. She was not sent
to school; both her parents were agricultural labourers. Her father died when Meena was 10 years old. It was
then that her mother dedicated her as a devadasi in the expectation of money to support the family. Meena
attained puberty at the age of 14 and her mother announced that she was ready to take a partner (who would be
willing to bear the expenses of the occasion). He was 25 years old and worked as a waiter in a hotel. He offered
Rs. 5000, to be spent on celebration and was willing to be her partner. During his second visit Meena’s mother
asked him to pay Rs.1000 per month towards house expenses. He immediately stopped visiting Meena’s house
after this request. Meena was subsequently forced into regular sex work by her mother. Today, Meena blames her
mother for all the problems she has faced in her life.
The story which explains bad treatment from customers “If an unknown person has sex with me, it is very
difficult for me to accept this. Since he is neither my husband nor my boyfriend. I realize that he is different
from me and this is why I cannot form any attachments with him. I know that it is difficult to expect
anything from that person except for money. The entire episode of ‘having sex’ becomes devoid of any
feeling or emotion and on top of it our customers treat us badly. They abuse us and call us ‘Dhandewali
Rand’. Some costumers fight with us and they beat us and throw money at us and go.
They mainly beat us because they say we are not cooperative towards them. They also throw stones at us
and use bad words. At night, they drink and come and knock at our door and frighten us.
Do we call the police? No, we don’t bother. We keep quiet. The police is not helpful. They know we are
prostitutes and they advise us not to mind the drunkard and lock the door and sleep. This one time someone
lit fire to our house because I avoided him and that angered him. Because I avoided him so he got angry
and lit the fire. He hurled abuses at me and he felt it was his right to sleep with me because he had the
money.
I avoided him because I was afraid that if he drinks and came then he will indulge in fights and bad words.
I don’t like to entertain such customers. As I already told you, ours is a difficult profession and it is not easy
to survive. In such a condition who will help us? Usually, no one helps us or bothers about us because they
say we are sex workers and humiliate as ‘Dhandewali’. We have no respect in society.
Galavva, Sholapur
55
The stories who are proud to say that they do not want depend anymore on their partners are given below:
Discussion with devadasi women in FGDs at Karnataka and Mehboobnagar showed “that many
Devadasis have partners from the same caste. With the partners, devadasis share short term or long
term relationships. Short term relationships stem largely from the devadasis’ need for financial support.
In some cases, long term relationships develop between a devadasi and a partner. In short-term
relationships, male partners are seen to reduce their association with devadasis after they get married.
Reasons for termination of relationship with partners are economic pressure and lack of support from
partner, the partner’s inability to take care of household expense and committing acts of domestic
violence”.
Though there is an informal agreement of paying money to Devadasis, the support provided by the
partners is mostly meagre and not sufficient to support their household. Due to this the entire burden of
meeting expenses of the family is with devadasis. This forces them to enter sex work which is the only
livelihood option available with illiteracy and limited skills.
Conclusions: Devadasis constitute a most vulnerable section of the workforce. They migrate to cities in
search of better economic opportunities. It is very often crushing poverty that drives one to Devadasi
practice in the first instance. Given the nature of their social and caste status in society, devadasis are
exploited for sexual favours. It is very difficult for them to escape from the clutches of this practice. The
very nature of the system forces to them to pick up odd jobs in the informal sector to fend for
themselves and their extended families, where discrimination on the basis of their status is the order of
the day.
Devadasi practice is a caste and gender based practice, which degrades the status of women in the
society. Due to devadasi practice, there is an increase in sex work in the name of devotion. Some of the
NGOs working with issues of Devadasis and sex workers found out that as there are no alternate
Parvathi is a struggling 20 year old
devadasi who dreams of an independent
future for herself in spite of her current
problems. She sums up; “Anyway I am
not worried much about the world. I
want to stand on my feet and show my
partners that I do not need them and I
am capable of living on my own. It
should be a slap on their faces”.
Radhika, a 22 year old Devadasi from
Narayanpet also echoes this sentiment;
“‘I do not want any more men in my
life. I am working hard and living my
life. No one is behind me. I don’t want
to be with anyone. All men use and
throw women. Why should I live such a
life? I just want to live a decent life”.
56
livelihoods in villages, most of the Devadasis migrate to nearby towns and get involved in sex work. In
urban areas some of the sex workers convert to Devadasi to protect themselves from the stigma
attached to sex workers (Prasannakumar and Srinivasa, 2012).
Various feminist schools of thought firmly believe that women earn their livelihood from various kinds of
work including sex work. This school of thought also believes that sex work should be recognized as
legitimate. In most of the cases women’s work is undervalued and there is a gender inequality in wage
payments in all the sectors. Just as cleaning, taking care of children, and elder people is not considered
as productive work, sex work is considered as reproductive work so no value is calculated for the work.
These conservative notions need to be challenged and questioned. Considering the fact that Devadasis
provide a form of service to clients for economic gain, it is clearly work.
5. Access to Financial Products
This section looks at the aspects of financial inclusion of the Devadasis in terms of access to financial
products such as savings, credit and insurance. It covers information about source, purpose of savings
and credit. Access to health insurance is quite important for Devadasis given vulnerability to
occupational health hazards in terms of sexually transmitted diseases. Access to credit is vital in order to
gain economic security.
5.1. Ability to Save
The devadasi women’s savings habits are given in Table 28.
Table 28: Women who save money
Women who save money District % 0f all 3 Districts
Belgavi Mehboobnagar Sholapur
Yes 87% 57% 37% 61%
No 13% 43% 63% 39%
Grand Total 100% 100% 100% 100%
More than 60% of the respondents answered in the
affirmative to whether they save money on a
regular basis. Respondents from Sholapur present a
slightly different situation, where more than 60% of
them do not save. They stated that their ability to
save is constrained by the lack of a regular and
sufficient income level.
I have earned only for food and clothes. I
don’t have any money saved as I don’t
have sufficient money to even survive
much less to save.
Galavva, Sholapur
57
Savings
The women were asked where they put their savings, as shown in Table 29.
Table 29: Sources of saving
Source of savings
District
% 0f all 3 DistrictsBelgavi Mehboobnagar Sholapur
SHG 100% 86% 11% 81%
Bank - 8% 72% 15%
Others - 6% 17% 4%
Grand Total 100% 100% 100% 100%
The main sources of savings are Self Help Groups (SHGs), Banks, Post offices or cash saved up at the
house. Most devadasi women save in SHGs in Belagavi (100%) and Mehboobnagar (86%). In Belagavi
district, NGOs (MASS, Shakthi Aids Tadegattuva Mahila Sanghaand BIRDs) and in Mehboobnagar,
Ashhraya, an NGO has formed effective SHGs that have proved to be a trusted mechanism of savings. In
Sholapur, although the respondents were part of SHGS, there is a clear preference for bank accounts.
Kranti Mahila Sanha, an NGO in Sholapur who formed SHGs reported that the lack of ID proof to open
bank accounts, as a large number of devadasi women have migrated from Karnataka. The fact that
devadasi respondents in the study have savings habit could be due to NGO interventions.
Frequency of Saving
The women were asked if they were able to save every week, every fortnight or every month. The
responses are reported in Table 30.
Table 30: Frequency of saving
Frequency of saving
District
% 0f all 3 DistrictsBelgavi Mehboobnagar Sholapur
Weekly 91% 4% 5% 50%
Once in 15 days - - 1% 32%
Monthly 8% 65% 27% 19%
Grand Total 100% 100% 100% 101%
In Belagavi, due to the effective functioning of SHGs which meet every week (91%), the frequency of
saving is also on a weekly basis among a large majority of the respondents. In the other districts, the
preference is clearly for savings on a monthly basis. Weekly savings tend to range from Rs 10 to Rs 50,
whereas the monthly savings range between Rs. 50 to Rs. 100.
58
Purpose of Saving
Table 31 highlights the purpose(s) for which women were saving money.
Table 31: Purposes of saving
Purpose of saving
District
% 0f all 3 DistrictsBelagavi Mehboobnagar Sholapur
Get loan 48% - - 29%
Consumption 10% 36% 56% 16%
Others 10% 6% - 15%
Education 5% 30% 19% 13%
Health 4% 27% 19% 12%
Avail government schemes 12% - 6% 8%
Marriage 5% - - 3%
Save money 4% - - 2%
House repair or construction 1% - - 1%
Total 100% 100% 100% 100%
In Belagavi the main purpose of
savings in SHGs is to apply for a loan
(48%) through these SHGs. In other
districts savings are used for meeting
expenses of consumption, health and
education. In Mehboobnagar, the
SHGs focus on the eradication of the
Devadasi practice, and they have
created linkages with banks (as shown
in Table 31). So the respondents from
Mehboobnagar rely on banks for
loans, while applying women’s own
savings to consumption, education
and health needs.
Jalaja, a devadasi from Belagavi is a member of an SHG
exclusively for devadasis’ promoted by an NGO named
MASS. She has thus far saved a total of Rs.5,000 in the
SHG. She has availed a loan once from the group for her
son’s wedding expenses and repaid the loan. Saraswathi,
another Devadasi from Belagavi also has been active in
SHGs and had saved Rs. 5,000. When her mother was
hospitalized, she took a loan of Rs. 10,000/- to cover the
expenses and has paid the loan back in 15 installments.
Access to micro-credit in this manner allows devadasis to
tide over expected and unexpected economic shocks without
jeopardizing their small asset base.
59
5.2. Sources of Credit
Seventy percent of respondents (out of 175, 123) have taken credit from several sources. The breakup
of source of savings among 3 districts are depicted in Table 32.
Table 32: Sources of credit
Sources of credit
District % of all 3
DistrictsBelagavi Mehboobnagar Sholapur
SHGs 76% 43% - 49%
Bank 8% 43% - 20%
Relation/friends - 6% 87% 19%
Chit Funds 14% 0% 4% 7%
Others 2% 8% 9% 6%
Total 100% 100% 100% 100%
In Belagavi and (76%) Mehboobnagar (43%),
SHGs act as the primary source of credit. In
Sholapur, a majority of the respondents relied
mainly on informal sources of credit from
relatives or friends. The interest rates in banks,
SHGs and Chit funds were in the ranges 12%,
18% to 24% and 36% respectively. The main
purposes for which the loans were taken were
to meet the expenses of household, health,
education, house repair and marriage.
Devadasis in Sholapur take fewer loans from
banks and SHGs, relying more on relatives and
friends. The SHGs in Sholapur have thus far
focused on the aspects of health related issues.
Financial literacy among the devadasis of Sholapur is quite low.
Meena, Devadasi, Belagavi: “I am a
member of the SHG promoted by Shakthi
Aids Tadegattuva Mahila Sangha. I save
Rs.10 per week, and have saved Rs.2,000
in the grou over three years. I have taken
a Rs.1000 loan from the SHG to pay
school fees of my children. My dream is to
educate my children and I want my
daughter to get married and settle in her
life. I do not want her to face the torture I
have undergone. I want my son to study
and get a government job”.
60
5.3. Insurance coverage
The percentage of devadasis women who have taken insurances is presented in Table 33 and the type of
insurances that women taken are given in Table 34.
Table 33: Women who have insurance
Women having insurance District % 0f all 3 Districts
Belgavi Mehboobnagar Sholapur
Yes 28% 27% 9% 22%
No 72% 73% 91% 78%
Grand Total 100% 100% 100% 100%
Table 34: Different types of insurance
Types of insurance District % 0f all 3 Districts
Belgavi Mehboobnagar Sholapur
Health - 37% 20% 18%
Life 100% 63% 80% 82%
Total 100% 100% 100% 100%
Only around 22% of the respondents have insurance coverage of any sort (refer Table 33). Within this
section of the respondents, the majority of the respondents are covered under life insurance (82%)
rather than health insurance (18%) (Table 34). In Belagavi 100% of respondents are covered only life
insurance. In Mehboobnagar highest (37%) are covered health insurance.
Discussions with women in the groups show that as single parent devadasi women prefer life insurance
which provides security for their children rather than having security for her health. In Belagavi, most of
the women have been forced to discontinue their insurance policies because they do not have a
husband. Thus they have been forced to forfeit the premium paid. The lower purchase of health
insurance could be due to low awareness as well as lack of appropriate products.
Conclusions: With increasing awareness and training, the women have begun to save portions of their
earnings. The main sources of savings are Self Help Groups (SHGs), banks, post offices or cash saved up
at the house. Although SHGs act the primary source of credit, the majority of the respondents rely on
informal sources of credit such as relatives or friends especially in Sholapur. The interest rates in banks,
SHGs and chit funds were in the ranges 12%, 18% to 24% and 36% respectively. The main purposes for
which the loans were taken were to meet the expenses of household, health, education, house repair
and marriage.
61
6. Occupational Health and Safety
This section enquires into aspects of occupational health of the Devadasi women. Some of the questions
it raises are about their illness, awareness regarding HIV/AIDS, using condoms to protect from diseases,
places they go for health check up and difficulties they face there.
6.1. Health condition in the last one year
The health of the devadasi women was assessed by illness they suffered in the previous year, as shown
in Table 35.
Table 35: Women affected by illness in last one year
Affected by illness in the last one year District % of all 3
Districts
Belagavi Mehboobnagar Sholapur
No 53% 32% 45% 43%
Yes 47% 68% 55% 57%
More than half of the respondents (57%) interviewed, had fallen ill in the last one year. Most of the
cases were from Mehboobnagar, at 68%, followed by Sholapur at 55%.
Devadasis interviewed in Mehboobnagar and Sholapur also indicate addiction to alcohol/toddy among
them.
Parvathi, a Devadasi from Mehboobnagar suffers from ill-health constantly and is
unable to undertake physical labour of any sort, however she does not have much of
a choice given the absolute lack of social security. In her words: “My health is not
good. I get fever and I get bedridden for 15 days at a stretch. The doctor said it is
typhoid and suggest that I should take good food and take rest. But how can I? I am
the sole bread earner of the family. I do not get any pension also. I have no energy to
do agricultural work”.
62
6.2. Types of Illness
The types of illness devadasi women had are given in Table 36.
Table 36: Type of illness
Type of illness District % of all 3 Districts
Belagavi Mehboobnagar Sholapur
Cold and Fever 21% 46% 21% 31%
Others 21% 15% 48% 27%
Cyst in Stomach 21% 13% 0% 11%
Joint pains 4% 13% 10% 9%
Uterus issues 21% 5% 3% 9%
Back pain - - 14% 4%
Leg pain - 8% - 3%
HIV/AIDS 7% - 3% 3%
Cancer 4% - - 1%
Grand Total 100% 100% 100% 100%
Cold and fever (31%) are the most common illnesses affecting the respondents. Three percent of HIV/
AIDS and cancer were also reported among the respondents indicating the presence of serious illness
among the community. In Belagavi 7% of HIV/AIDs were reported.
6.3. Protected Sexual intercourse
The devadasi were asked about their awareness of the risks of sexual intercourse with multiple partners
and the source of awareness (see Tables 37 and 38).
Table 37: Awareness of HIV/AIDS and other STD risks of having sex with multiple partners
Suseela says thus; “Today my mother and I are alcoholics. Both my mother and I drink toddy in the
morning and liquor in the evening. Each bottle of toddy costs between Rs.15 and Rs.17. The cost of quarter-
liquor is anywhere in the range of Rs.250 to Rs.500. There are bottles for Rs.8,000 per bottle also but only
the rich drink those. We drink only Rs.240 per bottle. So our expenditure on drink is about Rs.5,000 each
month. My elder son who is 11 years old tells us not to drink. My younger son spits in the drink glass and
shouts at us not to drink. But I cannot give up drinking now. I am addicted. I feel terrible if I do not drink. I
become mad. I may skip food but not drink. Many people die because they have no access to toddy. We just
drink, eat, and watch TV and sleep”.
63
Awareness of HIV/AIDS and other STD
risks of having sex with multiple partners
Districts % of all 3
DistrictsBelagavi Mehboobnagar Sholapur
Yes 80% 70% 52% 68%
No 20% 30% 48% 32%
Grand Total 100% 100% 100.00% 100%
Table 38: Source for information regarding AIDS risk
Source for information
regarding AIDS risk
District % of all 3 Districts
Belagavi Mehboobnagar Sholapur
NGOs 48% 41% 34% 42%
SHGs 35% 21% 5% 24%
TV 1% 14% 22% 10%
Others 0% 13% 20% 9%
Unions 15% 0% 0% 6%
Peers 1% 3% 20% 5%
Pimps 0% 6% 0% 2%
Doctor 0% 2% 0% 1%
Grand Total 100% 100% 100% 100%
Table 37 shows that most respondents (68%) were aware of the dangers of having sex with multiple
partners in terms of the sexually transmitted diseases. Around 80% of the women in Belagavi district
were aware of this fact and only 52% were aware of it in Sholapur.
64
Table 38 shows that NGOs (42%) and SHGs (24%) have played an important role in creating awareness
among the devadasis. In Belagavi, unions played an important role (15%) in creating awareness. In
Mehboobnagar and Sholapur, more urban and semi urban locations, TV and other media as also peers
and pimps were key sources if information.
The level and source of awareness about use of condoms prevents Sexually Transmitted Disease (STDs)
and HIV/AIDS is presented in Table 39 and
40.
Table 39: Awareness about use of condom to
prevent HIV/AIDS and STDs
Women who know use of a condom to
prevent HIV/AIDS and sexually transmitted
diseases
District % of all
3 Districts
Belagavi Mehboobnagar Sholapur
Yes 75% 40% 58% 58%
No 25% 60% 41% 42%
Grand Total 100% 100% 100% 100%
Table 39 shows that inspite of high levels of awareness about the dangers of sexual intercourse with
multiple partners (refer Table 37), 60% of the respondents in Mehboobnagar district were unaware that
usage of condoms helps prevent sexually transmitted diseases whereas in Sholapur 58% of them aware
of usage of condoms helps prevent sexually transmitted diseases.
“Yes, if they are good then only will allow them otherwise no.
Because some customer quarrel, some drink. I don’t allow
such customers. I also take precautions about using
condoms. I don’t allow customers to sleep with me without
using condoms. In fact, some customers themselves ask us if
we have condoms. Even they have the awareness about the
safe sex.”
Galavva, Sholapur
Karnataka Health Promotion Trust (KHPT) initiated several interventions to reduce HIV/AIDs among
female sex workers. One such initiative is “The CORRIDORS project” was implemented in the
geographical areas of Bagalkote, Belgaum and Bijapur in Karnataka and Sangli, Satara and Solapur which
are border of Karnataka State. The main objective of the project is to reduce the transmission of HIV and
STIs in the context of the migration-related vulnerability of migrant rural female sex workers from northern
Karnataka at both the migration source and destination locations.
65
Table 40 Source of information regarding use of condom
Source of information
regarding use of condom
Districts % of all
three
Districts
Belagavi Mehboobnagar Sholapur
NGOs 61% 31% 42% 48%
SHGs 36% 43% 6% 30%
TV 1% 21% 19% 11%
Peers 1% 5% 33% 10%
Grand Total 100% 100% 100% 100%
Expectedly, data from Table 40 clarifies that awareness about the usage of condoms is mainly through
the work of NGOs (40%) and SHGs (30%). In Balagavi (61%) NGOs played an important role compared to
Sholapur (42%) and Mehboobnagar (31%).
Seshamma a devadasi from
Mehboobnagar is aware of condoms
and also the consequences of unsafe sex
but she never asked her partners to use
them. She says she feels very weak and
has heavily vaginal discharge. Her
partner has been promising to take her
to the hospital for check up and
Seshamma waits for that day! Recently
her son got operated for appendicitis
and she borrowed Rs.25, 000 for the
operation. Her partner said he will give
her that money but she does not know
when!
Lakshmi, Utkur Village, Mehboobnagar says that “When I had
my very first child I came to know of the diseases that
unregulated sexual encounters can bring. As I was part of a
Mahila Sangam I came to know of all these important things.
Some women from Delhi used to come and give us training and
help us be aware of these diseases. They would also bring
along doctors who gave us knowledge about the diseases,
symptoms and medication. Gauramma and I used to attend
these meetings regularly. All this knowledge made me very
cautious when I went on migration. I am very fearful of
diseases. Men drink and go around with every street woman
they come across. And even these women get drunk, they care
for nothing, no place, no roof, no home. They engage in sexual
acts wherever! So I was very afraid to have any contact with
such men. I do not want to get into all these sexually
transmitted diseases. Oh God! I just want to work hard, relax,
eat and live peacefully’, Lakshmi looks to the roof and thanks
God”.
66
Most respondents rely on private hospitals (38%) for health checks. It is important to note that Private
Hospitals are far more expensive in comparison to State run hospitals. Surprisingly respondents in
Mehboobnagar approach temples for health checkups.
6.4. Access to Healthcare
The women reported on places where they accessed health care (Table 40) and the problems they face
in accessing health services (Table 41).
Table 40: Places for health check-up
Places for health check-up District % of all 3 Districts
Belagavi Mehboobnagar Sholapur
Private hospital 45% 32% 43% 38%
Government hospital 45% 31% 41% 37%
Temples - 36% 3% 17%
RMP doctor 10% 2% - 5%
Others - - 10% 2%
Homeopathy doctor - - 2% -
Grand Total 100% 100% 100% 100%
Most respondents rely on private hospitals (38%) for health checks across all districts. It is important to
note that private hospitals are far more expensive in comparison to State run hospitals. Surprisingly
respondents in Mehboobnagar approach temples (36%) for health check-ups.
Table 41: Women facing difficulties in accessing health services
District % of all 3 Districts
Women who face difficulties in accessing
the health service
Belagavi Mehboobnagar Sholapur
23.33% 91.67% 25.45% 47.43%
Problems of accessing health services:
Money 100% 50% 36% 54%
Time - 48% 14% 39%
Others - 2% 21% 4%
Distance - - 29% 3%
Grand Total 100% 100% 100% 100%
67
The single biggest problem in accessing healthcare is the lack of money. When read along with the data
from Table 40, due to reliance on expensive private hospitals devadasis struggle to muster financial
resources to cover their health care (as shown in Table 41).
Girls at the age of 6-12 years of age and then later sexually exploited mainly by patrons and by men
from families of non dalits of the village and also going for termination of pregnancy. Abuse and
exploitation of these girls pushes them into trauma and psychological disorders. They suffer from
sexually transmitted diseases. There is a lack of research highlighting such problems to understand the
psychological and health consequences faced by devadasi girls (Taware, 2015).
‘‘All the responsibilities are mine because I am a
basvini’, says Narasamma in frustrated voice. ‘I was
made basvini at a very young wage. My mother did not
have any children except me. Therefore I was made
basvini. No one will bring in a live-in-son-in-law
because we are not sure if the son-in-law that comes will
stay or leave. They made me basvini so I can keep the
lamp of the house lit and I can take care of my parents.
The hell with the house lamp, my life is messed up. My
parents died, what do they know what I am going
through’? Narasamma spits the tobacco she is chewing
in anger.
Narasamma, Mehboobnagar district
Swarnalatha a devadasi from Sholapur who involved in
sex work since three years shares her experiences with
her partner; “I told my story to my partner and he
helped me economically. I used to give him money at
times as well. Initially, he was very supportive and met
me every day, but in recent times he has stopped giving
me money but I continue to still support him at times. I
was 5 months pregnant and he was responsible for it but
as he neglected me, I had no choice but to have an
Medical Termination of Pregnancy (MTP)”. I have a
daughter but she is from another partner. My relatives
pressurized me to have a child so I requested this
partner and got a daughter from him. When my
daughter was born (her name is Shanta), the women
from brothel house took good care of me and the malkin
helped me with Rs.10, 000 required for my delivery.
When I delivered, my mother and sister came to
hospital to meet me”.
68
7. Official Identity and Access to Social Welfare Schemes
Identity is vital for vulnerable sections of the workforce and society, especially in order to exercise their
legal rights. These legal rights might be that of a worker or that of a citizen. Further the identity on
account of their social status or occupation helps in access to schemes framed by the State. This section
specifically looks at the identity documents, awareness levels among the devadasis about State run
schemes and access to such schemes.
The different types of identity cards held by the devadasi women surveyed are given in Figure 3 and
Table 42.
Figure 3: Across all districts: identity cards held by women
91.42% 90.85% 90.28%
30.85%
4%
Aadhaar Voter ID Ration Devadasi PAN
Meena, Devadasi from Belagavi expressed that “I was
tortured by the drunken man. I was treated like a door
mat as the men would force me to drink alcohol for
their pleasure. They would burn my hands with
cigarettes. The earning was good but the torture of
staying with them half day or full was a really torture.
All my earnings I would put in my mother’s hand and
she would enjoy that power”.
Seetha is a 26 years old devadasi from Belagavi district.
Seetha attained puberty at the age of 13. She was kept
inside the house for about 12 days and on the 13th
day
she visited the temple. By then people in street were
aware that she is ready to take on a partner. She used to
go work in the agriculture field regularly as that is the
only means of earning her mother and she knew. She
had taken her first partner at the age of 13 years. When
she was fourteen years old years old she had her first
baby, by the age 18 she had all her 4 children.
69
Table 42: Identity cards district -wise held by the women
Type of Card District
Belagavi Mehboobnagar Sholapur
Aadhaar 26% 27% 31%
Voter ID 26% 27% 30%
Ration 25% 27% 32%
Devadasi 22% - 3%
PAN - - 4%
Aroghyashree - 10% -
Handicapped card - - -
NREGA card 1% 8% -
Total 100% 100% 100%
Across all 3 districts the survey shows that 90% of the devadasis within the sample have an Aadhar card,
Voters ID and a Ration card. The Devadasi Card, however is not available with most of the women from
the Mehboobnagar and Sholapur Districts as there is no provision of providing devadasi card in these
areas (i.e. States other than Karnataka). In fact, even the 3% women from Sholapur who posses this
card are migrants from Karnataka. The high incidence of the devadasi card is because the department of
women and child development in Karnataka provided cards to all devadasis identified in the surveys
carried out in 1993-94 and 2007-08 as eligibility for government schemes.
The low incidence of NREGA cards among the community is surprising, as the scheme is universal (as
opposed to target) and is distributed to every rural household which wants to do unskilled wage work
on government projects. Clearly devadasi women’s access to the benefits of this scheme is acutely
limited.
7.1. Awareness and Access to State run Schemes
When devadasis were recognised as a vulnerable group, the government made schemes for providing
them with rehabilitation assistance. The programmes and schemes for Devadasis may be summarised in
Table 43.
Table 43: Overview of schemes for devadasis
Karnataka Telangana Maharashtra
IGA support Rs. 20,000/- with 50% subsidy Rs 20000/- with 50%
subsidy
NA
Devadasi pension Rs. 500 per month, for
devadasis, as per devadasi card
Demanding for RS 1000/month
Rs. 1,000 per month,
some disqualified in new
survey because this was
a widow pension
Rs. 500 per month
for Joginis
70
Land distribution NA 3 acres of land per
SC/ST landless
household, by the SC/ST
corporation
NA
Housing scheme Rs 75000 to 1,20,000/- under
called Indira Awass
Yojene/Rajiv Gandhi Grameen
Housing scheme
Rs 75000 /- to Rs
100000/- from Sc
corporation NA
Marriage grant Rs. 10,000 ( earlier provision,
not provided any more)
NA Rs 10000/- ( earlier
provision, not
provided any more)
Create Awareness to
eradicate the practice
Rs 3000/programme to the
NGOs to implement
NA Rs 10,000/ per year
programme to the
NGOs
To begin with, some of the schemes have suffered due to faulty design. Further, implementation
created problems as well. For instance, the Karnataka State perceived that the devadasis need
marriage, hence provided financial incentive for the marriage of devadasis. Some men came forward to
marry the devadasis, and got the incentive of Rs. 10,000 from the government. In most of these cases,
the men soon left the women, and the women were further ostracised socially for having broken the
contract to God! After the first round of such marriages, the devadasi women stopped taking the benefit
of the scheme, and the government stopped implementing the scheme as well.
The implementation of these schemes has been of varying quality across the States and over time. Out
of the five schemes, the respondents are mostly aware of the Pension scheme, the loan scheme, land
scheme, loan or subsidy for IGP and marriage benefit, in succession (Table 44).
Lack of information/ Demand-side issues
Table 44 shows that Belagavi scores high on awareness and access to State run schemes in comparison
to Mehboobnagar and Sholapur, which was mainly due to the efforts of NGOs like MASS and Shakti Aids.
The devadasis in Sholapur particularly seem to suffer from low levels of awareness and consequently
have little or no access to State run schemes, which was mainly due to a lack of active NGOs in the
district. The Pension scheme is the most sought after, implying a strong sense of desire for financial
security among the devadasis. Some of the other schemes the women are conscious of are
Bangarutalli10
, an initiative of the government of Andhra Pradesh which provides financial support to
pregnant women and also educational scholarships for the girl child.
10
The state government gives Rs 1,000 every month to every pregnant woman the moment she conceives till she delivers a baby.
If she gives birth to - a baby girl born Rs 2,500. - Rs 1,500 every year through Aganwadis the girl turns 5 years. - At the time of
admission to school, Rs 1,000. - Rs 2,000 will be given every year for her studies from the first to the fifth standard, - Rs 2,500
71
Devadasis do not know about the schemes and do not know how to access them, so the demand for
these schemes has remained low. Prominent issues that can be understood from Table 44 is the fact
that awareness about a scheme does not automatically lead to or ensure access to the benefits of the
scheme. There is many a slip between the cup and lip. For example there is awareness among 29% of
the respondents about land scheme whereas only 18% of the respondents accessed the scheme.
Table 44: Awareness and access to State run schemes
Different schemes District Total
Belagavi Of all 3 Districts Sholapur
Land
Awareness 38 9 3 50
Access 1 8 - 9
Marriage benefit
Awareness 26 - 4 30
Access 2 - 2
Loan/subsidy for IGP
Awareness 21 21 5 47
Access 9 20 - 29
Housing loan
Awareness 43 9 5 57
Access 28 9 2 39
Pension
Awareness 56 50 21 127
Access 43 49 3 95
Grand Total
Awareness 184 89 38 311
Access 83 86 5 174
The implementation of these schemes has been of varying quality across the States, and over time.
from sixth to eighth standard, - Rs 3,000 for ninth and tenth standard, - Rs 3,500 each year for Intermediate, - Rs 3,000 a year
during her graduation.
72
a. Departmental variation in success, when implementing schemes
Government officials reported that when the scheme is with women and child department,
many programmes got implemented: mass awareness, campaigns, to stop dedication, etc. As
against this, when the scheme is implemented by the SC/ST department, the devadasi issue
competes with other caste related schemes, and does not get sufficient attention or funds.
b. Livelihoods Financing schemes: Devadasis not
creditworthy
Among the official livelihoods promotion support,
two major types of financing schemes have been
initiated in Telangana
Indira Awas Yojana (IAY) - housing scheme
of the corporation
Income generating activity
The SC/ST cooperation has a provision to extend loans and
subsidies; usually they give a proportion of the total
funding needed (60:40),with the latter coming from the
bank. The amount available ranges from Rs. 75,000 to Rs. 1
lakh. However, as there have been earlier defaults on loan
repayments by their family members, most devadasis are
not considered creditworthy by bank standards, and are
unable to use the provision. Consequently, even when
subsidies and loans are available, devadasis are unable to
use these to build homes or their businesses.
c. Non-accessibility of Government Welfare Schemes
due to certificates:
Many government schemes require that the beneficiary
provide the husband’s name, an income certificate, or a
marriage certificate. Many devadasi women are not able
to produce this evidence, hence are deprived of many
welfare schemes, especially from the Women and Child
and SC/ST departments. Lack of these certificates also
prevents devadasis and their children from getting
passports, depriving them of educational or income earning
opportunities outside India11
.
11
Mr. Raghavendra Rao, Retired Judge and the one man commission on devadasi
Social security or lack thereof
Narsamma from Utkur Mandal,
Mehboobnagar does not know her age, she
thinks she is between 45 to 50 years. She
belongs to the backward community of
kuruva, who traditionally rear goats. She
sold her ancestral property of 2 acres in
order to get her three elder children
married. Now she struggles to eke out a
bare sustenance, in which the labour of two
of her children also plays a vital role. Her
youngest son, aged 12 years works as goat
herder and earns about Rs 15,000 per
annum. Her daughter works, aged 15 years
works as an agricultural labourer.
Narsamma has little or no access to state
run schemes and she says; ‘I have no land
today. I lost both my parents. I have 2
children to take care of. Who in these days
will give me anything at all! They will say
we gave you children and that is it. I have
never gone on migration. I just worked in
the village itself. In summer when there is
no work I take loans and then repay it
when working season comes. When
MGNREGA works are implemented I go to
those works. The works have not yet started
this year. We get anywhere between Rs.60
toRs.100 per day as wages. There is no
consistency even in MGNREGA payment.
They pay whatever’. ‘I have no sheep or
goats though I belong to Kurva community.
I still have a debt of Rs.1 lakh to repay. All
our earnings go in day-to-day living and
repaying the loan. Where will I have
additional money to buy sheep or goat’?‘I
used to get pension when it was Rs.200. I
stopped getting any pension from the time
they enhanced it to Rs.1000. It has been 4
months now since I got pension’.
73
d. Landless and key challenge of land possession
The Andhra Pradesh government had announced a scheme for allotting land to devadasis during the
land reform programme, however very few devadasi families received their allotted land and required
legal deeds. Some received the deeds but do not have possession over their land. Consequently, many
devadasis are landless and don’t even have their own shelter12
.
e. Stigma and Discrimination in the Labour market
Most devadasi women who have not started commercial sex work are daily wage labourers and are
working in unorganized sectors like agriculture and construction. Devadasi women in Karim Nagar
district of Andhra Pradesh are working in the Beedi industry, mainly rolling beedi. These women do not
get equal wages for equal work as compared to other labourers and are also deprived of provident fund.
