Stochastic Processes From Applications to Theory 1st Edition Pierre Del Moral
Stochastic Processes From Applications to Theory 1st Edition Pierre Del Moral
Stochastic Processes From Applications to Theory 1st Edition Pierre Del Moral
Stochastic Processes From Applications to Theory 1st Edition Pierre Del Moral
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8. CHAPMAN&HA LL/CRC
TextsinStatis ticalSc ienceSe ries
SeriesEditors
FrancescaD ominici, HarvardSc hoolofPublic H ealth,U SA
JulianJ .F araway, UniversityofBath,U K
Martin Tanner,N orthwesternU niversity,U SA
JimZide k,U niversityofBr itishC olumbia,C anada
Statistical Theory: A Concise Introduction
F. Abramovich and Y. Ritov
Practical Multivariate Analysis, Fifth Edition
A. Afifi, S. May, and V.A. Clark
Practical Statistics for Medical Research
D.G. Altman
Interpreting Data: A First Course
in Statistics
A.J.B. Anderson
Introduction to Probability with R
K. Baclawski
Linear Algebra and Matrix Analysis for
Statistics
S. Banerjee and A. Roy
Mathematical Statistics: Basic Ideas and
Selected Topics, Volume I,
Second Edition
P. J. Bickel and K. A. Doksum
Mathematical Statistics: Basic Ideas and
Selected Topics, Volume II
P. J. Bickel and K. A. Doksum
Analysis of Categorical Data with R
C. R. Bilder and T. M. Loughin
Statistical Methods for SPC and TQM
D. Bissell
Introduction to Probability
J. K. Blitzstein and J. Hwang
Bayesian Methods for Data Analysis,
Third Edition
B.P. Carlin and T.A. Louis
Second Edition
R. Caulcutt
The Analysis of Time Series: An Introduction,
Sixth Edition
C. Chatfield
Introduction to Multivariate Analysis
C. Chatfield and A.J. Collins
Problem Solving: A Statistician’s Guide,
Second Edition
C. Chatfield
Statistics for Technology: A Course in Applied
Statistics,Third Edition
C. Chatfield
Analysis of Variance, Design, and Regression :
Linear Modeling for Unbalanced Data,
Second Edition
R. Christensen
Bayesian Ideas and Data Analysis: An
Introduction for Scientists and Statisticians
R. Christensen, W. Johnson, A. Branscum,
and T.E. Hanson
Modelling Binary Data, Second Edition
D. Collett
Modelling Survival Data in Medical Research,
Third Edition
D. Collett
Introduction to Statistical Methods for
Clinical Trials
T.D. Cook and D.L. DeMets
Applied Statistics: Principles and Examples
D.R. Cox and E.J. Snell
Multivariate Survival Analysis and Competing
Risks
M. Crowder
Statistical Analysis of Reliability Data
M.J. Crowder, A.C. Kimber,
T.J. Sweeting, and R.L. Smith
An Introduction to Generalized
Linear Models,Third Edition
A.J. Dobson and A.G. Barnett
Nonlinear Time Series:Theory, Methods, and
Applications with R Examples
R. Douc, E. Moulines, and D.S. Stoffer
Introduction to Optimization Methods and
Their Applications in Statistics
B.S. Everitt
Extending the Linear Model with R:
Generalized Linear, Mixed Effects and
Nonparametric Regression Models, Second
Edition
J.J. Faraway
9. Linear Models with R, Second Edition
J.J. Faraway
A Course in Large Sample Theory
T.S. Ferguson
Multivariate Statistics: A Practical
Approach
B. Flury and H. Riedwyl
Readings in Decision Analysis
S. French
Discrete Data Analysis with R: Visualization
and Modeling Techniques for Categorical and
Count Data
M. Friendly and D. Meyer
Markov Chain Monte Carlo:
Stochastic Simulation for Bayesian Inference,
Second Edition
D. Gamerman and H.F. Lopes
Bayesian Data Analysis, Third Edition
A. Gelman, J.B. Carlin, H.S. Stern, D.B. Dunson,
A. Vehtari, and D.B. Rubin
Multivariate Analysis of Variance and
Repeated Measures: A Practical Approach for
Behavioural Scientists
D.J. Hand and C.C.Taylor
Practical Longitudinal Data Analysis
D.J. Hand and M. Crowder
Logistic Regression Models
J.M. Hilbe
Richly Parameterized Linear Models:
Additive,Time Series, and Spatial Models
Using Random Effects
J.S. Hodges
Statistics for Epidemiology
N.P. Jewell
Stochastic Processes: An Introduction,
Second Edition
P.W. Jones and P. Smith
The Theory of Linear Models
B. Jørgensen
Pragmatics of Uncertainty
J.B. Kadane
Principles of Uncertainty
J.B. Kadane
Graphics for Statistics and Data Analysis with R
K.J. Keen
Mathematical Statistics
K. Knight
Introduction to Multivariate Analysis:
Linear and Nonlinear Modeling
S. Konishi
Nonparametric Methods in Statistics with SAS
Applications
O. Korosteleva
Modeling and Analysis of Stochastic Systems,
Second Edition
V.G. Kulkarni
Exercises and Solutions in Biostatistical Theory
L.L. Kupper, B.H. Neelon, and S.M. O’Brien
Exercises and Solutions in Statistical Theory
L.L. Kupper, B.H. Neelon, and S.M. O’Brien
Design and Analysis of Experiments with R
J. Lawson
Design and Analysis of Experiments with SAS
J. Lawson
A Course in Categorical Data Analysis
T. Leonard
Statistics for Accountants
S. Letchford
Introduction to the Theory of Statistical
Inference
H. Liero and S. Zwanzig
Statistical Theory, Fourth Edition
B.W. Lindgren
Stationary Stochastic Processes:Theory and
Applications
G. Lindgren
Statistics for Finance
E. Lindström, H. Madsen, and J. N. Nielsen
The BUGS Book: A Practical Introduction to
Bayesian Analysis
D. Lunn, C. Jackson, N. Best, A.Thomas, and
D. Spiegelhalter
Introduction to General and Generalized
Linear Models
H. Madsen and P.Thyregod
Time Series Analysis
H. Madsen
Pólya Urn Models
H. Mahmoud
Randomization, Bootstrap and Monte Carlo
Methods in Biology,Third Edition
B.F.J. Manly
Introduction to Randomized Controlled
Clinical Trials, Second Edition
J.N.S. Matthews
Statistical Rethinking: A Bayesian Course with
Examples in R and Stan
R. McElreath
10. Statistical Methods in Agriculture and
Experimental Biology, Second Edition
R. Mead, R.N. Curnow, and A.M. Hasted
Statistics in Engineering: A Practical Approach
A.V. Metcalfe
Statistical Inference: An Integrated Approach,
Second Edition
H. S. Migon, D. Gamerman, and
F. Louzada
Beyond ANOVA: Basics of Applied Statistics
R.G. Miller, Jr.
