![justly indignant at this breach of agreement, stopped work at all the
pits under their control. Fourteen days' notice should have been
given by the miners, on the terms of their agreement.
There was no grievance between master and man, and yet at the
bidding of an outside person the miners abandoned their work
without notice.
The Unionist shearers, at the instigation of their dictator, hasted to
join the revolt. They commenced to formulate an agreement
imposing higher pay, shorter hours, the supervision of sheds by
workmen appointed by themselves, the deposition of the rule of the
employer over his own work, as to his own property, in his own
woolshed.
Then the employers, up to that time slow to move and more or less
disunited, saw that the time had come for them to combine against
the tyranny of a communistic organisation. The Shearers' Union,
however, as represented by their president, thought it improper of
other people to form Unions. They began to threaten as follows:—
'Should the employers maintain their present attitude, the trades'
organisation will be compelled to use every means to win their
cause, methods which at present they have avoided.
'For instance, they could call out all the shearers (sic), and at one
blow cause widespread disaster. [This they did later on, including
those who, in reliance on their promises, were shearing under Union
Rules.] The effects of such a step would be to paralyse the whole
industry of the colony. In Victoria, shearing is only just commencing.
In New South Wales it is barely half over. At the Labour Conference
in Sydney it was decided that the Western miners be called out next
day. This meant cutting off the sole remaining coal supply of the
colony. Decided also that all the shearers, rouseabouts, and carriers
be called out. Instructions sent accordingly.
'In New South Wales alone this will affect 22,000 shearers, 15,000
rouseabouts, 10,000 carriers also, together with all affiliated trades,](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/15645-250315062726-4b0701d1/85/Test-Bank-for-Group-Counseling-Strategies-and-Skills-7th-Edition-Ed-E-Jacobs-25-320.jpg)
Test Bank for Group Counseling: Strategies and Skills, 7th Edition: Ed E. Jacobs
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- 5. Chapter 1 Items 2 PG: 11 7. Leaders should not use the groups that they lead for their own therapy or ________ ____________growth. ANS: personal PG: 29 8. Organizations, such as the American Counseling Association and the American Psychological Association, publish _________________standards that outline sound practices when conducting group work. ANS: ethical PG: 27 9. A group leader who uses practices that are very different from ones generally accepted by others in the field could be considered ____________________. ANS: negligent or unethical PG: 27 MATCHING KINDS OF GROUPS: Match the descriptions below with the available choices. Choices: A. Counseling B. Discussion C. Education D. Growth E. Self-help F. Support G. Task _____ 1. A group of boys diagnosed with oppositional defiant disorder (ODD) meet daily in a residential treatment facility to discuss their problems and focus on improved functioning in school and at home. The leader often plays an active role to ensure each session is productive and beneficial for all members. ANS: A PG: 13 _____ 2. Meetings of a weekly weight loss group for women
- 6. Chapter 1 Items 3 focus on healthy weight loss strategies. The group is facilitated by a different member each week. Common group topics include: healthy food choices, the progress of group members, staying motivated, and barriers to successful weight loss. ANS: E PG: 19 _____ 3. A group of first-generation college students meet weekly to share their experiences adapting to college. The leader facilitates discussions that help the students to connect with one another so that they do not feel alone in their new environment. ANS: F PG: 15 _____ 4. An office manager faced with forced budget cuts calls a staff meeting to discuss strategies to decrease spending on, and maximize the use of, office supplies. Group members are assigned to brainstorm together to generate money- saving solutions. The manger oversees the group and intervenes to keep members on track, and to stop any conflicts that arise. ANS: G PG: 9 _____ 5. A group for parents whose children have been sexually abused meet weekly to discuss effective parenting skills. The leader provides information on a variety of topics including: the nature of abuse and its effects on the child, parenting an abused child, and dealing with the stress and grief of child sexual abuse. Sometimes, the leader facilitates discussion so that members can share their perspectives and ideas. ANS: C PG: 6 MATCHING ETHICAL SITUATIONS: Match the ethical situations described below with the available choices. Choices: A. Confidentiality B. Dual relationships C. Ethically using exercises D. Informing members about the group E. Leader qualification and preparation F. Leader’s role in making referrals
- 7. Chapter 1 Items 4 _____1. A counselor in private practice lives in a small town and sees members of his group in many different places. One of the members joins the softball team that the leader plays on. ANS: B PG: 29 _____2.. This leader finished her Master’s degree last semester and has no experience leading groups. Her new job requires her to lead a therapy group for clients with schizophrenia. ANS:E PG: 28 _____ 3. A leader of a diverse group comprised of members from many different cultures struggles to understand his clients. Though his skills are good, the group dynamics are often effected by cultural concerns. ANS: E PG: 28 _____ 4. A school counselor led an exercise that generated an intense reaction from one member. After the session, with the member’s permission, the counselor contacted the member’s parent to provide a list of phone numbers so that plans for follow up services could be made. ANS: F PG: 32 _____ 5. During the first session of a group for survivors of sexual abuse, the leader tells members the purpose of the group, and informs the members that they can share as little, or as much as they would like. ANS: D PG: 30