These facts were noted by the one man Commission on Devadasis in Andhra Pradesh, Justice
Raghunath Rao. The discrimination, social exclusion, the stigma of temple prostitutes and the attitude of
the community have prevented devadasis from engaging in alternate professions.
f. Lack of psycho-social counselling support service and health security
Devadasis are dedicated during early childhood or at puberty, at 6 to 12 years of age and are later
sexually exploited by patrons and also men from non dalit families. They are subjected to forced sex,
abuse and exploitation at an early age, causing emotional trauma and psychological disorders, as well as
sexually transmitted diseases. They also suffer problems arising from isolation, social exclusion, and
stigmatization, leading many devadasi girls and women to become depressive. These traumas may
manifest itself in the form of abnormal changes in their behavioral pattern, including psycho-somatic
disorders.
g. Pension scheme
Devadasi women are unable to avail benefits of any pension schemes such as widow pension, single
12
This was reported by devadasis in a workshop in Hyderabad in February 2015. The findings of the survey in the study show that 75% of the
devadasis have a home, which could be due to the fact that the sample was largely drawn from NGO- assisted devadasis.
Extract of FGD in Mehboobnagar: in one of the FGD conducted in Utkuru, devadasi women shared the
pensions increased from Rs. 200 to Rs 1,000 per month. However the respondents have not received
pensions for 4 to 5 months, when contacted in February 2015. Devadasi women are covered under the widow
pension scheme, which is ironical given that they are called “sadasumangalis (always married). The
Telangana government undertook a "SamagraKutumba Survey" (The intensive family survey) in one day i.e.
on August 19th
, 2014. In that survey devadasi women came to know that their status is mentioned as widows
which was not acceptable to them. They asked surveyors to write their status as single woman in the survey.
This was done because they are married to God/Goddess and can never become widows, they are locally
called “sadasumangalis or nithyamuthaidhuva”. After submission of results of the survey the State
government cancelled their pension under the category of widow. Due to this reason most of the women who
are below the age group of 55 are not getting pension and only those above 65 are getting old age pension.
74
women etc. due to their peculiar status. They are neither widows as they are married to god and nor are
they single women because of their association with their patrons. The government has not been able
to consider the case of devadasis under single women, as this is open to abuse by non-devadasi single
women who claim to be devadasis, thus depriving the actual beneficiaries.
h. Lack of funds with the government
Although the government has announced schemes for rehabilitation of devadasis, the implementation
has been wanting for lack of funds as well. In Karnataka, an NGO working with Dalits reported that
devadasi women had not received their pensions for the past 19 months, as they had not received funds
from the central government. Hence, non-disbursements of funds, lack of appropriate allocations and
allotment of funds are key challenges in context to implementation of State rehabilitation schemes.
i. No property rights
Though there is an ambiguity on the status of children born from a live in relationship the property
rights are the same. A devadasis in rural areas establish a relationship with only one patron over many
years, they can claim maintenance for themselves and a share in the property of the partner for their
children. Such measures have not been initiated under any government programme for rehabilitation
of devadasi women. The possibility of litigation under this legal provision should also be explored, so
that devadasi women can claim maintenance for themselves and a share in the property for their
children.
j. Dilemma of Universal and Targeted Approach
There is the classic dilemma of universal versus targeted approach to this problem. Devadasis may face
competition from other social groups in the case of access to Universal approach. In the Targeted
approach, access may be easier but stigmatization and fear of discrimination may impede access.
Therefore it is important to first understand the various facets of the devadasi system fully and only
then design a suitable approach.
75
7.2. Sources of Information
The sources of information about government schemes are given in Table 45.
Table 45: Sources of information for the schemes
Districts % of all 3
DistrictsSource Belagavi Mehboobnagar Sholapur
Collectives 14% 25% - 16%
NGOs 83% 43% 48% 69%
SHG 2% 23% 21% 9%
Peers 1% 1% 3% 1%
Self - 3% 28% 4%
Unions 1% 5% - 2%
Grand Total 100% 100% 100% 100%
Across all the districts 69% of the respondents indicated that NGOs are the main source of information
about government schemes. In Belagavim83% of the respondents indicated that NGOs were their
source of information. This is mainly because NGOs like MASS and Shakthi Aids Tadegattuva Mahila
Sangha have undertaken effective awareness campaigns about the ills of devadasi practice and the need
to eradicate the practice. Most of the respondents are illiterate therefore audio-visual media will be
more effective than traditional methods such as posters and wall writings.
There are targeted schemes for devadasis and there are universal schemes such as the MNREGA. These
schemes vary across different States. The designs of these schemes do not take into account the
important question of migration among members of the community. Collectives have played an
important role in creating awareness of these schemes and of the ills of the devadasi system among
community members. Data analysis indicates clearly that there is a gap between awareness and access
to these schemes, therefore implying problems of implementation of the schemes. Perhaps a more
effective use of the collective organizations can be envisaged by ensuring access to the schemes as the
next logical step. It is of vital importance that the children of devadasis are given special attention in the
area of skill development, so the cycle of inter-generational dedication of devadasis broken.
76
8. Collectivization and Access to Legal Services
8.1. Access to Collectives
Membership based organizations such as SHGs, Trade Unions, Collectives and womens’ groups offer an
invaluable platform for oppressed sections of the workforce to come together, share experiences, learn
from each other, understand that they are victims of a cruel system and collectively fight against the ills
of such a system.
Figure 4 shows that of all the respondents interviewed, around 70% of them are members of a collective
or of above mentioned groups.
The respondents from Belagavi (92%) and Mehboobnagar (72%) in a sizable proportion have joined a
membership based organization. In Sholapur, more than half of the respondents were not part of any
collective organization, because most of the women in Sholapur are geographically scattered, it is
difficult for them to attend the meeting of collectives.
Figure 4: Members of any groups/collectives
Of the 72% of the women who are members of collectives or groups, in Belagavi most of devadasis are
members of the collectives exclusively formed for women from devadasi/Sex workers’ community. In
Mehboobnagar most of the devadasis are included in the collectives formed from the general
community following an inclusive approach. Also, there is a presence of a union in Sholapur which 6%
of women have joined.
91.67%
71.67%
45.45%
0.00%
10.00%
20.00%
30.00%
40.00%
50.00%
60.00%
70.00%
80.00%
90.00%
100.00%
Belagavi Mehboobnagar Sholapur
77
8.2. Source of information about collectives
Devadasis were asked what are sources of knowledge about the collectives is and the data is given in
Table 46.
Table 46: Source of knowledge of the collectives
Knowledge of these collectives from
Districts
% 0f all 3 DistrictsBelagavi Mehboobnagar Sholapur
NGOs 94% 92% 16% 76%
Peers - - 68% 15%
SHGs 4% 5% 4% 4%
Others 2% - 12% 4%
Pimps - 3% - 1%
Total 100% 100% 100% 100%
In Belagavi (94%) and Mehboobnagar (92%), NGOs have been active in creating awareness about the
importance of collective organizations, whereas in Sholapur peer interactions (68%) have led to greater
awareness about collective organizations (refer Table 46).
8.3. Perceived benefits from membership
Devadasi women were asked about how membership of collectives benefits them, the answers are
depicted in Table 47.
Table 47: Benefits of joining the collectives/groups
Perceived Benefits of joining these
collectives/groups
Districts % 0f all 3
DistrictsBelagavi Mehboobnagar Sholapur
Access to Loan 77% 83% - 69%
Others - 8% 100% 17%
Ability to save 12% 6% - 8%
Access to government schemes 6% 3% - 4%
Awareness about Acts 6% 0% - 3%
Grand Total 100% 100% 100% 100%
Given the precarious nature of their livelihood,
access to credit (69%) is the single biggest
benefit from membership in collective
organizations. SHGs also act as forums to
discuss their problems and collaboratively
increase awareness of different State run
schemes.
Suseela is 26 years old, born and raised in Narayanpet,
Mehboobnagar. Suseela is a member of women’s Self-
help Group and saves Rs.100 per month. Suseela says
that these savings come handy to spend for children’s
education or for some emergency purpose. She has
taken a loan of Rs.10,000 once for health purposes at
2% per month interest.
78
8.4. Access to Legal justice
This section looks into aspects related to awareness about legal protection to devadasis (Table 48) and
the sources of awareness (Table 49).
Table 48: Women who are aware of legal protection
Acts these women are aware of
Districts
Of all 3 Districts
Belagavi Mehboobnagar Sholapur
Devadasi Prohibition Act 74% 85% 70% 78%
Child marriage Act 15% 15% - 12%
Others 7% - 30% 9%
Child rights 4% - - 1%
Grand Total 100% 100% 100% 100%
Table 49: Source of information regarding acts
Source of information regarding Acts
Districts
Of all 3 DistrictsBelagavi Mehboobnagar Sholapur
NGOs 49% 49% 25% 46%
Union 29% 1% - 10%
Pimps - 15% - 8%
SHGs 22% 22% - 19%
TV - 11% 13% 8%
Peers - 1% 56% 6%
Others - 1% 6% 1%
Grand Total 100% 100% 100% 100%
Awareness levels about the Devadasi Prohibition Acts were quite high in Mehboobnagar (85%), followed
by Belagavi (74%) and Sholapur (70%). However the awareness levels of other aspects of their lives
governed by child marriage, child rights, compulsory education and forced labour are abysmally low
(refer Table 49). NGOs, SHGs and Unions have been
active in creating awareness mainly about the
Devadasi Prohibition Acts.
The implementation of Devadasi Prohibition Acts is
poor at a gross level especially in Andhra Pradesh,
even after making the Act in 1988, the rules have not
been framed. The one man Commission report was
submitted with several suggestions to the joint AP
Government in 2013 (two years ago) which is still not
Leelavathi, devadasi from Mehboobnagar
shared “ I have served my partner 23 years
like a wife, from him I had two children.
Several times his family members fought
with me to leave my partner as he already
got married. With all these disturbances
my partner used to come to me every day
and look after me and my children well.
Suddenly from the last two months he
stopped coming to my house and I feel
alone, helpless and afraid about how I am
going to bring up my children. He has 10
acres of land. Madam please tell me under
which law I can claim his property to my
children”.
79
in public domain, no actions have been taken to improve the livelihoods of devadasis and their children.
Devadasis are being dedicated at ages much lesser than 21 years. In fact more than 70% of the
respondents were dedicated to the devadasi system at age less than 15 years. It clearly shows that the
Child Marriage Act and the Hindu Marriage Act
are being violated in the case of devadasis and
action can be initiated under these Acts. Many
legal violations are committed is the devadasi
practice. 69% of devadasi women have their
first partner at the age of less than 16 years.
This clearly shows that it is violation of Human
rights and is a violation of the Hindu Marriage
Act 1955 (a woman should be at least 18 years
of age at the time of marriage). It is also
considered as human trafficking and Statutory
Rape as per section 375 in the Indian Penal Code
(which explains that having sexual intercourse
with woman of age below 16 years is considered
as a rape). As devadasis are involved in work at the age of 16 year, it is also a violation of The Child
Labour Prohibition and Regulation Act 1986. Most of the devadasis are from SC caste, which is also
violation of SC and ST (Prevention of Atrocity) Act, 1989.
Along with the devdadasi prohibition acts there is an urgent need to create awareness about the
applicability of other laws in order to eradicate the devadasi practice which includes
The Prohibition of Child Marriage Act, 2006
The SC and ST (Prevention of Atrocity) Act, 1989
Convention on the Rights of the Child 1989
The Child Labour Prohibition and Regulation Act 1986
The Prohibition of Child Marriage Act, 2006
Hindu Marriage Act 1955
Protection of Women from Domestic Violence Act 2005
Provisions under the Indian Penal Codes (Sections on 370 A, 374, 375, 376)
The Immoral Trafficking Act, 1950
Details about these acts are given in Annexure 4.
Leelavathi, devadasi from Mehboobnagar shared “
I have served my partner 23 years like a wife, from
him I had two children. Several times his family
members fought with me to leave my partner as he
already got married. With all these disturbances
my partner used to come to me every day and look
after me and my children well. Suddenly from the
last two months he stopped coming to my house and
I feel alone, helpless and afraid about how I am
going to bring up my children. He has 10 acres of
land. Madam please tell me under which law I can
claim his property to my children”.
80
PART IV- CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMENDATIONS
This section consolidates the findings based which recommendations are framed.
9. Conclusions
Activists and scholars have struggled to conclusively define the devadasi practice in a way that captures
its caste, culture, poverty and labour-specific characteristics. Devadasis have themselves embraced
several identities to negotiate with State and society for better conditions. The practice has been child
labour, child marriage, child sexual abuse, treated as a traditional and cultural practice by some, while
others have highlighted exploitative elements such as caste based exploitation or, at the other extreme,
a religious/ cultural/ traditional practice.
A singular classification is not sufficient, as this particular practice lies at the intersection of all these
categories. For this reason, it is valuable to look differently at the different stages in the life of a
devadasi. For clarity and guidance, there is need to look at many of the arguments made around the
Trokosi tradition in Ghana that has bears striking similarities to the devadasi practice – although the
push factors may be quite different.
9.1. The Caste based discrimination
Various definitions of caste have tended to focus on ideas of purity and pollution; hierarchy; hereditary
occupations and practices of endogamy and inter-dining. However Dr. Ambedkar says that caste is an
enclosed class, maintained by strict rules of endogamy between castes and exogamy between
“Sagotras” in India. The origin of the caste system is traced 4th
Century BC in India. The prevalence of
caste system in India is wide and has deep roots. The caste system in the famous words of Dr.Ambedkar
is not merely a division of labour but in reality the division of labourers. This formulation of the division
of labour being inherited by birth and not on the basis of worth of an individual is central to
understanding the caste based discrimination in modern India. Caste often predetermines one’s
occupation for life in India. The onset of modern capitalism has attempted to break caste barriers,
however in much of India - especially rural India - caste plays a central role in shaping social and
economic realities of society.
Untouchability shuts all doors of opportunities for betterment in life for Untouchables. It does
not offer an Untouchable any opportunity to move freely in society; it compels him to live in
dungeons and seclusion; it prevents him from educating himself and following a profession of his
choice.
Dr.BR Ambedkar
As noted previously, most devadasis are Dalit women and there is a distinct caste character to this
practice. The priest (local gurus) and members of the highest castes are actively involved in the
dedication – they sometimes actively recruit the girls, perform the dedication ceremony and are also
often involved in their sexual exploitation, post-dedication.
81
While in traditional slavery economic benefit was also crucial, the situation is slightly different in the
case of devadasis. Here, the priests and elders maintain the socio-religious order through the
continuation of the practice, as the post holds a religious significance. It also maintains the gender and
caste order, through the exercise of power by men of higher status (most notably the priest) over the
bodies and labour of the devadasi.
The devadasi practice can therefore be termed as a particularly severe, gendered and caste-based form
of forced labour, targeted at girl children, that endangers their safety and puts them at high risk of
vulnerability to experiencing routine sexual exploitation.
9.2. Gender and caste discrimination.
The devadasi system is evidence of the fact that caste oppression gave rise to the systems, and
patriarchy, and various market forces, have helped to perpetuate and promote it.
The importance to be given to the caste oppression in the current context is a contested question.
Some leaders proclaim that even while recognising the caste oppression in the origin of the devadasi
system, currently the placement of the problem in the caste oppression realm will not serve the needs
of devadasi women today. Further they warned that if rehabilitation programmes of Devadasis are
placed under SC welfare programmes, the special focus on devadasis may be lost, and devadasis would
find it difficult to gain access to official benefits. The proponents of this view also held that the fight for
ending the devadasi/ Jogini system requires a focus on the issue of devadasis, which will be lost if the
attention is directed to caste oppression more generally. 13
Civil Society Organisations engaged in working with devadasis hold that as the caste oppression lies at
the foundation of the system, all kinds of caste oppression must be eradicated, as also this practice.
They believe that if caste oppression is not eradicated firmly, such oppression of Dalit women will come
up in new forms from time to time. They also caution that without addressing caste based
discrimination and stigma issues, rehabilitation programmes for devadasis would not yield the desired
results.
Others further point out that women from non dalit castes also do not oppose the oppression of dalit
women through practices like the devadasi system. This reinforces the role of caste in oppressive
practices, showing that the women’s movement in India has failed to create solidarity of women across
castes and class.14
13
This view was stated by Ms.Lalitha Kumara Mangalam, Chairperson of National Commission for Women, and other Commission members in a
workshop on the Devadasi system held in Hyderabad in February 2015.
14
Ms. Ruth Manorama, at the Hyderabad conference, February, 2015.
82
“When my daughter was about 5 years old and my son 2 years old, my first partner died. I know he did not die of
AIDS. He was healthy. But when he and his 2 brothers had a property division, I think it hurt him emotionally. He
became weak. He lost his mind. He stopped working. He used to take care of goats and sheep earlier, but now he
began to roam like a vagabond here and there. He also became alcoholic. Earlier, when he visited me, he never used
to drink. He was good. But after losing his mind he started drinking mindlessly. Our village Pulimamidi is divided
into peta and kota. SC communities and some other communities like toddy tappers live in peta and other castes live
in kota. Peta means street, kota means fort. Alcohol was available only in peta. So he used to drink here in peta and
go to kota and roam around. His family took him to many hospitals but apparently there was no cure. One day he
got drunk and started walking in the night. I am not sure what happened but maybe he tripped over a stone. He was
found dead in the morning on the street. He fell on his stomach and died. People passing by saw him’.
‘My partner did not give me any gold or property. I don’t even have a nose ring even today. He did not give money
during deliveries. My parents took care of everything’.
‘After my first partner passed away, a sense of disillusionment set in me. I felt that I cannot trust anyone. No one
will really take care of me and my children. The only thing I can bank on is my physical strength. So I decided to
work hard and earn money for my children’.
‘After 11 years of the death of my first partner, I do not know what happened. Some evil prevailed on me. I met one
fellow from this village itself. He also belongs to SC community. I slept with him for two to three times. We always
met outside. He never came home. I became pregnant. I realized that I was pregnant in the first month itself. I
wanted to terminate my pregnancy. But people in my neighbourhood and my relatives put pressure on me and said
that I should let this child be born after which I should get family planning operation done. One lady told me that it
is a sin to terminate my pregnancy. I got influenced by all this and gave birth to a daughter’.
‘My second partner did not give me even a single rupee in all our months of relationship. My mother took care of my
delivery expenses. He did not even come to see the child. He disappeared on me. I used to be in Anti-Jogini groups
and women groups but I could not speak about this matter there. He belongs to the same community as me – SC.
Therefore I was pressurised by my caste people to forgive him and let go’.
‘My mother shouted a lot at me for becoming pregnant. But because she is my mother she adjusted eventually. My
mother did not go and question that fellow because we realized it will be a black mark on our family itself. People
will ridicule me that I was not at a young innocent age when I slept with him. I kept silent and gave birth to a
daughter.
I had fever recently and therefore I am weak. Doctor said I am anaemic. He said I should be on saline. But I don’t
have money. I don’t eat food properly. I think a lot about my family and about how I can provide for them. Children
are growing up, their needs are growing and I keep thinking as to how I can fulfil those needs’.
‘I started drinking toddy after my partner left me because of tensions. I was not feeling well when I was drinking.
Also it used to cost me Rs.5 every day. I thought if I can spend these five rupees on my children for tea that will be
good rather than me drinking and spoiling my health. I stopped drinking toddy. My son tells me not to go to hotels
for drinking tea. He says I should send someone to get tea for me. I respect him and his words’.
Narayanamma, Utkurmandal, Telangana
83
9.3. Cultural practice or forced labour?
Devadasis are married to goddess Yellamma and hence are not allowed to marry any mortal man in
their whole life (Shankar, 1994). These girls are therefore substitutes for human sacrifices for the deities
in the temples and it is believed that the devadasis bring blessings to the entire community. As
Nityasumangalis, (meaning women who can never be widowed and are ever auspicious), devadasis
were welcome guests at weddings and other auspicious functions, but they did not participate in funeral
or other mourning rituals (Reddy, 2012). Hence the devadasis enjoyed higher status than other dalit
women. Keeping this in mind mmuch of the literature on devadasis views it as a cultural practice, and
although the caste embeddedness of the practice is highlighted, the facets of forced labour are not
(Kersenboom, 1987, Chawla, 2002; Sampark, 2002, Orchard, 2007; Shrama, 2007 Nikolova, 2009).
To the extent that the practice is an involuntary induction into what is effectively slave labour for
services to the temple (e.g. participation in festivals), the devadasi practice falls within the definition of
Forced Labour which includes “all work or service which is exacted from any person under the menace
of any penalty and for which the said person has not offered himself voluntarily”.15
Merely dedicating
oneself to a lifetime of religious service is not automatically forced labour, however, e.g. in the case of
nuns of a religious order. The involuntary induction, the control over her body and labour and her
inability to escape the devadasi identity is what makes this practice degrading and exploitative and,
therefore, unacceptable.
Many ILO documents already recognise the Trokosi tradition as Forced child labour16
and this is also a
useful way of looking at the devadasi practice. In both the Trokosi and the devadasi practices, the child’s
labour is offered in exchange for relief for the family – whether it is economic or religious. The offering
of a minor to the temple for a lifetime of servitude puts its firmly within the boundaries of the Worst
Forms of Child Labour Convention of the ILO (no. 182) which bans “all forms of slavery or practices
similar to slavery, such as the sale and trafficking of children, debt bondage and serfdom and forced or
compulsory labour, including forced or compulsory recruitment of children for use in armed conflict”,
which has also been extended to include traditional forms of exploitation.17
Most devadasis are Dalits and live in abject poverty. If they have been dedicated as children, they have
lost precious years of their life to this slave–like existence. They come from families that have offered
them for dedication as a result of their economic vulnerability and extreme. An adult devadasi seldom
finds non-ritualised paid work opportunities other than casual labour or sex work. However, her health
is constantly at risk, as is that of any children she may have. The social stigma attached to illegitimate
children also puts the health, education and development of her children at considerable risk. Often, in
order to survive, she must provide sexual services to all that demand it from her or face punitive action
and starvation. One report even refers to devadasis as the collective “property of the village.”18
15
Article 2, Forced Labour Convention http://www.ilo.org/dyn/normlex/en/f?p=NORMLEXPUB:12100:0::NO::P12100_ILO_CODE:C029
16
See, for example http://www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/groups/public/---ed_norm/---declaration/documents/publication/wcms_088490.pdf and
http://www.ilo.org/dyn/normlex/fr/f?p=NORMLEXPUB:13100:0::NO::P13100_COMMENT_ID:2256114 )
17
http://www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/groups/public/---ed_norm/---declaration/documents/publication/wcms_088490.pdf
18
http://www.dfn.org.uk/info/slavery/42-information/slavery/94-ritual-sex-slavery
84
9.4. Child labour and child marriage
Research findings showed that 37% of women are made devadasis when they are at the age between 6
and 10 years and 70% of women made devadasis at an age below 15 years. These girls at this young age
are not aware of the implications of turning into a devadasi and are forced to get involved in sex work
once they attain puberty.
Children who are dedicated at a young age face extreme risks to their health due to early sexual
encounters and routine sexual abuse with multiple partners. Many are raped as soon as they reach
puberty and some, even earlier. While there is child protection laws under which offenders can be
prosecuted for child rape, there are no such prosecutions the normalisation and social sanction of this
practice provides a cover for this heinous crime. The fact that there are multiple partners also provides
anonymity to the offenders. Reporting these offenses are almost unheard of. These scheduled caste girl
children are denied their fundamental right to education and spend crucial years in conditions of
slavery. The cumulative impact of this situation on their psychosocial development is immense and the
damage is irreparable.
Adult devadasis lose freedom of getting married and cannot legitimately name their partner as husband
or father of children, thereby losing the protection the marriage accords to a woman. Their children
face difficulty in joining schools, getting government jobs and passport etc. Devadasi children face
discrimination in getting marriage alliances. Those who come forward to marry them are economically
weaker and or ask for dowry thus limiting the choice for children of devadasis.
9.5. Sex work or slavery?
Some scholars maintain that the ritualised sexual activity must be viewed as prostitution, as the
devadasis receive compensation in return for sexual services. Similarly, others attempt to argue that it is
similar to marital support and therefore not exploitative (Parrot and Cummings, 2008). However,
neither is a fair) assessment as the devadasis do not determine what they receive for their services – the
men do. Whatever she receives in the form of money for basic expenditures, land or assets is not fair
compensation but should be recognized for what it is - an exercise in patronage. The slave must remain
alive, for her to be available for exploitation. For a devadasi to be said to have undertaken sex work, she
must be in a position to demand payment and to refuse to provide sexual services if the conditions of
the transaction are not acceptable to her, in reality she can neither refuse the service nor demand
payment, as was seen in the case of Meena.
Unlike Trokosi slavery, sexual slavery is not traditionally integral to the devadasi practice but a
consequence of her inability to marry, her caste status and her poverty. The vulnerability of young girls
to sexual abuse is heightened through the denial of security by their families. The conditions under
which devadasis agree to have sexual intercourse with men, even as adults, to ensure their basic
survival, is better understood as violence inflicted upon then because of their vulnerability, rather than a
commercial transaction between two consenting parties. This therefore also meets many of the
85
conditions of “Unacceptable forms of work”, defined as those that “deny fundamental principles and
rights at work, put at risk the lives, health, freedom, human dignity and security of workers or keep
households in conditions of poverty”. This also allows us to conceptualize this as a highly hazardous
form of work, conditions of which add to workers’ vulnerability to being sexually exploited. However,
the normalisation of the practice as well as the gender, caste and economic status of the victim does not
allow this exploitation to easily come to light. Incidents of non-consensual sex would not be reported or
taken seriously by government authorities because the rape of devadasis is both socially acceptable and
expected.
It is an inescapable fact that devadasis are highly likely to take up sex work as an occupation and fair
opportunities and compensation by society. Being uneducated women and dalits, most jobs, except for
the most physically strenuous or humiliating, are out of their reach. Most devadasi women interviewed
in the study reported taking up sex work voluntarily, although there are clear links to trafficking that
have been noted in other reports. Devadasis who have not been trafficked are much more likely to be
able to demand payment as sex workers, set the terms of the exchange and be in a position to refuse
the exchange if they are unhappy with the terms. This is significant step-up from coercion and
exploitation under the guise of a ‘traditional practice’. Moving to an urban environment also brings
anonymity and an escape from an area they associate with their ritualised exploitation. Sex workers are
better organised in terms of claiming their civil and political rights, and this identity could potentially aid
devadasis in claiming their own.
86
‘Influenced by friends and driven by needs in the family I have now taken up sex work for living. My
parents have become old. My brothers do not care. So I found this as the only option’.
‘I get my customers from the market and from toddy shop. When I go to market boys approach me. They
give me some black pills that make me dizzy and I lose my senses. Then they take me along with them and
use me. I do not remember much of what happens then. Some people give money, some don’t. In fact once
some boys beat me and even burnt me with cigarettes. I cannot go to police station because they treat me
very poorly’.
‘The customers take me on their bikes to fields and I sleep with them there. They promise to give Rs.500 or
Rs.1000 and liquor. But when the work is over some pay less, some just run away. Even if we are not
interested to - go with them, we face violence. Once a fellow in the toddy shop caught my hair and dragged
me to his bike. There was another man also. Both of them took me to the field, raped me and fled. People in
the toddy shop were watching but did not interfere’.
‘Some customers give Rs.200, some give Rs.300. We cannot do anything even if they do not give us the
promised amount. They can really hurt us. They can kill us and throw our bodies in the field. Therefore we
silently take what they give’.
‘I earn about Rs.6000 per month. I am fat and also of dark complexion. So I do not get as many customers
as my friend. I engage in sex work for about 2 or 3 days in a week. Sometimes it is 4 or 5 days. Sometimes
customers come every Sunday. Most of my customers come from Raichur. We do not entertain men from
Makhthal because we know them all and it does not look good. Further they will be related to us in some
way or the other. So we get our customers only from Raichur. Sometimes they take us to Raichur. They
take us to lodge. They get us drunk. They take pictures with their cell’.
‘We face lot of violence in this business. The customers do not even give us proper food to eat. Even if I say
that I have to go and give milk to my child they would not let me go for hours. They pull out porn movies
from cell phone and ask us to enact such roles. It is disgusting ’.
‘I drink toddy and also liquor. I got this habit from my friends. My customers give me some potent liquor
and I will no clue what happens after that. I was beaten very bad one day by a man. My eye got so badly
hurt that I was unable to open. I was there at the toddy shop. He was pressurizing me to come to him. He
said if I try to escape he will even follow me. Some people tried to come and support me but nothing
changed. Once some 5 to 6 men got me drunk so much and took me away in Tata Sumo. I was not in my
senses. They used me the whole night and at around 2 or 3 am in the morning they dropped me off at a
toddy shop. I had to then find my way home’.
Lalitha, devadasi and sex worker, Mehboobnagar, Telangana
87
9.6. Gender norms as basis for practice
The devadasi practice is deeply rooted in gender stereotypes and pre-defined gender roles – all
devadasis are women and transgender and are ‘married to serve’ God. Article 5 of CEDAW draws
attention to the discrimination inherent in “the social and cultural patterns of conduct of men and
women and customary and all other practices which are based on the idea of the inferiority or the
superiority of either of the sexes or on stereotyped roles for men and women”.
While the conceptualisation of this practice as a “forced marriage” to God may seem absurd, scholars
have drawn attention to the fact that the violation in forced marriages occurs when “one or more
parties lose their right to choose their partner”, which is certainly the case here. This is mentioned
explicitly in Article 16 of CEDAW, which protects a woman’s “right to freely choose a spouse” (Thomas,
2009, CEDAW 2013).
Even when in long-term relationships with a single partner, devadasis have no legal right over the assets
or incomes of their partners. However, the gender discrimination is nowhere more explicit than in the
highly sexualized form of exploitation suffered by devadasi girl and women. Like in the case of Trokosi
slavery, India continues to tolerate the mass rape of a large number of children and women under the
guise of a cultural practice. The preference for young, pre-pubescent girls also indicates the preference
for ‘virgins’ as dedicated slaves, evidence of patriarchal ideas of pleasure and control (CEDAW, 2013.)
9.7. Unacceptable form of work
Figure 5: Framework of UFW
A key question that arises after a
comprehensive discussion of the
devadasis lives and livelihoods relates to
whether it can be classified as an
unacceptable form of work (UFW). Three
key considerations (details of which are
given in Figure 5) of such classification are
relevant:
1. Lack of fundamental rights at work
2. Risks of lives, poor health and
insecurity
3. Extreme poverty
88
9.7.1. Lack of Fundamental Rights at Work:
The fact that devadasis face a lack of fundamental rights (Figure 6) is evidenced by the following:
They are socially excluded: They have no political recognition as a group, with no good estimate of
the numbers, the mandatory committees for the elimination of the practice being inoperational and
ineffective. They also face discrimination in temples, social functions, etc. with most customs
associated with them being insulting and degrading, such as dancing, begging, etc.
Child Labour: Girl children are dedicated at a tender age – below 15 years, when they are not in a
position to comprehend the violence that has been inflicted on them. Their fate as social sex
workers is already decided at this time.
Figure 6: Lack of Fundamental Rights
Forced labour: Once dedicated, the devadasi girl children are forced into sex work on attaining
puberty, without their consent. They have no scope for escape, as they are not able to marry, and
any attempt to escape this work is seen as a violation of the promise to God. Once dedicated, the
devadasi girl is doomed to a future of sexual slavery to men, sex work, or other work if she has the
possibility to do so such as agriculture and construction labour, nor do they have voice to demand
social protection from the government.
Lack of collective bargaining: Devadasi women are not organised, except in very few cases where
NGOs have facilitated such organisation. As unorganised workers, they lack voice and recognition,
and as their work does not have a legal status as “work”, there is total absence of legal protection.
The social norms also militate against them, as there are no social means or forums whereby they
can demand payment or maintenance from their patrons/ partners
Social
Exclusion
•Discrimination at work place, temples, functions ,etc
•Difficulties in school enrollment, government jobs, passport, etc
Child
Labour
•Dedicated at tender age – below 15 years
•Inability to comprehend violence inflicted on self
Forced
Labour
•Forced into sex work on attaining puberty without consent
•No scope for escape unless migrated
Collective
Bargaining
•Lack of voice, no scope for Organisation and recognition
•Women lack self acceptance, no “work” status
•Absence of legal protection
89
9.7.2. Risks of Lives, Health and Security:
The risk to the lives, health and security (Figure 7) of devadasi girls arises from:
The risk of lives arises among devadasis as the practice amounts to human trafficking , with girls
being forced into sex trade, and physical abuse in occupation, even if the place of such force is in the
homes of their parents, and in social functions. They experience pregnancy at a young age, causing
poor health and anemia. They are at the risk of sexually transmitted diseases (STD), isolation,
alcoholism; depression and psychological disorders.
Figure 7: Risks of Lives
Absence of Right to Freedom: Once dedicated, the devadasis cannot get out of the socially
sanctioned sex work, nor can they demand payment for their services, or rights in the property of
their partners. They also lack access to education; skill development and livelihood opportunities.
Lack of security of workers: The devadasi practice being a social practice, its nature as sex work is
undermined; with informal arrangements being made for sexual partnerships, and meagre,
uncertain or no financial contributions being made by the partners. The option of non- acceptance
of sex work is not open to a devadasi, their only option to earn sufficient money for their families
being through migration to semi-urban and urban areas for work.
Risk of
lives
•Human Trafficking , forced into sex trade, physical abuse in occupation
Health
concerns
•Pregnancy at young age - reproductive cycle disturbed, Termination causes poor health and
anemia
•Risk of contracting sexually transmitted diseases;
•Tobacco and Alcoholism; Depression and other physiological disorders
Right to
Freedom
•Cannot demand for payment for services; Property rights
•Lack of access to education; livelihood opportunities
•Freedom against Discrimination – Social labels
Security
of
workers
• Non- Acceptance of work, migration and its many faces of exploitation
•Informal agreement with partner, therefore meager financial contribution & not guaranteed
Human
dignity
•No social identity, isolated and excluded
•Freedom of marriage and Identifying Partner as husband or father of children.