A Primer on Linear Models
J.F. Monahan
Stochastic Processes: From Applications to
Theory
P.D Moral and S. Penev
Applied Stochastic Modelling, Second Edition
B.J.T. Morgan
Elements of Simulation
B.J.T. Morgan
Probability: Methods and Measurement
A. O’Hagan
Introduction to Statistical Limit Theory
A.M. Polansky
Applied Bayesian Forecasting and Time Series
Analysis
A. Pole, M. West, and J. Harrison
Statistics in Research and Development,
Time Series: Modeling, Computation, and
Inference
R. Prado and M. West
Essentials of Probability Theory for
Statisticians
M.A. Proschan and P.A. Shaw
Introduction to Statistical Process Control
P. Qiu
Sampling Methodologies with Applications
P.S.R.S. Rao
A First Course in Linear Model Theory
N. Ravishanker and D.K. Dey
Essential Statistics, Fourth Edition
D.A.G. Rees
Stochastic Modeling and Mathematical
Statistics: A Text for Statisticians and
Quantitative Scientists
F.J. Samaniego
Statistical Methods for Spatial Data Analysis
O. Schabenberger and C.A. Gotway
Bayesian Networks: With Examples in R
M. Scutari and J.-B. Denis
Large Sample Methods in Statistics
P.K. Sen and J. da Motta Singer
Spatio-Temporal Methods in Environmental
Epidemiology
G. Shaddick and J.V. Zidek
Decision Analysis: A Bayesian Approach
J.Q. Smith
Analysis of Failure and Survival Data
P. J. Smith
Applied Statistics: Handbook of GENSTAT
Analyses
E.J. Snell and H. Simpson
Applied Nonparametric Statistical Methods,
Fourth Edition
P. Sprent and N.C. Smeeton
Data Driven Statistical Methods
P. Sprent
Generalized Linear Mixed Models:
Modern Concepts, Methods and Applications
W. W. Stroup
Survival Analysis Using S: Analysis of
Time-to-Event Data
M.Tableman and J.S. Kim
Applied Categorical and Count Data Analysis
W.Tang, H. He, and X.M.Tu
Elementary Applications of Probability Theory,
Second Edition
H.C.Tuckwell
Introduction to Statistical Inference and Its
Applications with R
M.W.Trosset
Understanding Advanced Statistical Methods
P.H. Westfall and K.S.S. Henning
Statistical Process Control:Theory and
Practice,Third Edition
G.B. Wetherill and D.W. Brown
Generalized Additive Models:
An Introduction with R
S. Wood
Epidemiology: Study Design and
Data Analysis,Third Edition
M. Woodward
Practical Data Analysis for Designed
Experiments
B.S. Yandell
11. Texts in Statistical Science
Pierre Del Moral
University of New South Wales
Sydney, Australia
and
INRIA Sud Ouest Research Center
Bordeaux, France
Spiridon Penev
University of New South Wales
Sydney, Australia
With illustrations by Timothée Del Moral
Stochastic
Processes
From Applications to Theory
28. 2 —— Profile of a Kingfish
“The iniquity of oblivion blindly
scattereth her poppy, and deals
with the memory of men without
distinction to merit of perpetuity.”
——SIR THOMAS BROWNE
One day some of the VIP’s of the Long political hierarchy were
gathered in the office of Governor Oscar Allen when a matter of
legislative procedure was under discussion. It is worth noting for the
record that the Governor’s chair was occupied by Senator Huey
Long. Governor Allen sat at one side of his desk. The names of the
others do not matter. Among them were highway commissioners, a
state purchasing agent, floor leaders from House and Senate, the
head of an upstate levee board, and the like.
Huey was issuing orders and lost his temper over the apparent
inattention of some conferees, who were conducting a low-voiced
conversation in a corner of the room.
“Shut up, damn it!” he shouted suddenly. “Shut up and listen to
me. This is the Kingfish of the Lodge talking!”
From that day on he was “Kingfish.” Even Franklin Roosevelt,
telephoning him from New York during the hectic maneuvering
which preceded that summer’s Democratic national convention,
greeted him with the words: “Hello, Kingfish!”
The self-proclaimed Kingfish was named Huey Pierce Long at his
birth on August 30, 1893, the third of four sons born to Huey Pierce
Long, Sr., and Caledonia Tyson Long. The family farm was near
29. Winnfield, and by the standards of that place and time the Longs
were well off; not wealthy, to be sure, but never in want. Winnfield,
seat of Winn parish, is a small wholly rural community not far from
the center of the state.
“Just near the center of the state?” Westbrook Pegler once asked
Senator Long incredulously after watching him put his legislative
trained seals through their paces. “Just near the center of the state?
I’m surprised you haven’t had the legislature declare it to be the
center of the state.”
Scholastically, Huey did not distinguish himself, and he took no
part in athletics, lacking the physical pugnacity that is the heritage of
most young males. His brother Earl, two years younger than Huey,
frequently asserted that “I had to do all Huey’s fighting for him.” But
as long as he remained in high school (he left after a disagreement
with the principal and before graduation) he was the best debater
that institution ever numbered among its pupils.
His first essay into the realm of self-support came at age fourteen,
when he loaded a rented buggy with books and drove about the
countryside selling these at public auction. In doing so he laid the
foundation for what became the largest personal acquaintance any
one individual ever had among the farm folk of Louisiana.
“I’d never stay at a hotel, even later on, when I was out selling
Cottolene or baking powder or lamp chimneys or whatever,” he
would boast. “I always drove out beyond town to a farmhouse
where they’d take me in and put up my horse, and I would pay them
something and put in the evening talking to them, and later I would
make it my business to drop those folks a post card so they’d be
sure to remember me.”
At summer’s end he entered Oklahoma University at Norman,
hoping to work his way through law school as weekend drummer for
the Kaye Dawson wholesale grocery. That did not work out. After a
heated disagreement with the head of the business he returned to
Louisiana and became a door-to-door salesman for Cottolene. In
glorifying this product he held cake-baking contests here, there, and
yonder.
30. “My job was to convince those women they could fry chickens,
steaks, or fish in something else besides hog lard, and bake a cake
using something else besides cow butter,” he explained. “I would
quote the Bible to them where it said not to use any part of the flesh
of swine, and if I couldn’t convince them out of the Bible, I would go
into the kitchen and bake a cake for them myself.”
First prize for one of his cake-baking contests in Shreveport was
awarded to pretty Rose McConnell. Not long thereafter, she and
Huey were married. With all his savings and a substantial loan from
his older brother Julius, he managed to finance nearly a year of
special study at Tulane University’s law school in New Orleans. He
and Rose shared a room in a private home not far from the
university, where among other furnishings, a rented typewriter was
installed.
Young Mr. Long would bring home a law book, drive through it in
furious haste while his phenomenally retentive memory seized every
really salient detail, “and then I would abstract the hell out of it,
dictating to my wife, who would type it out for me.” With barely
enough money for housing, carfare, short rations, and such
essentials as paper and pencils, it is none the less probable that
these were the least troubled, most nearly contented and carefree
days the couple would ever know. Before year’s end he was
admitted to the bar, and returned to Winnfield with Rose to begin
practice.
He soon realized that despite local successes, the ambitious goals
he had set for himself could be attained only in a much larger field.
So he moved to Shreveport, which was just at the threshold of a
tremendous boom following the discovery of oil in the nearby Pine
Island areas. By accepting royalty shares and acreage allotments for
legal services in examining titles and the like, Huey was on the
threshold of becoming very wealthy, when he and the other Pine
Islanders discovered that they could not send their black gold to
market unless they sold it at ruinously low prices to owners of the
only available pipeline. Long’s implacable hostility toward the
Standard Oil Company had its inception then and there.
31. As first step in a campaign to have pipelines declared common
carriers, he became a candidate for the Railroad (now Public
Service) Commission and was elected. The brothers Long presented
a solid front on this occasion, Julius and Earl working like beavers to
help Huey win. George (“Shan”) had moved to Oklahoma by that
time to practice dentistry. Only once thereafter were they politically
united, and that was when Huey ran for governor in 1928.
Commissioner Long made his first state-wide stump speech the
following year at a rally and picnic which six candidates for governor
had been called to address. He had not been invited to speak, but
asked permission to say a few words—and stole the show!