- 8. Chapter 1 Items 5 MULTIPLE CHOICE: Choose the best answer for each item from the available choices. _____ 1. To become an effective group leader, these authors recommend A. setting counseling theory aside and focusing on process. B. organizing sessions so that the intended topics are covered. C. leading difficult groups first to quickly gain experience. D. using the group he or she is leading to work on unresolved issues. ANS: B PG: 26 _____ 2. According to the authors, a leader can use information to A. share ideas. B. clarify issues. C. stimulate discussion. D. all of the available choices ANS: D PG: 26 _____ 3. To increase the comfort and effectiveness of the beginning group leader, the authors recommend starting A. with a small discussion group. B. as a co-leader in a therapy group. C. with a large, personal growth group. D. with a group of children with serious counseling concerns. ANS: A PG: 26 _____ 4. Which of the following is NOT a specific recommendation from the authors to build “experience with individuals” for the purpose of increasing effective leadership skills? A. Talking with all kinds of people B. Pursuing a broad range of life experience C. Being romantically involved with a person from another culture D. Having one-on-one counseling experience with a diverse clientele ANS: C PG: 26
- 9. Chapter 1 Items 6 _____ 5. In the beginning stage of an addictions group, the leader chooses topics and activities pertaining to denial, treatment, and recovery. He keeps the group focused on the individual concerns of members and provides structure to the session. Which leadership style is being utilized? A. Group directed and interpersonal B. Group directed and intrapersonal C. Leader directed and interpersonal D. Leader directed and intrapersonal ANS: D PG: 23 _____ 6. In the middle stage of changing families support group for step-parents the members choose to focus on the “here and now” to understand what it is like to ask for and to receive support. Which leadership style is being utilized? A. Group directed and interpersonal B. Group directed and intrapersonal C. Leader directed and interpersonal D. Leader directed and intrapersonal ANS: A PG: 23 _____ 7. In a social skills group for children, the leader uses exercises and asks thought- provoking questions about group dynamics, to help members learn skills to improve peer relationships. Which leadership style is being utilized? A. Group directed and interpersonal B. Group directed and intrapersonal C. Leader directed and interpersonal D. Leader directed and intrapersonal ANS: C PG: 23 _____ 8. The relationship developed among group members, as well as the way in which members participate in a group, defines group A. process B. think C. harmony D. cohesion ANS: A
- 10. Chapter 1 Items 7 PG: 24 _____ 9. Which of the following is TRUE of impact therapy? A. Impact therapy is theory-driven and creative B. Impact therapy focuses only on verbal exchanges C. Impact therapy is an abstract and emotional approach D. Impact therapy posits that the leader should be passive ANS: A PG: 20 _____ 10. Which of the following characterizes an advantage of group work? A. Learning from others by listening to them B. Receiving feedback from multiple sources C. Feeling a sense of belonging with others who share similar concerns D. All of the available choices ANS: D PG: 2 _____ 11. Which of the following would NOT be an appropriate therapy group? A. Teenagers being treated for self injury in an institutional setting B. Women with eating disorders C. Victims of sex abuse D. Parents wanting to improve parenting skills ANS: D PG: 13 _____ 12. Which groups are led by laypeople with similar concerns as group members? A. Support groups B. Therapy groups C. Self help groups D. Experiential groups ANS: C PG: 19 _____ 13. Which of the following is NOT identified by the authors as a potential problem for a group?
- 11. Chapter 1 Items 8 A. Members skipping from topic to topic B. Members trying to dominate the discussion C. Members expressing their feelings D. Members disliking one another ANS: C PG: 32 ____14 .Which of the following is FALSE about confidentiality? A. The leader cannot guarantee complete confidentiality B. Leaders may divulge information concerning child or adolescent members C. Confidentiality may be breached if the leader learns that a member is planning to hurt someone D. None of the available choices is false. . ANS: D PG: 30 _____ __ 15. According to the authors, which of the following is the most important point to remember with regard to legal issues? A. Exercises should be used ethically B. A leader must know the laws in his/her state regarding clients rights C. The members must be protected harm at all costs D. A group leader must demonstrate care for his/her members ANS: B PG: 28 _____ 16.. Which of the following is FALSE regarding ethical practices when working with groups? The leader should A. practice within his/her own skill limits. B. inform members that confidentiality cannot be guaranteed in group. C. force members to continue with an exercise once it has been started. D. avoid engaging in business relationships with group members. ANS: C PG: 31 _____ 17. Which of the following is FALSE regarding ethical practices when conducting group work? A. All persons with an advanced degree are qualified to lead groups. B. It is the responsibility of the leader to understand group dynamics and processes.