•Child @ risk – ridiculed and called names – child mental growth affected , perpetuity and
inter – generational tradition.
• Abused by Child – Grown up , compelled to quit partner, verbal/physical abuse by child,
question practices.
‘I had 2 acres of land that was given to me by my
grandparents. I sold those 2 acres of land and got
my 3 daughters married. I have not converted any
of my daughters as basvini because I spoiled my
life with no husband, no stability. Why will I
repeat that for my daughters? My relatives
pressurized me to make my elder daughter basvini.
I vehemently disagreed. See how I suffer? I
borrow money from here and there and live. Only
when we are healthy everyone will come. Once we
become weak an old no one will see our face’.
Narasamma, Mehboobnagar district
90
Lack of human dignity: Devadasi girls are denied the status of married women, and their children
are not legitimate children of their partners, with no social acknowledgement of the paternal
descent of the children. The children are also put at risk, with their sense of belonging and dignity
being denied, as their identities are not socially acknowledged as respectable. Devadasis are also at
risk of abuse not only by their partners, but also general public, through social practices such as
dancing in Jathres, where they are sexually abused by women.
These facts constitute risks to the lives, health and security of devadasi women and their children.
A devadasi woman aged about 70 years said that “my children are dying like how dry leaves fall from
trees”. When facilitator asked what is the meaning of it, then she told that that her children are none
other than the devadasis of her community. She also said that younger devadasis are having multiple
partners at a time as they are looking for short routes to earn money quickly. Due to this young
devadasis are falling sick frequently and dying at younger age. Their life may go down anytime
similarly like a dry leaf of a tree which may fall down anytime from the tree. Facilitator noticed that
60% of devadasi women participated in the FGD have kept their children in a hostel at Hyderabad
which is run by Ashraya, an NGO. This might be because devadasi women do not want their
children grown up in the environment where they are having multiple partners.
- An extract from FGD conducted at Utkuru, Mehboobnagar
91
9.7.3. Extreme Poverty
Extreme poverty (Figure 8) forms another feature of the lives of devadasis that characterises their work
and livelihoods. This arises due to:
Figure 8: Components of Poverty
A Lack of Livelihood Opportunities: Devadasis come from the poorest of the dalit households and
typically have low literacy levels, with few skills other than in manual agricultural work, therefore do not
have access to gainful employment. Given their low incomes, they are also unable to educate and
provide skills to their children, thus are caught in a vicious and perpetual cycle of poverty. They are tied
to sex work in rural areas, and even when they migrate for construction or other work, their identities as
devadasis and single women put them at high risk of entering, or being trafficked into sex work.
Lack of Social Protection: Presumably, devadasis who are poor should have access to official social
welfare schemes, or those which are specifically targeted at them. However, most devadasis are
either unaware of, or unable to access these schemes for various reasons. The support for educating
their children is also lacking, thereby perpetuating inter-generational poverty.
Ineffective legal provisions: The lacunae in the implementation of the State Acts for abolition of the devadasi
practice has led to the practice continuing, albeit at a smaller level and mutated due to market and other
factors. Due to the lack of prosecutions, devadasis do not have access to the compensation and rehabilitation
they can claim by statute. The provisions themselves lie unused, with government officers believing that the
practice has been eradicated. Devadasis do not have legal rights to the property of their partners. Therefore,
legal provisions do not provide significant support for devadasi women’s livelihoods.
These facts show that on all counts, devadasis are in an unacceptable form of work, which needs
political, official and social attention.
Social
Exclusion
•Discrimination at work place, temples, functions ,etc
•Political recognition : Difficulties in school enrollment, government jobs, passport,
etc
Child
Labour
•Dedicated at tender age – below 15 years
•Inability to comprehend violence inflicted on self
Forced
Labour
•Forced into sex work on attaining puberty without consent
•No scope for escape unless migrated
Collective
Bargaining
•Lack of voice and recognition; No scope for Organisation
•Women lack self acceptance, no “work” status
•Absence of legal protection
92
10. Recommendations
The recommendations follow the Gender Equality and Social Inclusion (GESI) framework which outlines
three domains of change for inclusion and empowerment: provision of assets and resources,
organisation building for creating voice, influence and agency and changing norms and institutions that
create exclusionary processes, bringing in policies, norms and institutions that encourage inclusionary
systems and processes. The recommendations for action by State and NGOs, as well as Dalits and
devadasi households themselves are presented in four categories: those relating to data and monitoring
systems, those relating to providing assets and services for rehabilitation of devadasis, especially
through livelihoods promotion; those relating to organisation building to aid agency and voice of the
devadasi women, and effective prevention and rehabilitation through changing norms and institutions
at the policy level and in society.
10.1. Information and Monitoring
The first and foremost requirement of any issue is the measure of the extent of the problem, which
requires that the numbers of devadasis be estimated. The first recommendation relates to estimation of
the number of devadasis, as this is critical to designing schemes for their rehabilitation as well as
strategizing prevention. The devadasi practice should be recognised as a practice and repeated surveys
should be conducted to find out where they are and are there caste based organisations, such as dalit
Sanghas, can be used to keep track and assist the government in discovering dedications.More data is
also needed on the reproductive health problems and psychological disorders faced by devadasis, and
the legalities of property rights to devadasis.
As the practice exists in different forms in many States other than the three States where this research
was carried out (such as Madhya Pradesh, West Bengal, Odisha, Kerala), a comprehensive study needs
to be undertaken across the country. The study would need to be conducted under the aegis of the
ministry of women and children the national level, with participation of the State departments of
women and child development, ministry of social justice and empowerment, national and State
commissions of women, and NGOs in each State. Participation of ministries and corporations looking
after scheduled castes and scheduled tribes will ensure that they engage with identification and with
increasing the outreach of the departmental schemes to devadasis.
The State also needs to form committees at the national level and in each State for effective monitoring
of spots where devadasis are dedicated, and making prevention more effective. The committee can also
monitor the effective implementation of the schemes for devadasi households. The membership of the
committee needs to draw from the department of women and children, SC/ST and national and State
Rural Livelihoods Systems, NGOs, dalit associations and community based collectives and cooperatives
of devadasis and sex workers.
The National Commission for Women (NCW) has commissioned a research study to develop database
and profile of devadasi women in the States hence it would be worthwhile to advocate learnings and
best practices in identification of devadasis with the Commission as well as with academic institutions,
e.g. the Chennai University.
93
The government needs to provide budgetary support for the monitoring, prevention as well as the
implementation of State schemes.
10.2. Providing more assets and resources
Ensuring rehabilitation of devadasi women is crucial challenge; although there are initiatives undertaken
by the government as well as CSOs however a comprehensive rehabilitation (socio-economic and
political) policy and programme for devadasi women is lacking. The following are key suggestions for
effective rehabilitation programmes
Compulsory free, quality and discrimination free education to children upto graduation level
and ensure that all girls from the community and devadasis girl children get priority education,
admission, hostels and scholarship.
Skills development programme: Population above 14 years should be imparted training on life
skills and vocational skills for increasing their employment opportunities.
Livelihood and economic development: For devadasis with none or unproductive land, the
government may include providing fertile land (2-3 acres) with irrigation facility, financial
capital, and backward and forward linkages. In addition to land, government needs to provide
grants for income generating activities, and enterprise promotion support. These could be in
the same category as bonded labourers and manual scavengers; categories of households
eligible for 100% subsidies for income generating assets. This provision has been drafted in
Telangana, but has yet to be approved.
Marriage and financial assistance: Government should promote devadasi marriages and
provide monitory assistance to the devadasis who get married.
Housing : Government should revive its housing scheme so that all the devadasis gets house
under existing official housing schemes such as Indira AwasYojana (IAY) and Rajiv Gandhi
Grameen Housing scheme.
Financial inclusion and services: The government and CSOs needs to assist devadasis to open
bank accounts for devadasis so they are financially included and can claim all official rights and
entitlements easily and without any leakages.
Pension: Given the problem of identification of devadasi women under the widow or single
women’s schemes, separate pension scheme should be formulated and targeted such caste
communities from which girls are dedicated as devadasis. Alongside all devadasis should be
made eligible for widow pensions.
Insurance: Only around 21% of the respondents in the survey had insurance cover and a
miniscule proportion within that group was covered for health insurance. Given the major
health risks of their occupation, it is important to extend health insurance coverage through
94
existing schemes such as the Rasthriya Swasthys Bima Yojana (RSBY)19
. Linkages needs to be
established with existing official insurance schemes such as Pradhan Mantri Suraksha Bima
Yojana (PMSBY)20
, Pradhan Mantri Jeevan Jyoti Bima Yojana21
(Life Insurance Plan).
In addition to economic support, devadasis require social, legal and psychological support. These
include social security schemes, counselling and mental health support, legal aid services, pension
schemes etc. These measures would rehabilitate devadasis who have been identified by the
government, and will ameliorate the extreme poverty and vulnerability that they have faced by being
dedicated.
10.3. Organisation building
The lessons from working with excluded, exploited and vulnerable groups clearly show the advantage of
organisation, which provides safe forums for sharing common issues, and coming together to have a
stronger voice. The agency and voice of the excluded is significantly strengthened Organise devadasi
women into collectives such as
Self Help Groups (SHGs),
federations, unions, cooperatives
which will give them forums
through which they can claim
their rights and resources, and
mutual support. The collectives
will provide women with safe
spaces where they can discuss
mutual needs and organise
themselves to represent to the
government and other
organisations.
19
Cashless Health insurance of Rs.30,000/- per annum per household of 5 members for BPL families and other
vulnerable sections such as Domestic workers.
20
Accident insurance plan with a Rs 12 per annum, risk coverage of Rs. 2 Lakh
21
Life insurance plan with premium of Rs. 330 per annum, risk Coverage of Rs. 2 Lakh on death of the Insured
member for any reason is payable to the Nominee.
““I used to actively stop any family from making their
daughter basvini. Those families have developed a grudge on
me. But it does not matter to me. I along with other women
would fight against basvini system a lot. We put several
perpetrators in jail. We put people from Jaklair in jail; we
caught people converting girls into joginis in Kurumurthy
jathere and put them in jail. I used to go and attend lot of
meetings in Hyderabad, Mahaboobnagar. We used to go and
do meetings at mandal level discouraging jogini system. We
did padayatras, campaigns. I tell women that even if your
parents say that there is no one to look after them when they
are old, do not listen to them. I also threaten them that I will
call madams”.
Narayanamma, Utkurmandal, Telangana
95
10.4. Changing norms and institutions
A comprehensive policy should address stigma and discrimination issues pertaining to devadasis . There
is also need to address labour market discrimination which is often neglected in rehabilitation policies.
Norms, laws and policies need to provide for the following:
Enacting a law which can provide property rights of long term partners of devdadasis. This
provision will seriously deter landed and rich villagers from making exploitative partnerships with
devadasis. The provisions of “Live-in relationships” may be used to get devadasis and their children
their due maintenance and property rights from the partners22
.
Engaging males of devadasi families and communities: It is evident that male population of this
community and families are surprisingly under-employed and alcoholic therefore neither they take
conscious efforts to stop this dedication nor retaliate against the practice. Caste norms are ingrained
and deeply rooted in the psyche of the community hence critical awareness and process of
conscientising is required to prepare them as barefoot lawyers or social advocates to end this
practice and protect the women of their community. Proactive action by a sensitized male
population in stopping this practice will result in reduction in family pressure and confrontation
faced by devadasi women at family level.
Children of the devadasi women: Children of devadasi suffer a lot in every walk of their lives. They
have been teased about father’s name, character of his/her mother and treated differently in every
sphere. Henceforth, ensuring discrimination free education and respectful socialization in family,
schools would bring social change. In addition, children could be groomed a change agents
instrumental in sensitizing parents against the devadasi system.
Prevention of dedications: Prevention strategies are crucial to uproot any social evil particularly one
subjected to inter-generational subjugation and stigmatization such as devadasis. These strategies
include conscientisation and raising awareness of the ill effects of the devadasi system. In addition,
rights awareness needs to be created as well, whereby members are aware of and can challenge
cultural norms, and are able to demand accountability from the State and society. The parents,
priests, implementing government officers, NGO staff and police need to know the laws, and the
procedures by which they can prevent the practice.
22
The legal resource that women have would be useful here.
96
Using laws as deterrents: For
effective prevention of the devadasi
practice the government, police and
civil society organisations should
invoke not only the devadasi law, but
also other legislations such as the
relevant sections under the Criminal
Penal Code (CrPC) and the Indian
Penal Code (IPC), The Prohibition of
Child Marriage Act, 2006, atrocities
against SC/St and other relevant acts.
For effective enforcement of the laws
it is required that the Acts have teeth;
rules for acts needs to framed and
adopted, responsibilities and
timeframe for this needs to be fixed,
and the parents of the girl should not
be criminalised, as they are not the
perpetrators, but victims of
oppressive caste based practise. The
real perpetrators today are the pimps,
self-styled gurus and other brokers of
the system (who are often pimps
interested in making a profit out of
sexual exploitation of the dedicated
girls) and the priests who should not
undertake such dedications. These
people who are actively involved in
the dedications need to punished. The
partners should be punished too, and
the provisions for those ‘Living in
partnership’ be applied to devadasi
children, conferring on them the right
to inherit property of their fathers.
The application of these laws will have
a strong deterrent effect on the sexual
exploitation of devadasis by non dalit
and dalit men. Effective
implementation of the legislations
and relevant sections in order to
punish and prosecute perpetrators
would create deterrence of law which will contribute in reduction in dedication cases.
The way forward
‘We were too young when we were made joginis. If we had
known then, we would have fought tooth and nail. Now we
realize, but it is too late. All our contemporaries have got
married. When they visit their parents with their husbands
and children for festivals, jathres, we get tears in our eyes.
We would have been like them if we were not made joginis’.
A woman breaks down.
‘There is lot of superstitions associated with Jogini system
which is very violent and exploitative. Lot of Jogini women
lost life due to AIDS. We are all against the Jogini system.
We go to every Jathres to send out the message about Jogini
law and the punishment. We got trainings in
Mahaboobnagar. There are still some Jogini marriages
happening. We have even done padayatra to
Mahaboobnagar to build awareness about the ills of Jogini
system. We went and met the Chief Minister and gave our
representation. We placed the following demands before him
–
Every Jogini should get
3 acres of land
Plot to build houses for those who do not have
Rs.3 lakh cash
Free education for Jogini children till they get a job
Rs.3000 pension per month
We also demanded government Degree College for children
in Makhtal. We cannot afford to send our children to private
institutions. Now most of our children stopped education
and do labour work’. “We have too many responsibilities on
our shoulders but too little means to fulfill them”.
Extracts from a group discussion at Mehboobnagar
97
Attending to the larger needs of the SC/ST groups: As most devadasis are from the SC/ST groups, it
is important to create awareness among this community, organize them, and enlist the support of
dalit groups in preventing the practice. Further, socio-eco and political concerns of these
communities such as education, health security, livelihood, shelter needs to be addressed in order
to ensure their fundamental rights are protected.
In conclusion, devadasis epitomise a highly exploited group, whereby exploitation is on grounds of caste,
gender and poverty. Despite laws to the contrary, the practice has continued to exist, and even though
new entrants to the traditional system have reduced significantly, the market for commercial sex has led
to the mutation of the practice whereby many sex workers adopt the label of devadasis. The traditional
practice too has given little economic security to devadasi women, leading many to move into sex work.
These trends can only be reversed by effective prevention of dedications, combined with significant
livelihoods support to bring devadasi households out of poverty and vulnerabilities. The eradication of
the practice will require a concentrated effort by government and civil society organisations, and will
need close monitoring till the system is fully eradicated from India.
PART V- REFERENCES
The references that are used in the report are as follows:
Chawla, Anil. 2002. Sinners or Sinned Against: An Attempt to Look at the Myth and Reality of History and
Presence Status of Devadasis, accessed from www.samarthbharat.com on 2nd
August, 2014.
Coen, Kompier, 2014: Mission Report of Attending Planning Workshop of Live and Livelihoods of Devadasis held
on 12th
November 2014.
Harp, Allen Matthew. 1997. Rewriting the Script for South Indian Dance. The Drama Review 41, (T155), New
York. New York University.
Kersenboom, Saskia C. 1987. Nityasumangali, Devadasi Tradition of South India. New Delhi : Motilal Banarsidass
Publication.
Marglin, Frederique Apffel. 1985. Wives of the God-King, The Rituals of Devadasis of Puri. New Delhi: Oxford
University Press.
Nikolova, Ekaterina K. 2009. Understanding Obstacles and Stimuli to Exit from Ritual Prostitution. A thesis
submitted to the Graduate School of Social Science of the University of Amsterdam in partial fulfillment
as part of Master of Science.
Orchard, Treena Rae. 2007. Girl, Woman, Lover, Mother: Towards a new understanding of child prostitution
among young Devadasis in rural Karnataka, India. Social Science & Medicine, Volume 64, Issue 12, pp
2379-2390 Vancouver.
98
Prasannakumar Shivashanappa and L. Shrnivasa, 2012. Research Paper Devadasi Practice in Karnataka.
ACADEMIA Vol.1 issue. IX /March 2012 PP.1-4
http://www.academia.edu/3380933/Devadasi_Practice_in_Karnataka
Reddy, William M. 2012. The Making of Romantic Love: Longing and Sexuality in Europe, South Asia and Japan,
900-1200 CE. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Sampark, 2002. Devadasis and their Livelihoods, An Exploratory Study for Developing Intervention Strategies. A
Study Conducted for National Institute for Mental Health and Neuro Science (NIMHANS).
Shankar, Jogan. 1994. Devadasi Cult: A Sociological Analysis. New Delhi: Ashish Publishing House.
Sharma, Karuna. 2007. The Social World of prostitutes and Devadasis. Journal of International Women's Studies;
Nov 2007, Vol. 9 Issue 1, p297.
Taware, Sameer. 2015. Minutes of Regional consultation on “Conditions of Devadasi’s in India” on 23rd
,
February 2015, at Hyderabad Organized by State Women Commission Andhra Pradesh
Torri, Maria Costanza. 2009. Abuse of Lower Castes in South India: The Institution of Devadasi. Journal of
International Women’s Studies, Sep 2009, Vol11 Issue 2.
Parrot Andrea and Nina Cummings. 2008. Sexual Enslavement of Girls and Women Worldwide‬, Andrea Parrot,
Nina Cummings, Greenwood Publishing Group,
https://books.google.co.in/books?id=s8cAyx6BQzcC&dq=ritual+slavery+devadasi&source=gbs_navlinks_
s Pg 49
Rao Raghunath V. 2013. The One Man Commission In Respect of Problems Being Faced by Joginis, Basavies,
Mathammas and Devadasis and Their Children, Commissioned by the government of Andhra Pradesh.
Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), 2013. Available at
.http://www.un.org/womenwatch/daw/cedaw/text/econvention.htm#article5
Thomas, C. (2009). Forced and early marriage: A focus on Central and Eastern Europe and former Soviet Union
countries with selected laws from other countries, available at
(http://www.un.org/womenwatch/daw/egm/vaw_legislation_2009/Expert%20Paper%20EGMGPLHP%2
0_Cheryl%20Thomas%20revised_.pdf).

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Sampark ILO devadasi study report august 2015

  • 1. Gender based Violence on Scheduled Caste Girls: A Rapid Assessment of the Devadasi Practice In India Submitted to International Labour Organisation (ILO) New Delhi By Sampark, Bangalore August, 2015 August, 2014
  • 2. 2 Gender based Violence on Scheduled Caste Girls: A Rapid Assessment of the Devadasi Practice in India 1. CONTENTS I. Acknowledgements 7 II. Abbreviations 9 III. Executive Summary 10 PART I – INTRODUCTION AND OBJECTIVES 1. Introduction........................................................................18 1.1. Objectives....................................................................................................................................18 1.2 The Research Methodology........................................................................................................20 1.2.1 Consultative Workshop with Stakeholders.........................................................................20 1.2.2. Profile of 175 Devadasis......................................................................................................21 1.2.3. In Depth Case Studies .........................................................................................................22 1.2.4. Focus Group Discussions.....................................................................................................22 1.2.5 Key informant interviews....................................................................................................22 1.2.5. Sharing and Validation of the Findings of the Results ........................................................23 PART II – BACKGROUND OF DEVADASI PRACTICE 2. The Devadasi System– History.............................................23 2.1. The Colonial Era ..........................................................................................................................25 2.2. Current Context ..........................................................................................................................25 2.3. The Estimated Number of Devadasis.........................................................................................26
  • 3. 3 PART III–LIVELIHOODS OFTHE DEVADASIS 3. The Devadasi Practice..........................................................30 3.1. Caste............................................................................................................................................30 3.2. Age of dedication........................................................................................................................31 3.3. Key people involved in the induction .........................................................................................33 3.4. Reasons for Dedication...............................................................................................................34 3.5. Age at which they had their first partner....................................................................................36 3.6. Sourcing of partners....................................................................................................................37 3.7. Caste and social based discrimination........................................................................................37 3.8. Decision making within the family..............................................................................................41 4. Economic Status..................................................................42 4.1. Education ....................................................................................................................................42 4.2. Family and their children ............................................................................................................43 4.3. Skill Development of Children.....................................................................................................44 4.4. Ownership of Assets ...................................................................................................................46 4.5. Housing .......................................................................................................................................47 4.6. Migration.....................................................................................................................................47 4.7. Type of work ...............................................................................................................................49 4.8. Income earned by devadasis.......................................................................................................50 5. Access to Financial Products ................................................56 5.1. Ability to Save .............................................................................................................................56 5.2. Sources of Credit.........................................................................................................................59 5.3. Insurance coverage.....................................................................................................................60 6. Occupational Health and Safety...........................................61 6.1. Health condition in the last one year..........................................................................................61 6.2. Types of Illness............................................................................................................................62 6.3. Protected Sexual intercourse......................................................................................................62 6.4. Access to Healthcare...................................................................................................................66
  • 4. 4 7. Official Identity and Access to Social Welfare Schemes ........68 7.1. Awareness and Access to State run Schemes.............................................................................69 7.2. Sources of Information ...............................................................................................................75 8. Collectivization and Access to Legal Services........................76 8.1. Access to Collectives...................................................................................................................76 8.2. Source of information about collectives.....................................................................................77 8.3. Perceived benefits from membership ........................................................................................77 8.4. Access to Legal justice.................................................................................................................78 PART IV- CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMENDATIONS 9. Conclusions.........................................................................80 9.1. The Caste based discrimination..................................................................................................80 9.2. Gender and caste discrimination................................................................................................81 9.3. Cultural practice or forced labour?.............................................................................................83 9.4. Child labour and child marriage..................................................................................................84 9.5. Sex work or slavery? ...................................................................................................................84 9.6. Gender norms as basis for practice ............................................................................................87 9.7. Unacceptable form of work ........................................................................................................87 9.7.1. Lack of Fundamental Rights at Work:.................................................................................88 9.7.2. Risks of Lives, Health and Security:.....................................................................................89 9.7.3. Extreme Poverty..................................................................................................................91 10. Recommendations............................................................92 10.1. Information and Monitoring...................................................................................................92 10.2. Providing more assets and resources .....................................................................................93 10.3. Organisation building..............................................................................................................94 10.4. Changing norms and institutions ............................................................................................95
  • 5. 5 List of Tables Table 1 District wise distribution of research respondents........................................................................21 Table 2: Stakeholder interviews..................................................................................................................23 Table 3: Number of Devadasis in the Three Study States...........................................................................26 Table 4: Age of the research respondents..................................................................................................27 Table 5: District wise caste distribution......................................................................................................30 Table 6: Age when Respondents were dedicated as Devadasis.................................................................31 Table 7: People who are involved in converting the women into Devadasi ..............................................33 Table 8: Reasons due to which women turn into Devadasi........................................................................34 Table 9: Age at which they had their first partner......................................................................................36 Table 10: People/groups who identified partners for them.......................................................................37 Table 11:Devadasis who faced discrimination............................................................................................37 Table 12: Total number of women who practice rituals after becoming Devadasi ...................................40 Table 13: Rituals followed by the Devadasis as part of practice ................................................................40 Table 14: Family related decision making...................................................................................................41 Table 15: District wise breakdown of literacy levels...................................................................................42 Table 16: Total number of family members in each woman’s house.........................................................43 Table 17: Total number of children ............................................................................................................43 Table 18: Status of skill training of the children .........................................................................................45 Table 19: Type of skill trainings accessed by the children..........................................................................45 Table 20: Ownership of assets (Frequency)................................................................................................46 Table 21: Type of House..............................................................................................................................47 Table 22: Migration –time period...............................................................................................................47 Table 23: Onward migration.......................................................................................................................48 Table 24: Type of work at source and destination......................................................................................49 Table 25: Income earned in a year..............................................................................................................51 Table 26: Kind of support from partner......................................................................................................52 Table 27: Cash provided by the partner.....................................................................................................52 Table 28: Women who save money............................................................................................................56 Table 29: Sources of saving.........................................................................................................................57 Table 30: Frequency of saving ....................................................................................................................57 Table 31: Purposes of saving......................................................................................................................58 Table 32: Sources of credit..........................................................................................................................59 Table 33: Women who have insurance.......................................................................................................60 Table 34: Different types of insurance........................................................................................................60 Table 35: Women affected by illness in last one year ................................................................................61 Table 36: Type of illness..............................................................................................................................62 Table 37: Awareness of HIV/AIDS and other STD risks of having sex with multiple partners....................62 Table 38: Source for information regarding AIDS risk ................................................................................63 Table 39: Awareness about use of condom to prevent HIV/AIDS and STDs ..............................................64 Table 40: Places for health check-up..........................................................................................................66
  • 6. 6 Table 41: Women facing difficulties in accessing health services ..............................................................66 Table 42: Identity cards district -wise held by the women........................................................................69 Table 43: Overview of schemes for devadasis............................................................................................69 Table 44: Awareness and access to State run schemes..............................................................................71 Table 45: Sources of information for the schemes.....................................................................................75 Table 46: Source of knowledge of the collectives ......................................................................................77 Table 47: Benefits of joining the collectives/groups...................................................................................77 Table 48: Women who are aware of legal protection................................................................................78 Table 49: Source of information regarding acts .........................................................................................78 Lis Figure 1 The Research Methodology ..........................................................................................................20 Figure 2: Details about Migration...............................................................................................................47 Figure 3: Across all districts: identity cards held by women.......................................................................68 Figure 4: Members of any groups/collectives ............................................................................................76 Figure 5: Framework of UFW......................................................................................................................87 Figure 6: Lack of Fundamental Rights.........................................................................................................88 Figure 7: Risks of Lives ................................................................................................................................89 Figure 8: Components of Poverty ..............................................................................................................91
  • 7. 7 Acknowledgments The International Labour Organization (ILO) commissioned Sampark to conduct the study “Gender based Violence on Scheduled Caste Girls: A Rapid Assessment of the Devadasi Practice in India”. The Sampark research team would like to say a special thank you to Mr. Coen Kompier, Senior Specialist International Labour Standards, ILO, for entrusting the research work and for providing valuable inputs on the concept of “Unacceptable Forms of Work”. We would also like to thank Mr. Sameer Taware, who acted as ILO’s lead consultant for the project and helped the research team in identifying the literature on the devadasi practice and also by providing the contact details of development practitioners and other researchers who have worked in this area of study. He also provided on timely inputs on study methodology and consolidation of our findings. In Karnataka, the Sampark team extends its gratitude to Mr. N. Jayaram District Collector, Belagavi, Mr. M. Muni Raju, Deputy Director and Mr. M.K. Kulkarni, Project Officer and other support staff of Department of Women Development Corporation (WDC) Belagavi for providing insights on the devadasi practice and its implications on the lives of the devadasi women their families; and for information about the social protection schemes available for devadasis. We would like to thank Mr. Mr. Ramachandra Rao K, Director Social Protection, Karnataka Health Promotion Trust, and Ms. Nisha Gulur, Advocacy Officer, Sangama- the Karnataka Sex Workers Union, for providing insights on the devadasi practice and its implications on the health issues the devadasi women their families. We would like to thank the following officials from NGOs: Ms. Shitavva Jodatti, Ms. Shobha Gasti and Ms. Iravathi from Mahila Abhivrudhi Mattu Samrakshana Samasthe (MASS), Ms. Gangavva Teli and Ms. Lalitha Hosamani from Shakthi Aids Tadegattuva Mahila Sangha and Mr. B.K. Barlaya, BIRDS, for their support to organise field visits, conduct the research survey and provide their inputs on the devadasi practice, the devadasi women and their families. In Telangana the team would like to thank to Ms. P. Sandhya, Joint Director, Women and Child Development, Hyderabad, Mr. Jai Prakash, Joint Collector, Mehboobnagar, Mr. Obhilesh, Executive Director, Scheduled Caste Corporation, Mehboobnagar and Mr. Jaiprakash, Project Director, Department of Social Welfare, Mehboobnagar for providing insights on official schemes available for the devadasi women and present statistics of devadasi women in the State. The team would like to acknowledge Mr. Raghunatha Rao, author of the ‘One Man Commission Report, 2013 Andhra Pradesh’, for sharing his experiences in the documentation of the one man commission report and for providing his inputs on relevant legislations for the property right of the children of devadasis. The team would like to thank the following officials of NGOs: Ms. Grace Nirmala from Ashraya, Ms. Uma Devi from the Andhra Pradesh Mahila Samatha Society (APMASS), and Ms. Hajamma and Ms. Lakshmi from the Jogni Vyavastha Vethirekha Horata Sanghatana (JVVPS) for their support to organise field visits, conduct the research survey and provide their inputs on the devadasi practice, the devadasi women and their families.
  • 8. 8 In Maharashtra, the Sampark team extends its gratitude to Mr. Desawle, Deputy Commissioner, Women’s Development, Maharashtra State, Pune, Mr. Pramod Nikalje, District Project Officer and other officials from Commissionerate of Women’s & Child Development the officials from the Commission of Women and Child Development, Pune, for providing insights on the official schemes available for the devadasi women and for providing us the statistics about the devadasi women after the implementation of State devadasis (Prohibition of Dedication) Act. The team would like to thank the following officials of the NGOs: Ms. Tejaswi Sevekari from Saheli, HIV/AIDs Karnataka Sangha, Ms. Renuka Jadhav and Ms. Kashi Bai Jadhav from the Kranthi Mahila Sangha, and Mr. Yashwant Fadtare from the Andhrudhi Nirmulan Samiti for their support to organise field visits, conduct the research survey and provide their inputs on the devadasi practice, the devadasi women and their families. Sampark would like to acknowledge the devadasi women from the sample villages who participated in this study and shared their life stories and information about their families. The women were not only generous with their time, but also in sharing their stories. Their contributions have provided the main content for the study. Sampark would like to thank Dr. Kiran Rao, President of Sampark for her valuable suggestions to design the research methodology and tools for the study. The team would like to thank, last but not the least, the Sampark field staff: Ms. Uma Shirol and Ms Shameem Banu; Sampark’s Associates Ms. Nirmala Tammineni and Ms. Mandakini for collection of the case stories of the devadasi women; Ms. K.G Meenakshi and Mr. Kiran for tirelessly entering the data and completing it on time. We would like to thank the members of the survey and support teams to obtain good quality of data in the limited time available. Dr. Smita Premchander Ms. V. Prameela, Research Team Leader, Sampark Research Manager, Sampark Survey Team Ms. P. Eshwaramma Ms. Eshwaramma Ms. R. Jyothi Mr. K. Narayan MS. T. Nirmala Ms. R. Bharathi Ms. Chukkama Support Team Ms. Yellamma Mr. Arjun Ms. Rekha Mr. Jetendra Ms. Mangala Ms. Renuka Ms. Sathish Ms. Parappa Ms. Shasidhar Ms. Lakahmi Mr. Umesh
  • 9. 9 Abbreviations ACI - Area of Critical Interest AP - Andhra Pradesh BIRDS - Belgaum Integrated Rural Development Society FGD - Focus Group Discussion HIV/AIDS - Human Deficiency Virus /Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome IEC - Information Education and Communication IGP - Income Generating Programmes ILO - International Labour Organization INR - Indian Rupee ITUC - International Trade Union Confederation KHPT - Karnataka Health Promotion Trust KIMS - Krishna Institute of Medical Sciences Ltd KSAPS - Karnataka State AIDS prevention Society MASS - Mahila Abhivrudhi Mattu Samrakshana Samsthe MGNREGA - Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme MTP - Medical Termination of Pregnancy NA - Not Applicable NGOs - Non-Governmental Organizations NREGA - National Rural Employment Guarantee Act SC - Schedule Caste SHGs - Self-Help Groups ST - Schedule Tribe STDs - Sexually Transmitted Diseases TV - Television UFW - Unacceptable forms of Work WDC - Women Development Corporation
  • 10. 10 Executive Summary Introduction An important mandate of the International Labour Organisation (ILO) is to focus on some of the most blatant manifestations of social injustice. To fulfill this mandate, the ILO highlights those who are subjected to Unacceptable Forms of Work (UFW). Thus UFW forms an Area of Critical Interest (ACI), within its larger mandate of promoting the Decent Work Agenda. UFWs are occupations that involve the denial of fundamental principles and rights at work, put at risk the lives, health, freedom, human dignity and security of workers, and keep households in conditions of extreme poverty. The Devadasi practice in India involves dedicating young dalit girls to a goddess in temples, and is culturally sanctioned by religion and the caste system. Known in different states of India by different names, the practice is widely prevalent in specific pockets of north Karnataka, Telangana, Andhra Pradesh and Maharashtra. In the Devadasi practice, girls as young as 4 years old are ‘dedicated’ to a local deity. Upon reaching puberty they are then introduced to sexual intercourse. This happens within the context of zero consent and no space for agency on the part of the Devadasi – they are not permitted to refuse participating in intercourse with the interested party. The ILO Committee of Experts have adjudged that, the absence of consent – sexual and otherwise – involved in this practice, its links to sexual trafficking that make use of the girls and women for commercial exploitation, qualifies the Devadasi practice to be deemed as ‘forced labour’ under the Forced Labour Convention No. 29, There have been several anthropological and sociological research studies on devadasis, most of which have focused on the reasons for making young girls devadasis and the details of the practice (Kersenboom, 1987, Chawla, 2002; Sampark, 2002, Orchard, 2007; Nikolova, 2009). After the legal abolition of the practice, there is a knowledge gap in understanding the current status of devadasis with respect to their working and living conditions. To fill this gap, Sampark Sampark In collaboration with the International Labour Organisation (ILO) Delhi, conducted a research study on “Gender based Violence on Schedule Caste Girls: A Rapid Assessment of the Devadasi Practice in North Karnataka, Telangana and Maharashtra”. Objectives The research objectives were, to: 1. Estimate the existing number of devadasis, which important, because it is totally unclear how many girls are currently being dedicated. 2. Understand the devadasi practise in India, by focussing on the conditions of work in this system. 3. Examine what exactly “Unacceptability” is, in the context of devadasis and devise different ways in which the ILO and other relevant stakeholders can respond to stop the practice.