One must picture him: a young man whose bizarre garb was
accented by the fact that since he was wearing a bow tie, the
gleaming stickpin with its big diamond sparkled from the otherwise
bare band of his shirt front. The unruly forelock of rusty brown hair,
a fleshy, cleft chin, and a general air of earnest fury all radiated
anger. His blistering denunciation of the then governor as a pliant
tool of the Standard Oil Company, and his attack on the state fire
marshal, an anti-Long politico from Winnfield, as “the official barfly
of the state of Louisiana” captured all the next day’s headlines.
Thenceforth the pattern of his future was set. He continued his
attacks on trusts and large corporations, certain that this would
enlarge his image as defender and champion of the downtrodden
“pore folks.” His assaults became so intemperate that in 1921,
Governor John M. Parker filed an affidavit against him with the Baton
Rouge district attorney, and thus brought about his arrest and trial
on charges of criminal libel.
His attorneys were his brother Julius, Judge James G. Palmer of
Shreveport, and Judge Robert R. Reid of Amite. He was found guilty,
but his reputation as a pitiless opponent was already so great that
only a token sentence was imposed: one hour’s detention, which he
served in the Judge’s chambers, and a one-dollar fine. He was so
delighted by the outcome that he gave his youngest son, born that
day, the names of his attorneys: Palmer Reid Long. Also, some years
later, he saw to it that the judge who had imposed the token
penalties was elected to the state supreme court.
32. Continuing his onslaughts against millionaires and monopolies, he
ran for governor in 1924 on a platform of taxing the owners of great
fortunes to aid the underprivileged in their struggle for a reasonable
share of the better life: education for their children, medical care for
all who could not afford to pay, and some sort of economic security
for all who toiled, be it in factory, market place, mine, or farm.
He now inveighed against Wall Street as a whole, not merely
against isolated corporations as before. The Mellon fortune and the
House of Morgan came in for their oratorical lumps; but it is a matter
of record that later, when Earl and Huey had fallen out, the former
testified under oath before a Senate investigating committee that he
had seen his brother accept $10,000 from an official of the Electric
Bond and Share Company “in bills so new they looked like they’d
just come off the press.”
However, from every stump Huey proclaimed that “ninety per cent
of this nation’s wealth is in the hands of ten per cent of its people....
The Bible tells us that unless we redistribute the wealth of a country
amongst all of the people every so often, that country’s going to
smash; but we got too many folks running things in Louisiana and in
Washington that think they’re smarter than the Bible.”
None the less he ran third in a three-man first primary. In view of
the fact that he had no organized backing it must be conceded that
it was a close third, an amazing achievement the credit for which
must be given to his wide acquaintance among the farm population
and the matchless fire of his eloquence. A number of factors
contributed to his defeat. One of them undeniably was his refusal, or
inability, to recognize that he “could not hold his liquor.” After a
convivial evening at a lake-front resort in New Orleans, he drove
back to town with his campaign manager at a wildly illicit speed and
was promptly halted by a motorcycle officer. His campaign manager
hastily explained to the patrolman that the car was his, and that his
chauffeur, one Harold Swan, had merely acted under orders. But the
fact that Huey Long and Harold Swan in this instance were one and
the same came out later, along with accounts of how Huey had gone
tipsily from table to table at the Moulin Rouge inviting all and sundry
to be his personal guests at his inaugural ball.
33. Ordinarily, this might have won him votes in tolerant south
Louisiana, where prohibition was regarded as the figment of sick
imaginations, like the loup garou. But in south Louisiana he had few
backers in that campaign to begin with, being a north Louisiana
hillman; and in north Louisiana, where drinking had to be done in
secret even before the Volstead Act became nominally the law of the
land, such reports were sheer poison.
Finally, the weather on election day turned foul. The wretched dirt
roads of the hinterlands where Huey’s voting strength was
concentrated became impassable, so that many of his supporters
could not reach their polling places. But four years later, when he
once more ran for governor in yet another three-man race, he barely
missed a majority in the first primary. No run-off was held, however,
because one of his opponents announced he would throw his
support to Long, pulling with him many followers, including a young
St. Landry parish physician, Dr. F. Octave Pavy, who had run for
lieutenant governor. Under the circumstances a second primary
would have been merely an empty gesture of defiance.
As governor, he rode roughshod over all opposition to his proposal
to furnish free textbooks to every school child, not merely in the
public schools, but in the Catholic parochial schools and the posh
private academies as well; for a highway-improvement program
which he proposed to finance out of increased gasoline taxes. Nor
was he one to hide his light under a bushel in pretended modesty.
On the contrary, after each success he rang the changes on Jack
Horner’s classic “What a good [in the sense of great] boy am I.”
Moreover, it made little difference to his devotees whether his
promises of still greater benefits for the future, or boasts about the
wonders he had already achieved, were based on fact or fiction.
By way of illustration: Dr. Arthur Vidrine, a back-country physician,
was catapulted into the superintendency of the state’s huge Charity
Hospital at New Orleans, and later was additionally made dean of
the new state university College of Medicine Long decided to found.
Vidrine had won the new governor’s warm regard by captaining the
Long cause in Ville Platte, where he was a general practitioner.
34. In some quarters there is a disposition to regard Arthur Vidrine as
no more than a hack who relied on political manipulation to secure
professional advancement. While it is obvious that his original
support of, and later complete subservience to, Huey Long brought
him extraordinary preferment, it must not be overlooked that in
1920, when he was graduated from Tulane University’s college of
medicine, he was a sufficiently brilliant student to be chosen in
open, nonpolitical competition for the award of a Rhodes
scholarship, and that for two years he took advantage of this grant
to pursue his studies abroad.
After his return he served for a time as junior intern at New
Orleans’ huge Charity Hospital ... and within four years he was made
superintendent of that famous institution and dean of his state
university’s new medical school, both appointments being conferred
on him by newly elected Governor Huey Long, who lost no
opportunity to picture his protégé as something of a miracle man in
the realm of healing.
To an early joint session of the legislature, His Excellency
announced that under his administration Dr. Vidrine had reduced
cancer mortality at Charity Hospital by one third. This was obvious
nonsense. Had it not been, the medical world would long since have
beaten a path to the ornamental iron gates of the century-old
hospital in quest of further enlightenment.
One of the newspapers finally solved the mystery of this miracle of
healing. It stemmed solely from a change in the system of tabulating
mortality statistics. Calculated on the old basis, the death rate was
precisely what it had been before, a little better in some years, a
little worse in others. All this was set forth publicly in clear, simple
wording. But except for a few of the palace guard, who cynically
shrugged the explanation aside, not one of the Long followers
accorded it the slightest heed. They and their peerless standard
bearer continued to glory in the “fact” that he had reduced Charity’s
cancer death rate by a third.
This accomplishment was by no means the only one of which
young Governor Long boasted. Less tactfully, and certainly less
judiciously, he made vainglorious public statements to the effect that
35. “I hold all fifty-two cards at Baton Rouge, and shuffle and deal them
as I please”; also that he had bought this legislator or that, “like
you’d buy a sack of potatoes to be delivered at your gate.”
Within a year the House of Representatives impeached him on
nine counts. Huey had learned that such a movement was to be
launched at a special session in late March of 1929, and sent word
to his legislative legions to adjourn sine die before an impeachment
resolution could be introduced. But an electric malfunction in the
voting machine made it appear that the House voted almost
unanimously to adjourn, when in fact opinion was sharply divided. A
riot ensued, which was finally quelled when Representative Mason
Spencer of Tallulah, a brawny giant, bellowed the words: “In the
name of sanity and common sense!” Momentarily this stilled the
tumult and Spencer, not an official of the House, but merely one of
its members, called the roll himself, by voice, on which tally only
seven of the hundred members voted to adjourn.
The committee of impeachment managers in the House was
headed by Spencer and by his close friend, another huge man,
George Perrault of Opelousas. However, the impeachment charges
were aborted in the Senate, when Long induced fifteen members of
that thirty-nine-man body to sign a round robin to the effect that on
technical grounds they would refuse to convict regardless of
evidence. Since this was one vote more than enough to block the
two-thirds majority needed for conviction, the impeachment charges
were dropped.