- 12. Chapter 1 Items 9 C. A leader must have a thorough knowledge of the subjects being discussed in group. D. Group members should not attempt any technique unless they are trained to use it. ANS: A PG: 28 _____ 18. Prospective group members should be informed A. of the purpose of group B. of the risks and benefits of group participation C. of how group participation could impact their daily lives D. all of the available choices ANS: D PG: 30 ____ 19. Understanding group dynamics, group process, group leadership skills, and group development, addresses which of the following ethical responsibilities? A. Knowledge B. Dual relationships C. Leader preparation and qualifications D. Informing members about the group ANS: C PG: 28 SHORT ANSWER/ESSAY: In the space provided below, please write concise but complete answers to the following items. (Instructor: You may wish to give students a choice among several essays.) 1. What strategies should new group leaders implement to become more effective? ANS: Counselors new to leading groups should seek opportunities to work with a diverse range of individuals in one-on-one counseling sessions in order to become more comfortable with culture and diversity in groups. In addition, new counselors should lead smaller education, discussion, support, or task groups until they are more comfortable. The beginning leader should also become more knowledgeable about the topic of the group they are leading, counseling theory, conflicts and dilemmas, and how to plan and organize group sessions in order to become more effective. PG: 26, 27
- 13. Chapter 1 Items 10 2. How does “Impact Therapy” apply to group work? ANS: Using impact therapy means using theory and multisensory creative techniques to make group counseling more concrete and understandable for members. The impact therapy approach encourages leaders to be in charge of their groups and actively lead them. PG: 20, 21 3. What are the possible consequences of forcing group participation on a member who is not ready for the experience? ANS: Individuals who are not ready to be in a group may be inappropriate for group counseling. They may be disruptive to the group because they are forced to attend. In addition, group work may not be beneficial and may actually be harmful to them if they feel pressured to share and participate at a level with which they are not comfortable. PG: 31 4. What are some of the advantages of group work? ANS: Group work is more time and cost effective for agencies and clients. For members, the advantages of being in a group include feeling connected and a sense of belonging with others who share similar concerns and the opportunities to receive feedback, to practice skills in a social context, and to learn from others with different viewpoints. PG: 2-5 5. Why do the authors advocate for a leader-directed model of group counseling? ANS: The authors advocate for using a leader-directed model in general because this model can be used to provide a valuable experience for members by structuring discussions and/or activities to meet the needs of the members. The authors also state that the members often do not know what they need, and a leader-directed style includes the use of structure, thought provoking questions, and exercises that fit the purpose of the group. Ultimately, the authors believe that the responsibility for group lies with the leaders. PG: 22, 23 6. Discuss potential member behaviors that have the potential to cause problems in group. ANS: Member behaviors that have the potential to cause problems in group include: skipping from topic to topic, members dominating the discussion, sporadic attendance, shy or withdrawn members, members becoming angry with the leader or other group members, members attempting to preach religion or morals to the group, members who are resistant to attend, or who
- 14. Chapter 1 Items 11 stop attending all together. The authors advocate for the development effective leadership skills to address these problematic member behaviors. PG: 32, 33
- 15. Other documents randomly have different content
- 16. 'Harry Bower, the Celebrated Bushranger.' Cut to the heart, not so much by the heartless publicity of the affair as by the disgraceful attempt to brand him as a dirty disreputable- looking individual, he glared angrily at his simulacrum. 'And me that was always so tasty in my dress,' he muttered. So saying, he seized the hapless figure by the arm, and dragging it along with wrathful vehemence, made for the door. 'Oh, Mr. Bower, Mr. Bower!' cried the proprietress, 'ye'll ruin him—I mane yerself. Sure ye wouldn't go to injure a poor widdy woman, and all the people sayin' it's your dead imidge.' 'Imidge of me, is it?' shouted Bower, the furious, ungovernable temper of the 'long sentence convict' breaking out. 'I'll tache ye to make a laughing-stock of Harry Bower, this day. Ye might have dressed me dacent, while ye wor about it.' So saying, he dragged the inanimate malefactor through the door, and casting him down upon the Bourke Street pavement, commenced to kick him to pieces, to the great astonishment of the crowd which speedily gathered around him. A rumour had started that 'Bower the bushranger was killing a man outside the Wax- works,' and before many minutes the street was blocked with men, women, and children, lured to the spot by the expectation of seeing a real live bushranger in the exercise of his bloodthirsty vocation. A few minutes later—having dissevered several vital portions of the 'Frankenstein' individual, and, like Artemus Ward's enthusiastic Bible Christian, who 'caved Judassis' head in,' more or less demolished the victim—Mr. Bower, desisting, stalked moodily up the street, his peculiar reputation not leading any one to volunteer pursuit. There was no constable in sight, so the Mrs. Jarley of the establishment was left to her lamentations, and the dubious satisfaction of a remedy by civil process. Next day, below startling headlines, similar paragraphs appeared in the leading journals.
- 17. 'An Ex-Bushranger. 'Assault with intent to do grievous bodily harm. 'About three o'clock yesterday afternoon, such denizens of Bourke Street as were passing Mrs. Dooley's interesting collection of Wax- works were alarmed by the spectacle of an aged man of athletic proportions, who had assaulted an individual of similar age and appearance; had thrown him down on the pavement, and was savagely kicking him about the head and the body; indeed it was feared—such was the fury of his gestures—that he was actually trampling the unfortunate victim of his rage to death. None dared to interfere, every one appeared paralysed; but after one or two public- spirited individuals had started for the Swanston Street police station, an adventurous bystander called out, 'Why, it's a wax figure.' Though a shout of laughter greeted the announcement, no one cared to remonstrate with the hero of so many legends—the man who, long outlawed, and captured after a desperate resistance, had barely escaped the gallows for the manslaughter of the warders of the hulk President in a frustrated plot for escape—the dreaded bushranger, Henry Bower. We have since learned that this attempt at felo de se (in wax)—for the injured individual turned out to be a fairly correct likeness of himself—can only be proceeded for as a debt, which Bower in his cooler moments will not be averse to liquidating, he having returned from the bush with a reasonably large cheque, earned in the service of an old employer, who gave him a berth at a couple of pounds a week as night-watchman of his woolshed. In these times of disturbance and incendiary troubles, most of our readers will concur with our opinion, that old Harry Bower, with his double-barrel, not swayed by frivolous objection to bloodshed, was, in such a position of trust, "the right man in the right place."' When the shearers took their cash or cheques as each elected, and departed, splitting into small parties, on different routes, division of
- 18. opinion took place likewise. Bill Hardwick openly declared his intention, as did several others, to 'cut the Shearers' Union' and go 'on their own' for the future. 'I've had enough of this Union racket,' said he, as, lighting his pipe, and jogging off with his two fat horses, saddled and packed, he prepared to take the 'down river' road. 'I don't see no points in being bossed by chaps like this Stead, and callin' theirselves chairmen and presidents, and what not—fellers as have done dashed little but blather this years and years. They've turned dog on the squatters as trusted 'em and "went Union," and deuced near done us out of six weeks' hard graft at this very shed. We've got our cash, boys; that'll carry us on for a bit. But suppose we'd turned out when that galoot at Wagga wanted us to, where should we be now? Travellin' the country without a shillin' in our pockets, our shearin' money forfeited by the next police magistrate (and serve us right, too, for bein' such bally fools), and summonses and warrants out against every man on the board. I'm full of Mr. Head Centre at Wagga, with his top hat, and gold chain, and his billiards, as our money goes to pay for. But he won't get none of mine to monkey with, nor you either, Janus Stoate, and so you may tell him next time you wire.' 'I'll report your language to the Union secretary, William Hardwick, never fear,' replied Stoate, fixing his snaky eye upon him. 'You'll soon know which is the strongest—you or the Association, as protects the workers' interests. So I warn you, and all others as is fools enough to stand by you.' 'That'll do, Mr. Delegate,' said Bill; 'don't you go to bully me. Say another word, and I'll give you a smack or two, that'll make a better yarn when you're touching up the tell-tale business for the Head Centre. I'm off to Moorara, where there's 300,000 sheep to shear, and a board only half full. Who's comin' my way?' There had been a hum of approbation when Bill finished his humble oratorical effort, after which a dozen of the best and fastest shearers announced their intention to go with him, to the wrath and despair of Mr. Stoate.