  • 11. 11 4. Understand the livelihoods of the devadasis with particular emphasis on the social, legal and economic aspects. Methodology The study was conducted in Belagavi district, Karnataka, Mehboonagar district, Telangana and Sholapur district, Maharashtra. The study used a mixed-method design: both quantitative and qualitative methods. As part of the quantitative methodology, 175 profiles were collected using the location and age as criteria for purposive sampling. The quantitative survey among devadasis was used to profile the devadasis, in relation to their age, education, family details, age at which they were dedicated as devadasis, people involved in the dedication, relationship with partners, partners contribution to devadasis family, income sources, average monthly income, migration patterns, housing patterns, sanitation facilities, occupational health issues and their awareness about them, access to financial services (savings, credit and insurance) and government schemes, awareness about relevant Acts, membership in collectives and its benefits, aspirations for themselves and their children were collected to understand the social and economic well-being of the research participants. The qualitative group comprised of 30 individuals selected from the 175 respondents based on their age, willingness and consent. Five Focused Group Discussions (FGDs) were undertaken with 60 devadasi women in Mehboobnagar and Belagavi. In these FGDs, only those aspects which are non-stigmatizing and neutral were discussed; 72 personal interviews with key stakeholders such as NGO personnel, unions, officials working in the departments of women and child welfare, social welfare, scheduled caste welfare, and municipal corporations; as well as legal experts, were conducted in all three districts and state level offices. A total of 235 (175+60) devadasi women were contacted during the survey, in-depth interviews and FGDs. Two stakeholders’ workshops were conducted to plan the research tools and research areas and also to share and validate the results of the study. Background of Devadasi Practice The practice of consigning girls to a temple as devadasis is several centuries old. In those ancient times, some women, particularly from the socially and economically backward sections (currently classified as scheduled castes/ scheduled tribes) were selected and dedicated to the service of the Gods; as the wives of the Gods. They were called ’devadasis’, literally meaning the servants of God. According to folklore, these women spent their entire lives in and around the temples, serving the Gods, entertaining the royal families, Brahmins and priests with their music and dance and actively participated in various religious ceremonies. Over time however, the cultural positioning of temples changed, and the status of the devadasis declined. The link with temple rites and performing arts dissolved over time, and the devadasis were in the mercy of the rich and powerful, who were usually their patrons.
  • 12. 12 The current study traces the existence of the devadasi system and its practices across South India, and has specifically identified its spread in the Indian states of Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh, Telangana and Maharashtra. Estimated Number of Devadasis In Karnataka, two official surveys undertaken: The first one conducted in 1993-94 identified 22,873 devadasis; and the latest one in 2007-08, identified 23,783 devadasis. In Andhra-Pradesh, a survey conducted in 1987-88 identified 24,273 devadasis; in Maharashtra, the 2010 survey showed that there were 3907 devadasis. These figures are most likely to be a gross underestimation because according to the One-man Commission 2013, the official estimate is close to 450,000 devadasis spread over many states of India. Without proper identification of the scale of the issue, further steps towards eradication will be problematic and implementation will be poor. The State Devadasis (Prohibition of Dedication) Acts, have been in existence since 32 years in Karnataka1 . About 52% women have been dedicated after the practice was banned. The fact that 8% of the women are under 27 years of age shows that even upto 10 to 15 years ago, dedications took place in Karnataka. The State Devadasis (Prohibition of Dedication) Acts, have been in existence since 27 years in Telangana (Andhra Pradesh). In Telangana, very high percentage (63%) of dedications after the ban. Further, in Maharashtra State Devadasis (Prohibition of Dedication) Act came into existence since 80 years, hence all the respondents of the sample survey are dedicated after enforcement of the Act. The study shows that the respondents across all the districts have been dedicated as devadasi, subsequent to the prohibition of the devadasi system, thereby questioning the effectiveness of these Acts. Livelihoods of Devadasis This study conducted in the three states suggests that a typical devadasi would be an illiterate woman aged between 20 to 43 years from the dalit caste, living in a Kutcha house with two or more children. Though there are several reasons associated with the practice of dedicating women as devadasis, the persons involved in the process and thereby ensuring that this heinous practice is kept alive are usually closely related to the victim or are respected citizens of the community. Around 80% of the respondents were dedicated into the devadasi system by close family members (father, mother or grandmother). In the Sholapur district, temple priests (locally called as Gurus) were also involved in the induction. Surprisingly 3% respondents from Belagavi and Mehboobnagar said local leaders were responsible for dedicating them to the Devadasi system, which clearly shows that political, non dalits vested interests also play an important role in dedicating girls from families of lower castes in order to continue the sexual exploitation. 1 Prohibition of Act came into existence in 1982 in Karnataka and in 1988 in Andhra Pradesh (Telangana and Andhra ) and in 1935 in Maharashtra
  • 13. 13 The major institutional reasons for such dedications are economic dependence, financial vulnerability, social influence, beliefs, perceptions, customs and traditions. Other specific reasons are lack of parents’ capacity to arrange the marriage of their daughters, few/no male children to support the household, daughter’s responsibility to look after parents and properties (in case of single child), to fix girl’s stay at home in the absence of sons, to continue serving deities, social stigma. Hence, there has been forced as well as self -enforced dedication into the system amongst women from lower caste/class backgrounds. On the other hand, social stigmatization and better recognition and respect have however forced sex workers in the urban cities to consciously convert and identify themselves as devadasis by their own will. Most of the devadasis (70%) are contacted by their partners between the ages of 12 -17 years. In Sholapur almost 29% of the women have been dedicated only after attaining 20 years of age. This clearly shows that most of them are involved in sex work first and were then converted as devadasis in- order to protect from the social stigma attached to sex work. The devadasi women are entrapped into the devadasi system due to widely prevalent discrimination of such socially and economically vulnerable groups. Social exclusion, stigma and attitude of the community have further prevented the devadasis from engaging in any other alternate profession. The devadasis have a firm religious belief that they must not get married to any man as they are already married to God. Due to this belief, they are not able to get the status of a wife in the society and their children are discriminated in the community. The legitimacy and upbringing of their children is a major problem for the devadasis; 95% were not able to register their patrons as the father of their children in the admission records of schools. This indicates that the children of devadasis are denied legitimacy and have to be content with getting only their mother’s, grandfather’s or grandmother’s name entered in the school register. The magnitude of the problems faced by devadasi women is witnessed in cases where the children of devadasis do not get passports as they are not able to produce their father’s name. (Raghunath Rao, 2013). The social exclusion and stigmatization can also be linked to their economic conditions. Some devadasis migrate to cities for economic gain, because unskilled manual work is more rewarding urban areas. They tend to either work in the construction industry (48%) and/or become sex workers (28%) in these cities/towns. Among them, 57% of the devadasis earn between Rs. 10,000/- to 20,000/- per annum; 22% of the devadasis earn between Rs. 20,000/- to Rs. 50,000/-; and 75% of the devadasis in the sample earn less than Rs. 40, 000/- per annum. It can be concluded that migration to urban cities has been a sign of hope and betterment for the devadasis and an escape route from the evils of devadasi system. Although they do face similar problems, such as when their identity as a member of the devadasi community is revealed, the employers start exploiting them sexually, yet, the movement to urban cities for alternate jobs have proven to be economically beneficial for the women. When the wages are meagre and insufficient to sustain themselves and feed their family members, the devadasis take financial aid from various sources.
  • 14. 14 The financial status of the devadasis is a reflection of the nature of the relationship they have with their partners. The devadasis depend heavily on these partners for financial support in forms of cash (30%) and kind (26%) and also for health care (18%) and child care (13%) expenses. However, only 5% of the women depend on their partners for emotional support. Most partners provide cash to devadasis every week, ranging between Rs. 250 -501. Though there is an informal agreement that the partners must financially support devadasis, such support is mostly meagre and insufficient to support their households. Due to this, the entire burden of taking care of their families and meeting the expenses is with devadasis. Thus, they are forced them to enter sex work, which is the only livelihood option available given their illiteracy and limited skills. Another major issue that plagues the members of the devadasi communities is poor access to healthcare, which is again due to their financial incapacity. The devadasi women are weak not only due to common illness but are also vulnerable to sexual and physical abuse considering their nature of work. Girls dedicated as devadasis at the tender ages of 6-12 years are sexually exploited not only by their patrons but also by the upper and their own caste men of the village. The devadasis suffer from trauma and psychological disorders, and some even suffer from sexually transmitted diseases. Hence, there is a dire need for proper medical care wherein the State must take remedial measures and provide free health care as a universal social welfare programme. Sex trade and/or engaging multiple partners combined with alcoholism have created a less conducive environment for Devadasi children. They are called names and ridiculed in society. Their children face a high risk of entering into devadasi/sex work though their mothers do not want their children enter into devadasi or sex work as they grow in that environment. While analysing access to social welfare schemes run by the State, the devadasis’ level of awareness must be taken into consideration. This study has shown that the respondents were mostly aware of the pension scheme, the housing loan scheme, land scheme, loan or subsidy for LGP and marriage benefits. Devadasis of Sholapur suffer from low levels of awareness resulting in little or no access to state run schemes. The non-operation of NGOs in this district can be identified as one of the causes for low awareness levels. One main learning from this study is that awareness about a scheme does not automatically lead to or ensure access to the benefits of the scheme. For instance, although 63% ( devadasis who were part of the study sample) were aware of the land scheme in Belagavi, only 2% has accessed the benefit. In Sholapur, where the level of awareness and access is lowest, only about 5% of the devadasis have been able to avail the pension and loan facilities. This clearly depicts the widespread lack of awareness about the schemes and the difficulties involved in accessing the same. The main reasons for not access the schemes include: lack of relevant certificates (marriage certificate), lack of sufficient funds with the government, lack of a separate wing to deal with the devadasis’ issue within the department, for example: devadasi rehabilitation cell in women’s development corporation, Karnataka.
  • 15. 15 As a means of improving their livelihoods and preventing inter – generational dedication, the children of the devadasis are given vocational training and skills. There are special skill development schemes existing for the children of devadasis such as tailoring (40%) and driving (36%) training. High-end skills such as teacher training and Information Technology (IT) skills are also being provided in Sholapur district. With increasing awareness and training, the women have begun to save portions of their earnings. The main sources of savings are Self Help Groups (SHGs), banks, post offices or cash saved up at the house. Although SHGs and banks act the primary source of credit, the majority of the respondents rely on informal sources of credit such as relatives or friends especially in Sholapur. The interest rates for loans in banks, SHGs and chit funds were in the ranges 12%, 18% to 24% and 36% respectively. NGOs and peers played an important role in creating awareness about the benefits of collectives such as SHGs, federations and unions. A singular classification is not sufficient, as this particular practice lies at the intersection of all these categories. For this reason, the study analysed devdadasi practice with respect to gender and caste based discriminations, child labour and child marriage, is it cultural practice or forced labour, is it sex work or slavery and Unacceptable Forms of Work. Most devadasis are dalit women and are sexually exploited by priest (local gurus) and highest castes men. The devadasi practice can be termed as a particularly severe, gendered and caste-based form of forced labour, targeted at girl children, that endangers their safety and puts them at high risk of vulnerability to experiencing routine sexual exploitation. The girls are dedicated at early age and are raped as soon as they attain puberty, due to this they are denied their fundamental right to education and spend crucial years in conditions of slavery. Adult devadasis lose freedom of getting married and cannot legitimately name their partner as husband or father of children. The devadasis were expected to have sexual partnerships with men who could support them and their families, camouflaged as a long term socially sanctioned partnership akin to a marriage. With limited education, skills and livelihood opportunities some devadasis also got pushed into commercial sex work in semi-urban and urban areas with limited. Unacceptable Forms of Work comprise conditions that deny fundamental principles and rights at work, put at risk the lives, health, freedom, human dignity and security of workers or keep households in conditions of poverty. The multiple and interrelated policy areas that address UFW include measures relating to the promotion of freedom of association and the right to effective collective bargaining; the abolition of child labour and forced labour; the promotion of non-discrimination and equality; actions to address occupational safety and health conditions and working-time arrangements that put workers’ health and safety at risk; and well-structured minimum wages and effective wage protection measures to protect workers and their families from extreme income insecurity. This study has established that the devadasi dedication system is an unacceptable form of work, based on the broad framework of UFW. Discrimination at various social places, lacking political recognition, being dedicated at young and
  • 16. 16 tender age, being forced into the system without consent and absence of scope for organization, are all signs of lack of fundamental rights at work. The risk to life, health and safety is evident from the extreme hardships that the devadasis have to face such as human trafficking, physical and mental abuse, denial of marriage rights and property, harassment of self and the children. All these factors eventually result in extremely poor living conditions, forcing the women into a vicious cycle of poverty and lack of livelihood opportunities. Absence of strong legal provisions, poor and weak implementation of social protection and low literacy levels has ensured their perpetual ties to the system of bonded labour. Recommendations The first recommendation relates to the correct estimation of the number of devadasis, as this is critical to designing schemes for their rehabilitation as well as for strategizing prevention. The second is to provide more assets and resources to this excluded group of devadasis by designing effective rehabilitation programmes. For this, the government must provide compulsory free education and free skill development for the children of the devadasis in order to create alternate livelihoods, thereby safeguarding the next generations of the devadasis from being caught up in this age old evil system. Besides these, the government must also ensure that the girl children of devadasis get priority when it comes to education, admission, hostels, scholarships and government jobs. The State must provide fertile land with irrigation facility, handholding service and capital for Income Generation Activities (IGA) so that the devadasis can break out of low-skill and low wages model of employment such as sex work, domestic work or construction work. Along with economic development, the government must provide other social protection schemes such as financial assistance for marriage; financial services (savings, credit and insurances) and old age as well as widow pension for the devadasis. Given the major health risks of their occupation, it is important to extend health and life insurance coverage through existing schemes such as the Rasthriya Swasth Bima Yojana2 , Pradhan Mantri Suraksha Bima Yojana (PMSBY3 ) and the Pradhan Mantri Jeevan Jyoti Bima Yojana4 . The third recommendation is that the devadasi women must be organised into collectives such as Self Help Groups (SHGs), federations, and unions, cooperatives for better representation through which they can claim their rights, resources, and mutual support for their needs and concerns. The fourth recommendation is to change norms and create institutions with a comprehensive policy to eradicate the devadasi system. These policies should have: i) A law which provides property rights to long term partners, such as devadasis, which will stop the exploitative partnerships that the landed and rich villagers have with the devadasis, The provisions of “Live-in relationships” may be used to get the 2 Cashless Health insurance of Rs.30,000/- per annum per household of 5 members for BPL families and other vulnerable sections such as Domestic workers. 3 Accident insurance plan with a Rs 12 per annum, risk Coverage of Rs. 2 Lakh. 4 Life insurance plan with premium of Rs. 330 per annum, risk Coverage of Rs. 2 Lakh on death of the Insured member for any reason is payable to the Nominee.
  • 17. 17 devadasis and their children their due maintenance and property rights from the partners. ii). Create ccritical awareness among the male members of the devadasi and Dalit communities and prepare them as barefoot lawyers or social advocates to end this practice and protect their women at the family and community levels. iii). Utilise children at schools as change agents in sensitizing parents against the devadasi practice and ensure discrimination-free education at schools and respectful socialisation in the families. iv). Prevention strategies include: Conscientisation and raising awareness of the ill effects of the devadasi system among the parents, priests, implementing government officers, NGO staff and police, who need to know the laws and the procedures by which they can prevent the practice; Creating awareness, not only about the devadasi laws but also other legislations such as the relevant sections under the Criminal Penal Code and the Indian Penal Code (IPC), the child marriage prohibition Act, atrotcies against SC and ST (Prevention of Atrocity) Act, 1989 and other relevant Acts. For effective enforcement the laws must have teeth, and for this, the rules for acts need to be framed and adopted, responsibilities and timeframe for this also need to be fixed. In conclusion, the devadasis epitomise a highly exploited group of women, who are ill-treated and abused on grounds of caste, gender and poverty. Despite laws to the contrary the practice has continued to exist, and even though new entrants to the traditional system have reduced significantly, the market for commercial sex has led to the mutation of the practice whereby many sex workers adopt the label of devadasis. The traditional practice too has given little economic security to devadasi women, leading many to move into sex work. These trends can only be reversed by effective prevention of dedications, combined with significant livelihoods support to bring devadasi households out of poverty and vulnerabilities. The eradication of the practice will require a concentrated effort by government and civil society organisations, and this entails close monitoring till this social evil is fully eradicated from India.
  • 18. 18 PART I – INTRODUCTION AND OBJECTIVES 1. Introduction An important mandate of the International Labour Organisation (ILO) is to focus on some of the most blatant manifestations of social injustice. To fulfill this mandate, the ILO highlights those who are subjected to Unacceptable Forms of Work (UFW). Thus UFW forms an Area of Critical Interest (ACI), within its larger mandate of promoting the Decent Work Agenda. UFWs are occupations that involve the denial of fundamental principles and rights at work, put at risk the lives, health, freedom, human dignity and security of workers, and keep households in conditions of extreme poverty. The Devadasi practice in India involves dedicating young dalit girls to a goddess in temples, and is culturally sanctioned by religion and the caste system. Known in different states of India by different names, the practice is widely prevalent in specific pockets of north Karnataka, Telangana, Andhra Pradesh and Maharashtra.In the Devadasi practice, girls as young as 4 years old are ‘dedicated’ to a local deity. Upon reaching puberty they are then introduced to sexual intercourse. This happens within the context of zero consent and no space for agency on the part of the Devadasi – they are not permitted to refuse participating in intercourse with the interested party. The ILO Committee of Experts have adjudged that, the absence of consent – sexual and otherwise – involved in this practise, its links to sexual trafficking that make use of the girls and women for commercial exploitation, qualifies the Devadasi practise to be deemed as ‘forced labour’ under the Forced Labour Convention No. 29. Further, the Committee has also taken cognizance of the illegality of the devadasi practice as per Indian laws that state the persons responsible for ‘dedication’ of girls to temples as liable to be punished by way of penalties in the form of fine, imprisonment or both. Although officially prohibited since independence, a large number of girls are still dedicated to deities as devadasis. This is testified by official figures for key districts in Andhra Pradesh (17,000), Karnataka (23,000). Despite initiations of ‘dedications’ being on the decline, these figures are telling as to the large amount of damage perpetrated by this practice. The literature regarding the practice has focussed on caste and cultural factors, rather than on the work related aspects, or understanding the working and living conditions of devadasis, which is the knowledge gap that this study seeks to fill. 1.1. Objectives The ILO recognizes that UFW is more likely to manifest in informal work spaces. This is further exaggerated in the realm of sex work, where the sector is criminalized, unregulated and could be illegal as well. Where sex work is criminalized, women sex workers are more vulnerable and susceptible to harm. Given the vulnerability of women in these sectors, ILO has initiated rapid assessments in selected
  • 19. 19 countries with the objective of identifying and tracking UFWs. The objectives are to understand the nature of the UFW, so as to develop a better understanding of the nature of UFWs in various country contexts. The exploration of different forms of UFW will also yield an understanding of why such work exists, what measures are taken and could be taken to address and eliminate it. The need for studying the devadasi practice as an UFW arises because of the knowledge gap that exists about the practice. The existing studies are not comprehensive in nature. There are no clear statistics as to the actual number of girls who are currently ‘dedicated’. Beyond an awareness of the devadasis being predominantly Dalit girls, there is not much information as to their socio-economic background. Similarly there is no information on the number of girls who join or are forced to join brothels once they are no longer in a position to continue living as a devadasi. Pertinent details of trafficking patterns and routes, varied forms and degrees of coercion on the girls and deception practices followed are all unknown. Other unknown factors include various work related elements of the practice, such as compensations, and working conditions. Little is known about the economic, educational and social status of the girls dedicated as devadasis. Their livelihoods are not documented: their incomes, sources of earning, etc. The practice is illegal, and the efficacy of laws prohibiting the practice has not been studied. The vulnerability of devadasis to sexually transmitted diseases and infections, their health, and life expectancy are a few relevant details that are currently unavailable. The government benefits available, and the devadasi women’s access to rehabilitation support are additional information gaps. The study aims to address these knowledge gaps. The primary research objectives of the study are to: a. Estimate the existing number of Devadasis: This is important, because it is totally unclear how many girls are currently being dedicated. Without data on number of devadasis, it is difficult to design and provide social protection schemes. b. Understand Devadasi practice with main focus on the conditions of work in this system. Most of the previous research studies have focused on socio-cultural aspects of the Devadasi practice, and not on their work and working conditions. In addition, there is hardly any data available on the main livelihoods of the Devadasi women, particularly after enforcement of the Devadasi Prohibition Act.
  • 20. 20 Consultative workshop with stakeholders including devadasis Quantitative: Profiles of 175 Devadasis Qualitative – In-depth interviews with devadasi women – FGDs with devadasi women – Key informant interviews with officials from government department and NGOs, Unions/Collectives. Validation of research findings – Presentation of findings at UNWOMEN workshop on Unpaid work of women – Presentation of findings at a workshop on India Exclusion Report, 2015 – One day workshop with devadasis and other stakeholders for validation of findings Figure 1 The Research Methodology c. Examine what exactly “Unacceptability” is in the context of Devadasis: This shall follow a two-part approach to examine whether the Devadasi practice comes under UFW. If yes, then to examine the main causes of Unacceptable Forms of Work (UFW) and devise different ways in which the ILO and other relevant stakeholders can respond to this, so as to design interventions to stop the practice.Understand livelihoods of the Devadasis with a focus on social, legal and economic aspects: Understanding economic conditions of the livelihoods of Devadasi women helps to determine if poverty is the main reason or other factors also play a role in the continuance of the practice. Understanding the legal aspects shall also help to bring about suitable policy related changes which can create an environment for the practice to stop. 1.2The Research Methodology A study of multiple dimensions of a complex issue such as the devadasi practice required a multi-pronged approach involving a review of secondary literature, wide-ranging consultations, profiling a large number of devadasis, and a few in-depth case studies. The study was conducted in three States of India: Karnataka, Telangana and Maharashtra, where there is a concentration of devadasis and such practices. The study used a mixed-method design and includes both quantitative and qualitative methods. The steps in the methodology are given below: 1.2.1 Consultative Workshop with Stakeholders Sampark conducted a one day introduction and planning workshop with stakeholders. The workshop was attended by 60 participants from Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh, Telangana and Maharashtra. The participants represented devadasis and sex workers and their organisations, NGOs, government departments, research institutions and individual researchers working for the devadasis and sex workers. The objectives of the study were presented to the participants, who identified the three districts with a large presence of devadasis, and suggested the three districts to focus on, in the current study. These districts include Belagavi district in Karnataka, Mehboobnagar in Telangana and Sholapur in
  • 21. 21 Maharashtra. In each District Taluk/blocks were selected where there is a high concentration of devadasis. As per the ILO framework for Decent Work based on dignity of labour and social justice, the four pillars- fundamental principles and rights at work, decent employment and income, social protection for all and social dialogue, have been used to frame the research questions and sub questions so that the data analysis may use this framework. The research questions are given in Annexure 1. 1.2.2. Profile of 175 Devadasis. Quantitative data was collected from 175 devadasis in the three districts, using a structured questionnaire. These profiles were collected using location and age as criteria for purposive sampling. The quantitative survey among devadasis was used to profile the devadasis, in relation to their age, education, family details, age at which they were dedicated as devadasis, people involved in the dedication, relationship with partners, partners contribution to devadasis family, income sources, average monthly income, migration patterns, housing patterns, sanitation facilities, occupational health issues and their awareness about them, access to financial services (savings, credit and insurance) and government schemes, awareness about relevant Acts, membership in collectives and its benefits, aspirations for themselves and their children were collected to understand the social and economic well-being of the research participants. The names of the taluks and number of profiles collected from each district are given in Table 1. Table 1 District wise distribution of research respondents District Belagavi Mehboobnagar Sholapur Total Gokak, Rayabaga and Athini Utkur, Naryanpet, Makthal and Dhanwada Sholapur, Pandrapur, Barshi 10 Taluks No. of Devadasi women surveyed 60 60 55 175 No of In-depth case studies (from those surveyed) 12 11 7 30 No of devadasi women covered through FGDs 28 32 0 60 Total devadasi women covered 88 92 55 235 The profile survey covered 175 devadasi women, of which 60 were from each of Belagavi and Mehboobnagar district. It was difficult to find devadasis in the State of Maharashtra due to the paucity of NGOs working with Devadasis, limiting the coverage to 55 devadasis from Sholapur.
  • 22. 22 1.2.3. In Depth Case Studies Qualitative methods are more useful and provide deeper insights than quantitative methods in such cases. Moreover, perceptions about and experiences of UFWs cannot be expressed in numbers and require qualitative methods. A smaller sub-set of the devadasi women profiled were then identified for an in-depth individual interview, which covered aspects of women’s families, dedication, work, wages, family lives and livelihoods. Data was collected through personal interviews using semi structured interview schedules. Of the 175 covered in the survey, 30 were selected for in-depth interviews. The criteria used for selecting 30 devadasi women for indepth interviews includes age and their willingness to spend 2-3 hours, share their life stories and consent. Eight adolescent/young adult children of Devadasis were interviewed. One-on-one interviews were conducted to gather the narratives of the Devadasi women regarding their work, lives and livelihoods. Since the topics are sensitive, trust and intimacy needed to be built between the respondents and researcher. Full confidentiality was promised to the women, and, in keeping with ILO’s principles, care was taken to ensure that women were not forced to share any information, and were not emotionally disturbed by the discussions. 1.2.4. Focus Group Discussions Profiles and individual interviews were supplemented by conducting Focus Group Discussions (FGD) with devadasis, which helped to triangulate the findings and insights gained from the profiles and individual interviews. The Focus group discussions (FGDs) were conducted with devadasis s) to elicit beliefs, perceptions, feelings about social norms and stereotypes. Participants discussed issues and situations that are not about them personally, so opinions and beliefs could be expressed in a more spontaneous manner. Participants could ask questions of each other, respond, comment and clarify views. The FGDs were conducted to achieve active participation to understand the major common and different points of view. Five Focused Group Discussions (FGDs) were undertaken with 60 Devadasi women in Mehboobnagar and Belagavi (refer Table 1). Details of which are given in Annexure 1. The study team was not able to conduct FGDs in Sholapur due to the difficulties mentioned earlier. In these FGDs aspects which are non- stigmatizing and neutral were discussed. A total of 235 (175+60) devadasi women were contacted during the survey, in-depth interviews and FGDs. 1.2.5 Key informant interviews Interviews were conducted with other stakeholders and key informants (government departments, trade unions and civil society partners) for detailed investigation of facts, experiences and opinions of respondents. The details about number of stakeholder interviews are given in Table 2.
  • 23. 23 Table 2: Stakeholder interviews States Karnataka Telangana Maharashtra Total Judicial Commissioned by government 1 1 Government Dept. (Women Development Corporation (WDC), SC/ST Corporation) 7 12 4 23 NGOs 14 13 6 33 Unions/Collectives 5 10 15 Total 26 36 10 72 A total of 72 personal interviews were conducted with key stakeholders such as NGO personnel, unions, officials within the women and child welfare, social welfare, scheduled caste welfare departments, municipal corporations, legal experts in all three districts (Belagavi, Mehboobnagar and Sholapur) and State level offices. 1.2.5. Sharing and Validation of the Findings of the Results The preliminary findings of the study were shared in two national level workshops. The UNWOMEN conducted a study on unpaid work by women; the findings of the devadasi study were presented, as devadasi work forms unpaid work, accompanied by gender based violence of a most severe nature. The case study will feature in a UNWOMEN publication. Another presentation was made at workshops of the Centre for Equity Studies (CES), where in the conceptual framework and implications of the findings were discussed in detail. The key findings of the paper as regards extreme exclusion and exploitation of devadasi women will be included as a paper in the flagship annual publication of CES, the India Exclusion Report, 2015. A day long workshop was held with stakeholders to. The workshop was attended by 36 participants from Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh, Telangana and Maharashtra. The participants represented various categories such as the ILO, NGOs, Government departments, Research Institutions and individual researchers, legal experts working for the devadasis and sex workers. The main objective of the workshop was to share and discuss the draft findings of the study with the participants to take their suggestions and feedback. Based on the suggestions and feedback of the participants the research findings were finalised. The study has been participatory, involving a large range of stakeholders in the design, and in finalising the findings. The details of which are given in Annexure 2. PART II – BACKGROUND OF DEVADASI PRACTICE 2. The Devadasi System– History The term devadasi is of Sanskrit origin. The practice of consigning girls to a temple to create devadasis is several centuries old; the tale traditionally told is that some women, particularly from the socially and
  • 24. 24 economically backward (Scheduled Castes/ Scheduled Tribes) sections were selected as the wives of God and named as Devadasis, literally meaning the servants of God. The women dedicated to temples and men’s entertainment were called Devadasis in Karnataka, Joginis or Mathammas in Andhra Pradesh, Mathangi/Murali in Maharashtra, Devaradiar or Dasis in Tamil Nadu and Kudikkars in the Travancore region (Kerala). The majority of devadasis are dedicated to Goddess Yellamma whose other names are Renuka, Jogamma and Holiyamma (Torri, 2009). The Yellamma cult is popular in Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh and Maharashtra. A famous Yellamma temple was built in 1514 in Saundati hills of North Karnataka which illustrates the significance of the cult and by extension, Devadasis, at this time(Orchard, 2007). The temple continues to be the major site of dedication even today, with devadasis being dedicated there every year5 . The devotees of Yellamma who dedicate young girls as devadasis to the goddess are mostly Dalits and Bahujans, from the Madiga and Valmiki castes (being economically disadvantaged), and sometimes other Dalits as well. Once married to the god, devadasis are not allowed to marry any mortal man in their whole life (Shankar, 1994). Historically, the devadasi practice has been a prominent part of Hindu culture and is said to have been prevalent from the Vedic era. Early accounts date back to AD 985 during the reign of the King Raja Chola – the practice was at its height during the Pallava, Chola and Pandya dynasties from the 7th to the 13th century in South India, especially in Tamil Nadu. According to folklore these women spent their entire lives in and around the temple, serving the Gods, entertaining the royal families, Brahmins and priests with their music and dance and actively participating in various religious ceremonies. As a talented community, the devadasis helped in developing the current systems of music and tradition in various parts of India; dance forms like Bharatnatyam from Tamil Nadu, Kuchipudi from Andhra Pradesh, and Odissi from Odisha all trace their lineage to this community (Torri, 2009). The culture from which devadasis emerged was at one point situated in the context of the liberal traditions of ancient Hindu society. The devadasi was able to hone her skills and talents rather than bind herself to wedlock and the confinements of the four walls of her house. She could exhibit her talents, develop contemporary dancing styles, command respect as an individual and interact with the elite and the non dalit. At the same time she was allowed to lead a close to traditional life with respect to her sexual activities and the bearing of children as most of the relations she had were steady and long term in nature (Shankar, 1994). In the pre-colonial era such “dedicated women” or devadasis started entertaining Kings and other important persons in the court and were richly rewarded with gold and land. The temple economy and the dependent Devadasi system were well supported by the patrons and the kings of the land. Consequently, in that period, Devadasis were economically well off. Said to be educated in as many as 64 arts and having a wide exposure to education and knowledge. They were empowered, independent, 5 The numbers cannot be estimated, however, as dedications are illegal, and most of the dedications are done secretly. Devadasis report that the villagers find out about devadasis sometimes one or two years after the dedications.