Spencer and Perrault remained inseparable friends, occupying
adjacent seats in the House to the day of Perrault’s death during the
winter of 1934. On the night of September 8, 1935, Huey stopped to
chat momentarily with Spencer, who took occasion to protest against
the appointment of Edward Loeb, who had replaced his friend
Perrault
“All these years I’ve got used to having a man the size of George
Perrault sitting next to me,” he complained. “Did you have to make
Oscar appoint a pint-size member like Eddie Loeb to sit in his place
here?”
36. “You remind me,” retorted Long, “of the old nigger woman that
was in a bind of some sort, and her boss helped her out, giving her
clothes or money or vittles or whatever. So she said to him: ‘Mist’
Pete, you got a white face, fo’ true, but you’s so good you’s bound to
have a black heart.’ That’s you, Mason. Your face is white, but you’ve
sure enough got a black heart.”
A year after the abortive impeachment Long announced he would
run for the Senate forthwith, though his gubernatorial tenure would
not be terminated for another two years. In this way, he said, he
would submit his case to the people. If they elected him, they would
thereby express approval of his program. If not, they would elect his
opponent, the long-time incumbent senator. Long was elected
overwhelmingly, and then went from one political success to another,
electing another Winnfieldian, his boyhood chum Oscar Allen, to
succeed him as governor, and smashingly defeating a ticket on which
his brother Earl was running for lieutenant governor with his brother
Julius’ active support. It was later that year that Earl testified against
Huey before a Senate committee.
In that same year Huey Long entered Arkansas politics. Mrs.
Hattie Caraway, widow of Senator Thad Caraway, had been
appointed to serve the few remaining months of her husband’s term,
then announced as a candidate for re-election. Huey had two
reasons for espousing her candidacy. First, she had voted with him
for a resolution favoring the limitation of individual incomes by law
to a maximum of a million dollars a year. Secondly, the senior
senator from Arkansas, Majority Leader Joe T. Robinson, who had
turned thumbs down on this resolution, had endorsed one of the
candidates opposing Mrs. Caraway’s election. Thirdly, he felt it was
time to put the country on notice that Kingfishing could be carried
successfully beyond the borders of its home state.
Mrs. Caraway was accorded no chance to win. Every organized
political group in the state had endorsed one or another of her six
opponents, among whom were included a national commander of
the American Legion, two former governors, a Supreme Court
justice, and other bigwigs. The opening address of the nine-day
37. campaign Huey Long waged with Mrs. Caraway was delivered at
Magnolia, just north of the Louisiana border. At its close, a dazed
local political Pooh-Bah wired a major campaign headquarters in
Little Rock: “A tornado just passed through here. Very few trees left
standing, and even those are badly scarred up.”
It was here that Long first formulated what later became the
Share-Our-Wealth clubs’ credo.
“In this country,” he proclaimed, “we raise so much food there’d
be plenty for all if we never slaughtered another hog or harvested
another bushel of grain for the next two years, and yet people are
going hungry. We’ve got enough material for clothes if in the next
two years we never tanned another hide or raised another lock of
cotton, and yet people are going barefoot and naked. Enough
houses in this land are standing empty to put a roof over every head
at night, and yet people are wandering the highways for lack of
shelter.”
The remedy he proposed was simple: share our wealth instead of
leaving almost all of it in the hands of a greedy few.
“All in this living world you’ve got to do,” he insisted, “is to limit
individual incomes to one million dollars a year, and fix it so nobody
when he dies can leave to any one child more than five million
dollars. And let me tell you something: holding one of those birds
down to a measly million dollars a year’s no sort of hardship on him.
At that rate of income, if he stopped to bathe and shave, he’d be
just about five hundred dollars the richer by the time he got his
clothes back on.
“What we got to do is break up those enormous fortunes like the
billion-dollar Mellon estate. By allowing them a million dollars a year
for spending-money you’ll agree we wouldn’t be hurting ’em any to
speak of. We’d have the balance to distribute amongst all the
people, and that would fix things so everybody’d be able to live like
he could right now if he made five thousand a year. Yes sir, like he
was having five thousand a year and a team of mules to work with,
once we share the wealth!”
Today it is almost impossible to visualize the effect of so alluring a
prospect on a countryside forced at that time to rely on the Red
38. Cross for seed corn and sweet-potato slips to assure a winter’s food
supply. The rural Negroes in particular, their “furnish” sadly shrunken
as a result of the depression, accepted it almost as gospel that Huey
Long was promising them five thousand dollars a year and a team of
mules.
The impact of Long’s oratory was so clearly obvious that a special
committee waited on him at Texarkana, where he planned to close
the campaign on Saturday night, to ask that he remain in Arkansas
over the weekend to address meetings in the tier of counties along
the Mississippi River on Monday, the day before the election. He
agreed to do this, canceled plans to drive to Shreveport from
Texarkana, and drove back to Little Rock instead. Since this left the
accompanying newsmen with no grist for the early Monday editions,
and since he had been quoting the Bible right and left in his
speeches, not to mention the fact that in the glove compartment of
his Cadillac a well-thumbed Bible reposed beside a loaded revolver
and an atomizer of throat spray, he was asked where he expected to
attend church the next morning.
“Me go to church?” he inquired incredulously. “Why I haven’t been
to a church in so many years I don’t know when.”
“But you’re always quoting the Bible and so....”
“Bible’s the greatest book ever written,” he interrupted, “but I sure
don’t need anybody I can buy for six bits and a chew of tobacco to
explain it to me. When I need preachers I buy ’em cheap.”
Mrs. Caraway’s first primary victory was a landslide. Well pleased,
Huey returned to Louisiana to defeat two-term incumbent Senator
Edwin S. Broussard and elect one of his chief attorneys in the
impeachment case, John H. Overton, in his stead. It was this
election which a Senate committee later investigated to sift
allegations of fraud. The investigation was recessed midway to give
Senator Long an opportunity to halt a threatened bank run by the
simple expedient of having Oscar Allen proclaim Saturday, February
4, a holiday celebrating the fact that sixteen years before, on
February 3 and 4, 1917, Woodrow Wilson had severed diplomatic
relations with Germany!
39. PROCLAMATION
STATE OF LOUISIANA
EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT
BATON ROUGE
Whereas, on the nights of February 3 and 4, 1917, Woodrow
Wilson, president of the United States, severed diplomatic relations
with the Imperial German government; and
Whereas, more than 16 years has intervened before the great
American people have turned their eyes back to the lofty ideals of
human uplift and new freedom as propounded by Woodrow Wilson;
and
Whereas, it is now fitting that due recognition be given by the
great State of Louisiana in line with the far-reaching principles
enunciated by the illustrious southerner who sought to break the
fetters of mankind throughout the world;
Now, therefore, I, Oscar Kelly Allen, governor of the State of
Louisiana, do hereby ordain that Saturday, the fourth day of
February, 1933, the 16th anniversary of the severance of diplomatic
relations between the United States and the Imperial German
government be, and the same is hereby declared, a holiday
throughout the State of Louisiana and I do hereby order that all
public business, including schools, colleges, banks and other public
enterprises be suspended on said day and that the proper
ceremonies to commemorate that event be held.
In witness whereof I have caused to be affixed the great seal of
the State of Louisiana on this, the third day of February, in the year
of Our Lord, A. D. 1933.