- 19. 'I'll be even with you, Bill Hardwick,' he yelled, 'and you too, Johnny Jones—see if I don't. You'll get no stands from us this year, nor next either.' A hundred and fifty miles below Tandara. A red-walled promontory overlooking the Darling, in this year a broad, majestic stream, with anabranches of equal breadth and volume running out for many a mile, where the river steamers took their course, cutting off corners, and, because of the depth of water in this most bountiful season, almost indifferent to obstacles. Here stood the great Head Station of Moorara. Miles of fencing of substantial character surrounded it on all sides. There was none of the ordinary carelessness as to finish, popularly supposed to be characteristic of back-block stations 'a thousand miles from everywhere,' as had been said descriptively by an imaginative tourist. On the contrary, every hut, paling, fence, gate, wall, and roof in that immense holding was in what old- fashioned English country people called 'apple-pie order.' Everything was mended and kept right, up to date. Six carpenters and three blacksmiths lived on the premises all the year round. There was no waiting until that pastoral millennium 'after shearing' arrived. Everything was done at once, and done well. The 'stitch in time' was an article of the faith at Moorara, and, as such, religiously observed. If any superficial judging tourist, observing these things, ventured to remark that such improvements must have cost a mint of money, or to hint a doubt whether such a place 'paid,' he was frowned down at once and haughtily reminded that this was Moorara, the property of the Hon. Mr. M'Cormack, whose sheep shorn last year (this was one of his long list of stations) would total up to over a million! Just calculate what so many fleeces come to, the average weight being eight or nine pounds, and the value per head rarely under as many shillings. Then, of course, there are the other stations, carrying six hundred thousand high-class merino sheep!
- 20. Now the woolshed to which Bill and his ten or twelve companions were bound was one of which the owner had 'stood out' from the first against the tyranny of the Shearers' Union. As Bill and his companions journeyed down the river, rumour reached them of serious developments of the Great Strike. This protest against the alleged dictation of Capital had reached its culminating stage. The o'er-vaulting ambition of the State-school educated Mr. Stead, the originator and prime mover of the Civil War, which was now fully recognised, had struck a blow at the State itself —that State under which he had been bred and nurtured, fed, protected, and presented with a 'free, compulsory, and secular education.' He had justified the forebodings of old-fashioned Conservatives, who had always doubted the wisdom of educating the labouring classes at the expense of the ratepayers, of breeding up an army of enemies to Capital and to the settled order of the Government. And now the long-threatened result had come to pass—a revolt against order and good government, a deliberate attempt to subvert the Constitution under the specious guise of federated labour. It had commenced with a quarrel between the cook's mate of a coasting steamer and the so-called 'delegate' of the crew, spreading with portentous rapidity, like the bush-fires of the land, until it enveloped the stock-riders of the Paroo and the teamsters of 'the Gulf.' It menaced life and property. It attempted to plunge cities into darkness by 'calling out' the gas-stokers. It essayed to paralyse commerce by intimidating the carriers, whom it forbade to convey the wool—the staple Australian export—to the wharves, by restraining the wharf labourers from loading the vessels. But, in these two instances, the common-sense of the city populations came to the rescue. The young men of the learned professions, of the upper classes—in the true sense of the word— came out to play a man's part in the interests of law and order. They manned the gas-works, and, amid furnace-heat and grime, provided the necessary labour, all unused as they were to toil under such
- 21. conditions. The cities were not wrapped in darkness, and the streets were not made ready for the spoil by the burglar, the garrotter, and the thief. A line of wool teams was driven down the principal street of Sydney by barristers and bankers, by clerks and merchants, chiefly young men, high-couraged and athletic. But on the foremost waggon, high-seated behind his four-horse team, which he tooled with practised ease, might be recognised the leonine visage and abundant beard of Winston Darling, the Explorer, the Pioneer Squatter, the well-known Pastoral Leader and Ruler of the Waste. The streets were crowded with yelling, blaspheming, riotous Unionists, with difficulty kept within bounds by a strong body of police. Stones were thrown, and foul epithets freely used. But though one youthful driver had his head cut open, no further damage was done. And the wool was safely conveyed to the wharves and shipped in spite of the threatening demeanour of the assembled thousands. These amateurs, native-born Australian gentlefolk, worked for weeks, from six to six, in many instances galling the hands, which were wholly unused to such rude treatment. But they kept at it till the stubborn conflict subsided, and not till then did they fall out of the ranks of the 'muscle-workers,' who in this and other instances have arrogated to themselves the title of the only workers in this complex and many-sided body politic. This demonstration was chiefly confined to the seaports. When, however, the Ministry was sufficiently strong to call out the Volunteer regiments, their disciplined action gained control of the disorderly mobs, and order was regained, without discouraging delay. But in the bush, far from help, police or military protection, matters were far otherwise. Lonely stations were terrorised. Large camps of armed and apparently desperate men were formed, who intimidated those non-Union shearers and bush labourers who neither conformed to their rules nor submitted to their dictation.