  • 25. 25 had good social standing and allowed to mix freely with men. After the ‘dedication’, it was socially accepted that they would have a male partner and bear children. They followed the matriarchal pattern of lineage. They often played a very important role in the partner’s family, almost as important as a wife. However, in public, a Devadasi woman could never acknowledge her partner as husband or father of her children. The clandestine nature of these ‘dedications’ did not let the devadasi women earn money through traditional methods such as dancing in festivals and at ceremonies like marriages, although in some cases peoples’ belief in their auspiciousness caused them to be invited to be present at wedding ceremonies (Reddy, 2012). 2.1. The Colonial Era Despite the inconsistencies in the devadasis’ situation described above, their status was considerably better than what it became during British Colonial rule. The temples and kings lost their wealth and the temple economy suffered, the Devadasis also lost much of their earlier social and economic status as a result. They were reduced to the state of “nautch girls”or dancing girls and were forced to perform on the streets to earn their livelihood, they began to face poverty (Harp, 1997). In the 20th century, girls from scheduled castes and scheduled tribes were dedicated and exploited by men from their own and non scheduled castes. In order to address the vulnerability of Devadasi women, social activists put pressure on the Government to ban the Devadasi practice (Shankar, 1994, Prasannakumar, and Srinivasa, 2012). It was in the 19th Century, with the advance of British imperialism in India, native traditions, customs and practices like sati, child marriage and devadasis were questioned for the first time. During the British period, temples lost their royal patronage, wealth diminished and Devadasis turned to prostitution for their livelihood. By the late 1800’s, reformists had begun to criticize the devadasi practice and they insisted on legally banning the practice (Harp, 1997). 2.2. Current Context The first legal banning of the practice was through the enactment of the Bombay Devadasi Protection Act, 1934.The chronological enactments of laws passed to ban the devadasi practice include: The Madras Devadasis (Prevention of Dedication) Act (also called the Tamil Nadu Devadasis (Prevention of Dedication) Act or the Madras Devadasi Act) in1947 just after India became independent from British rule. The Andhra Pradesh Devadasi (Prevention of Dedication) Act, first promulgated in 1947 was amended in 1988. The Karnataka State (Prevention of Dedication) Act was enacted in 1982, and amended in 2010. However, instead of protecting the Devadasis these legislations criminalized their actions. Due to the internalization of cultural beliefs in the community, girls were dedicated in secrecy, despite the prevailing laws banning the practice.. In some cases the girls were also subjected to sexual trafficking for commercial exploitation.
  • 26. 26 The relatively high status accorded to devadasis in the past is no longer relevant in the present day context of her criminalization by way of the legislations, leading to exploitation being rife. Reports have conclusively shown that it is the dalit caste girls (mostly from the dalit castes) who are being exploited and abused as devadasis. Dedicated’ girls are expected, upon reaching puberty, to serve the goddess by way of having sexual relations with men in return for money in their community. The girls are also extremely vulnerable to being sold or trafficked into urban brothels the illegality of the custom has not put a stop on its continuance. The caste oppression is perpetuated by invoking the religious element of “glorification” of women. The caste indoctrination is achieved by using women as the gateway of the caste system. In contrast to dalit women, women from dominating castes are kept out of public view by ‘purdah’, meaning they stay at home to the maximum extent or appear veiled in public. These patriarchal tactics also prevent a degree of solidarity between women from different castes. In this context the first question that arises about devadasis is the number and geographical spread of the devadasis. 2.3. The Estimated Number of Devadasis The devadasi system is prevalent mainly across South India and spread across the States of Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh, Telangana and Maharashtra. The actual number of devadasis is however a matter of much debate and controversy. The most ironical fact about the most vulnerable groups is that official agencies don’t even acknowledge that they exist. Many officials, especially in the State of Maharashtra, claimed that as the practice is outlawed, devadasis do not exist, almost by definition. Civil Society Organisations (CSOs) contest the numbers from the government surveys in the States of Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh (including Telangana) and Maharashtra. CSOs claim that even though dedications are on a decline, there are thousands of devadasis spread over the three research States of Tamil Nadu, Karnataka and Andhra Pradesh. Some estimates of the number of Devadasis are available to us from various sources, for the three States in India where the practice is highly prevalent. The number of devadasi dedications and the total number of devadasi girls is difficult to obtain: most of the traditional devadasi work is now home-based in rural villages, the girl continues to serve where she resides;. Furthermore, the legal implications of admitting the status and the stigma of discrimination when disclosing this to outsiders make it difficult to obtain accurate data. In Karnataka there were two official surveys undertaken; one in 1993-94 identified 22,873 devadasis and the latest in 2007-08, identified 23,783 devadasis. In Andhra-Pradesh, there has been a survey from 1987-88 with 24,273 devadasis, whereas the Justice Raghunath Rao one man commission report showed that there are 80,000 Joginis in Andhra Pradesh. In Maharashtra the survey conducted in 2010 showed that there are 3907 devadasis. The latest available figures based on these official sources are indicated in Table 3. Table 3: Number of Devadasis in the Three Study States
  • 27. 27 State No of Devadasis/Year of 1st Survey No Devadasis/Year of 2nd Survey Realistic Estimate Karnataka 22,873 (1993-94)6 23,783 (2007-08) 1,00,000 Andhra Pradesh 24, 273 (1987-88)7 80,000 Maharashtra 3907 (2010)8 30,000 Field team observed that even in the previous six months during jathres, , that there have been reports of dedications even in the previous six months, during jathres, wherein NGOs have reportedly stopped dedications. This subject was reviewed in the United Nations Organisation in 2008, where the National Human Rights Commission has reported the number of devadasis in India as 450,000. The One Man Commission appointed by Andhra Pradesh government endorses the same estimate. District wise break of these surveys in Karnataka and Andhra Pradesh is given in Annexure 3. Data on district wise break up of survey conducted in Maharashtra is not available. However, the actual number of devadasis is contested. The above figures are most likely an underestimation. According to the one-man Commission, the official estimate is about 450,000 Devadasis spread over many States of India. The governments of the relevant States exhibits a reluctance to undertake comprehensive new surveys, due to the fear that non-devadasis may identify themselves as devadasis to access schemes targeted for the benefit of devadasis. In Karnataka, a separate cell has been established in the Ministry of Social Welfare which works for the welfare of devadasis identified in surveys conducted in 1993-94 and 2007- 2008. They are active in rehabilitation of these identified devadasis. Whereas in Telangana, neither the social welfare department nor the women and child department has taken responsibility in rehabilitation of devadasis. Without proper identification of the scale of the issue, further steps towards eradication are difficult and implementation of existing laws and schemes remains poor. The age breakup of the research respondents is provided in Table 4. Age was taken as one of the criteria during sample-selection so that sample will have devadasis who are dedicated before and after enforcement of the Prohibition of Devadasi Acts. Here, the age has been grouped in 11 categories starting with less than 18 years old to above 57 years old. Table 4: Age of the research respondents 6 Received data from department of women development corporation at Belagavi 7 Received data from Andhra Pradesh scheduled castes corporation, finance corporation Limited, Hyderabad, 8 Received data from department of Comessionarate of women and child development, Pune
  • 28. 28 District Of all 3 Districts Age group Belagavi Mehboobnagar Sholapur Less than 18 0% 3% 0% 1% 18-22 0% 7% 4% 3% 23-27 8% 10% 5% 8% 28-32 10% 25% 15% 17% 33-37 17% 18% 15% 17% 38-42 17% 17% 15% 16% 43-47 13% 3% 11% 9% 48-52 20% 8% 15% 14% 53-57 5% 2% 9% 5% Above 57 8% 7% 13% 9% Total 100% 100% 100% 100% A detailed classification of age was done to analyse whether the devadasi practice has stopped or not. The Prohibition of Act came into existence in 1982 in Karnataka and in 1988 in Andhra Pradesh (Telangana and Andhra ) and in 1935 in Maharashtra. As there is no recent amendment of the Act in Maharashtra, the age check could not be performed. In Karnataka and Andhra Pradesh, it was performed as follows: As the Act was promulgated in 1982 in Karnataka, 32 years ago. Given that Devadasi dedications take place between 5 and 12 years of age, if no dedications have taken place after 1982, we should find no devadasi younger than 44 years old, if dedicated at 12. If dedicated earlier, we should not find a devadasi older than 37 years old. The data shows that 35% of the women surveyed were under the age of 37. Even if 44 is taken as the cut-off age, 52 to 54% women were found to be in that age bracket. This shows that at least 52% women have been dedicated after the practice was banned. The fact that 8% of the women are under 27 years of age shows that even upto 10 to 15 years ago, dedications took place in Karnataka.
  • 29. 29 In Andhra Pradesh, the Act was promulgated in 1988. By the same logic as above, if the ban is effective, we should not find devadasi women in the age group less than 32 to 39 years old. Instead, as many as 45% of the devadasis surveyed in Mehboobnagar are less than 32 year old, and the percentage of women less than 39 years old is 63%. These data show very high percentage of dedications after the ban. Given that over the three districts, nearly half the women surveyed were under 37 years of age, it is lear that dedications have continued much after the prohibition of the Devadasi system. Further, in Maharashtra State Devadasis (Prohibition of Dedication) Act came into existence since 80 years, hence all the respondents of the sample survey are dedicated after enforcement of the Act. As a result of the various bans passed, the practice now unfolds in secrecy. Dedications in the State of Karnataka, parts of Andhra Pradesh and Maharashtra are no longer a public celebration but happen in private for fear of fines and/or imprisonment. ‘People in the village are still making their daughters joginis. Though sporadic it is still happening here and there. Even if I tell someone that this system is bad they will ridicule me. Some women have told me that it is easy to make money after converting into jogini. So I stopped interfering in others affairs. I take care of myself and my family. Let them go around. Tomorrow when they get diseases they will know’. Narasamma, Mehboobnagar district Ineffective implementation of law Seetha, Devadasi, Gokak, Belagavi shared that “When I was 12 years old my mother along with a Joginiand other neighbours visited Saundati Yellamma temple. I was given a set of new clothes and the women who had come with me were performing rituals around me. The police arrived at the temple. The people around me quickly covered all the things used in the rituals. They all sat in a group and started singing songs and bhajans loudly. The police approached the group and enquired about the occasion. Everyone pretended as if it was a routine pooja. The police went around the temple and stayed put at the temple, observing the group closely for an hour. After the police left the ladies called me back. I had run away from the scene when the police arrived. The women caught hold of me and force fully sat me down on the kabala (blanket). The pujari of the temple came and tied the Pearl necklace (Mutthinahara) around my neck. I knew I was dedicated to be a devadasi”.
  • 30. 30 Field observations and interviews with stakeholders showed several NGOs and government departments (especially the department of women and child development in Karnataka) have undertaken mass awareness campaigns among people in all the districts of Karnataka about the ills of Devadasi practice. This has resulted in a reduction in the intensity of the Devadasi system, but has failed to eradicate the system in entirety. PART III–LIVELIHOODS OFTHE DEVADASIS 3. The Devadasi Practice A study of the context of the socio-economic conditions of the women and their families helps to understand the perpetuation of the Devadasi system. This analysis will ensure a greater insight in to the failure of the legal prohibition of the Devadasi system and ultimately form the basis of a holistic approach towards the eradication of this inhumane system. 3.1. Caste The details about the caste of the respondents are given in Table 5. Caste is an important dimension within the Devadasi system. Social inequities and caste structures help perpetuate the system within vulnerable communities. Table 5: District wise caste distribution District Scheduled Caste OBC Scheduled Tribe General9 Grand Total Belgavi 100% - - - 100% Mehboobnagar 83% 12% - 5% 100% Sholapur 71% 4% 15% 11% 100% Within the sample of devadasis studied, a predominant 85% of the respondents belong to the Dalit caste. In Belagavi all the respondents were Dalits, followed by 83% in Mehboobnagar and 71% in Sholapur. In Mehboobnagar 5% of respondents are girls from the general caste girls who were dedicated as devadasis, main reason for dedication being the lack of a male child. In Sholapur 10% of the respondents are from general caste and reasons for dedications include superstitious e.g. dedicating a daughter may be followed by the birth of a son, or some illness in the family may be cured, etc. 9 The general castes mentioned are Brahmin, Lingayath, Kapu
  • 31. 31 The practice of offering of girls as devadasis is followed by scheduled castes and other backward communities (Chawla, 2002; Nikolova, 2009, Raghunath Rao, 2013, Kompier 2014). Caste has always played a central and decisive role in employment relations, class formation, and determination of social and economic status in our society. The caste indoctrination is achieved by using women as the gateway of caste system. A majority of the households with devadasi members, at present, do not have a history of dedication in the family indicating the fact that they were the first generation of Devadasis (Marglin, 1985; Nikolova, 2009). 3.2. Age of dedication The details about the age at which the respondents were made devadasis are given in Table 6. Table 6: Age when Respondents were dedicated as Devadasis Age the women made into Devadasi District Of all 3 DistrictsBelagavi Mehboobnagar Sholapur Less than 5 years 25% 12% 4% 14% 6-10 years 20% 35% 15% 23% 11 – 15 years 23% 42% 33% 33% 16-20 years 7% 3% 20% 10% Above 20 years 3% 0% 29% 10% Do not know 22% 8% 0% 10% Total 100% 100% 100% 100% Nearly 70% of the respondents were dedicated into the Devadasi system before they could attain the age of 15 years. 37% of them were dedicated before the age of 11 years. It is clear that most of the respondents have been forced into this system at an age when they could not have fathomed the implications of being dedicated into the Devadasi system. In Sholapur, almost 30% of the women have Rathnakka, Devadasi from Belagavi, stated: “I belong to SC committee. I am the third child for my parents after two elder brothers. I used to fall ill often and my parents would take me to all the nearby temples finally my parents felt that offering me to the Goddess that is how I am dedicated to the Yellamma. I was made devadasi at the age of 8 and I remember that celebration. I was taken to the Yellamma temple in Saundati during the temple fair. All our relatives were invited to the function at the temple. After the pooja the pujari tied the pearl thread to my neck, that night we stayed in the temple. The next day we returned to our village. Once we are at the home my mother told me not to remove the pearl mala at all. I have to beg on Tuesday, Friday and new moon day in the street which is the custom I need to follow as devadasi”.
  • 32. 32 been dedicated after attaining 20 years of age, which is because a majority of them are first involved in sex work and then converted as Devadasis inorder to protect themselves from the stigma associated with sex work (FGD findings, Prasannakumar and Srinivasa, 2012). These stories illustrate that devadasis are dedicated as children, when they do not understand the implications of the practice. Their parents are invariably from the scheduled castes and have extremely low levels of assets and incomes. Saraswathi, a devadasi from Belagavi says “When I was 8 years of age my mother and her relatives took me to Saundati Yellamma temple and made me wear a new sari, green bangles, lots of flowers in my hair. They sat me down on a blanket and the women sat around me and sang bhajans and then offered pooja to the Goddess. The poojari of the temple tied a pearl necklace around my neck. I enjoyed all the attention given to me on that day. I was happy as I got to wear new clothes and bangles” on the day”. The true import of the dedication on Saraswathi only when she attained puberty and her mother forced her to take a partner. She has taken another partner since her dedication and continues to live with him. She rues the day she was dedicated as a devadasi, she has borne the brunt of stigmatization of this cruel system and thus has ensured both her daughters are married. Seshamma, a devadasi from Mehboobnagar says ‘25 years ago, when I was 7 years old I was made a Jogini by my parents! I was too young to remember the process, the rituals and other nuances. However I can vaguely recollect the colourful tent put up in front of my mother’s house. A lot of our relatives came and gave me flowers, sweets, and bangles. I barely knew what the fun and fervour was all about’! ‘I was made a Jogini because my parents had no male child. I am the second of the two daughters of my parents. My parents are very poor and survived on physical labour. They worked as agriculture labourers and construction labourers depending on what was available. The one acre of land we owned was rain-fed. We did not have money to dig a bore well. We belong to Madiga community and are poor and not influential. Poverty forced me and my sister to work since childhood. We never went to school. Only through the efforts of SHG, I manage to write my name now. Other than writing my name, I cannot read or write’. Premalatha, Sex worker turned Devadasi, Sholapur: This house ‘Malkin’ (Madam) and I both are from the neighboring village. I told her my story of how I ran away from my abusive husband and was forced in to sex work. She said “I will take you to Soundathi and tie ‘Muthu’ (Pearl). She made me a devadasi. It is like marriage with Goddess Yellamma. She said: “ If you save money you can sit and eat in your old age, otherwise you can beg for your livelihood and you can sleep in any of the temples as a Devadasi”.
  • 33. 33 3.3. Key people involved in the induction The respondents were asked who the person in the family was or community primarily involved in the dedication them, and the answers, in percentages, are given in Table 7. There are 247 responses from sample of 175, with 62 respondents providing more than 1 option mentioned in the survey form. Table 7: People who are involved in converting the women into Devadasi Persons who make Devadasi District % of all 3 Districts Belagavi Mehboobnagar Sholapur Father 32% 37% 20% 32% Mother 21% 30% 15% 24% Grandmother 40% 24% 3% 23% Temple priest (locally called gurus) - - 31% 7% Others 5% 2% 15% 6% Aunty - - 15% 4% Local leaders 3% 5% - 3% Relatives - 2% - 1% Number of women responded 100% 100% 100% 100% The majority of respondents, 79%, were dedicated as devadasi through close family members (father, mother or grandmother), in Belagavi 93% and in Mehboobnagar 91%. In Sholapur district, 31% of the respondents said that temple priests and self-styled gurus (locally known as Gurus,) were also involved in the induction. In addition 9% of the respondents from Belagavi and Mehboobnagar said local leaders dedicated them to the Devadasi system, which clearly shows that political, non scheduled caste vested interests play an important role in dedicating girls from families of scheduled caste, a form of caste based sexual exploitation. Even Families are Exploitative “All relations depend on money. Till the time I was giving money to my family, they were supportive to me but after my daughter’s birth when I stopped giving them money, they stopped all relations with me. My mother and sister always demanded money and other things from me but now, when I stopped helping them they don’t take care of me and my daughter. If my own family does this to me, then how can I trust my partner? I know that he will also look after me only till I give him money. Here I am happy with my peer group in brothel house as they help me, so now this is my family Swarnalatha, from Sholapur who is involved in sex work says
  • 34. 34 3.4. Reasons for Dedication The reasons mentioned by the respondents for dedication of girls as devadasis are given in Table 8. Table 8: Reasons due to which women turn into Devadasi Reasons that turned women into Devadasi District Grand TotalBelagavi Mehboobnagar Sholapur Girl child from dalit households to take care of parents 25% 31% 1% 57% No other children or illness of children 9% 3% 29% 42% Dalits don’t want to discontinue the practice 0.57% - 0.57% 1% Pressure from higher castes to continue the practice - - - 0% When a dalit girl reaches puberty, it is considered safe to marry them rather than keep them at home. - - 0.57% 0.57% Total 35% 34% 31% 100% Fifty seven percentages of the respondents were dedicated to the Devadasi due to girl child form dalit families has to take care of parents. 42% mentioned that they were dedicated as devadasis either family do not have children or children falling ill frequently. In such cases girls are dedicated in to this system, and forced to support their parents/family. Sickness is Reason for Making Devadasi “my father died when I was 4 years old. I used to fall sick frequently in my childhood. My grandmother observed this and before death she instructed my mother to perform a ceremony to the Kokuntnur goddess. My mother asked the priest (local guru) to do some ceremony. In that ceremony, the priest and jogtis gave me Pardi. I couldn’t fully understand what the ceremony was”. Jayamala, a devadasi, Sholapur
  • 35. 35 Superstition – blind faith is the reason to make Prbahavathi a Devadasi: Prabhavati, a devadasi from Sholapur. She had two sisters and one brother. Her father was a scrap dealer and her mother worked in cotton fields. When she was 7 years old her father left them and went away to Pandharpur. He gambled a lot and lost everything they had. They were left without a shelter (house) and started living near bus station. Every year her family visited Saundati temple in Karnataka during Jathre. Once during Jathre time, her mother noticed that Prabhavati’s hair was completely entangled and had formed a ‘jat’ which was assumed to be God’s will and calling. ‘Her mother took her to the temple town, worshipped their deity and when Prabhavati was given a bath, a garland fell around her neck by chance. It came from the water that was poured on her. This was again taken as a sign she was needed for the God. Also, a lady who was possessed by a Goddess (Devi) came to their house and said “I want this girl to be initiated into a Devadasi. Initially her mother refused, but a lot of obstacles and problems that happened at home made her mother tell ‘yes’ and was immediately taken to a guru called ‘ Majukh’ who performed various poojas , tied a moti mal around Prabhavati ’s neck and took her under his care. Lot of ceremonies were conducted, gifts were given to guests and the ritual of going to the jathre every year began. She was also taught music, singing and dancing and was made to perform at the jathre each time in the festive season. Begam nirmala is from Morab village of Raibagh taluk of Belagavi district. Her mother is a devadasi by tradition. Since Begam nirmala was the only daughter of her mother, she was made a devadasi. She is not able to recall the rituals of devadasi except that she acquired a pearl necklace. Noticing the pearl necklace, her friends at the hostel started teasing her about it, when Begam nirmala asked her mother if she could remove it. Her mother refused to allow her to remove it. Begam nirmala recalls; “I came home for summer vacation and one of my relatives of similar age was getting married. I attended that marriage with my mother. When we returned home I asked my mother if I would also get married soon. This upset my mother greatly who told me that you are my only daughter and if you get married who will look after me. Only then did my mother reveal the true nature of the devadasi system. My mother decided to cut short my education, due to the fear that I may develop and pursue other ideas. It dawned on me that my life was purposeless and I was helpless since my mother was emotionally and materially dependent on me.” The major institutional reasons for dedications are economic dependence and vulnerability, social influence, beliefs and perceptions, customs and traditions. Other specific reasons are lack of capacity of
  • 36. 36 parents to arrange daughter’s marriage, less number of male children to support household, daughter’s responsibility to look after parents and properties (in case of single child), to fix girl’s stay at home in absence of sons, to continue serving deities, social stigma of being from Madar community and inability to arrange marriage, illness-stricken girls chosen as devadasis, being offered girls as a gift to goddess to save lives of others etc (Sampark, 2002, Marglin, 1985). 3.5. Age at which they had their first partner Age at which the respondents had their first partner is given in Table 9. Table 9: Age at which they had their first partner Age during first partner Districts % of all 3 Districts Belagavi Mehboobnagar Sholapur Less than 12 years - 12% 4% 5% 12 – 17 years 78% 72% 40% 70% 18 – 21 years 22% 17% 33% 18% 22 – 26 years - - 4% 1% Above 31 years - - 11% 3% Not mentioned - - 9% 3% Total 100% 100% 100% 100% In Belagavi and Mehboobnagar, as there exists the custom of dedicating young girls to the Devadasi system, more than 70% of the respondents had their first partner before/at the age of 17 years. The story shows that young girls are often forced in to marriage-like conditions of sexual intercourse and sexually exploited by the men within and outside families in the Devadasi practice. “I was Raped by Brother –in-law and Neighbour”: Seshamma, a devadasi from Mehboobnagar painfully recounts the horrific experience of being raped by her Brother-in-law and her neighbour. “‘I ran out of the house in fear, saw my sister sleeping outside and hid under her cot. But my brother-in- law came out, searched for me, dragged me from under the cot and forced into me again. It pained like hell. The next morning I woke up with very painful and swollen privates”. ‘I was raped by my neighbour. He is from the same community as I am and lives just behind our house. I returned home crying and complained to my mother. My mother fought with my neighbour but he defended his act by stating that I am a Jogini and hence should be accessible to all’!
  • 37. 37 3.6. Sourcing of partners Details about the people who identified the partners for devadasi women are given in Table 10. Table 10: People/groups who identified partners for them People/groups who identified partners for these women Districts % of all 3 Districts Belagavi Mehboobnagar Sholapur Self 31% 43% 28% 34% Father 3% 23% 31% 19% Others 13% 5% 21% 13% Mother 13% 18% 5% 12% Pimps 18% 2% 3% 8% Grand mother 15% 2% 3% 7% Local leaders 5% 7% - 4% Aunty 2% - 5% 2% Not Mentioned - - 3% 1% Grand Total 100% 100% 100% 100% Table 10 shows that around 34% of the respondents chose their partners themselves after being dedicated to the devadasi system. Close family members such as the father or mother accounted for 31% (19+13%) of the people who identify partners for devadasis. The other categories include neighbours and other devadasis (13%). In Belagavi pimps being involved in 18% show a linkage to sex work. 3.7. Caste and social based discrimination Details about the devadasis who faced either case or social based discriminations are given in Table 11. The respondents were asked whether they face any discrimination in getting invitation for the functions or festivals, or their children face any eve teasing within schools or colleges. Table 11:Devadasis who faced discrimination Districts Devadasis who faced discrimination Places of discrimination % of all 3 Districts Functions Others Festivals like ‘Jathres’ Temples Schools Belagavi 7% 19% - - - - 7% Mehboobnagar 67% 69% 25% 100% 80% 100% 67% Sholapur 26% 13% 75% 20% 26% Grand Total 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100%
  • 38. 38 Social discrimination was a reality for 43 of the respondents. Discrimination happens at social events and village festivals (Jattras). In Mehboobnagar, most of them mentioned that their children face eve teasing from their classmates. Other forms of discrimination include being asked for husbands/fathers name, slander within the community. The legitimacy and upbringing of children is a major problem. As many as of the devadasis, 95% were not able to register their patrons as parents in the admission records of schools for their children. This indicates that the children of devadasis are denied legitimate status and have to be content with getting their mother’s or grandfather’s or grandmother’s name entered in the register (Sampark, 2002). Though quantitative data shows that there is little or no discrimination in schools, most of the in-depth case studies and FGDs showed that their children face lot of discrimination at the time of admission in the schools, getting jobs in government departments – mainly because devadasis cannot disclose the father’s name in the application form. Yes, in the local areas they recognize us and they know we are prostitutes and we don’t get any respect. Galavva, Sholapur Shivakka’ second son, Madhu is very upset because his mother is a devdadasi. He shared an incident from his life. He wanted to join the army and attended a psychical fitness selection process and interview in Raichur district. Before a person took the test for physical fitness, his certificates were first checked by an officer. When Madhu’s turn came, the officer who was checking the certificates asked him why he had not filled in his father’s name. Madhu told us that he could not face that situation as he did not want to say that his mother was a devadasi and therefore came out of the ground without completing the physical fitness process. He took back his certificates from the officer and returned to his village. He said that he was angry with his mother for making him face such situations and thereby making him not able to get a job in the army. Madhu said that often he has to face such situations because he was born to a devadasi, and was not able to tell the world that he does have a father, whose name he cannot disclose.
  • 39. 39 The story of an ingenious way of solving the problem is illustrated below. The discrimination, social exclusion, stigma faced by devadasis and the attitude of the community have forced current devadasis not to engage in alternate professions. Moreover, the former chairperson of the One Man Commission, (Retired) Justice Raghunath Rao also discussed an additional issue wherein children of devadasis do not get a passport as they are not able to produce their father’s name which is essential for issuing a passport. As a result, they are unable to go foreign countries to pursue their higher education and employment even (Raghunath Rao, 2013). The details about the respondents who practiced rituals as devadasi are given in Table 12 and 13.The aspect of rituals is important because rituals of this social order are essentially designed to reinforce discrimination and legitimise various forms of discrimination. ‘When my children were young they faced ridicule from society because I am basvini. Now they don’t face such discrimination. Now my children are grown up and they do not tolerate such ridicule. They answer back without fear if they are ridiculed. In fact the society respects us because my children are pursuing good education. They say irrespective of my past relationships, I am giving good education to my children’. Narayanamma, Utkurmandal, Telangana Dr. Ambedkar is the Baba of all Dalits”: Begamnirmala’s life is one full of tragedy and inspiration, both in equal measure. In spite of the enormous difficulties posed by the Devadasi system, she has been strong to ensure that the future of her children was secure. She narrates an incident about school admission for her first son. Begam nirmala was asked to give the name of the father. The Head master of the school refused to write mother’s name on the application. Begam nirmala had a sudden flash of inspiration and filled in “Baba” in the father’s name column of the school application. She had used Dr.Babasaheb Ambedkar’s name. Dr.Ambedkar is a living icon of India, who through his writings and life story continues to inspire countless Indians and Dalits to fight against poverty and oppression. She signs off saying that she is a happy woman as all her children are well settled.
  • 40. 40 Table 12: Total number of women who practice rituals after becoming Devadasi Women who practice rituals after becoming Devadasi Districts % of all 3 DistrictsBelagavi Mehboobnagar Sholapur Yes 35% 72% 98% 67% No 65% 28% 2% 33% Grand Total 100% 100% 100% 100% Table 13: Rituals followed by the Devadasis as part of practice Rituals followed by the Devadasis as part of practice : District % of all 3 Districts Belagavi Of all 3 Districts Sholapur E: Fasting at the time of death within village and neighbouring village – after burying body, take bath and cook food by herself and eat 7% 40% 15% 26% A: Fasting on Tuesday and Friday 7% 41% 12% 25% B: Doing pooja (prayers) on Tuesday and Friday 48% 15% 10% 18% L: Others (dancing in functions) 11% 22% 10% C: Begging on Tuesday and Friday 4% 4% 11% 7% F: Doing pooja on Amavasaya and Pournami day 7% - 11% 5% D: Doing pooja in Jathere 4% 0% 10% 4% G: Give food to hungry people - - 4% 2% I: Do not go to the houses where there is a child delivered or where girls have reached puberty - - 4% 2% K: Once in a year – take out bangles for 1 month and beg during that month. With that money buy new set of bangles. 11% - - 2% J: Not to have food in the dark (will lit the lamp though there is electricity) - - 1% 1% Grand Total 100% 100% 100% 100% In Sholapur the adherence to rituals is almost absolute among the respondents, in Mehboobnagar more than 70% practice rituals. In Belagavi only 35% of the respondents follow rituals (refer Table 12). In Belagavi 48% respondents follow ritual of doing pooja on Tuesday and Friday, where as in Sholapur 11% of them do begging on Tuesday and Friday. In Mehboobnagar 40% of them follow ritual of fasting on Tuesday and Friday and also at the time of death of people in their villages (refer Table 13). Devadasis are expected to fast when a death occurs in the village, beg during certain days of the week and not allowed to visit houses where a girl child is born or has attained puberty. More than 50% of the respondents fast on a regular basis. Discussions at FGDS and field observations report that in Belagavi
  • 41. 41 the practice of rituals is low due to the work carried out among the devadasis by local NGOs. These rituals (not very subtly) reinforce discrimination of the devadasis within the larger community. The women traditionally forced into the Devadasi practice like Mathammas and Joginis are invited to weddings as their presence is considered particularly auspicious and at the same time these beliefs do not preclude using them as prostitutes (sex workers), the only difference is that they are less stigmatized compared to non–religiously sanctioned sex workers and are more integrated in the mainstream society (Nikolova, 2009). Most devadasis are not interested in disclosing the names of their partners, whereas they are open to sharing information about caste, work profile, marital status of the partner. Devadasis have a firm religious belief that they must not get married as they are married to God. Due to this strong belief it is difficult persuade them to marry, and also to find grooms for them. Sometimes few devadasis, especially from the younger generation marry their partners in the temples, however such marriage is not accepted either by the society or by the court as the partner might have already married another women. Due to all these reasons, devadasis are not able to obtain the status of a wife in the society and their children are discriminated against in the community. 3.8. Decision making within the family The data on who makes different types of decisions in a devadasi household are depicted in Table 14. Table 14: Family related decision making Family related decisions Districts Alone Myself and partner Myself & family Partner(s) decide Myself, partner & family Grand total To have children Belagavi 51 6 3 - - 60 Mehboobnagar 33 7 10 1 2 53 Sholapur 18 15 7 8 2 50 Total 102 28 20 9 4 163 Follow family planning Belagavi 52 5 3 - - 60 Mehboobnagar 27 7 9 3 1 47 Sholapur 14 18 7 7 3 49 Total 93 30 19 10 4 156 Education of children Belagavi 50 7 3 - - 60 Mehboobnagar 27 9 13 2 1 52 Sholapur 17 18 10 6 - 51 Total 94 34 26 8 1 163 Marriage of children Belagavi 47 6 3 - - 56 Mehboobnagar 17 7 18 2 3 47 Sholapur 16 16 9 7 - 48 Total 80 29 30 9 3 151 Buying assets Belagavi 31 1 3 - - 35 Mehboobnagar 31 5 17 1 3 57
  • 42. 42 Sholapur 16 16 9 7 2 50 Total 78 22 29 8 5 142 The data shows that Devadasi women decide independently on most matters related to children, family planning and buying assets, there is only a semblance of joint decision making. Field observations from Sholapur note that most women do not live with their families and hence the decisions are made by the women or jointly with their partners. In Mehboobnagar however, the family exercises a definite influence on the choices of the devadasis. Conclusions: The practice of dedicating girls as devadasis continues in all the three States even after the enforcement of Devadasi Prohibition Acts. Devadasis are dedicated at a very young age into the practice, mostly by a close family member. The major institutional reasons for such dedications are economic dependence, financial vulnerability, social influence, beliefs, perceptions, customs and traditions. Other specific reasons are lack of parents’ capacity to arrange the marriage of their daughters, few/no male children to support the household, daughter’s responsibility to look after parents and properties (in case of single child), to fix girl’s stay at home in the absence of sons, to continue serving deities, social stigma. Hence, there has been forced as well as self -enforced dedication into the system amongst women from dalit and non dalit backgrounds. On the other hand, social stigmatization and better recognition and respect have however forced sex workers in the urban cities to consciously convert and identify themselves as devadasis by their own will. Most of the devadasis are from scheduled cast families. Most of devadasis identified their partners by themselves. 4. Economic Status This Section looks at various relevant parameters influencing aspects of economic status such as education, family and their children, type of assets, housing pattern, migration among the Devadasis, type of work undertaken at destination and source, income earned through migration and partners. 4.1. Education The literacy levels of the respondents are given in Table 15. Table 15: District wise breakdown of literacy levels Literacy levels District Belagavi Mehboobnagar Sholapur % 0f all 3 Districts Illiterate 75% 83% 75% 78% Primary 22% 8% 18% 16% High school 3% 9% 7% 6% Grand total 100% 100% 100% 100% As overall high percentage of illiteracy (78%) can be observed across all three districts among the respondents. In Mehboobnagar, illiteracy is highest (83%) followed by both districts Belagavi and Sholapur having 75% of illiteracy. Across all three districts only 16% of them have education upto primary school.