40. This meant that all public offices, schools—and banks—were
legally forbidden to open their doors on that Saturday; by Sunday
the Federal Reserve authorities had put $20,000,000 at the disposal
of the menaced bank and the run which might have spread panic
throughout the country died a-borning. However, bank closures on a
national scale were thus postponed for only a month. March 4, while
Franklin Roosevelt was taking his first oath as president, state after
state was ordering its banks to close, as financial consternation
(vectored from Detroit, however, and not from New Orleans)
stampeded across the land.
One of the newly inaugurated President’s first acts—“The only
thing we have to fear is fear itself!”—was to order all the nation’s
banks to close until individually authorized by executive permit to
reopen. But the onus of having initiated the disaster had been
averted from Louisiana by Huey’s bizarre bank holiday, and this
underscored the fact that for some time past, the number and ratio
of bank failures in Louisiana had been far, far below the national
average. It also strengthened the growing conviction that Louisiana’s
Long was something more than another Southern demagogue like
Mississippi’s Bilbo or Texas’ Pa Ferguson.
Franklin Roosevelt was probably never under any illusions on that
score. He gauged quite correctly the omen of Share-Our-Wealth’s
growing strength. It had been blueprinted for all to see when Mrs.
Caraway’s candidacy swept the boards in Arkansas, and again when
41. this movement, plus the oratorical spell cast by the Louisianian in
stumping the Midwestern prairie states, carried them for Roosevelt
later that same autumn. According to Long’s subsequent diatribes,
he had campaigned thus for “Roosevelt the Little” on the express
understanding that the president-to-be would back the program for
limiting individual incomes and bequests by statute.
There is ample ground for the belief that Long was secretly
gratified when he realized that the New Dealers would have none of
this proposal. The issue which had served him so well in the past
could thus be turned against Roosevelt four years later, when Long
planned to enter the lists as a rival candidate for the world’s loftiest
office. Publicly, to be sure, he professed himself outraged by “this
double cross,” bolted the administration ranks once more, repeated
an earlier, defiant fulmination to the effect that if the New Dealers
wished to withhold control over Louisiana’s federal appointments
from him, they could take this patronage and “go slap dab to hell
with it.”
Roosevelt and his fidus Achates, Harry Hopkins, took him at his
word, and gave the anti-Long faction, headed by Mayor Walmsley of
New Orleans, a controlling voice in the distribution of federal
patronage. The breach between the two standard bearers—one
heading the New Deal and a federal bureaucracy tremendously
swollen by a swarm of new alphabetical agencies, the other all but
worshiped as archangel of Share-Our-Wealth—widened from month
to month.
Roosevelt left the anti-Long philippics to members of his cabinet
and other department heads: Hugh Johnson, NRA administrator, for
example, or Interior Secretary Harold Ickes. The climax to these
interchanges came in the late summer of 1935, when in an address
delivered on the Senate floor, Long charged that “Franklin Delano
Roosevelt the first, the last, and the littlest” was linked to a plot
against his—Huey Long’s—life.
43. 3 —— August 8, 1935: Washington
“I haven’t the slightest doubt but
that Roosevelt would pardon
anyone who killed Long.”
——UNIDENTIFIED VOICE FROM A
DICTOGRAPH RECORD QUOTED BY
HUEY LONG IN AN ADDRESS BEFORE
THE UNITED STATES SENATE
Long’s charge that he had been selected for assassination by a cabal
in whose plot President Roosevelt was involved at least by
implication made headlines from coast to coast and filled page on
page of the Congressional Record. But it fell quite flat, being taken
in a Pickwickian rather than in any literal sense. Even the unthinking
elders of the Share-Our-Wealth clubs, their numbers now sadly
shrunken by reason of the march of time, still cling to a rather
pathetic belief in this extravagant bombast only by reason of an
uncanny and unrelated coincidence: within less than thirty days after
making the charge Long actually was assassinated.
His climactic thrust at the White House was not taken too
seriously at the time, however, because, for one thing, Long had
cried “plot against me” too often. By the fall of 1935 the story was
old hat, even though it had never before been blazoned in so august
a tribunal as the Senate, and had never before involved, even by
indirection, a chief executive. On two previous occasions he had
placed Baton Rouge under martial law, calling out the militia, to
defend him against plots on his life. Only seven months before
making the Senate speech in question he had “exposed” the plot of
44. a group of Baton Rouge citizens, a number of high officials among
them, to waylay his automobile on a given night while he was being
driven to New Orleans, and kill him at a lonely bend of the River
Road where the car would of necessity have to slow down.
In proof of this he put on the witness stand an informer who had
infiltrated into the ranks of the supposedly plotting group, and who
testified as to the details of a conspiracy.
Early in his senatorial career he had made himself so offensive in
the washroom of a club at Sands Point, Long Island, that the irate
victim of a demand to “make way for the Kingfish” slugged him.
Since the blow split the skin over an eyebrow, the incident could not
be concealed. Long promptly charged that hired bravos of the House
of Morgan had assaulted him in the club washroom, intent on taking
his life.
Finally, when what he told the Senate on that August day in 1935
was boiled down in its own juices it made pretty thin gruel, as
anyone who cares to wade through the fine print of the
Congressional Record for that date can see for himself. The truth is
that on the eve of Congress’ adjournment, Long was trying to build
up against Roosevelt something he could tub-thump before the
voters in the next year’s presidential campaign.
On the principle that “the best defense is an attack,” he was
keeping the New Deal hierarchy in Washington so busily occupied on
another front that he could take advantage of their preoccupation to
infiltrate Louisiana’s federal patronage with his followers.
Presumably control over these appointments to all sorts of oddball
positions under the PWA, WPA, and other auspices was now in the
hands of the anti-Long contingent, headed by among others a good
half of the state’s members in the lower house of Congress. But
these were parochial politicians, fumblingly inept at organizing such
matters on a state-wide scale. To cite but a single example, one
project sponsored under the anti-Long dispensation was a review of
the newspaper files in the New Orleans City Hall archives. By
direction of Mayor Walmsley, so many appointees were packed into
this particular task that they had to work in one-hour-a-day shifts in
45. order to find physical room in the small garret-like space set aside
for it.
Theoretically, they were to index these files, and to repair torn
pages with gummed tape as they came across them. Actually, they
would for the most part merely turn the leaves of the clumsy bound
volumes until they came to the Sunday comics or other such
features, and read these at leisure. Then they repaired to Lafayette
Square when their hour of demanded presence was up, and joked
about the way they would put out of joint the noses of the anti-Long
leadership on election day; for of course most of them were
dedicated Share-Our-Wealthers eagerly looking forward to $5000-a-
year incomes when Huey Long got around to redistributing the
nation’s wealth.
Meanwhile their Kingfish was giving the anti-Long leaders a real
Roland—an entire battalion of Rolands, in fact—for their patronage
Oliver. The spoils-system theory of a patronage plum is that its
bestowal is good for three votes; in other words, that the recipient
and at least two members of his family or circle of friends will vote
for the party favored by the job’s bestower. A United States senator
would normally be consulted about appointments to all federal
patronage posts not covered by civil service in his state: Collector of
the Port, Surveyor of the Port, Collector of Internal Revenue, district
attorneys, federal judges, and the like. During the early New Deal
era this roster was tremendously amplified by the staffs of numerous
new alphabetical agencies and their labor force.
Huey Long may not have expected to be taken quite so literally
when he told the Roosevelt hierarchs they could take their patronage
“slap-dab to hell” as far as he was concerned. But when he saw that
he was indeed given no voice in any Louisiana federal appointment,
he initiated an entire series of special sessions of the state
legislature which subserviently enacted a succession of so-called
“dictatorship laws.” Under these statutes he took the control of every
parochial and municipal position in every city, village, and parish out
of the hands of the local authorities, and vested the appointive
power in himself.