- 22. They were in many cases captured, so to speak, assaulted, maltreated, and illegally restrained from following their lawful occupation. The carriers' horses or bullocks were driven away or slaughtered, their waggons, in some instances, burned. These outrages were directed against men and their employers who had dared to be independent, to exercise the right of free Britons to manage their own affairs and their own property. It may easily be imagined how bodies of two or three hundred men, well armed and mounted, could terrorise a thinly-populated country. Specific acts of incendiarism and other offences against property were frequent. Woolsheds were burned with their contents, sometimes to the value of thousands of pounds; fences were cut and demolished; bridges and telegraph lines destroyed; in short, no lawless action which could result in expense and loss to the pastoralist, or those of the labourers who defied the New Tyranny, was omitted.
- 23. CHAPTER IV Some explanation of the Great Australian Strike of 1890, which lasted in more or less virulence and intensity until 1895, producing widespread damage and ruinous loss, may not here be out of place. This important industrial conflict exhibited the nearest approach to civil war which Australia has known. It originated, as did certain historical revolutions and mutinies, from an occurrence ludicrously insignificant compared with the magnitude of the results and the widespread disasters involved. A fireman was discharged by the captain of a coasting steamer belonging to the Tasmanian Steam Navigation Company, whereupon the Seamen's Union took up the matter, the man being their 'delegate,' and demanded his reinstatement. He had been 'victimised,' they asserted, by the chief steward, who must be dismissed or the fireman reinstated. The Cooks' and Stewards' Union, in the interests of the chief steward, held an inquiry, in conjunction with the Seamen's Union, to which the fireman belonged. The result failed to substantiate any charge against the chief steward. But the Seamen's Union decided to hold the captain responsible, threatening to take the crew out of the ship. No inquiry was asked of the owners. About a month after the threat the crew gave notice, and were paid off. The captain had received the following letter:— 'Seamen's Union Office, Sydney, July 1890. 'Captain ——, Steamer ——. 'Dear Sir—We are instructed by the members of the above Society to state that we intend to have our delegate —— reinstated on board.
- 24. If he is not reinstated by the return of the ship to Sydney, the crew will be given twenty-four hours' notice. 'We intend to protect our members from being victimised (sic) by chief stewards and others, and intend at all hazards to have him reinstated.—I remain, yours truly, 'The President and Acting Secretary.' 'Sydney, 6th July 1890. 'The Acting Secretary. 'Sir—With regard to your letter as to the discharge of a fireman from the steamer Corinna, the captain informs me that the chief steward had nothing whatever to do with the discharge. The fireman made no complaint about his food. He was discharged in the Company's interests, but there is no objection to his joining any other of the Company's vessels. The captain also was not aware that he was a delegate, and had nothing to do with his discharge. It seems strange that men should leave the Company without explanation, while the Company is denied the same right.—I remain, etc.' Now, what in the world had the colliers of Newcastle, N.S.W., to do with the injustice or otherwise meted out to the fireman through that powerful and distinguished official, the ship's cook, or even by the chief steward? Such would be the common-sense view of any ordinary person, especially if he had been reared in the belief that 'mind your own business' was a maxim of weight and authority, verified by the lore of ages. Not so thought the leaders of the mining community. A fatal fascination appeared to have actuated one and all under the influence of a false and specious principle. No sooner had the steamer arrived at the Agricultural Association's wharf desiring a cargo of coal than the miners 'came out' of the Sea Pit, at that time in full work. Then the Northern Colliery owners,
- 25. justly indignant at this breach of agreement, stopped work at all the pits under their control. Fourteen days' notice should have been given by the miners, on the terms of their agreement. There was no grievance between master and man, and yet at the bidding of an outside person the miners abandoned their work without notice. The Unionist shearers, at the instigation of their dictator, hasted to join the revolt. They commenced to formulate an agreement imposing higher pay, shorter hours, the supervision of sheds by workmen appointed by themselves, the deposition of the rule of the employer over his own work, as to his own property, in his own woolshed. Then the employers, up to that time slow to move and more or less disunited, saw that the time had come for them to combine against the tyranny of a communistic organisation. The Shearers' Union, however, as represented by their president, thought it improper of other people to form Unions. They began to threaten as follows:— 'Should the employers maintain their present attitude, the trades' organisation will be compelled to use every means to win their cause, methods which at present they have avoided. 'For instance, they could call out all the shearers (sic), and at one blow cause widespread disaster. [This they did later on, including those who, in reliance on their promises, were shearing under Union Rules.] The effects of such a step would be to paralyse the whole industry of the colony. In Victoria, shearing is only just commencing. In New South Wales it is barely half over. At the Labour Conference in Sydney it was decided that the Western miners be called out next day. This meant cutting off the sole remaining coal supply of the colony. Decided also that all the shearers, rouseabouts, and carriers be called out. Instructions sent accordingly. 'In New South Wales alone this will affect 22,000 shearers, 15,000 rouseabouts, 10,000 carriers also, together with all affiliated trades,