  • 43. 43 4.2. Family and their children The size and composition of 175 devadasi households is given in Table 16 and the number of children is given in Table 17. Table 16: Total number of family members in each woman’s house No of Family Members District Belagavi Mehboobnagar Sholapur 1 3% 7% 11% 2 to 4 57% 53% 55% 5 to 7 32% 40% 31% 8 to 10 7% - 4% Above 10 2% - - Grand total 100% 100% 100% Table 17: Total number of children District No of Total children Belagavi Mehboobnagar Sholapur % 0f all 3 Districts No children 2% 20% 13% 11% One children 13% 33% 22% 23% 2 children 38% 32% 29% 33% More than 3 children 47% 15% 36% 33% Total 100% 100% 100% 100% The data in Table 16 shows that a high proportion of the devadasis within the sample (55%) belong to a family size between 2 to 4,a significant proportion within the sample (34%) belongs to larger family sizes of 5 to 7. The largest family size within this sample was 14. Sholapur has the highest number of women who live alone at 11%. In-depth case studies revealed that this is because the women in Sholapur are involved in sex work, and they always prefer to keep to their children away from such an environment. Tables 17 show that most of the devadasis within the sample have more than 2 children. Eleven percentage of devadasis do not have children and 55% of them have 1 or 2 children and 33%of them, nearly one-third have more than 3 children. Group discussion (FGDS) revealed that most devadasis consider children an asset. There is an clear preference for the male child, with women opting to have more children in order to have one or more male children.
  • 44. 44 4.3. Skill Development of Children Skill development programs play an important role in the lives of Devadasis, as it provides an invaluable opportunity to their children to escape the clutches of this inhumane system. Tables 18 depict the access of devadasi children to skill training and Table 19 depicts the types of training they accessed. The data from Table18 indicates that more than 86% of the children do not have any access to skill development programs. Those who have availed of training have benefited from the special schemes existing for children of Devadasis. Table 19 shows that tailoring (40%) and driving (36%) training are most commonly taught skills. Higher-end skills such as teacher training and Information Technology skills are imparted only at Sholapur district. Gallavva told us that her daughter was born in Sholapur, but Gallavva doesn’t know who her father is. When she comes to know that she was pregnant she went to her village to her brother’s house, who supported her during her pregnancy. She gave birth to a girl baby. After one year, she left her daughter with her brother and returned back to Sholapur to continue the sex work. She used send money to her village for the upbringing of her daughter. Her brother brought her daughter up and also gave her his name. Gallavva told that her daughter does not know that her mother is working in Sholapur as a sex worker. Galavva, Sholapur
  • 45. 45 Table 18: Status of skill training of the children Skills training of the children District % of all 3 Districts Belgavi Mehboobnagar Sholapur Yes 11% 8% 24% 14% No 89% 92% 76% 86% Grand Total 100% 100% 100% 100% Table 19: Type of skill trainings accessed by the children Specific skills training Districts % of all 3 Districts Belagavi Mehboobnagar Sholapur Beautician 14% - - 4% Driving 14% 20% 54% 36% Electrician - 60% - 12% Tailoring 71% 20% 31% 40% Teachers training - - 8% 4% IT - - 8% 4% Grand Total 100% 100% 100% 100% Devadasis pay for private education of their children Narayanamma has no tangible assets in form of a house or land. In addition to running the household, she works as an agricultural labour, and also sells vegetables in the local market hopes that her children will study and will support her. She hopes that her children will study and will support her. However, the prohibitive costs of private education put a great strain on her resources. She says” ‘My first daughter finished her 10th class in the village government school itself. Then she got a seat in Gurukula Patashala in Marikal. After she finished two years of her education there she did not get seat in government Degree College. She wanted to pursue a nursing course. So I paid Rs.20,000 in KIMS hospital in Hyderabad. When she finishes her college, she will get job placement in the hospital itself. It is about 5 years now since she is staying in Hyderabad. Every year I pay Rs.12,000 for fee, boarding and lodging, clothes. My son also studied in the government school in the village till 10th class. After finishing his 10th class he went to Narayanpet to complete his Intermediate course. He finished his second year now. He wanted to study a Lab Technician course but he did not secure admission in any government college. Because I am already paying so much money for my daughter, I cannot afford to pay for my son too. He requested me to pay for one year and then next year he said he will try and shift to Government College. If I stop supporting him now he will lose focus and roam here and there. Therefore I paid for him too and he is doing his Lab Technician course now’.
  • 46. 46 4.4. Ownership of Assets The information about the assets owned by devadasis is given in Table 20. Table 20: Ownership of assets (Frequency) The data in Table 20 shows that 95% and 100% of the devadasis in the sample in Mehboobnagar and Belgavi own a house, whereas in Sholapur 75% of them own a house. They got the house either from parents or from State run housing schemes – Indira Awas Yojana (IAY) and Rajiv Gandhi Grameen Housing scheme. In Mehboobnagar, 38% of Devadasis own land , which in turn is due to the recent scheme run by the Telangana Government to provide 3 acres of land to landless families within the dalit community. The most alarming aspect to be noted is the lack of access to toilets, only a meagre 8% within the sample have access to a toilet. Assets Belagavi Mehboobnagar Sholapur House 95% 100% 75% Mobile 75% 65% 53% TV 88% 35% 44% Gold & Silver jewelry 40% 48% 18% Land 17% 38% 9% Livestock 33% 10% 2% Toilet 10% 3% 11% Motorcycle 10% 3% 7% Narayanamma, a Devadasi from Utkur Mandal, Mehboobnagaraged 38 year’s has two daughters and a son. She struggles to make ends meet, especially with the costs of her children’s education. She persistently says; ‘I have no land whatsoever. I have to depend entirely on my physical labour to run this family. If someone gives an acre or so of land it will be of great help’, says Narayanamma. She does not own any gold or silver either. Currently, Narayanamma is selling vegetables in the village market which is near the bus stand. ‘Now I started selling vegetables. It is only about 4 days since I started doing this business. I sit on the road near the bus stand and sell. I go to Marikal and get the vegetables. The bus charge to Marikal is about Rs.15. I finish household chores in the morning, then go to Marikal to get the vegetables after which I sell them in the village. I make about Rs.50 to Rs.70 in a day’. Narayanamma lives in a mud house with her mother. She says, ‘This house may go to my brother. I will be homeless someday’.
  • 47. 47 4.5. Housing Housing is a key aspect when assessing the poverty of a community. The types of house that the respondents live are given in Table 21. Table 21: Type of House District % 0f all 3 Districts Type of House Belagavi Mehboobnagar Sholapur Kutchha 75% 78% 75% 76% Pucca 25% 22% 25% 24% Total 100% 100% 100% 100% The data in Table 21 revealed that 76% of the devadasis within the sample live in Kutchha houses (houses made from mud, thatch or other low quality material). This implies a recurring expense towards the maintenance and upkeep of the houses, especially before the onset of the monsoon season. 4.6. Migration The devadasis were asked about migration to and from the districts of Belagavi, Mehboobnagar and Sholapur in addition to seasonal migration, and the data is presented in Figure 2. Figure 2: Details about Migration A high proportion of devadasis are migrants especially in the Mehboobnagar (50%) and Sholapur (43%) districts. The data from Table 22 captures the time-period of the migration. Table 22: Migration –time period 0.00% 20.00% 40.00% 60.00% 80.00% 100.00% Belgavi Mehboobnagar Sholapur No Yes
  • 48. 48 Duration of migration % 0f all 3 DistrictsTime – period Belagavi Mehboobnagar Sholapur Less than 1 year 25% 27% 13% 21% 1- 5 years 50% 50% - 29% 6 – 10 years 25% 13% 8% 12% 11-15 years - 3% 17% 9% Above 15 years - 7% 63% 29% Grand Total 100% 100% 100% 100% The Table 22 shows that in Belagavi and Mehboobnagar the migration is for relatively short periods with the majority of devadasis migrating for less than 5 years. In Sholapur however, most devadasis (63%) have migrated for over15 years. Field observations indicate that the prevalence of sex work among the devadasis of Sholapur has meant stigmatization of the migrants, thus preventing them from going back to their places of origin. The information about the cities to which devadasis migrated is given in Table 23. Table 23: Onward migration Onward Migration (Destination) District % 0f all 3 Districts Belagavi Mehboobnagar Sholapur Bombay - 19% 21% 21% Hyderabad - 12% 12% N.Karnataka - 2% 10% 12% Bangalore - 5% 5% Bijapur - 2% 3% 5% Jamkandi - 3% 3% Pune 2% 2% 2% 5% Goa 2% 2% Others 3% 10% 2% 34% Grand Total 7% 52% 41% 100% An interesting aspect is the prevalence of migration from Mehboobnagar and Sholapur to other destinations within the country in search of work. A high proportion of Devadasis from Mehboobnagar (52%) and Sholapur (41%) tend to migrate to cities or towns in search of work. Mumbai and Hyderabad seem to be the destination of choice from the information in Table 23. Ten percent of the respondents from Sholapur originally migrated from Districts of North Karnataka Devadasis migrate for economic gain to cities where unskilled manual work is more rewarding. It is a combination of factors like lack of steady income, lack of support from partners and an absence of social security that drives devadasis to migrate to cities.
  • 49. 49 4.7. Type of work The type of work undertaken by devadasis at source and destination is given in Table 24. Table 24: Type of work at source and destination Belagavi Mehboobnagar Sholapur Type of work Source Destination Source Destination Source Destination Agriculture labour and own land 44% - 74% 2% 34% - Construction 11% 5% 4% 36% 27% 9% Sex work - 2% 1% 2% 25% Business 19% - 11% 2% 14% 3% Domestic 4% - 3% 3% 16% 5% Others 22% - 7% 5% 9% 5% In their home villages, the devadasis are prominently involved in agriculture and agricultural labour. In Belgavi 44% of the devadasi women are involved in agricultural labour work in others’ fields or their own land and 22% in other work (sugar cane factory). In Mehboobnagar, most of the respondents (74%) are involved in agricultural labour work in others’ fields or either own land. In Sholapur 34% involved in agricultural labour, 27% in construction and 1% in sex work. Seshamma, a devadasi from Mehboobnagar works as an agricultural labourer, this she says gives her an income of about Rs 15,000 per year. She also engages in construction work in the village. In 2013 Seshamma went to Pune for working as a construction labourer. She earned Rs.30,000 during that time. Seshamma owns an acre of land that is now given on lease because both her parents died and she cannot take care of the land all by herself. In terms of other assets she only owns about half a gram of gold. Seshamma says ‘I am not getting pension anymore since the time it has been enhanced to Rs.1,000. I used to get Rs.200 before’, says Seshamma. “Devdasis can do other kinds of jobs too. It is not necessary that she becomes a sex worker. In the villages, they go for coolie work or work in the fields. They survive doing a respectable job. But my destiny got me here and I fell into this drain. If I had more knowledge then I wouldn’t have chosen this field of work. However, that is past, now I cannot even work in the fields.” Galavva, Sholapur
  • 50. 50 As shown in Table 24 the migrants from the devadasi communities tend to enter the construction industry (50%) and/or become sex workers (29%) in these cities/towns. The migrants pursue more than one occupation during their migration in order to survive. Significantly, 25% of Devadasis from Sholapur who choose to migrate are involved in sex work in cities/towns. Field observations show that women from Sholapur are more vocal in accepting their work as sex work than women from Belagavi and Mehboobnagar. Table 24 shows that most women who migrated were involved in construction work. The Construction industry has been growing across the country and the demand for both skilled and unskilled labour is quite high. Women workers usually tend to be “helpers” or unskilled workers and are paid significantly lesser than their male counterparts as a standard practice. The construction sector is a male dominated one and a female worker often needs to depend on male workers to get daily work and proper payment. Many fellow labourers and/or the site managers sexually harass them, put pressure on them to have a physical relationship - sometimes Devadasis cannot help but succumb under this pressure. Many Devadasis expressed that if they had husbands, things would have been different. 4.8. Income earned by devadasis The income earned by devadasis households is presented in 11 income categories in Table25 Across three districts fifty seven percentage of the devadasis earn between Rs. 10,000/- to 20,000/- per annum. 22% of the devadasis earn between Rs. 20,000/- to Rs. 50,000/-. 75% of the devadasis in the sample earn less than Rs. 40,000/- per annum. To put this into context, the daily wage for an unskilled agricultural worker under the State run Rural employment guarantee scheme in Karnataka is Rs. 174/-. 100 days of guaranteed work is promised by the State amounting to Rs. 17,400/- for 100 days of work. Jalaja ,a 45 years old devadasi from Belagavi is a sex worker. She is an illiterate and belongs to Scheduled caste. When she was 17 years old she liked a man who was working in the same agriculture field and their friendship turned to physical relationship, this was her first sexual relationship. Their relationship went on for a long time but secretly. Finally one day her mother came to know about this and she was beaten up by her brothers and thrown out of the house. She did not know what her future would be, so she hired a small place in a street in the same village started living separately with the man. They had to struggle to earn their living and no one would give them any work. Her mother was too weak to do any hard work. After a year the man (partner) also stopped coming to her house. From her neighbourhood women she came know about the brothel in the street. She considered visiting the brothel but did not know how to approach. One day through one woman in the street she went to the brothel and started working as sex worker. She said that “ I used to get 2 to 3 clients a day at the rate of Rs.100 –Rs.150 per client. I worked in the brothel for nearly one and a half year but was not happy about what I was into.”
  • 51. 51 Table 25: Income earned in a year Range of income in Rs Districts Belagavi Mehboobnagar Sholapur Less than 10000 3% 27% 58% 10,000-20,000 14% 52% 42% 20,000-30,000 14% 13% - 30,000-40,000 14% 5% - 40,000-50,000 5% 3% - 50,000-60,000 14% - 60,000-70,000 5% - 70,000-80,000 7% - 80,000-90,000 5% - 95000-100000 3% - More than 100000 17% - Grand Total 100% 100% 100% Devadasi system and Sex work – A two way street: Lalitha, Devadasi turned sex worker, Matkal, Mehboobnagar: ‘Influenced by friends and driven by needs in the family I have now taken up sex work for living. My parents have become old. My brothers do not care. So I found this as the only option’. ‘I get my customers from the market and from the toddy shop. When I go to market, boys approach me. They give me some black pills that make me dizzy and I lose my senses. Then they take me along with them and use me. I do not remember much of what happens then. In fact once some boys beat me and even burnt me with cigarettes. I cannot go to police station because they treat me very poorly’. ‘The customers take me on their bikes to fields and I sleep with them there. They promise to give Rs.500 or Rs.1000 and liquor. But when the work is over some pay less, some just run away. Even if we are not interested to go with them, we face violence. Once a fellow in the toddy shop caught my hair and dragged me to his bike. There was another man also. Both of them took me to the field, raped me and fled. People in the toddy shop were watching but did not interfere’. ‘Some customers give Rs.200, some give Rs.300. We cannot do anything even if they do not give us the Parvathi is educated up to 5th class, she does not know how to read and write, bringing to focus the quality of education in government schools. Parvathi belongs to Madiga caste an SC. Parvathi lives along with her disabled elder brother. They live in a dilapidated kutchha house, the only piece of property that her mother left her with. Parvathi has two more brothers. Both of them are married and left home to live separately in Narayanpet. She lost her mother 5 years ago in an accident. Today Parvathi ekes out a living as a domestic worker for a meagre amount of Rs.1,000, which constitutes her entire monthly earnings! In the past Parvathi migrated for work to Mumbai where she worked as a domestic worker. She earned Rs.5,000 per month. She also went to Hyderabad to work in a hostel as a cleaner where she earned about Rs.3,000 per month but had to come back because her brother got very sick. She used to go for agriculture work before but now she is too feeble to do that work. She has no land, no gold and no silver. At 20 years of age, Parvathi is tired, pale and is clueless about her future.
  • 52. 52 Support from partners The kind and the amount of support that devadasis received from their partners are given in Table 26 and 27. Table 26: Kind of support from partner Kind of support from partner Districts % of all 3 Districts Belagavi Mehboobnagar Sholapur Nothing 8% 7% 10% 8% Cash 32% 25% 34% 30% Kind 27% 27% 25% 26% Health care support 23% 20% 9% 18% Things for children 8% 20% 9% 13% Emotional support 1% 2% 14% 5% Grand Total 100% 100% 100% 100% Table 27: Cash provided by the partner Frequency Cash provided (Amount in Rs) % of all 3 DistrictsLess than 250 251- 500 501-750 501- 751 751- 1000 More than 1000 Nothing Monthly 12% 17% 50% - 50% 64% - 19% Never - - - - - - - 18% Rarely 40% 23% - - 8% - - 21% Weekly 47% 60% 50% 100% 25% 36% - 41% Yearly - - 0% - 17% 0% - 1% Grand Total 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% - 100% Of all the respondents, 8% of the women did not recieve any kind of support from their partners. Some of them, around 30% of them, recieved cash and around 26% of them things in kind. Yet, some of them
  • 53. 53 did provide them health care support (18%), things for children (13%) and in a few even emotional support (5%). Women from Sholapur were the least supported ones’ and Mehboobnagar and Belagavi had the most of them. Data from Table 27 shows that as overall, it is on a weekly basis that the partner shares or provides cash the maximum. Most of the partners provide less than 250 rupees. Though some times, the partner does give more than 1000 rupees, in case of 8% of the respondents. Data from Table 26 and 27 shows that most of devadasis do not receive proper material or emotional support from their partners. Their partners only enjoy sexual favours free from any sort of obligations. Some devadasis get material support in cash or kind. Very few partners actually provide for healthcare and childcare. It is quite clear that devadasis are in dire need of both social and economic support from the State.
  • 54. 54 Meena, a devadasi from Athini Taluk of Belagavi District was born with a handicap in her leg. She was not sent to school; both her parents were agricultural labourers. Her father died when Meena was 10 years old. It was then that her mother dedicated her as a devadasi in the expectation of money to support the family. Meena attained puberty at the age of 14 and her mother announced that she was ready to take a partner (who would be willing to bear the expenses of the occasion). He was 25 years old and worked as a waiter in a hotel. He offered Rs. 5000, to be spent on celebration and was willing to be her partner. During his second visit Meena’s mother asked him to pay Rs.1000 per month towards house expenses. He immediately stopped visiting Meena’s house after this request. Meena was subsequently forced into regular sex work by her mother. Today, Meena blames her mother for all the problems she has faced in her life. The story which explains bad treatment from customers “If an unknown person has sex with me, it is very difficult for me to accept this. Since he is neither my husband nor my boyfriend. I realize that he is different from me and this is why I cannot form any attachments with him. I know that it is difficult to expect anything from that person except for money. The entire episode of ‘having sex’ becomes devoid of any feeling or emotion and on top of it our customers treat us badly. They abuse us and call us ‘Dhandewali Rand’. Some costumers fight with us and they beat us and throw money at us and go. They mainly beat us because they say we are not cooperative towards them. They also throw stones at us and use bad words. At night, they drink and come and knock at our door and frighten us. Do we call the police? No, we don’t bother. We keep quiet. The police is not helpful. They know we are prostitutes and they advise us not to mind the drunkard and lock the door and sleep. This one time someone lit fire to our house because I avoided him and that angered him. Because I avoided him so he got angry and lit the fire. He hurled abuses at me and he felt it was his right to sleep with me because he had the money. I avoided him because I was afraid that if he drinks and came then he will indulge in fights and bad words. I don’t like to entertain such customers. As I already told you, ours is a difficult profession and it is not easy to survive. In such a condition who will help us? Usually, no one helps us or bothers about us because they say we are sex workers and humiliate as ‘Dhandewali’. We have no respect in society. Galavva, Sholapur
  • 55. 55 The stories who are proud to say that they do not want depend anymore on their partners are given below: Discussion with devadasi women in FGDs at Karnataka and Mehboobnagar showed “that many Devadasis have partners from the same caste. With the partners, devadasis share short term or long term relationships. Short term relationships stem largely from the devadasis’ need for financial support. In some cases, long term relationships develop between a devadasi and a partner. In short-term relationships, male partners are seen to reduce their association with devadasis after they get married. Reasons for termination of relationship with partners are economic pressure and lack of support from partner, the partner’s inability to take care of household expense and committing acts of domestic violence”. Though there is an informal agreement of paying money to Devadasis, the support provided by the partners is mostly meagre and not sufficient to support their household. Due to this the entire burden of meeting expenses of the family is with devadasis. This forces them to enter sex work which is the only livelihood option available with illiteracy and limited skills. Conclusions: Devadasis constitute a most vulnerable section of the workforce. They migrate to cities in search of better economic opportunities. It is very often crushing poverty that drives one to Devadasi practice in the first instance. Given the nature of their social and caste status in society, devadasis are exploited for sexual favours. It is very difficult for them to escape from the clutches of this practice. The very nature of the system forces to them to pick up odd jobs in the informal sector to fend for themselves and their extended families, where discrimination on the basis of their status is the order of the day. Devadasi practice is a caste and gender based practice, which degrades the status of women in the society. Due to devadasi practice, there is an increase in sex work in the name of devotion. Some of the NGOs working with issues of Devadasis and sex workers found out that as there are no alternate Parvathi is a struggling 20 year old devadasi who dreams of an independent future for herself in spite of her current problems. She sums up; “Anyway I am not worried much about the world. I want to stand on my feet and show my partners that I do not need them and I am capable of living on my own. It should be a slap on their faces”. Radhika, a 22 year old Devadasi from Narayanpet also echoes this sentiment; “‘I do not want any more men in my life. I am working hard and living my life. No one is behind me. I don’t want to be with anyone. All men use and throw women. Why should I live such a life? I just want to live a decent life”.
  • 56. 56 livelihoods in villages, most of the Devadasis migrate to nearby towns and get involved in sex work. In urban areas some of the sex workers convert to Devadasi to protect themselves from the stigma attached to sex workers (Prasannakumar and Srinivasa, 2012). Various feminist schools of thought firmly believe that women earn their livelihood from various kinds of work including sex work. This school of thought also believes that sex work should be recognized as legitimate. In most of the cases women’s work is undervalued and there is a gender inequality in wage payments in all the sectors. Just as cleaning, taking care of children, and elder people is not considered as productive work, sex work is considered as reproductive work so no value is calculated for the work. These conservative notions need to be challenged and questioned. Considering the fact that Devadasis provide a form of service to clients for economic gain, it is clearly work. 5. Access to Financial Products This section looks at the aspects of financial inclusion of the Devadasis in terms of access to financial products such as savings, credit and insurance. It covers information about source, purpose of savings and credit. Access to health insurance is quite important for Devadasis given vulnerability to occupational health hazards in terms of sexually transmitted diseases. Access to credit is vital in order to gain economic security. 5.1. Ability to Save The devadasi women’s savings habits are given in Table 28. Table 28: Women who save money Women who save money District % 0f all 3 Districts Belgavi Mehboobnagar Sholapur Yes 87% 57% 37% 61% No 13% 43% 63% 39% Grand Total 100% 100% 100% 100% More than 60% of the respondents answered in the affirmative to whether they save money on a regular basis. Respondents from Sholapur present a slightly different situation, where more than 60% of them do not save. They stated that their ability to save is constrained by the lack of a regular and sufficient income level. I have earned only for food and clothes. I don’t have any money saved as I don’t have sufficient money to even survive much less to save. Galavva, Sholapur
  • 57. 57 Savings The women were asked where they put their savings, as shown in Table 29. Table 29: Sources of saving Source of savings District % 0f all 3 DistrictsBelgavi Mehboobnagar Sholapur SHG 100% 86% 11% 81% Bank - 8% 72% 15% Others - 6% 17% 4% Grand Total 100% 100% 100% 100% The main sources of savings are Self Help Groups (SHGs), Banks, Post offices or cash saved up at the house. Most devadasi women save in SHGs in Belagavi (100%) and Mehboobnagar (86%). In Belagavi district, NGOs (MASS, Shakthi Aids Tadegattuva Mahila Sanghaand BIRDs) and in Mehboobnagar, Ashhraya, an NGO has formed effective SHGs that have proved to be a trusted mechanism of savings. In Sholapur, although the respondents were part of SHGS, there is a clear preference for bank accounts. Kranti Mahila Sanha, an NGO in Sholapur who formed SHGs reported that the lack of ID proof to open bank accounts, as a large number of devadasi women have migrated from Karnataka. The fact that devadasi respondents in the study have savings habit could be due to NGO interventions. Frequency of Saving The women were asked if they were able to save every week, every fortnight or every month. The responses are reported in Table 30. Table 30: Frequency of saving Frequency of saving District % 0f all 3 DistrictsBelgavi Mehboobnagar Sholapur Weekly 91% 4% 5% 50% Once in 15 days - - 1% 32% Monthly 8% 65% 27% 19% Grand Total 100% 100% 100% 101% In Belagavi, due to the effective functioning of SHGs which meet every week (91%), the frequency of saving is also on a weekly basis among a large majority of the respondents. In the other districts, the preference is clearly for savings on a monthly basis. Weekly savings tend to range from Rs 10 to Rs 50, whereas the monthly savings range between Rs. 50 to Rs. 100.
  • 58. 58 Purpose of Saving Table 31 highlights the purpose(s) for which women were saving money. Table 31: Purposes of saving Purpose of saving District % 0f all 3 DistrictsBelagavi Mehboobnagar Sholapur Get loan 48% - - 29% Consumption 10% 36% 56% 16% Others 10% 6% - 15% Education 5% 30% 19% 13% Health 4% 27% 19% 12% Avail government schemes 12% - 6% 8% Marriage 5% - - 3% Save money 4% - - 2% House repair or construction 1% - - 1% Total 100% 100% 100% 100% In Belagavi the main purpose of savings in SHGs is to apply for a loan (48%) through these SHGs. In other districts savings are used for meeting expenses of consumption, health and education. In Mehboobnagar, the SHGs focus on the eradication of the Devadasi practice, and they have created linkages with banks (as shown in Table 31). So the respondents from Mehboobnagar rely on banks for loans, while applying women’s own savings to consumption, education and health needs. Jalaja, a devadasi from Belagavi is a member of an SHG exclusively for devadasis’ promoted by an NGO named MASS. She has thus far saved a total of Rs.5,000 in the SHG. She has availed a loan once from the group for her son’s wedding expenses and repaid the loan. Saraswathi, another Devadasi from Belagavi also has been active in SHGs and had saved Rs. 5,000. When her mother was hospitalized, she took a loan of Rs. 10,000/- to cover the expenses and has paid the loan back in 15 installments. Access to micro-credit in this manner allows devadasis to tide over expected and unexpected economic shocks without jeopardizing their small asset base.
  • 59. 59 5.2. Sources of Credit Seventy percent of respondents (out of 175, 123) have taken credit from several sources. The breakup of source of savings among 3 districts are depicted in Table 32. Table 32: Sources of credit Sources of credit District % of all 3 DistrictsBelagavi Mehboobnagar Sholapur SHGs 76% 43% - 49% Bank 8% 43% - 20% Relation/friends - 6% 87% 19% Chit Funds 14% 0% 4% 7% Others 2% 8% 9% 6% Total 100% 100% 100% 100% In Belagavi and (76%) Mehboobnagar (43%), SHGs act as the primary source of credit. In Sholapur, a majority of the respondents relied mainly on informal sources of credit from relatives or friends. The interest rates in banks, SHGs and Chit funds were in the ranges 12%, 18% to 24% and 36% respectively. The main purposes for which the loans were taken were to meet the expenses of household, health, education, house repair and marriage. Devadasis in Sholapur take fewer loans from banks and SHGs, relying more on relatives and friends. The SHGs in Sholapur have thus far focused on the aspects of health related issues. Financial literacy among the devadasis of Sholapur is quite low. Meena, Devadasi, Belagavi: “I am a member of the SHG promoted by Shakthi Aids Tadegattuva Mahila Sangha. I save Rs.10 per week, and have saved Rs.2,000 in the grou over three years. I have taken a Rs.1000 loan from the SHG to pay school fees of my children. My dream is to educate my children and I want my daughter to get married and settle in her life. I do not want her to face the torture I have undergone. I want my son to study and get a government job”.
  • 60. 60 5.3. Insurance coverage The percentage of devadasis women who have taken insurances is presented in Table 33 and the type of insurances that women taken are given in Table 34. Table 33: Women who have insurance Women having insurance District % 0f all 3 Districts Belgavi Mehboobnagar Sholapur Yes 28% 27% 9% 22% No 72% 73% 91% 78% Grand Total 100% 100% 100% 100% Table 34: Different types of insurance Types of insurance District % 0f all 3 Districts Belgavi Mehboobnagar Sholapur Health - 37% 20% 18% Life 100% 63% 80% 82% Total 100% 100% 100% 100% Only around 22% of the respondents have insurance coverage of any sort (refer Table 33). Within this section of the respondents, the majority of the respondents are covered under life insurance (82%) rather than health insurance (18%) (Table 34). In Belagavi 100% of respondents are covered only life insurance. In Mehboobnagar highest (37%) are covered health insurance. Discussions with women in the groups show that as single parent devadasi women prefer life insurance which provides security for their children rather than having security for her health. In Belagavi, most of the women have been forced to discontinue their insurance policies because they do not have a husband. Thus they have been forced to forfeit the premium paid. The lower purchase of health insurance could be due to low awareness as well as lack of appropriate products. Conclusions: With increasing awareness and training, the women have begun to save portions of their earnings. The main sources of savings are Self Help Groups (SHGs), banks, post offices or cash saved up at the house. Although SHGs act the primary source of credit, the majority of the respondents rely on informal sources of credit such as relatives or friends especially in Sholapur. The interest rates in banks, SHGs and chit funds were in the ranges 12%, 18% to 24% and 36% respectively. The main purposes for which the loans were taken were to meet the expenses of household, health, education, house repair and marriage.
  • 61. 61 6. Occupational Health and Safety This section enquires into aspects of occupational health of the Devadasi women. Some of the questions it raises are about their illness, awareness regarding HIV/AIDS, using condoms to protect from diseases, places they go for health check up and difficulties they face there. 6.1. Health condition in the last one year The health of the devadasi women was assessed by illness they suffered in the previous year, as shown in Table 35. Table 35: Women affected by illness in last one year Affected by illness in the last one year District % of all 3 Districts Belagavi Mehboobnagar Sholapur No 53% 32% 45% 43% Yes 47% 68% 55% 57% More than half of the respondents (57%) interviewed, had fallen ill in the last one year. Most of the cases were from Mehboobnagar, at 68%, followed by Sholapur at 55%. Devadasis interviewed in Mehboobnagar and Sholapur also indicate addiction to alcohol/toddy among them. Parvathi, a Devadasi from Mehboobnagar suffers from ill-health constantly and is unable to undertake physical labour of any sort, however she does not have much of a choice given the absolute lack of social security. In her words: “My health is not good. I get fever and I get bedridden for 15 days at a stretch. The doctor said it is typhoid and suggest that I should take good food and take rest. But how can I? I am the sole bread earner of the family. I do not get any pension also. I have no energy to do agricultural work”.
  • 62. 62 6.2. Types of Illness The types of illness devadasi women had are given in Table 36. Table 36: Type of illness Type of illness District % of all 3 Districts Belagavi Mehboobnagar Sholapur Cold and Fever 21% 46% 21% 31% Others 21% 15% 48% 27% Cyst in Stomach 21% 13% 0% 11% Joint pains 4% 13% 10% 9% Uterus issues 21% 5% 3% 9% Back pain - - 14% 4% Leg pain - 8% - 3% HIV/AIDS 7% - 3% 3% Cancer 4% - - 1% Grand Total 100% 100% 100% 100% Cold and fever (31%) are the most common illnesses affecting the respondents. Three percent of HIV/ AIDS and cancer were also reported among the respondents indicating the presence of serious illness among the community. In Belagavi 7% of HIV/AIDs were reported. 6.3. Protected Sexual intercourse The devadasi were asked about their awareness of the risks of sexual intercourse with multiple partners and the source of awareness (see Tables 37 and 38). Table 37: Awareness of HIV/AIDS and other STD risks of having sex with multiple partners Suseela says thus; “Today my mother and I are alcoholics. Both my mother and I drink toddy in the morning and liquor in the evening. Each bottle of toddy costs between Rs.15 and Rs.17. The cost of quarter- liquor is anywhere in the range of Rs.250 to Rs.500. There are bottles for Rs.8,000 per bottle also but only the rich drink those. We drink only Rs.240 per bottle. So our expenditure on drink is about Rs.5,000 each month. My elder son who is 11 years old tells us not to drink. My younger son spits in the drink glass and shouts at us not to drink. But I cannot give up drinking now. I am addicted. I feel terrible if I do not drink. I become mad. I may skip food but not drink. Many people die because they have no access to toddy. We just drink, eat, and watch TV and sleep”.
  • 63. 63 Awareness of HIV/AIDS and other STD risks of having sex with multiple partners Districts % of all 3 DistrictsBelagavi Mehboobnagar Sholapur Yes 80% 70% 52% 68% No 20% 30% 48% 32% Grand Total 100% 100% 100.00% 100% Table 38: Source for information regarding AIDS risk Source for information regarding AIDS risk District % of all 3 Districts Belagavi Mehboobnagar Sholapur NGOs 48% 41% 34% 42% SHGs 35% 21% 5% 24% TV 1% 14% 22% 10% Others 0% 13% 20% 9% Unions 15% 0% 0% 6% Peers 1% 3% 20% 5% Pimps 0% 6% 0% 2% Doctor 0% 2% 0% 1% Grand Total 100% 100% 100% 100% Table 37 shows that most respondents (68%) were aware of the dangers of having sex with multiple partners in terms of the sexually transmitted diseases. Around 80% of the women in Belagavi district were aware of this fact and only 52% were aware of it in Sholapur.