46. He did this by creating new state boards, composed of officials of
his own selection, without whose certification no local public
employee could receive or hold any post on the public payroll. A
board of teacher certification was thus set up and without its—which
is to say, Huey Long’s—approval, no teacher, janitor, school-bus
driver, or principal could be employed by any local parish or city
school board. No municipal police officer or deputy sheriff
throughout the state, no deputy clerk or stenographer in any
courthouse, no city or parish sanitary inspector, and so on down the
entire line of public payroll places, could continue in his or her
position unless specifically okayed by Senator Long. In those pre-
civil-service days the appointive state, parish, and city employees in
Louisiana outnumbered the federal patronage places within the state
by hundreds to one, even during the New Deal’s era of production
controls and “recovery.”
Hence, for each federal patronage job he had nominally lost to his
opponents he gained hundreds—literally—of local appointments
which were thenceforth at his disposal. When this was pointed out in
the anti-Long press and he was asked for comment, he chuckled and
said: “I’m always ready to give anybody a biscuit for a barrel of
flour.”
In sum, he had brought practically all local public employees,
including those who staffed Mayor Walmsley’s city administration in
New Orleans, under the Long banner by the summer of 1935. Only a
scant handful of “dictatorship laws” yet remained to be enacted, and
these were already being drafted to his specifications. The moment
Congress adjourned, when he would be released from Washington
and could return to Louisiana, they would be rushed to enactment.
Meanwhile he readied his parting shot against the White House.
The incident on which he based the grotesque charge that President
Roosevelt abetted, or at the very least knew of and acquiesced in,
an assassination plot was a supposedly sub rosa political caucus held
at the Hotel De Soto in New Orleans on Sunday, July 21, 1935. The
gathering had been convened presumably without letting any
outsider (i.e., “nonplotter”) know it was to be held. Its ostensible
objective was the selection of an anti-Long gubernatorial candidate
47. whom all anti-Long factions would agree to support against any
nominee the Senator might hand-pick for endorsement.
However, with what still appears to be a positive genius for
fumbling, the anti-Long leadership guarded with such butter-
fingered zeal the secret of whether, where, or when they were to
meet that even before they assembled, Long aides had ample time
to install the microphone of a dictograph in the room where the anti-
Long General Staff was to confer. The device functioned very fuzzily.
Its recording (which it was hoped to duplicate and replay from sound
trucks throughout the ensuing campaign) was only spottily
intelligible. But a couple of court reporters had also been equipped
with earphones at a listening post, and their stenographic transcript,
though incomplete, afforded some excerpts which Senator Long
inflated into what he presented as a full-scale murder plot.
His fulmination was delivered before a crowded gallery, as usual.
This popularity annoyed many of his senior colleagues, none more
so than Vice-President Garner, whom John L. Lewis was soon to
stigmatize as “that labor-baiting, poker-playing, whiskey-drinking evil
old man.” More than once, as the galleries emptied with a rush the
moment Long finished, Mr. Garner would call to the departing
auditors, saying: “Yes, you can go now! The show’s over!”
In this instance, as on many previous occasions, there was no
advance hint of the fireworks to come. The fuse was a debate over
the Frazier-Lemke bill, and Senator Long contented himself at the
outset with charging that the administration was conducting
“government by blackmail.” In making this statement he was
referring to NIRA, which had succeeded NRA, the latter having been
declared unconstitutional some three months earlier. This had
nothing to do with the Frazier-Lemke bill, but it gave Mr. Long an
opportunity to charge that no contracts for PWA work were being
financed unless the contractor agreed to abide by all the provisions
of the NRA code which the Supreme Court had invalidated.
That led to the statement that “we in Louisiana have never stood
for [such] blackmail from anybody,” which in turn led to a section of
his arraignment the Congressional Record headed:
48. “THE PLAN OF ROBBERY, MURDER,
BLACKMAIL, OR THEFT”
He then loosed his farewell salvo.
“I have a record of an anti-Long conference held by the anti-Long
Representatives from Louisiana in Congress,” he said in part. “The
faithful Roosevelt Congressmen had gone down there to put the
Long crowd out.... Here is what happened among the Congressmen
representing Roosevelt the first, the last and the littlest.”
Holding aloft what he said was a transcript of the dictograph
record, he listed the names of those present, naming a collector of
internal revenue, an FERA manager for the state, and giving as the
first direct quote of one of the conferees a statement made by one
Oscar Whilden, a burly horse-and-mule dealer who had headed an
anti-Long direct-action group calling itself the Square Deal
Association. Whilden was quoted as saying at the very opening of
the meeting that “I am out to murder, kill, bulldoze, steal or anything
else to win this election!”
An unidentified voice mentioned that the anti-Long faction would
be aided by more “income tax indictments, and there will be some
more convictions. They tell me O. K. Allen will be the next to be
indicted.”
“That,” explained Mr. Long for the benefit of his hearers and the
press gallery, “is the governor of Louisiana. Send them down these
culprits and thieves and thugs who openly advocate murdering
people, and who have been participants in the murder of some
people and in their undertaking to murder others—send them down
these thugs and thieves and culprits and rascals who have been
placed upon Government payrolls, drawing from five to six thousand
dollars a year, to carry on and wage war in the name of the sacred
flag, the Stars and Stripes. That is the kind of government to which
the administration has attached itself in the state of Louisiana!”
Four of Louisiana’s congressmen were named as having taken part
in the caucus which Senator Long dubbed a “murder conference.”
They were J. Y. Sanders, Jr., Cleveland Dear, Numa Montet, and John
Sandlin. But it was another of the conferees whom Senator Long
49. quoted next, reading from the transcript, as suggesting that “we
have Dear to make a trip around the state and then announce that
the people want him to run for Governor, and no one will know
about this arrangement here ... as you all know we must all keep all
of this a secret and not even tell our own families of what is done.”
Whereupon, according to the record, another voice proposed that
“we should make fellows like Farley and Roosevelt and the suffering
corporations ... cough up enough to get rid of that fellow.”
Commented Senator Long: “Yes, we should make the Standard Oil
Company and the ‘suffering corporations’ cough up enough ... says
Mr. Sandlin ... [but] I am going to teach my friends in the Senate
how to lick this kind of corruption. I am going to show them how to
lick it to a shirttail finish.... I am going to give you a lesson in
January to show you that the crookedness and rottenness and
corruption of this Government, however ably [sic!] financed and
however many big corporations join in it, will not get to first base.”
More of the same sort of dialogue was read from the transcript.
Congressman Sandlin assured the meeting that President Roosevelt
will “endorse our candidate.” Another of the conferees, one
O’Rourke, was described by Long as having refused to testify when
another witness at an inquiry into one of Huey Long’s earlier murder-
plot charges “swore that he had hired O’Rourke to commit murder in
Baton Rouge. I was the man he was to kill so there was not much
said about it except that he refused to testify on the ground that he
would incriminate himself, whereupon Roosevelt employed him. He
was qualified and he was appointed.”
The statement most frequently quoted in the weeks and months
that followed was that of an unidentified voice which the transcript
reported as saying: “I would draw in a lottery to go out and kill
Long. It would take only one man, one gun and one bullet.” And
some time thereafter, according to the transcript, another
unidentified voice declared that “I haven’t the slightest doubt but
that Roosevelt would pardon any one who killed Long.” Thereupon
someone asked: “But how could it be done?” and the reply was:
“The best way would be to just hang around Washington and kill him
right in the Senate.”
50. The conference was adjourned after notifying Congressman Dear
that the people would clamor to have him run for governor of
Louisiana. (The significance of this is that in one of Dear’s final
campaign speeches he made the statement that gave rise to a
widely disseminated and still persistent version of the shooting that
followed, by almost exactly one month, the delivery of Long’s attack
on the New Deal.)