- 26. such as butchers, bakers, grocers, and compositors. Whether the railway men will be included cannot be now ascertained.' As a sample of the class of arguments used to set class against class, and to inflame the minds of the bush labourers against their employers, the following circular, signed by the leaders, and privately distributed, may serve as a specimen. It was headed:— An Appeal to Station Labourers. 'A shed labourer's lot is not a happy one. To work all hours and to endure all manner of privations. To work hard for a miserable starvation wage. A victim of capitalistic greed and tyranny. Suffering worse treatment than the negro slaves of the Southern States of America. The reason for this being that they have had no means of protection. Let them unite. Let them be men, free men, and have a voice in the settlement of the terms at which they shall sell their labour. 'The rights of the labourers will then be recognised. Capital will no longer have Labour by the throat. The mighty heritage of a glorious independence is in their grasp. 'Let them rise above the bondage of capital, and be a unit in that which will make one powerful whole—the General Woolshed Labourers' Union of Australia!' That this sort of language was calculated to arouse the passions and heighten the prejudices of uneducated men may well be conceded. The ludicrous comparison with the 'wrongs of slaves' in the Southern States of America might raise a smile, had not reports of outrages, unhappily but too well authenticated, followed this and similar proclamations. However, the Employers' Union and the Pastoral Association were not minded to submit tamely to the oppression of a 'jacquerie,' however arrogant, as the following extract from a metropolitan journal, under date 22nd September 1890, will show:—
- 27. 'In Sydney that picturesque procession of lorries, loaded with non- Union wool, and driven by leading merchants and squatters, will once more betake itself through the streets, and may be the signal of actual civil war. These waggons, with their unaccustomed drivers, embody in a dramatic shape that aspect of the strike in which the Unionists have morally the weakest case. The shearers have undertaken to make Unionism compulsory at one stroke, in every woolshed in Australia, by the tyrannical process of forbidding every bale of wool shorn by non-Unionists to reach a market. Why must merchants and squatters, at the risk of their lives, drive these particular bales of wool to the wharf? We frankly hope that the wool "boycott" will break down hopelessly, ignobly. All reasonable men are against this fatal blunder of the Unionists.' Commencing in 1890 among men 'who go down to the sea in ships,' the revolt against employment and authority spread among 'all sorts and conditions of men' dwelling in the continent of Australia. All trades and occupations by which the muscle-workers of the land, falsely assumed to be the only labourers worthy of the name of 'working-men,' were attempted to be captured and absorbed. To account for the readiness with which the new gospel of labour was accepted, it must be borne in mind that many of the better-educated labourers and mechanics had been for years supplied by their leaders with so-called socialistic literature. They had in a sense sat at the feet of apostles of the school of Henry George and Mr. Bellamy. The former was convinced that all the 'riddles of the painful earth' might be solved by the taxation and gradual confiscation of land; this plausible-appearing policy would remove all the oppressions and exactions under which the excellent of the earth had so long groaned. Mr. Bellamy's method of procuring universal happiness, solvency, and contentment was simple and comprehensive. Every adult was to be compelled to labour for four hours of the day—no one to be permitted to work for more than this very reasonable, recreational period. Every one to be pensioned when he or she reached the age of sixty.
- 28. By this happy apportionment of the primeval curse, every one would be obliged to furnish a sufficient quantity of labour to provide for his own and other people's wants. No one would be expected to do a full day's work—always unpopular as a task, and suspected to be unwholesome. Dining and Music Halls, an artistic atmosphere, with all mental and physical luxuries, to be provided by the State, in exchange for Labour Coupons of specified value. It cannot be doubted that speculative theories of this nature, proposals for minimising labour and dividing the wealth, accumulated by the industry and thrift of ages, among individuals who had neither worked nor saved for its maintenance, had a wide- reaching influence for evil among the members of the Labour Unions. Dazzled by alluring statements, they were ready to adopt the wildest enterprises, founded on delusive principles and untried experiments. Perhaps the most important of the Utopian projects, which at the close of the conflict found favour in the eyes of the Unionists, was that of a Communistic settlement in Paraguay, to which the leader, an Americanised North Briton, gave the name of New Australia. This was to be somewhat on the lines of the settlement so delicately satirised by Hawthorne in the Blithedale Romance. It was decided by a caucus of certain wise men of the Union that a country where the dietary scale for working-men was the most liberal in the world, the hours of work the shortest, the pay the highest, the climate the most genial, the franchise the most liberal, was not adapted for British labourers. It was accordingly agreed to establish a co-operative community in a foreign land, where brotherly love and the unselfish partition of the necessaries of life might exhibit to an admiring world an ideal State, free from the grasping employer and the callous capitalist. This modern Utopia they proposed to call New Australia. Money not being so scarce among Australian labourers as, from the tremendous denunciations
- 29. of their leader, which freely compared them to negro slaves (only worse paid, fed, and driven), might have been supposed, they were expected to pay sixty pounds each towards the charter and freight of a suitable vessel. This notable plan they carried out. One man indeed sold a cottage in a country town for £400, and putting the cash into the common fund, sailed away for South America amid great jubilation from the Radical press and Labour organs; thankful, however, before long to work his passage back to England. Hope and Mr. W. G. Spence told a flattering tale before experience came to the audit. A tract was found in the Paraguayan Chaco —'234,000 acres, well watered and timbered—splendid land,' thus described in the New Australia newspaper, the journal of the New Co-operative Settlement Association, Wagga, New South Wales, 28th January 1892. In September 1893 two hundred and sixty New Australians arrived to take possession of the Promised Land. Even on board ship differences of opinion arose. In December there was a notable desertion. The 'five-meal, meat-fed men' doubtless thought sadly of poor 'Old Australia,' where they had no dictator and few privations, save those irreparable from high wages and good food. They missed many things for which they had been the reverse of thankful, when supplied gratis. They even missed the police and the magistrate. One man at any rate did, who was thrashed for impertinence, and could not so much as take out a summons for assault. They must have gasped when they saw, in their own journal, in answer to questions—'A. K. If you didn't like it, you could leave. The equal annual yearly division of wealth production would enable you to ship back to Australia, if you wanted to.' Many wanted to, but the Dictator's reply, slightly altered from that of Mr. Mawworm in The Serious Family, was—'We deeply sympathise, but we never refund.' As to how the deserters got to Buenos Ayres, on their way 'home,' doubtless many tales of adventure could be told. The equal partition did not work out well. No one had a right to anything, apparently—