  • 64. 64 Table 38 shows that NGOs (42%) and SHGs (24%) have played an important role in creating awareness among the devadasis. In Belagavi, unions played an important role (15%) in creating awareness. In Mehboobnagar and Sholapur, more urban and semi urban locations, TV and other media as also peers and pimps were key sources if information. The level and source of awareness about use of condoms prevents Sexually Transmitted Disease (STDs) and HIV/AIDS is presented in Table 39 and 40. Table 39: Awareness about use of condom to prevent HIV/AIDS and STDs Women who know use of a condom to prevent HIV/AIDS and sexually transmitted diseases District % of all 3 Districts Belagavi Mehboobnagar Sholapur Yes 75% 40% 58% 58% No 25% 60% 41% 42% Grand Total 100% 100% 100% 100% Table 39 shows that inspite of high levels of awareness about the dangers of sexual intercourse with multiple partners (refer Table 37), 60% of the respondents in Mehboobnagar district were unaware that usage of condoms helps prevent sexually transmitted diseases whereas in Sholapur 58% of them aware of usage of condoms helps prevent sexually transmitted diseases. “Yes, if they are good then only will allow them otherwise no. Because some customer quarrel, some drink. I don’t allow such customers. I also take precautions about using condoms. I don’t allow customers to sleep with me without using condoms. In fact, some customers themselves ask us if we have condoms. Even they have the awareness about the safe sex.” Galavva, Sholapur Karnataka Health Promotion Trust (KHPT) initiated several interventions to reduce HIV/AIDs among female sex workers. One such initiative is “The CORRIDORS project” was implemented in the geographical areas of Bagalkote, Belgaum and Bijapur in Karnataka and Sangli, Satara and Solapur which are border of Karnataka State. The main objective of the project is to reduce the transmission of HIV and STIs in the context of the migration-related vulnerability of migrant rural female sex workers from northern Karnataka at both the migration source and destination locations.
  • 65. 65 Table 40 Source of information regarding use of condom Source of information regarding use of condom Districts % of all three Districts Belagavi Mehboobnagar Sholapur NGOs 61% 31% 42% 48% SHGs 36% 43% 6% 30% TV 1% 21% 19% 11% Peers 1% 5% 33% 10% Grand Total 100% 100% 100% 100% Expectedly, data from Table 40 clarifies that awareness about the usage of condoms is mainly through the work of NGOs (40%) and SHGs (30%). In Balagavi (61%) NGOs played an important role compared to Sholapur (42%) and Mehboobnagar (31%). Seshamma a devadasi from Mehboobnagar is aware of condoms and also the consequences of unsafe sex but she never asked her partners to use them. She says she feels very weak and has heavily vaginal discharge. Her partner has been promising to take her to the hospital for check up and Seshamma waits for that day! Recently her son got operated for appendicitis and she borrowed Rs.25, 000 for the operation. Her partner said he will give her that money but she does not know when! Lakshmi, Utkur Village, Mehboobnagar says that “When I had my very first child I came to know of the diseases that unregulated sexual encounters can bring. As I was part of a Mahila Sangam I came to know of all these important things. Some women from Delhi used to come and give us training and help us be aware of these diseases. They would also bring along doctors who gave us knowledge about the diseases, symptoms and medication. Gauramma and I used to attend these meetings regularly. All this knowledge made me very cautious when I went on migration. I am very fearful of diseases. Men drink and go around with every street woman they come across. And even these women get drunk, they care for nothing, no place, no roof, no home. They engage in sexual acts wherever! So I was very afraid to have any contact with such men. I do not want to get into all these sexually transmitted diseases. Oh God! I just want to work hard, relax, eat and live peacefully’, Lakshmi looks to the roof and thanks God”.
  • 66. 66 Most respondents rely on private hospitals (38%) for health checks. It is important to note that Private Hospitals are far more expensive in comparison to State run hospitals. Surprisingly respondents in Mehboobnagar approach temples for health checkups. 6.4. Access to Healthcare The women reported on places where they accessed health care (Table 40) and the problems they face in accessing health services (Table 41). Table 40: Places for health check-up Places for health check-up District % of all 3 Districts Belagavi Mehboobnagar Sholapur Private hospital 45% 32% 43% 38% Government hospital 45% 31% 41% 37% Temples - 36% 3% 17% RMP doctor 10% 2% - 5% Others - - 10% 2% Homeopathy doctor - - 2% - Grand Total 100% 100% 100% 100% Most respondents rely on private hospitals (38%) for health checks across all districts. It is important to note that private hospitals are far more expensive in comparison to State run hospitals. Surprisingly respondents in Mehboobnagar approach temples (36%) for health check-ups. Table 41: Women facing difficulties in accessing health services District % of all 3 Districts Women who face difficulties in accessing the health service Belagavi Mehboobnagar Sholapur 23.33% 91.67% 25.45% 47.43% Problems of accessing health services: Money 100% 50% 36% 54% Time - 48% 14% 39% Others - 2% 21% 4% Distance - - 29% 3% Grand Total 100% 100% 100% 100%
  • 67. 67 The single biggest problem in accessing healthcare is the lack of money. When read along with the data from Table 40, due to reliance on expensive private hospitals devadasis struggle to muster financial resources to cover their health care (as shown in Table 41). Girls at the age of 6-12 years of age and then later sexually exploited mainly by patrons and by men from families of non dalits of the village and also going for termination of pregnancy. Abuse and exploitation of these girls pushes them into trauma and psychological disorders. They suffer from sexually transmitted diseases. There is a lack of research highlighting such problems to understand the psychological and health consequences faced by devadasi girls (Taware, 2015). ‘‘All the responsibilities are mine because I am a basvini’, says Narasamma in frustrated voice. ‘I was made basvini at a very young wage. My mother did not have any children except me. Therefore I was made basvini. No one will bring in a live-in-son-in-law because we are not sure if the son-in-law that comes will stay or leave. They made me basvini so I can keep the lamp of the house lit and I can take care of my parents. The hell with the house lamp, my life is messed up. My parents died, what do they know what I am going through’? Narasamma spits the tobacco she is chewing in anger. Narasamma, Mehboobnagar district Swarnalatha a devadasi from Sholapur who involved in sex work since three years shares her experiences with her partner; “I told my story to my partner and he helped me economically. I used to give him money at times as well. Initially, he was very supportive and met me every day, but in recent times he has stopped giving me money but I continue to still support him at times. I was 5 months pregnant and he was responsible for it but as he neglected me, I had no choice but to have an Medical Termination of Pregnancy (MTP)”. I have a daughter but she is from another partner. My relatives pressurized me to have a child so I requested this partner and got a daughter from him. When my daughter was born (her name is Shanta), the women from brothel house took good care of me and the malkin helped me with Rs.10, 000 required for my delivery. When I delivered, my mother and sister came to hospital to meet me”.
  • 68. 68 7. Official Identity and Access to Social Welfare Schemes Identity is vital for vulnerable sections of the workforce and society, especially in order to exercise their legal rights. These legal rights might be that of a worker or that of a citizen. Further the identity on account of their social status or occupation helps in access to schemes framed by the State. This section specifically looks at the identity documents, awareness levels among the devadasis about State run schemes and access to such schemes. The different types of identity cards held by the devadasi women surveyed are given in Figure 3 and Table 42. Figure 3: Across all districts: identity cards held by women 91.42% 90.85% 90.28% 30.85% 4% Aadhaar Voter ID Ration Devadasi PAN Meena, Devadasi from Belagavi expressed that “I was tortured by the drunken man. I was treated like a door mat as the men would force me to drink alcohol for their pleasure. They would burn my hands with cigarettes. The earning was good but the torture of staying with them half day or full was a really torture. All my earnings I would put in my mother’s hand and she would enjoy that power”. Seetha is a 26 years old devadasi from Belagavi district. Seetha attained puberty at the age of 13. She was kept inside the house for about 12 days and on the 13th day she visited the temple. By then people in street were aware that she is ready to take on a partner. She used to go work in the agriculture field regularly as that is the only means of earning her mother and she knew. She had taken her first partner at the age of 13 years. When she was fourteen years old years old she had her first baby, by the age 18 she had all her 4 children.
  • 69. 69 Table 42: Identity cards district -wise held by the women Type of Card District Belagavi Mehboobnagar Sholapur Aadhaar 26% 27% 31% Voter ID 26% 27% 30% Ration 25% 27% 32% Devadasi 22% - 3% PAN - - 4% Aroghyashree - 10% - Handicapped card - - - NREGA card 1% 8% - Total 100% 100% 100% Across all 3 districts the survey shows that 90% of the devadasis within the sample have an Aadhar card, Voters ID and a Ration card. The Devadasi Card, however is not available with most of the women from the Mehboobnagar and Sholapur Districts as there is no provision of providing devadasi card in these areas (i.e. States other than Karnataka). In fact, even the 3% women from Sholapur who posses this card are migrants from Karnataka. The high incidence of the devadasi card is because the department of women and child development in Karnataka provided cards to all devadasis identified in the surveys carried out in 1993-94 and 2007-08 as eligibility for government schemes. The low incidence of NREGA cards among the community is surprising, as the scheme is universal (as opposed to target) and is distributed to every rural household which wants to do unskilled wage work on government projects. Clearly devadasi women’s access to the benefits of this scheme is acutely limited. 7.1. Awareness and Access to State run Schemes When devadasis were recognised as a vulnerable group, the government made schemes for providing them with rehabilitation assistance. The programmes and schemes for Devadasis may be summarised in Table 43. Table 43: Overview of schemes for devadasis Karnataka Telangana Maharashtra IGA support Rs. 20,000/- with 50% subsidy Rs 20000/- with 50% subsidy NA Devadasi pension Rs. 500 per month, for devadasis, as per devadasi card Demanding for RS 1000/month Rs. 1,000 per month, some disqualified in new survey because this was a widow pension Rs. 500 per month for Joginis
  • 70. 70 Land distribution NA 3 acres of land per SC/ST landless household, by the SC/ST corporation NA Housing scheme Rs 75000 to 1,20,000/- under called Indira Awass Yojene/Rajiv Gandhi Grameen Housing scheme Rs 75000 /- to Rs 100000/- from Sc corporation NA Marriage grant Rs. 10,000 ( earlier provision, not provided any more) NA Rs 10000/- ( earlier provision, not provided any more) Create Awareness to eradicate the practice Rs 3000/programme to the NGOs to implement NA Rs 10,000/ per year programme to the NGOs To begin with, some of the schemes have suffered due to faulty design. Further, implementation created problems as well. For instance, the Karnataka State perceived that the devadasis need marriage, hence provided financial incentive for the marriage of devadasis. Some men came forward to marry the devadasis, and got the incentive of Rs. 10,000 from the government. In most of these cases, the men soon left the women, and the women were further ostracised socially for having broken the contract to God! After the first round of such marriages, the devadasi women stopped taking the benefit of the scheme, and the government stopped implementing the scheme as well. The implementation of these schemes has been of varying quality across the States and over time. Out of the five schemes, the respondents are mostly aware of the Pension scheme, the loan scheme, land scheme, loan or subsidy for IGP and marriage benefit, in succession (Table 44). Lack of information/ Demand-side issues Table 44 shows that Belagavi scores high on awareness and access to State run schemes in comparison to Mehboobnagar and Sholapur, which was mainly due to the efforts of NGOs like MASS and Shakti Aids. The devadasis in Sholapur particularly seem to suffer from low levels of awareness and consequently have little or no access to State run schemes, which was mainly due to a lack of active NGOs in the district. The Pension scheme is the most sought after, implying a strong sense of desire for financial security among the devadasis. Some of the other schemes the women are conscious of are Bangarutalli10 , an initiative of the government of Andhra Pradesh which provides financial support to pregnant women and also educational scholarships for the girl child. 10 The state government gives Rs 1,000 every month to every pregnant woman the moment she conceives till she delivers a baby. If she gives birth to - a baby girl born Rs 2,500. - Rs 1,500 every year through Aganwadis the girl turns 5 years. - At the time of admission to school, Rs 1,000. - Rs 2,000 will be given every year for her studies from the first to the fifth standard, - Rs 2,500
  • 71. 71 Devadasis do not know about the schemes and do not know how to access them, so the demand for these schemes has remained low. Prominent issues that can be understood from Table 44 is the fact that awareness about a scheme does not automatically lead to or ensure access to the benefits of the scheme. There is many a slip between the cup and lip. For example there is awareness among 29% of the respondents about land scheme whereas only 18% of the respondents accessed the scheme. Table 44: Awareness and access to State run schemes Different schemes District Total Belagavi Of all 3 Districts Sholapur Land Awareness 38 9 3 50 Access 1 8 - 9 Marriage benefit Awareness 26 - 4 30 Access 2 - 2 Loan/subsidy for IGP Awareness 21 21 5 47 Access 9 20 - 29 Housing loan Awareness 43 9 5 57 Access 28 9 2 39 Pension Awareness 56 50 21 127 Access 43 49 3 95 Grand Total Awareness 184 89 38 311 Access 83 86 5 174 The implementation of these schemes has been of varying quality across the States, and over time. from sixth to eighth standard, - Rs 3,000 for ninth and tenth standard, - Rs 3,500 each year for Intermediate, - Rs 3,000 a year during her graduation.
  • 72. 72 a. Departmental variation in success, when implementing schemes Government officials reported that when the scheme is with women and child department, many programmes got implemented: mass awareness, campaigns, to stop dedication, etc. As against this, when the scheme is implemented by the SC/ST department, the devadasi issue competes with other caste related schemes, and does not get sufficient attention or funds. b. Livelihoods Financing schemes: Devadasis not creditworthy Among the official livelihoods promotion support, two major types of financing schemes have been initiated in Telangana Indira Awas Yojana (IAY) - housing scheme of the corporation Income generating activity The SC/ST cooperation has a provision to extend loans and subsidies; usually they give a proportion of the total funding needed (60:40),with the latter coming from the bank. The amount available ranges from Rs. 75,000 to Rs. 1 lakh. However, as there have been earlier defaults on loan repayments by their family members, most devadasis are not considered creditworthy by bank standards, and are unable to use the provision. Consequently, even when subsidies and loans are available, devadasis are unable to use these to build homes or their businesses. c. Non-accessibility of Government Welfare Schemes due to certificates: Many government schemes require that the beneficiary provide the husband’s name, an income certificate, or a marriage certificate. Many devadasi women are not able to produce this evidence, hence are deprived of many welfare schemes, especially from the Women and Child and SC/ST departments. Lack of these certificates also prevents devadasis and their children from getting passports, depriving them of educational or income earning opportunities outside India11 . 11 Mr. Raghavendra Rao, Retired Judge and the one man commission on devadasi Social security or lack thereof Narsamma from Utkur Mandal, Mehboobnagar does not know her age, she thinks she is between 45 to 50 years. She belongs to the backward community of kuruva, who traditionally rear goats. She sold her ancestral property of 2 acres in order to get her three elder children married. Now she struggles to eke out a bare sustenance, in which the labour of two of her children also plays a vital role. Her youngest son, aged 12 years works as goat herder and earns about Rs 15,000 per annum. Her daughter works, aged 15 years works as an agricultural labourer. Narsamma has little or no access to state run schemes and she says; ‘I have no land today. I lost both my parents. I have 2 children to take care of. Who in these days will give me anything at all! They will say we gave you children and that is it. I have never gone on migration. I just worked in the village itself. In summer when there is no work I take loans and then repay it when working season comes. When MGNREGA works are implemented I go to those works. The works have not yet started this year. We get anywhere between Rs.60 toRs.100 per day as wages. There is no consistency even in MGNREGA payment. They pay whatever’. ‘I have no sheep or goats though I belong to Kurva community. I still have a debt of Rs.1 lakh to repay. All our earnings go in day-to-day living and repaying the loan. Where will I have additional money to buy sheep or goat’?‘I used to get pension when it was Rs.200. I stopped getting any pension from the time they enhanced it to Rs.1000. It has been 4 months now since I got pension’.
  • 73. 73 d. Landless and key challenge of land possession The Andhra Pradesh government had announced a scheme for allotting land to devadasis during the land reform programme, however very few devadasi families received their allotted land and required legal deeds. Some received the deeds but do not have possession over their land. Consequently, many devadasis are landless and don’t even have their own shelter12 . e. Stigma and Discrimination in the Labour market Most devadasi women who have not started commercial sex work are daily wage labourers and are working in unorganized sectors like agriculture and construction. Devadasi women in Karim Nagar district of Andhra Pradesh are working in the Beedi industry, mainly rolling beedi. These women do not get equal wages for equal work as compared to other labourers and are also deprived of provident fund. These facts were noted by the one man Commission on Devadasis in Andhra Pradesh, Justice Raghunath Rao. The discrimination, social exclusion, the stigma of temple prostitutes and the attitude of the community have prevented devadasis from engaging in alternate professions. f. Lack of psycho-social counselling support service and health security Devadasis are dedicated during early childhood or at puberty, at 6 to 12 years of age and are later sexually exploited by patrons and also men from non dalit families. They are subjected to forced sex, abuse and exploitation at an early age, causing emotional trauma and psychological disorders, as well as sexually transmitted diseases. They also suffer problems arising from isolation, social exclusion, and stigmatization, leading many devadasi girls and women to become depressive. These traumas may manifest itself in the form of abnormal changes in their behavioral pattern, including psycho-somatic disorders. g. Pension scheme Devadasi women are unable to avail benefits of any pension schemes such as widow pension, single 12 This was reported by devadasis in a workshop in Hyderabad in February 2015. The findings of the survey in the study show that 75% of the devadasis have a home, which could be due to the fact that the sample was largely drawn from NGO- assisted devadasis. Extract of FGD in Mehboobnagar: in one of the FGD conducted in Utkuru, devadasi women shared the pensions increased from Rs. 200 to Rs 1,000 per month. However the respondents have not received pensions for 4 to 5 months, when contacted in February 2015. Devadasi women are covered under the widow pension scheme, which is ironical given that they are called “sadasumangalis (always married). The Telangana government undertook a "SamagraKutumba Survey" (The intensive family survey) in one day i.e. on August 19th , 2014. In that survey devadasi women came to know that their status is mentioned as widows which was not acceptable to them. They asked surveyors to write their status as single woman in the survey. This was done because they are married to God/Goddess and can never become widows, they are locally called “sadasumangalis or nithyamuthaidhuva”. After submission of results of the survey the State government cancelled their pension under the category of widow. Due to this reason most of the women who are below the age group of 55 are not getting pension and only those above 65 are getting old age pension.
  • 74. 74 women etc. due to their peculiar status. They are neither widows as they are married to god and nor are they single women because of their association with their patrons. The government has not been able to consider the case of devadasis under single women, as this is open to abuse by non-devadasi single women who claim to be devadasis, thus depriving the actual beneficiaries. h. Lack of funds with the government Although the government has announced schemes for rehabilitation of devadasis, the implementation has been wanting for lack of funds as well. In Karnataka, an NGO working with Dalits reported that devadasi women had not received their pensions for the past 19 months, as they had not received funds from the central government. Hence, non-disbursements of funds, lack of appropriate allocations and allotment of funds are key challenges in context to implementation of State rehabilitation schemes. i. No property rights Though there is an ambiguity on the status of children born from a live in relationship the property rights are the same. A devadasis in rural areas establish a relationship with only one patron over many years, they can claim maintenance for themselves and a share in the property of the partner for their children. Such measures have not been initiated under any government programme for rehabilitation of devadasi women. The possibility of litigation under this legal provision should also be explored, so that devadasi women can claim maintenance for themselves and a share in the property for their children. j. Dilemma of Universal and Targeted Approach There is the classic dilemma of universal versus targeted approach to this problem. Devadasis may face competition from other social groups in the case of access to Universal approach. In the Targeted approach, access may be easier but stigmatization and fear of discrimination may impede access. Therefore it is important to first understand the various facets of the devadasi system fully and only then design a suitable approach.
  • 75. 75 7.2. Sources of Information The sources of information about government schemes are given in Table 45. Table 45: Sources of information for the schemes Districts % of all 3 DistrictsSource Belagavi Mehboobnagar Sholapur Collectives 14% 25% - 16% NGOs 83% 43% 48% 69% SHG 2% 23% 21% 9% Peers 1% 1% 3% 1% Self - 3% 28% 4% Unions 1% 5% - 2% Grand Total 100% 100% 100% 100% Across all the districts 69% of the respondents indicated that NGOs are the main source of information about government schemes. In Belagavim83% of the respondents indicated that NGOs were their source of information. This is mainly because NGOs like MASS and Shakthi Aids Tadegattuva Mahila Sangha have undertaken effective awareness campaigns about the ills of devadasi practice and the need to eradicate the practice. Most of the respondents are illiterate therefore audio-visual media will be more effective than traditional methods such as posters and wall writings. There are targeted schemes for devadasis and there are universal schemes such as the MNREGA. These schemes vary across different States. The designs of these schemes do not take into account the important question of migration among members of the community. Collectives have played an important role in creating awareness of these schemes and of the ills of the devadasi system among community members. Data analysis indicates clearly that there is a gap between awareness and access to these schemes, therefore implying problems of implementation of the schemes. Perhaps a more effective use of the collective organizations can be envisaged by ensuring access to the schemes as the next logical step. It is of vital importance that the children of devadasis are given special attention in the area of skill development, so the cycle of inter-generational dedication of devadasis broken.
  • 76. 76 8. Collectivization and Access to Legal Services 8.1. Access to Collectives Membership based organizations such as SHGs, Trade Unions, Collectives and womens’ groups offer an invaluable platform for oppressed sections of the workforce to come together, share experiences, learn from each other, understand that they are victims of a cruel system and collectively fight against the ills of such a system. Figure 4 shows that of all the respondents interviewed, around 70% of them are members of a collective or of above mentioned groups. The respondents from Belagavi (92%) and Mehboobnagar (72%) in a sizable proportion have joined a membership based organization. In Sholapur, more than half of the respondents were not part of any collective organization, because most of the women in Sholapur are geographically scattered, it is difficult for them to attend the meeting of collectives. Figure 4: Members of any groups/collectives Of the 72% of the women who are members of collectives or groups, in Belagavi most of devadasis are members of the collectives exclusively formed for women from devadasi/Sex workers’ community. In Mehboobnagar most of the devadasis are included in the collectives formed from the general community following an inclusive approach. Also, there is a presence of a union in Sholapur which 6% of women have joined. 91.67% 71.67% 45.45% 0.00% 10.00% 20.00% 30.00% 40.00% 50.00% 60.00% 70.00% 80.00% 90.00% 100.00% Belagavi Mehboobnagar Sholapur
  • 77. 77 8.2. Source of information about collectives Devadasis were asked what are sources of knowledge about the collectives is and the data is given in Table 46. Table 46: Source of knowledge of the collectives Knowledge of these collectives from Districts % 0f all 3 DistrictsBelagavi Mehboobnagar Sholapur NGOs 94% 92% 16% 76% Peers - - 68% 15% SHGs 4% 5% 4% 4% Others 2% - 12% 4% Pimps - 3% - 1% Total 100% 100% 100% 100% In Belagavi (94%) and Mehboobnagar (92%), NGOs have been active in creating awareness about the importance of collective organizations, whereas in Sholapur peer interactions (68%) have led to greater awareness about collective organizations (refer Table 46). 8.3. Perceived benefits from membership Devadasi women were asked about how membership of collectives benefits them, the answers are depicted in Table 47. Table 47: Benefits of joining the collectives/groups Perceived Benefits of joining these collectives/groups Districts % 0f all 3 DistrictsBelagavi Mehboobnagar Sholapur Access to Loan 77% 83% - 69% Others - 8% 100% 17% Ability to save 12% 6% - 8% Access to government schemes 6% 3% - 4% Awareness about Acts 6% 0% - 3% Grand Total 100% 100% 100% 100% Given the precarious nature of their livelihood, access to credit (69%) is the single biggest benefit from membership in collective organizations. SHGs also act as forums to discuss their problems and collaboratively increase awareness of different State run schemes. Suseela is 26 years old, born and raised in Narayanpet, Mehboobnagar. Suseela is a member of women’s Self- help Group and saves Rs.100 per month. Suseela says that these savings come handy to spend for children’s education or for some emergency purpose. She has taken a loan of Rs.10,000 once for health purposes at 2% per month interest.
  • 78. 78 8.4. Access to Legal justice This section looks into aspects related to awareness about legal protection to devadasis (Table 48) and the sources of awareness (Table 49). Table 48: Women who are aware of legal protection Acts these women are aware of Districts Of all 3 Districts Belagavi Mehboobnagar Sholapur Devadasi Prohibition Act 74% 85% 70% 78% Child marriage Act 15% 15% - 12% Others 7% - 30% 9% Child rights 4% - - 1% Grand Total 100% 100% 100% 100% Table 49: Source of information regarding acts Source of information regarding Acts Districts Of all 3 DistrictsBelagavi Mehboobnagar Sholapur NGOs 49% 49% 25% 46% Union 29% 1% - 10% Pimps - 15% - 8% SHGs 22% 22% - 19% TV - 11% 13% 8% Peers - 1% 56% 6% Others - 1% 6% 1% Grand Total 100% 100% 100% 100% Awareness levels about the Devadasi Prohibition Acts were quite high in Mehboobnagar (85%), followed by Belagavi (74%) and Sholapur (70%). However the awareness levels of other aspects of their lives governed by child marriage, child rights, compulsory education and forced labour are abysmally low (refer Table 49). NGOs, SHGs and Unions have been active in creating awareness mainly about the Devadasi Prohibition Acts. The implementation of Devadasi Prohibition Acts is poor at a gross level especially in Andhra Pradesh, even after making the Act in 1988, the rules have not been framed. The one man Commission report was submitted with several suggestions to the joint AP Government in 2013 (two years ago) which is still not Leelavathi, devadasi from Mehboobnagar shared “ I have served my partner 23 years like a wife, from him I had two children. Several times his family members fought with me to leave my partner as he already got married. With all these disturbances my partner used to come to me every day and look after me and my children well. Suddenly from the last two months he stopped coming to my house and I feel alone, helpless and afraid about how I am going to bring up my children. He has 10 acres of land. Madam please tell me under which law I can claim his property to my children”.
  • 79. 79 in public domain, no actions have been taken to improve the livelihoods of devadasis and their children. Devadasis are being dedicated at ages much lesser than 21 years. In fact more than 70% of the respondents were dedicated to the devadasi system at age less than 15 years. It clearly shows that the Child Marriage Act and the Hindu Marriage Act are being violated in the case of devadasis and action can be initiated under these Acts. Many legal violations are committed is the devadasi practice. 69% of devadasi women have their first partner at the age of less than 16 years. This clearly shows that it is violation of Human rights and is a violation of the Hindu Marriage Act 1955 (a woman should be at least 18 years of age at the time of marriage). It is also considered as human trafficking and Statutory Rape as per section 375 in the Indian Penal Code (which explains that having sexual intercourse with woman of age below 16 years is considered as a rape). As devadasis are involved in work at the age of 16 year, it is also a violation of The Child Labour Prohibition and Regulation Act 1986. Most of the devadasis are from SC caste, which is also violation of SC and ST (Prevention of Atrocity) Act, 1989. Along with the devdadasi prohibition acts there is an urgent need to create awareness about the applicability of other laws in order to eradicate the devadasi practice which includes The Prohibition of Child Marriage Act, 2006 The SC and ST (Prevention of Atrocity) Act, 1989 Convention on the Rights of the Child 1989 The Child Labour Prohibition and Regulation Act 1986 The Prohibition of Child Marriage Act, 2006 Hindu Marriage Act 1955 Protection of Women from Domestic Violence Act 2005 Provisions under the Indian Penal Codes (Sections on 370 A, 374, 375, 376) The Immoral Trafficking Act, 1950 Details about these acts are given in Annexure 4. Leelavathi, devadasi from Mehboobnagar shared “ I have served my partner 23 years like a wife, from him I had two children. Several times his family members fought with me to leave my partner as he already got married. With all these disturbances my partner used to come to me every day and look after me and my children well. Suddenly from the last two months he stopped coming to my house and I feel alone, helpless and afraid about how I am going to bring up my children. He has 10 acres of land. Madam please tell me under which law I can claim his property to my children”.
  • 80. 80 PART IV- CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMENDATIONS This section consolidates the findings based which recommendations are framed. 9. Conclusions Activists and scholars have struggled to conclusively define the devadasi practice in a way that captures its caste, culture, poverty and labour-specific characteristics. Devadasis have themselves embraced several identities to negotiate with State and society for better conditions. The practice has been child labour, child marriage, child sexual abuse, treated as a traditional and cultural practice by some, while others have highlighted exploitative elements such as caste based exploitation or, at the other extreme, a religious/ cultural/ traditional practice. A singular classification is not sufficient, as this particular practice lies at the intersection of all these categories. For this reason, it is valuable to look differently at the different stages in the life of a devadasi. For clarity and guidance, there is need to look at many of the arguments made around the Trokosi tradition in Ghana that has bears striking similarities to the devadasi practice – although the push factors may be quite different. 9.1. The Caste based discrimination Various definitions of caste have tended to focus on ideas of purity and pollution; hierarchy; hereditary occupations and practices of endogamy and inter-dining. However Dr. Ambedkar says that caste is an enclosed class, maintained by strict rules of endogamy between castes and exogamy between “Sagotras” in India. The origin of the caste system is traced 4th Century BC in India. The prevalence of caste system in India is wide and has deep roots. The caste system in the famous words of Dr.Ambedkar is not merely a division of labour but in reality the division of labourers. This formulation of the division of labour being inherited by birth and not on the basis of worth of an individual is central to understanding the caste based discrimination in modern India. Caste often predetermines one’s occupation for life in India. The onset of modern capitalism has attempted to break caste barriers, however in much of India - especially rural India - caste plays a central role in shaping social and economic realities of society. Untouchability shuts all doors of opportunities for betterment in life for Untouchables. It does not offer an Untouchable any opportunity to move freely in society; it compels him to live in dungeons and seclusion; it prevents him from educating himself and following a profession of his choice. Dr.BR Ambedkar As noted previously, most devadasis are Dalit women and there is a distinct caste character to this practice. The priest (local gurus) and members of the highest castes are actively involved in the dedication – they sometimes actively recruit the girls, perform the dedication ceremony and are also often involved in their sexual exploitation, post-dedication.
  • 81. 81 While in traditional slavery economic benefit was also crucial, the situation is slightly different in the case of devadasis. Here, the priests and elders maintain the socio-religious order through the continuation of the practice, as the post holds a religious significance. It also maintains the gender and caste order, through the exercise of power by men of higher status (most notably the priest) over the bodies and labour of the devadasi. The devadasi practice can therefore be termed as a particularly severe, gendered and caste-based form of forced labour, targeted at girl children, that endangers their safety and puts them at high risk of vulnerability to experiencing routine sexual exploitation. 9.2. Gender and caste discrimination. The devadasi system is evidence of the fact that caste oppression gave rise to the systems, and patriarchy, and various market forces, have helped to perpetuate and promote it. The importance to be given to the caste oppression in the current context is a contested question. Some leaders proclaim that even while recognising the caste oppression in the origin of the devadasi system, currently the placement of the problem in the caste oppression realm will not serve the needs of devadasi women today. Further they warned that if rehabilitation programmes of Devadasis are placed under SC welfare programmes, the special focus on devadasis may be lost, and devadasis would find it difficult to gain access to official benefits. The proponents of this view also held that the fight for ending the devadasi/ Jogini system requires a focus on the issue of devadasis, which will be lost if the attention is directed to caste oppression more generally. 13 Civil Society Organisations engaged in working with devadasis hold that as the caste oppression lies at the foundation of the system, all kinds of caste oppression must be eradicated, as also this practice. They believe that if caste oppression is not eradicated firmly, such oppression of Dalit women will come up in new forms from time to time. They also caution that without addressing caste based discrimination and stigma issues, rehabilitation programmes for devadasis would not yield the desired results. Others further point out that women from non dalit castes also do not oppose the oppression of dalit women through practices like the devadasi system. This reinforces the role of caste in oppressive practices, showing that the women’s movement in India has failed to create solidarity of women across castes and class.14 13 This view was stated by Ms.Lalitha Kumara Mangalam, Chairperson of National Commission for Women, and other Commission members in a workshop on the Devadasi system held in Hyderabad in February 2015. 14 Ms. Ruth Manorama, at the Hyderabad conference, February, 2015.