Long concluded his address to the Senate with the assertion that
he had exposed this presumably hush-hush meeting “to the United
States Senate and, I hope, to the country ... and I wish to announce
further they have sent additional inspectors and various other
bureaucrats down in the State....
“The State of Louisiana has no fear whatever of any kind of tactics
thus agreed upon and thus imposed. The State of Louisiana will
remain a state. When you hear from the election returns in the
coming January ... Louisiana will not have a government imposed on
it that represents murder, blackmail, oppression or destitution.”
The Senate then resumed the business of the day. But most of the
correspondents in the press gallery had left and the talk was all of
Huey Long’s excoriation of the New Deal, of his promise that “if it is
in a Presidential primary, they will hear from the people of the
United States,” and of his declaration that rumors of the New Deal
leaders plotting to have him murdered were now “fully verified.”
Note: Most of the purely local references, repetitions, adversions
to extraneous matters, and the like have been omitted from the
foregoing condensation of Senator Long’s last speech before the
Senate. Those who may wish to read the full text of his address will
find it in the Congressional Record for August 9, 1935, pages 12780
through 12791. The section headed “The Plan of Robbery, Murder,
Blackmail, or Theft” begins on page 12786, second column.
51. 4 —— August 30 to September 2
“Behold, my desire is that mine
adversary had written a book.
Surely I would take it upon my
shoulder and bind it as a crown to
me.”
——JOB
Congress did not adjourn its 1935 session until seventeen days after
Senator Long had delivered his blast about “the plan of robbery,
murder, blackmail, or theft” at the Roosevelt administration in
general and at its head in particular. This was, as he clearly stated in
his reference to presidential primaries, the opening move in
launching his 1936 candidacy for president; the next step would be
publication and distribution of My First Days in the White House.
He devoted himself to revision of this manuscript during the
fortnight in which Congress remained in session, and marveled at
the difficulties he encountered. Like many another magnetic orator,
he was no writer, and in spite of the ghosts who had helped bring it
into being, My First Days in the White House eloquently testifies to
that fact. None the less, had he lived, the book would have won him
adherents by the million. In all its naïve oversimplification, it was still
a triumph of classical composition beside the helter-skelter
phraseology of his senatorial and stump-speaking oratory. But the
latter, like his many other public utterances, his early political
circulars, and even the jumbled prose of his first book: Every Man a
King, had been accepted almost as gospel by Longolators who
52. jeered at literate anti-Long editorials as propaganda dictated and
paid for by the Money Barons.
Congress did adjourn in due course, and now it is time to follow
Long almost hour by hour through the final ten days of his life,
assembling an unbiased chronicle in order to dispel myths and reveal
truths about his assassination. His first concern was the publication
of his book. His only other fixed commitment before having
Governor Allen call the legislature into special session for the
enactment of a final dossier of dictatorship laws, was delivery of a
Labor Day address at Oklahoma City on September 2. He had
accepted this invitation gladly, since it would afford him an
opportunity to couple evangelistic grandiloquence about wealth-
sharing with kind words about blind Senator Thomas Gore, who
faced stiff opposition in his campaign for re-election.
Earle Christenberry was left in charge of the Washington office,
where he was to pack for transportation all documents and records
which might be needed to elect a Long-endorsed governor and other
state officials in Louisiana. Meanwhile, Mr. Long with the manuscript
of his book and three of his bodyguards went to New York for a few
days of relaxation.
It was also part of his long-range design to seek the Democratic
Party’s nomination for president at the 1936 convention. To be sure,
he was under no misconception as to the sort of fate this bid would
encounter. For one thing, Roosevelt’s personal popularity had
reached new heights as his first term drew to a close. His
nomination for a second term was all but inevitable. Long had
attacked not only the administration as such. He was carrying on
corrosive personal feuds with Postmaster General Farley, Interior
Secretary Ickes, NRA Administrator Hugh Johnson, Senate Majority
Leader Joe Robinson, and a host of other party bigwigs.
Naturally, Louisiana’s Kingfish realized fully that these leaders,
controlling the party machinery in the convention of 1936, would see
to it not merely that F.D.R. received a virtually unanimous
nomination for a second term, but that even were Roosevelt
eliminated from contention, Huey Long’s effort to become the party’s
standard bearer would be rejected.
53. Unquestionably, that is exactly what the Kingfish wanted. He
already had a virtually crackproof national organization in his swiftly
expanding Share-Our-Wealth clubs. The growth of this movement
was now so rapid that his staff found difficulty in keeping pace with
it. So valuable had its name become that both “Share Our Wealth”
and “Share the Wealth” were copyrighted in Earle Christenberry’s
name.
Long’s purpose was to rally from both the Republican and
Democratic camps the many who were still embittered by their
struggles to escape the Great Depression. Times had undeniably
bettered. The economy would reach a peak figure in 1937. But even
the WPA “shovel leaners” were convinced that the government owed
them much more than was being doled out on payday, and were
entranced by the vision of a future in which Huey Long would soak
the rich to provide for each toiler, however lowly his station, an
income of $5000 a year and a span of mules.
In the prairie corn and wheat belts, in the Dakotas and in
Oklahoma, in all the places where Long had preached wealth-sharing
while campaigning for Roosevelt, desperate landowners on the verge
of eviction from mortgaged or tax-delinquent acres their forebears
had carved out of the wilderness, were still rallying their friends and
neighbors to help keep potential bidders from foreclosure auctions.
These too would recall Long’s clamorous efforts to bring the Frazier-
Lemke bill to a vote, and the conservatives’ success in holding it
back from the floor. One and all, they would read My First Days in
the White House, and they would learn in its pages how readily a
wealth-sharing miracle could come to pass if only Huey Long were
president....
None the less, publishers were chary of bringing out the book
under their imprint. To Long this was no matter for concern. Over a
period of at least three years a war chest for the presidential
campaign he planned to wage in 1936 had been growing steadily. It
included not merely money—a levy on the salaries of all public
employees under his domination in Louisiana, and major campaign
contributions from corporations that felt themselves obligated to
show tangible appreciation for past favors or sought to insure
54. themselves against future reprisal—it included also a solid stockpile
of affidavits about the boondoggles of divers federal agencies. Hard-
pressed men, driven to almost any lengths by the crying need of
their families for such bare necessities as food and shelter, were
being forced to promise they would “praise Roosevelt and cuss
Long” before being granted a WPA laborer’s pittance.
At the outset of Long’s senatorial career this entire trove of cash
and documentary dynamite was kept in some strongboxes of the
Mayflower Hotel, where the Senator first established his capitol
residence. But for various reasons, at least one of which was the
hotel’s refusal to bar his political opponents from registering there
while in Washington, his relations with the Mayflower deteriorated
rapidly to the point where he moved to the Broadmoor, at 3601
Connecticut Avenue. The view from one of the windows of his
apartment overlooking Rock Creek Park charmed him. At the same
time the campaign cash and documents were transferred to the
safety-deposit vaults of the Riggs National Bank, where the Senator
kept a Washington checking account, or rather, where Earle
Christenberry kept it for him.
Hence the question of paying for the publication of My First Days
in the White House presented no problem. For that matter, neither
did the seeming permanence of a few scattered centers of anti-Long
resistance in Louisiana. Since the dictatorship laws enacted during
the previous twelvemonth made it virtually impossible to defeat Long
proposals in the legislature, or Long candidates at the polls, the fixity
of a few isolated opposition enclaves was desirable because, to
quote Mr. Long, “it gives me somebody to cuss out, and I can’t make
a speech that’s worth a damn unless I’m raising hell about what my
enemies are doing.”