- 30. milk for a sick child—a razor—any trifling personal possession, when all had a right to everything. The dissatisfaction deepened to despair. The 'rest is silence.' Migration to the 'Gran Chaco' is played out. The Shearers' Strike drifted into the Shearers' War. Not vigorously dealt with at the beginning by the Government of any colony, it emboldened the agitators, who called themselves tribunes of the people, to suggest bolder assaults upon the law, to carry out yet more dangerous disturbances of the public peace. The specious process of 'picketing'—an illegal practice involving insult and intimidation, under the transparent guise of 'persuasion'— was tacitly permitted. Becoming habituated to the assembling in force, armed and drilled in military fashion, it was patent to the lowest intelligence that the Government, if worthy of the name, must confront these menacing and illegal levies. The tardy Executives, which had watched the ill-usage of free citizens, the burning of woolsheds, the killing of stock, with apparent apathy, now became alarmed and ordered out the Volunteer regiments. Directly a disciplined contingent, properly armed and officered, took the field, the pseudo-guerillas disbanded and disappeared. If prompt measures had been taken at the start, years of demoralisation and damage, loss of wages, and ruin of property would have been saved both to employers and workmen. Such a disgraceful incident as that reported from Bowen Downs in July 1895 might never have occurred. 'A private message states that two attempts have been made within three days to poison free shearers here. On the first occasion eight men were poisoned; on the second, forty-nine.' A Barcaldine telegram states: 'Forty-nine fresh cases reported from Bowen Downs. Strychnine suspected to have been put into the meat and sago pudding used by the men. A letter received states that the scenes in the shed at Bowen Downs were beyond description. The men, contorted with agony, lying about in all shapes. One man named Thomas has since died. He is not known in the district. Name
- 31. probably an assumed one. Richardson, one of five brothers, said to be very bad; also Christie Schultz; a second death expected. 'Bowen Downs was managed by Mr. Fraser for a Scottish Investment Company. It is expected that 250,000 sheep will be shorn there this year. Sharing in the "strike troubles" last year (1894), the sheep were shorn by free labourers and some Unionists. 'They followed the example of Howe and others on the Barcoo run, and went to work in defiance of the Union mandate. This year many of the same men returned to the station to shear. 'The authorities had previous information that poisoning was likely to be resorted to on some stations. The Aramac and Mutta-burra police are at the station. No evidence was attainable against the authors of this cowardly crime, resulting in one murder at least, and the possible death of a score or more of their fellow-workmen. It is significant, however, as against the theory of accident, that the injured men, well-nigh sick unto death, were free shearers. 'It is notorious that elaborate preparations have been made for committing further outrages on property, and violence on persons. Hitherto the Government has erred on the side of insufficient precaution and protection to loyal subjects. 'Violence and intimidation, on the other hand, have been approved by the Labour Federations. A demand is made by them that employers should not be allowed the right to employ any but Union men, on Union terms. Such an edict is inadmissible in a free country. So Sir Samuel Griffith, C.J., of Queensland, stated the case. 'The Moreton Mounted Infantry left by the Wodonga for the seat of the disturbance. In consequence of further outrages by the so-called Labour organisations, one of which was the shooting of a team of working bullocks, eleven in number, belonging to a non-Union carrier, Colonel French has been sent to the north with a force of 130 men, having also a field-piece and a Gatling gun. The Union leaders had boasted of the wreck and ruin of squatting property which would follow the strike.'
- 32. In the second year of the revolt a special parade of the Queensland Mounted Infantry was ordered. They were ready to a man. In view of the outrages already committed, and the justifiable expectation of more to follow, military protection was manifestly needed. This drew forth a pathetic remonstrance from the 'General Secretary of the Australian Labour Federation.' He was virtuously indignant at the whole force of the Government being 'strained to subjugate the wage-earners of the central district, under the dictation of capitalistic organisations.' It was emphasised that 'the Australian Labour Federation's steady influence had always been used to substitute peaceful agitation and moderation for needless suspension of industry. The Government is urged to use its influence to induce organised capitalism to meet organised labour in the conference.' The high official so addressed replied: 'The Government is merely endeavouring to maintain law and order; to punish disorder, violence, and crime. The existing state of matters is misrepresented by the Labour organs.' As might have been expected, manslaughter and arson, if not murder and spoliation, did result from this and similar teachings. Some of these crimes were undetected, others were partially expiated by imprisonment; while in more instances the wire-pullers— the deliberate and wilful offenders against the law of the land— escaped punishment. But when the burning of the Dundonald took place, with the capture of free labourers by disguised men, the tardy action of the Executive was accelerated. That the apprehensions of the dwellers in the pastoral districts, and their appeals to the Government of the day in the first years of the strike, were not without foundation, an extract from a letter taken, among others, from the person of an arrested 'labour organiser,' affords convincing proof. 'Queensland Labour Union, Maranoa Branch, 'Roma, 10th March 1891.