  • 82. 82 “When my daughter was about 5 years old and my son 2 years old, my first partner died. I know he did not die of AIDS. He was healthy. But when he and his 2 brothers had a property division, I think it hurt him emotionally. He became weak. He lost his mind. He stopped working. He used to take care of goats and sheep earlier, but now he began to roam like a vagabond here and there. He also became alcoholic. Earlier, when he visited me, he never used to drink. He was good. But after losing his mind he started drinking mindlessly. Our village Pulimamidi is divided into peta and kota. SC communities and some other communities like toddy tappers live in peta and other castes live in kota. Peta means street, kota means fort. Alcohol was available only in peta. So he used to drink here in peta and go to kota and roam around. His family took him to many hospitals but apparently there was no cure. One day he got drunk and started walking in the night. I am not sure what happened but maybe he tripped over a stone. He was found dead in the morning on the street. He fell on his stomach and died. People passing by saw him’. ‘My partner did not give me any gold or property. I don’t even have a nose ring even today. He did not give money during deliveries. My parents took care of everything’. ‘After my first partner passed away, a sense of disillusionment set in me. I felt that I cannot trust anyone. No one will really take care of me and my children. The only thing I can bank on is my physical strength. So I decided to work hard and earn money for my children’. ‘After 11 years of the death of my first partner, I do not know what happened. Some evil prevailed on me. I met one fellow from this village itself. He also belongs to SC community. I slept with him for two to three times. We always met outside. He never came home. I became pregnant. I realized that I was pregnant in the first month itself. I wanted to terminate my pregnancy. But people in my neighbourhood and my relatives put pressure on me and said that I should let this child be born after which I should get family planning operation done. One lady told me that it is a sin to terminate my pregnancy. I got influenced by all this and gave birth to a daughter’. ‘My second partner did not give me even a single rupee in all our months of relationship. My mother took care of my delivery expenses. He did not even come to see the child. He disappeared on me. I used to be in Anti-Jogini groups and women groups but I could not speak about this matter there. He belongs to the same community as me – SC. Therefore I was pressurised by my caste people to forgive him and let go’. ‘My mother shouted a lot at me for becoming pregnant. But because she is my mother she adjusted eventually. My mother did not go and question that fellow because we realized it will be a black mark on our family itself. People will ridicule me that I was not at a young innocent age when I slept with him. I kept silent and gave birth to a daughter. I had fever recently and therefore I am weak. Doctor said I am anaemic. He said I should be on saline. But I don’t have money. I don’t eat food properly. I think a lot about my family and about how I can provide for them. Children are growing up, their needs are growing and I keep thinking as to how I can fulfil those needs’. ‘I started drinking toddy after my partner left me because of tensions. I was not feeling well when I was drinking. Also it used to cost me Rs.5 every day. I thought if I can spend these five rupees on my children for tea that will be good rather than me drinking and spoiling my health. I stopped drinking toddy. My son tells me not to go to hotels for drinking tea. He says I should send someone to get tea for me. I respect him and his words’. Narayanamma, Utkurmandal, Telangana
  • 83. 83 9.3. Cultural practice or forced labour? Devadasis are married to goddess Yellamma and hence are not allowed to marry any mortal man in their whole life (Shankar, 1994). These girls are therefore substitutes for human sacrifices for the deities in the temples and it is believed that the devadasis bring blessings to the entire community. As Nityasumangalis, (meaning women who can never be widowed and are ever auspicious), devadasis were welcome guests at weddings and other auspicious functions, but they did not participate in funeral or other mourning rituals (Reddy, 2012). Hence the devadasis enjoyed higher status than other dalit women. Keeping this in mind mmuch of the literature on devadasis views it as a cultural practice, and although the caste embeddedness of the practice is highlighted, the facets of forced labour are not (Kersenboom, 1987, Chawla, 2002; Sampark, 2002, Orchard, 2007; Shrama, 2007 Nikolova, 2009). To the extent that the practice is an involuntary induction into what is effectively slave labour for services to the temple (e.g. participation in festivals), the devadasi practice falls within the definition of Forced Labour which includes “all work or service which is exacted from any person under the menace of any penalty and for which the said person has not offered himself voluntarily”.15 Merely dedicating oneself to a lifetime of religious service is not automatically forced labour, however, e.g. in the case of nuns of a religious order. The involuntary induction, the control over her body and labour and her inability to escape the devadasi identity is what makes this practice degrading and exploitative and, therefore, unacceptable. Many ILO documents already recognise the Trokosi tradition as Forced child labour16 and this is also a useful way of looking at the devadasi practice. In both the Trokosi and the devadasi practices, the child’s labour is offered in exchange for relief for the family – whether it is economic or religious. The offering of a minor to the temple for a lifetime of servitude puts its firmly within the boundaries of the Worst Forms of Child Labour Convention of the ILO (no. 182) which bans “all forms of slavery or practices similar to slavery, such as the sale and trafficking of children, debt bondage and serfdom and forced or compulsory labour, including forced or compulsory recruitment of children for use in armed conflict”, which has also been extended to include traditional forms of exploitation.17 Most devadasis are Dalits and live in abject poverty. If they have been dedicated as children, they have lost precious years of their life to this slave–like existence. They come from families that have offered them for dedication as a result of their economic vulnerability and extreme. An adult devadasi seldom finds non-ritualised paid work opportunities other than casual labour or sex work. However, her health is constantly at risk, as is that of any children she may have. The social stigma attached to illegitimate children also puts the health, education and development of her children at considerable risk. Often, in order to survive, she must provide sexual services to all that demand it from her or face punitive action and starvation. One report even refers to devadasis as the collective “property of the village.”18 15 Article 2, Forced Labour Convention http://www.ilo.org/dyn/normlex/en/f?p=NORMLEXPUB:12100:0::NO::P12100_ILO_CODE:C029 16 See, for example http://www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/groups/public/---ed_norm/---declaration/documents/publication/wcms_088490.pdf and http://www.ilo.org/dyn/normlex/fr/f?p=NORMLEXPUB:13100:0::NO::P13100_COMMENT_ID:2256114 ) 17 http://www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/groups/public/---ed_norm/---declaration/documents/publication/wcms_088490.pdf 18 http://www.dfn.org.uk/info/slavery/42-information/slavery/94-ritual-sex-slavery
  • 84. 84 9.4. Child labour and child marriage Research findings showed that 37% of women are made devadasis when they are at the age between 6 and 10 years and 70% of women made devadasis at an age below 15 years. These girls at this young age are not aware of the implications of turning into a devadasi and are forced to get involved in sex work once they attain puberty. Children who are dedicated at a young age face extreme risks to their health due to early sexual encounters and routine sexual abuse with multiple partners. Many are raped as soon as they reach puberty and some, even earlier. While there is child protection laws under which offenders can be prosecuted for child rape, there are no such prosecutions the normalisation and social sanction of this practice provides a cover for this heinous crime. The fact that there are multiple partners also provides anonymity to the offenders. Reporting these offenses are almost unheard of. These scheduled caste girl children are denied their fundamental right to education and spend crucial years in conditions of slavery. The cumulative impact of this situation on their psychosocial development is immense and the damage is irreparable. Adult devadasis lose freedom of getting married and cannot legitimately name their partner as husband or father of children, thereby losing the protection the marriage accords to a woman. Their children face difficulty in joining schools, getting government jobs and passport etc. Devadasi children face discrimination in getting marriage alliances. Those who come forward to marry them are economically weaker and or ask for dowry thus limiting the choice for children of devadasis. 9.5. Sex work or slavery? Some scholars maintain that the ritualised sexual activity must be viewed as prostitution, as the devadasis receive compensation in return for sexual services. Similarly, others attempt to argue that it is similar to marital support and therefore not exploitative (Parrot and Cummings, 2008). However, neither is a fair) assessment as the devadasis do not determine what they receive for their services – the men do. Whatever she receives in the form of money for basic expenditures, land or assets is not fair compensation but should be recognized for what it is - an exercise in patronage. The slave must remain alive, for her to be available for exploitation. For a devadasi to be said to have undertaken sex work, she must be in a position to demand payment and to refuse to provide sexual services if the conditions of the transaction are not acceptable to her, in reality she can neither refuse the service nor demand payment, as was seen in the case of Meena. Unlike Trokosi slavery, sexual slavery is not traditionally integral to the devadasi practice but a consequence of her inability to marry, her caste status and her poverty. The vulnerability of young girls to sexual abuse is heightened through the denial of security by their families. The conditions under which devadasis agree to have sexual intercourse with men, even as adults, to ensure their basic survival, is better understood as violence inflicted upon then because of their vulnerability, rather than a commercial transaction between two consenting parties. This therefore also meets many of the
  • 85. 85 conditions of “Unacceptable forms of work”, defined as those that “deny fundamental principles and rights at work, put at risk the lives, health, freedom, human dignity and security of workers or keep households in conditions of poverty”. This also allows us to conceptualize this as a highly hazardous form of work, conditions of which add to workers’ vulnerability to being sexually exploited. However, the normalisation of the practice as well as the gender, caste and economic status of the victim does not allow this exploitation to easily come to light. Incidents of non-consensual sex would not be reported or taken seriously by government authorities because the rape of devadasis is both socially acceptable and expected. It is an inescapable fact that devadasis are highly likely to take up sex work as an occupation and fair opportunities and compensation by society. Being uneducated women and dalits, most jobs, except for the most physically strenuous or humiliating, are out of their reach. Most devadasi women interviewed in the study reported taking up sex work voluntarily, although there are clear links to trafficking that have been noted in other reports. Devadasis who have not been trafficked are much more likely to be able to demand payment as sex workers, set the terms of the exchange and be in a position to refuse the exchange if they are unhappy with the terms. This is significant step-up from coercion and exploitation under the guise of a ‘traditional practice’. Moving to an urban environment also brings anonymity and an escape from an area they associate with their ritualised exploitation. Sex workers are better organised in terms of claiming their civil and political rights, and this identity could potentially aid devadasis in claiming their own.
  • 86. 86 ‘Influenced by friends and driven by needs in the family I have now taken up sex work for living. My parents have become old. My brothers do not care. So I found this as the only option’. ‘I get my customers from the market and from toddy shop. When I go to market boys approach me. They give me some black pills that make me dizzy and I lose my senses. Then they take me along with them and use me. I do not remember much of what happens then. Some people give money, some don’t. In fact once some boys beat me and even burnt me with cigarettes. I cannot go to police station because they treat me very poorly’. ‘The customers take me on their bikes to fields and I sleep with them there. They promise to give Rs.500 or Rs.1000 and liquor. But when the work is over some pay less, some just run away. Even if we are not interested to - go with them, we face violence. Once a fellow in the toddy shop caught my hair and dragged me to his bike. There was another man also. Both of them took me to the field, raped me and fled. People in the toddy shop were watching but did not interfere’. ‘Some customers give Rs.200, some give Rs.300. We cannot do anything even if they do not give us the promised amount. They can really hurt us. They can kill us and throw our bodies in the field. Therefore we silently take what they give’. ‘I earn about Rs.6000 per month. I am fat and also of dark complexion. So I do not get as many customers as my friend. I engage in sex work for about 2 or 3 days in a week. Sometimes it is 4 or 5 days. Sometimes customers come every Sunday. Most of my customers come from Raichur. We do not entertain men from Makhthal because we know them all and it does not look good. Further they will be related to us in some way or the other. So we get our customers only from Raichur. Sometimes they take us to Raichur. They take us to lodge. They get us drunk. They take pictures with their cell’. ‘We face lot of violence in this business. The customers do not even give us proper food to eat. Even if I say that I have to go and give milk to my child they would not let me go for hours. They pull out porn movies from cell phone and ask us to enact such roles. It is disgusting ’. ‘I drink toddy and also liquor. I got this habit from my friends. My customers give me some potent liquor and I will no clue what happens after that. I was beaten very bad one day by a man. My eye got so badly hurt that I was unable to open. I was there at the toddy shop. He was pressurizing me to come to him. He said if I try to escape he will even follow me. Some people tried to come and support me but nothing changed. Once some 5 to 6 men got me drunk so much and took me away in Tata Sumo. I was not in my senses. They used me the whole night and at around 2 or 3 am in the morning they dropped me off at a toddy shop. I had to then find my way home’. Lalitha, devadasi and sex worker, Mehboobnagar, Telangana
  • 87. 87 9.6. Gender norms as basis for practice The devadasi practice is deeply rooted in gender stereotypes and pre-defined gender roles – all devadasis are women and transgender and are ‘married to serve’ God. Article 5 of CEDAW draws attention to the discrimination inherent in “the social and cultural patterns of conduct of men and women and customary and all other practices which are based on the idea of the inferiority or the superiority of either of the sexes or on stereotyped roles for men and women”. While the conceptualisation of this practice as a “forced marriage” to God may seem absurd, scholars have drawn attention to the fact that the violation in forced marriages occurs when “one or more parties lose their right to choose their partner”, which is certainly the case here. This is mentioned explicitly in Article 16 of CEDAW, which protects a woman’s “right to freely choose a spouse” (Thomas, 2009, CEDAW 2013). Even when in long-term relationships with a single partner, devadasis have no legal right over the assets or incomes of their partners. However, the gender discrimination is nowhere more explicit than in the highly sexualized form of exploitation suffered by devadasi girl and women. Like in the case of Trokosi slavery, India continues to tolerate the mass rape of a large number of children and women under the guise of a cultural practice. The preference for young, pre-pubescent girls also indicates the preference for ‘virgins’ as dedicated slaves, evidence of patriarchal ideas of pleasure and control (CEDAW, 2013.) 9.7. Unacceptable form of work Figure 5: Framework of UFW A key question that arises after a comprehensive discussion of the devadasis lives and livelihoods relates to whether it can be classified as an unacceptable form of work (UFW). Three key considerations (details of which are given in Figure 5) of such classification are relevant: 1. Lack of fundamental rights at work 2. Risks of lives, poor health and insecurity 3. Extreme poverty
  • 88. 88 9.7.1. Lack of Fundamental Rights at Work: The fact that devadasis face a lack of fundamental rights (Figure 6) is evidenced by the following: They are socially excluded: They have no political recognition as a group, with no good estimate of the numbers, the mandatory committees for the elimination of the practice being inoperational and ineffective. They also face discrimination in temples, social functions, etc. with most customs associated with them being insulting and degrading, such as dancing, begging, etc. Child Labour: Girl children are dedicated at a tender age – below 15 years, when they are not in a position to comprehend the violence that has been inflicted on them. Their fate as social sex workers is already decided at this time. Figure 6: Lack of Fundamental Rights Forced labour: Once dedicated, the devadasi girl children are forced into sex work on attaining puberty, without their consent. They have no scope for escape, as they are not able to marry, and any attempt to escape this work is seen as a violation of the promise to God. Once dedicated, the devadasi girl is doomed to a future of sexual slavery to men, sex work, or other work if she has the possibility to do so such as agriculture and construction labour, nor do they have voice to demand social protection from the government. Lack of collective bargaining: Devadasi women are not organised, except in very few cases where NGOs have facilitated such organisation. As unorganised workers, they lack voice and recognition, and as their work does not have a legal status as “work”, there is total absence of legal protection. The social norms also militate against them, as there are no social means or forums whereby they can demand payment or maintenance from their patrons/ partners Social Exclusion •Discrimination at work place, temples, functions ,etc •Difficulties in school enrollment, government jobs, passport, etc Child Labour •Dedicated at tender age – below 15 years •Inability to comprehend violence inflicted on self Forced Labour •Forced into sex work on attaining puberty without consent •No scope for escape unless migrated Collective Bargaining •Lack of voice, no scope for Organisation and recognition •Women lack self acceptance, no “work” status •Absence of legal protection
  • 89. 89 9.7.2. Risks of Lives, Health and Security: The risk to the lives, health and security (Figure 7) of devadasi girls arises from: The risk of lives arises among devadasis as the practice amounts to human trafficking , with girls being forced into sex trade, and physical abuse in occupation, even if the place of such force is in the homes of their parents, and in social functions. They experience pregnancy at a young age, causing poor health and anemia. They are at the risk of sexually transmitted diseases (STD), isolation, alcoholism; depression and psychological disorders. Figure 7: Risks of Lives Absence of Right to Freedom: Once dedicated, the devadasis cannot get out of the socially sanctioned sex work, nor can they demand payment for their services, or rights in the property of their partners. They also lack access to education; skill development and livelihood opportunities. Lack of security of workers: The devadasi practice being a social practice, its nature as sex work is undermined; with informal arrangements being made for sexual partnerships, and meagre, uncertain or no financial contributions being made by the partners. The option of non- acceptance of sex work is not open to a devadasi, their only option to earn sufficient money for their families being through migration to semi-urban and urban areas for work. Risk of lives •Human Trafficking , forced into sex trade, physical abuse in occupation Health concerns •Pregnancy at young age - reproductive cycle disturbed, Termination causes poor health and anemia •Risk of contracting sexually transmitted diseases; •Tobacco and Alcoholism; Depression and other physiological disorders Right to Freedom •Cannot demand for payment for services; Property rights •Lack of access to education; livelihood opportunities •Freedom against Discrimination – Social labels Security of workers • Non- Acceptance of work, migration and its many faces of exploitation •Informal agreement with partner, therefore meager financial contribution & not guaranteed Human dignity •No social identity, isolated and excluded •Freedom of marriage and Identifying Partner as husband or father of children. •Child @ risk – ridiculed and called names – child mental growth affected , perpetuity and inter – generational tradition. • Abused by Child – Grown up , compelled to quit partner, verbal/physical abuse by child, question practices. ‘I had 2 acres of land that was given to me by my grandparents. I sold those 2 acres of land and got my 3 daughters married. I have not converted any of my daughters as basvini because I spoiled my life with no husband, no stability. Why will I repeat that for my daughters? My relatives pressurized me to make my elder daughter basvini. I vehemently disagreed. See how I suffer? I borrow money from here and there and live. Only when we are healthy everyone will come. Once we become weak an old no one will see our face’. Narasamma, Mehboobnagar district
  • 90. 90 Lack of human dignity: Devadasi girls are denied the status of married women, and their children are not legitimate children of their partners, with no social acknowledgement of the paternal descent of the children. The children are also put at risk, with their sense of belonging and dignity being denied, as their identities are not socially acknowledged as respectable. Devadasis are also at risk of abuse not only by their partners, but also general public, through social practices such as dancing in Jathres, where they are sexually abused by women. These facts constitute risks to the lives, health and security of devadasi women and their children. A devadasi woman aged about 70 years said that “my children are dying like how dry leaves fall from trees”. When facilitator asked what is the meaning of it, then she told that that her children are none other than the devadasis of her community. She also said that younger devadasis are having multiple partners at a time as they are looking for short routes to earn money quickly. Due to this young devadasis are falling sick frequently and dying at younger age. Their life may go down anytime similarly like a dry leaf of a tree which may fall down anytime from the tree. Facilitator noticed that 60% of devadasi women participated in the FGD have kept their children in a hostel at Hyderabad which is run by Ashraya, an NGO. This might be because devadasi women do not want their children grown up in the environment where they are having multiple partners. - An extract from FGD conducted at Utkuru, Mehboobnagar
  • 91. 91 9.7.3. Extreme Poverty Extreme poverty (Figure 8) forms another feature of the lives of devadasis that characterises their work and livelihoods. This arises due to: Figure 8: Components of Poverty A Lack of Livelihood Opportunities: Devadasis come from the poorest of the dalit households and typically have low literacy levels, with few skills other than in manual agricultural work, therefore do not have access to gainful employment. Given their low incomes, they are also unable to educate and provide skills to their children, thus are caught in a vicious and perpetual cycle of poverty. They are tied to sex work in rural areas, and even when they migrate for construction or other work, their identities as devadasis and single women put them at high risk of entering, or being trafficked into sex work. Lack of Social Protection: Presumably, devadasis who are poor should have access to official social welfare schemes, or those which are specifically targeted at them. However, most devadasis are either unaware of, or unable to access these schemes for various reasons. The support for educating their children is also lacking, thereby perpetuating inter-generational poverty. Ineffective legal provisions: The lacunae in the implementation of the State Acts for abolition of the devadasi practice has led to the practice continuing, albeit at a smaller level and mutated due to market and other factors. Due to the lack of prosecutions, devadasis do not have access to the compensation and rehabilitation they can claim by statute. The provisions themselves lie unused, with government officers believing that the practice has been eradicated. Devadasis do not have legal rights to the property of their partners. Therefore, legal provisions do not provide significant support for devadasi women’s livelihoods. These facts show that on all counts, devadasis are in an unacceptable form of work, which needs political, official and social attention. Social Exclusion •Discrimination at work place, temples, functions ,etc •Political recognition : Difficulties in school enrollment, government jobs, passport, etc Child Labour •Dedicated at tender age – below 15 years •Inability to comprehend violence inflicted on self Forced Labour •Forced into sex work on attaining puberty without consent •No scope for escape unless migrated Collective Bargaining •Lack of voice and recognition; No scope for Organisation •Women lack self acceptance, no “work” status •Absence of legal protection
  • 92. 92 10. Recommendations The recommendations follow the Gender Equality and Social Inclusion (GESI) framework which outlines three domains of change for inclusion and empowerment: provision of assets and resources, organisation building for creating voice, influence and agency and changing norms and institutions that create exclusionary processes, bringing in policies, norms and institutions that encourage inclusionary systems and processes. The recommendations for action by State and NGOs, as well as Dalits and devadasi households themselves are presented in four categories: those relating to data and monitoring systems, those relating to providing assets and services for rehabilitation of devadasis, especially through livelihoods promotion; those relating to organisation building to aid agency and voice of the devadasi women, and effective prevention and rehabilitation through changing norms and institutions at the policy level and in society. 10.1. Information and Monitoring The first and foremost requirement of any issue is the measure of the extent of the problem, which requires that the numbers of devadasis be estimated. The first recommendation relates to estimation of the number of devadasis, as this is critical to designing schemes for their rehabilitation as well as strategizing prevention. The devadasi practice should be recognised as a practice and repeated surveys should be conducted to find out where they are and are there caste based organisations, such as dalit Sanghas, can be used to keep track and assist the government in discovering dedications.More data is also needed on the reproductive health problems and psychological disorders faced by devadasis, and the legalities of property rights to devadasis. As the practice exists in different forms in many States other than the three States where this research was carried out (such as Madhya Pradesh, West Bengal, Odisha, Kerala), a comprehensive study needs to be undertaken across the country. The study would need to be conducted under the aegis of the ministry of women and children the national level, with participation of the State departments of women and child development, ministry of social justice and empowerment, national and State commissions of women, and NGOs in each State. Participation of ministries and corporations looking after scheduled castes and scheduled tribes will ensure that they engage with identification and with increasing the outreach of the departmental schemes to devadasis. The State also needs to form committees at the national level and in each State for effective monitoring of spots where devadasis are dedicated, and making prevention more effective. The committee can also monitor the effective implementation of the schemes for devadasi households. The membership of the committee needs to draw from the department of women and children, SC/ST and national and State Rural Livelihoods Systems, NGOs, dalit associations and community based collectives and cooperatives of devadasis and sex workers. The National Commission for Women (NCW) has commissioned a research study to develop database and profile of devadasi women in the States hence it would be worthwhile to advocate learnings and best practices in identification of devadasis with the Commission as well as with academic institutions, e.g. the Chennai University.
  • 93. 93 The government needs to provide budgetary support for the monitoring, prevention as well as the implementation of State schemes. 10.2. Providing more assets and resources Ensuring rehabilitation of devadasi women is crucial challenge; although there are initiatives undertaken by the government as well as CSOs however a comprehensive rehabilitation (socio-economic and political) policy and programme for devadasi women is lacking. The following are key suggestions for effective rehabilitation programmes Compulsory free, quality and discrimination free education to children upto graduation level and ensure that all girls from the community and devadasis girl children get priority education, admission, hostels and scholarship. Skills development programme: Population above 14 years should be imparted training on life skills and vocational skills for increasing their employment opportunities. Livelihood and economic development: For devadasis with none or unproductive land, the government may include providing fertile land (2-3 acres) with irrigation facility, financial capital, and backward and forward linkages. In addition to land, government needs to provide grants for income generating activities, and enterprise promotion support. These could be in the same category as bonded labourers and manual scavengers; categories of households eligible for 100% subsidies for income generating assets. This provision has been drafted in Telangana, but has yet to be approved. Marriage and financial assistance: Government should promote devadasi marriages and provide monitory assistance to the devadasis who get married. Housing : Government should revive its housing scheme so that all the devadasis gets house under existing official housing schemes such as Indira AwasYojana (IAY) and Rajiv Gandhi Grameen Housing scheme. Financial inclusion and services: The government and CSOs needs to assist devadasis to open bank accounts for devadasis so they are financially included and can claim all official rights and entitlements easily and without any leakages. Pension: Given the problem of identification of devadasi women under the widow or single women’s schemes, separate pension scheme should be formulated and targeted such caste communities from which girls are dedicated as devadasis. Alongside all devadasis should be made eligible for widow pensions. Insurance: Only around 21% of the respondents in the survey had insurance cover and a miniscule proportion within that group was covered for health insurance. Given the major health risks of their occupation, it is important to extend health insurance coverage through
  • 94. 94 existing schemes such as the Rasthriya Swasthys Bima Yojana (RSBY)19 . Linkages needs to be established with existing official insurance schemes such as Pradhan Mantri Suraksha Bima Yojana (PMSBY)20 , Pradhan Mantri Jeevan Jyoti Bima Yojana21 (Life Insurance Plan). In addition to economic support, devadasis require social, legal and psychological support. These include social security schemes, counselling and mental health support, legal aid services, pension schemes etc. These measures would rehabilitate devadasis who have been identified by the government, and will ameliorate the extreme poverty and vulnerability that they have faced by being dedicated. 10.3. Organisation building The lessons from working with excluded, exploited and vulnerable groups clearly show the advantage of organisation, which provides safe forums for sharing common issues, and coming together to have a stronger voice. The agency and voice of the excluded is significantly strengthened Organise devadasi women into collectives such as Self Help Groups (SHGs), federations, unions, cooperatives which will give them forums through which they can claim their rights and resources, and mutual support. The collectives will provide women with safe spaces where they can discuss mutual needs and organise themselves to represent to the government and other organisations. 19 Cashless Health insurance of Rs.30,000/- per annum per household of 5 members for BPL families and other vulnerable sections such as Domestic workers. 20 Accident insurance plan with a Rs 12 per annum, risk coverage of Rs. 2 Lakh 21 Life insurance plan with premium of Rs. 330 per annum, risk Coverage of Rs. 2 Lakh on death of the Insured member for any reason is payable to the Nominee. ““I used to actively stop any family from making their daughter basvini. Those families have developed a grudge on me. But it does not matter to me. I along with other women would fight against basvini system a lot. We put several perpetrators in jail. We put people from Jaklair in jail; we caught people converting girls into joginis in Kurumurthy jathere and put them in jail. I used to go and attend lot of meetings in Hyderabad, Mahaboobnagar. We used to go and do meetings at mandal level discouraging jogini system. We did padayatras, campaigns. I tell women that even if your parents say that there is no one to look after them when they are old, do not listen to them. I also threaten them that I will call madams”. Narayanamma, Utkurmandal, Telangana
  • 95. 95 10.4. Changing norms and institutions A comprehensive policy should address stigma and discrimination issues pertaining to devadasis . There is also need to address labour market discrimination which is often neglected in rehabilitation policies. Norms, laws and policies need to provide for the following: Enacting a law which can provide property rights of long term partners of devdadasis. This provision will seriously deter landed and rich villagers from making exploitative partnerships with devadasis. The provisions of “Live-in relationships” may be used to get devadasis and their children their due maintenance and property rights from the partners22 . Engaging males of devadasi families and communities: It is evident that male population of this community and families are surprisingly under-employed and alcoholic therefore neither they take conscious efforts to stop this dedication nor retaliate against the practice. Caste norms are ingrained and deeply rooted in the psyche of the community hence critical awareness and process of conscientising is required to prepare them as barefoot lawyers or social advocates to end this practice and protect the women of their community. Proactive action by a sensitized male population in stopping this practice will result in reduction in family pressure and confrontation faced by devadasi women at family level. Children of the devadasi women: Children of devadasi suffer a lot in every walk of their lives. They have been teased about father’s name, character of his/her mother and treated differently in every sphere. Henceforth, ensuring discrimination free education and respectful socialization in family, schools would bring social change. In addition, children could be groomed a change agents instrumental in sensitizing parents against the devadasi system. Prevention of dedications: Prevention strategies are crucial to uproot any social evil particularly one subjected to inter-generational subjugation and stigmatization such as devadasis. These strategies include conscientisation and raising awareness of the ill effects of the devadasi system. In addition, rights awareness needs to be created as well, whereby members are aware of and can challenge cultural norms, and are able to demand accountability from the State and society. The parents, priests, implementing government officers, NGO staff and police need to know the laws, and the procedures by which they can prevent the practice. 22 The legal resource that women have would be useful here.
  • 96. 96 Using laws as deterrents: For effective prevention of the devadasi practice the government, police and civil society organisations should invoke not only the devadasi law, but also other legislations such as the relevant sections under the Criminal Penal Code (CrPC) and the Indian Penal Code (IPC), The Prohibition of Child Marriage Act, 2006, atrocities against SC/St and other relevant acts. For effective enforcement of the laws it is required that the Acts have teeth; rules for acts needs to framed and adopted, responsibilities and timeframe for this needs to be fixed, and the parents of the girl should not be criminalised, as they are not the perpetrators, but victims of oppressive caste based practise. The real perpetrators today are the pimps, self-styled gurus and other brokers of the system (who are often pimps interested in making a profit out of sexual exploitation of the dedicated girls) and the priests who should not undertake such dedications. These people who are actively involved in the dedications need to punished. The partners should be punished too, and the provisions for those ‘Living in partnership’ be applied to devadasi children, conferring on them the right to inherit property of their fathers. The application of these laws will have a strong deterrent effect on the sexual exploitation of devadasis by non dalit and dalit men. Effective implementation of the legislations and relevant sections in order to punish and prosecute perpetrators would create deterrence of law which will contribute in reduction in dedication cases. The way forward ‘We were too young when we were made joginis. If we had known then, we would have fought tooth and nail. Now we realize, but it is too late. All our contemporaries have got married. When they visit their parents with their husbands and children for festivals, jathres, we get tears in our eyes. We would have been like them if we were not made joginis’. A woman breaks down. ‘There is lot of superstitions associated with Jogini system which is very violent and exploitative. Lot of Jogini women lost life due to AIDS. We are all against the Jogini system. We go to every Jathres to send out the message about Jogini law and the punishment. We got trainings in Mahaboobnagar. There are still some Jogini marriages happening. We have even done padayatra to Mahaboobnagar to build awareness about the ills of Jogini system. We went and met the Chief Minister and gave our representation. We placed the following demands before him – Every Jogini should get 3 acres of land Plot to build houses for those who do not have Rs.3 lakh cash Free education for Jogini children till they get a job Rs.3000 pension per month We also demanded government Degree College for children in Makhtal. We cannot afford to send our children to private institutions. Now most of our children stopped education and do labour work’. “We have too many responsibilities on our shoulders but too little means to fulfill them”. Extracts from a group discussion at Mehboobnagar
  • 97. 97 Attending to the larger needs of the SC/ST groups: As most devadasis are from the SC/ST groups, it is important to create awareness among this community, organize them, and enlist the support of dalit groups in preventing the practice. Further, socio-eco and political concerns of these communities such as education, health security, livelihood, shelter needs to be addressed in order to ensure their fundamental rights are protected. In conclusion, devadasis epitomise a highly exploited group, whereby exploitation is on grounds of caste, gender and poverty. Despite laws to the contrary, the practice has continued to exist, and even though new entrants to the traditional system have reduced significantly, the market for commercial sex has led to the mutation of the practice whereby many sex workers adopt the label of devadasis. The traditional practice too has given little economic security to devadasi women, leading many to move into sex work. These trends can only be reversed by effective prevention of dedications, combined with significant livelihoods support to bring devadasi households out of poverty and vulnerabilities. The eradication of the practice will require a concentrated effort by government and civil society organisations, and will need close monitoring till the system is fully eradicated from India. PART V- REFERENCES The references that are used in the report are as follows: Chawla, Anil. 2002. Sinners or Sinned Against: An Attempt to Look at the Myth and Reality of History and Presence Status of Devadasis, accessed from www.samarthbharat.com on 2nd August, 2014. Coen, Kompier, 2014: Mission Report of Attending Planning Workshop of Live and Livelihoods of Devadasis held on 12th November 2014. Harp, Allen Matthew. 1997. Rewriting the Script for South Indian Dance. The Drama Review 41, (T155), New York. New York University. Kersenboom, Saskia C. 1987. Nityasumangali, Devadasi Tradition of South India. New Delhi : Motilal Banarsidass Publication. Marglin, Frederique Apffel. 1985. Wives of the God-King, The Rituals of Devadasis of Puri. New Delhi: Oxford University Press. Nikolova, Ekaterina K. 2009. Understanding Obstacles and Stimuli to Exit from Ritual Prostitution. A thesis submitted to the Graduate School of Social Science of the University of Amsterdam in partial fulfillment as part of Master of Science. Orchard, Treena Rae. 2007. Girl, Woman, Lover, Mother: Towards a new understanding of child prostitution among young Devadasis in rural Karnataka, India. Social Science & Medicine, Volume 64, Issue 12, pp 2379-2390 Vancouver.
  • 98. 98 Prasannakumar Shivashanappa and L. Shrnivasa, 2012. Research Paper Devadasi Practice in Karnataka. ACADEMIA Vol.1 issue. IX /March 2012 PP.1-4 http://www.academia.edu/3380933/Devadasi_Practice_in_Karnataka Reddy, William M. 2012. The Making of Romantic Love: Longing and Sexuality in Europe, South Asia and Japan, 900-1200 CE. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Sampark, 2002. Devadasis and their Livelihoods, An Exploratory Study for Developing Intervention Strategies. A Study Conducted for National Institute for Mental Health and Neuro Science (NIMHANS). Shankar, Jogan. 1994. Devadasi Cult: A Sociological Analysis. New Delhi: Ashish Publishing House. Sharma, Karuna. 2007. The Social World of prostitutes and Devadasis. Journal of International Women's Studies; Nov 2007, Vol. 9 Issue 1, p297. Taware, Sameer. 2015. Minutes of Regional consultation on “Conditions of Devadasi’s in India” on 23rd , February 2015, at Hyderabad Organized by State Women Commission Andhra Pradesh Torri, Maria Costanza. 2009. Abuse of Lower Castes in South India: The Institution of Devadasi. Journal of International Women’s Studies, Sep 2009, Vol11 Issue 2. Parrot Andrea and Nina Cummings. 2008. Sexual Enslavement of Girls and Women Worldwide‬, Andrea Parrot, Nina Cummings, Greenwood Publishing Group, https://books.google.co.in/books?id=s8cAyx6BQzcC&dq=ritual+slavery+devadasi&source=gbs_navlinks_ s Pg 49 Rao Raghunath V. 2013. The One Man Commission In Respect of Problems Being Faced by Joginis, Basavies, Mathammas and Devadasis and Their Children, Commissioned by the government of Andhra Pradesh. Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), 2013. Available at .http://www.un.org/womenwatch/daw/cedaw/text/econvention.htm#article5 Thomas, C. (2009). Forced and early marriage: A focus on Central and Eastern Europe and former Soviet Union countries with selected laws from other countries, available at (http://www.un.org/womenwatch/daw/egm/vaw_legislation_2009/Expert%20Paper%20EGMGPLHP%2 0_Cheryl%20Thomas%20revised_.pdf).