Only one stubborn stronghold of this sort really irked him by its
refusal to capitulate. This was the parish of St. Landry, whose seat
was Opelousas. Always independent of alien dictation, this fourth-
largest county in Louisiana had remained uncompromisingly anti-
Long under the leadership of a couple of patriarchal autocrats:
Judge Benjamin Pavy, tall, heavy-set, and wide-shouldered, with a
roundish countenance against whose rather sallow complexion a
55. white mustache stood out in sharp contrast; and District Attorney
Lee Garland, short and plump, his features pink beneath a flowing
crest of white hair.
Garland, much the elder, had held office continuously for forty-four
years, Judge Pavy for twenty-eight. The latter had been elected to
the district bench in 1908, after an exceptionally bitter local contest
in which the leader of the anti-Pavy forces, Sheriff Marion Swords,
went so far as to charge that one of Ben Pavy’s distant relatives-in-
law was an individual the purity of whose Caucasian ancestry was
open to challenge. Since Judge Pavy was elected not only then, but
continuously thereafter for the next twenty-eight years in election
after election, it is obvious the report was given no credence at the
time. With the passage of years, the incident was forgotten.
The situation in the parish of St. Landry would not have disturbed
Huey Long too greatly, had there not been the possibility that in
some future state Supreme Court election the heavy vote of that
parish might upset the high tribunal’s political four-to-three Long-
faction majority. On this ground alone it might be important for the
Kingfish to alter the political climate of the St. Landry judicial district
before the larger demands of an approaching presidential campaign
monopolized his time and energy.
A matter of prestige was likewise involved. It was Long’s purpose
to take the stump personally in the St. Landry area, in order to bring
about the defeat of its heavily entrenched Pavy-Garland faction and
score a personal triumph. On the other hand, if through some
mischance his persuasive oratory and the well-drilled efficiency of his
cohorts failed to carry the day, the result would be hailed not merely
in Louisiana, but throughout the nation, as a personal defeat for the
Kingfish. Hence, nothing must be left to chance. Matters must be so
arranged that failure was to all intents and purposes impossible.
This involved no very serious difficulties. Earlier that summer,
when he first outlined to his lieutenants plans for liquidating the
Pavy-Garland entente as a politically potent factor, he gave orders to
prepare for a special session of the legislature, this one to be called
as soon as Congress adjourned. Once convened, the lawmakers
were to gerrymander St. Landry from the thirteenth into the
56. fifteenth judicial district. This would leave Evangeline (Dr. Vidrine’s
home bailiwick), small but overwhelmingly pro-Long, as the only
parish in the thirteenth district, thus assuring the election of a
friendly judge there.
At the same time, it would annex St. Landry to another district
which already included three large pro-Long parishes. Admittedly,
the enlarged district would be given two judges instead of one, but
under the new arrangement neither could possibly be elected
without Long’s endorsement.
Senator Long took it for granted that his wishes—commands,
rather—would be complied with at once. But some close friends
earnestly urged him to forgo the gerrymander, at least temporarily.
Political feeling was running too high as matters stood to risk
possible violence, perhaps even a popular uprising, through such
high-handed and summary procedures. Reluctantly, he agreed to
hold this particular project in abeyance, but only for the moment.
At the close of August, however, with Congress in adjournment,
and in view of the need to neutralize the federal government’s policy
of patronage distribution solely for the benefit of his political foes
back home, he decided that the time for action was at hand. Once
more he sent word to Baton Rouge that preparations for a special
legislative session, the fourth of that calendar year, be started
without further delay. It should be convened on the night of
Saturday, September 7.
Meanwhile certain bills, embodying the statutory changes he
wanted, should be drafted forthwith by Executive Counsel George
Wallace, so that he—Huey—could check their wording in advance,
and make any amendments he deemed necessary. This must be
done with secrecy—not the sort of puerile intrigue with which his
opponents had assembled their hotel conference, but under a tight
cloak of concealment, so as to catch the opposition unawares. The
gerrymander that would retire Judge Pavy to private life was to be
the first measure introduced and passed, becoming House Bill
Number One and later Act Number One. The date of the state’s
congressional primaries was also to be moved up from September
1936 to January. These should be held at the same time as the
57. primaries for governor and other elective state officers. And there
was another measure, one still in the planning stage, the details of
which he would give later; something to take the sting out of
Roosevelt’s punitive dispensation of federal patronage in Louisiana.
Having disposed of these matters, Long left Washington for New
York with three of his most trusted bodyguards—Murphy Roden, Paul
Voitier, and Theophile Landry. All he had in mind at the moment was
a day or two of relaxation. August 30 was his birthday. He would be
forty-two years old. This in itself called for some sort of celebration.
Besides, in view of the busy weeks ahead—the Labor Day speech in
Oklahoma on September 2, the special session of the legislature, the
need to rush My First Days in the White House into print, the fall and
winter campaign for state offices, the presidential campaign to follow
—this might well be, for no one knew how long, his last opportunity
for casual diversion.
“We flew to New York from Washington,” Captain Landry recalls,
“and went straight to the New Yorker Hotel, where they always put
the Senator in a suite on the thirty-second floor. We got there on
August 29. I remember that because the next day, a Friday, was his
birthday, and Ralph Hitz, the owner of the hotel, sent up a big
birthday cake. Lila Lee, a New Orleans girl who was vocalist for Nick
Lucas’ band that was playing the New Yorker’s supper room, came
up to the suite with the cake to sing Happy-birthday-dear-Huey.
After the cake had been cut and we all had a taste of it, he gave the
rest to Miss Lee.
“About that time Lou Irwin came up to take us out to dinner. I
think the Senator had talked to him on the phone about finding
someone to publish his book, and that Lou had said this was out of
his line, since he was a theatrical agent, but he would inquire around
and see what could be done. Earle Christenberry wasn’t with us. He
had remained in Washington to gather up all the things the Senator
might need in Louisiana, papers and so on, and he was going to
take his time driving home with them while we went on to Oklahoma
City.
“Anyway, Lou Irwin said he had just booked a show into some
place uptown. I have forgotten the name of it; all I remember is it
58. was quite a ways uptown, and Lou told us they had just imported
from France some chef that made the best onion soup in the world.
“So we went there to eat, and we had hardly sat down when who
should come over to our table but Phil Baker, the radio star. He said:
‘Senator, I want you to meet the two most beautiful girls in New
York, my wife Peggy and her niece.’ I don’t remember the niece’s
name, but she was a young girl that looked to be about eighteen,
and she was very pretty. Baker was all excited, talking about having
just signed a contract that very day with the Gulf Refining people to
take over their radio show, the one Will Rogers, who got killed in a
plane crash with Wiley Post up in Alaska a couple of weeks before
that, used to do.”
The name of the niece was Cleanthe Carr. Her father, Gene Carr,
was one of the best-known cartoonists and comic-strip originators in
the country. His work was widely syndicated.
“The Senator got up to dance with Mrs. Baker,” the Landry account
continues, “and she must have told him, while they were dancing,
about this niece being an artist, because when they came back to
the table he picked up a napkin and gave it to this girl, saying:
‘Young lady, I understand you’re quite a cartoonist. Let’s see you
sketch me here on this napkin!’ Well, she made a perfect sketch of
him, with his arms out and his hair flying, as though he were making
a hell-fire speech. He thought the sketch was fine, but Phil Baker
said we ought to see some of her serious work, and we all should
come up to his apartment, where he had quite a few of the paintings
she had done.
“So we left. I don’t think Lou Irwin came with us. But anyway,
after we had been quite a long while at the Baker apartment,
Senator Long said the niece would have to do the pictures for his
book that he had written about how he was already elected
president and what he did in the White House to redistribute the
wealth after he was inaugurated. By the time we got back to the
hotel it was three o’clock in the morning.
“The Senator went over to the newsstand to look at the headlines
in the morning papers, and a gentleman who had been in the lobby
when we came in got up and came over to me and asked if my
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