- 33. 'Dear George—It is a mistake collecting our men at the terminus of the railway. Better to split them up in bodies of a hundred and fifty each. One lot to stop at Clermont, another at Tambo; others at outside stations, such as Bowen Downs, Ayrshire Downs, Richmond Downs, Maneroo, West-lands, Northampton, and Malvern Hills. Say a hundred and fifty at Maranoa; same below St. George. Every station that a hundred and fifty men came to would demand police protection from the Government. Then, if you wanted to make a grand coup, send mounted messengers round and have all your forces concentrated, away from railways if possible, and force the running by putting a little more devil into the fight. They will have no railways to cart the Gatling guns and Nordenfeldts about.—Yours, etc. Ned ——.' Such were the missives which passed between the 'labour organisers' and their 'brother officers.' Small wonder that the rank and file were stirred up to deeds of wrong and outrage, stopping short by accident, or almost miracle, of the 'red fool-fury of the Seine.' Imagine the anxiety and apprehension at the lonely station, miles way from help, with a hundred and fifty horsemen, armed and threatening, arriving perhaps at midnight—the terror of the women, the mingled wrath and despair of the men. And the temperate suggestion of the labour organiser to 'put a little more devil into the fight, to force the running!' Doubtless it would, but not quite in the manner which this calculating criminal intended. Such a wave of righteous indignation would have been evoked from the ordinarily apathetic surface of Australian politics, that the culprits and their cowardly advisers would have been swept from the face of the earth. If it be doubted for a moment whether the serious acts of violence and outrage alluded to were actually committed, or, as was unblushingly asserted by the so-called democratic organs, invented, exaggerated, or—most ludicrous attempt at deception of all—got up
- 34. by capitalists and squatters for the purpose of throwing discredit upon Unionists, let a list of acts perpetrated in deliberate defiance of the law of the land be produced in evidence. The Dagworth woolshed had seven armed men on watch, as the Unionists had threatened to burn it. Among them were the Messrs. Macpherson, owners of the station. When the bushranger Morgan was killed at Pechelbah, in their father's time, they hardly expected to have to defend Dagworth against a lawless band humorously describing themselves as Union Shearers. In spite of their defensive operations, a ruffian crawled through and set fire to the valuable building, which was totally consumed. They were armed, and shots were freely interchanged. One Unionist found dead was believed to be one of the attacking party. The 'Shearers' War' languished for a time, but was still smouldering three years afterwards, as on the 4th of August 1894 the Cambridge Downs woolshed was burnt. This was a very expensive building, in keeping with the size and value of the station, where artesian bores had been put down, and artificial lakes filled from the subterranean water-flow. Money had been liberally, lavishly spent in these and other well-considered improvements, aids to the working of the great industrial enterprise evolved from the brain of one man, and having supported hundreds of labourers and artisans for years past. In the great solitudes where the emu and kangaroo or the roving cattle herds alone found sustenance, the blacksmith's forge now glowed, the carpenter's hammer rang, the ploughman walked afield beside his team, the 'lowing herd wound slowly o'er the lea,' recalling to many an exiled Briton his village home. The 'big house,' the squire-proprietor's abode, rose, garden-and grove-encircled, amid the cottages and humbler homes which it protected—a mansion in close resemblance, allowing for altered conditions and more spacious surroundings, to homes of the Motherland, which all loved so well. At what cost of head and hand, of toil, and danger, and hardship, ay, even of blood, let the
- 35. headstones in the little shaded graveyard tell! And now, when long years, the best years of early manhood, had been expended freely, ungrudgingly in the conflict with Nature, was the workman, the junior partner in the enterprise, well paid, well fed and housed during the doubtful campaign, the loss of which could smite to ruin the senior, to lay his rash destroying hand upon the beneficent structure he had helped to raise? Pulling down in suicidal mania, at the bidding of a secret caucus, the industrial temple, which so surely would whelm him and his fellows in its ruins! Ayrshire Downs woolshed followed suit. At Murweh, the roll of shearers was about to be called, and fifty thousand sheep were ready for the shears, when it was set on fire and burned—all the preparations for shearing rendered useless. A makeshift woolshed would probably be run up, which meant loss of time—hasty indifferent work, a few thousand pounds loss and damage inevitable. At Combe-Marten a station hand was shot, and several prisoners committed to take their trial at Rockhampton. The woolshed at Errangalla was burned to the ground. The Netallie shed, with eighty thousand sheep in readiness, was attempted to be set on fire—kerosene having been profusely exhibited for the purpose—but, with all the goodwill (or rather bad) in the world, the plot miscarried. After a riot at Netallie a large force of Unionists attempted, but failed, to abduct the free labourers. At Grasmere woolshed the police were compelled to use firearms. Shortly before 9 P.M. a hundred Unionists came to Grasmere, and gathered at the men's huts, saying that they were armed and determined to bring out the free labourers. Sergeant M'Donagh said they could not be allowed to do so. He was felled to the ground, and the door of the free labourers' hut smashed in with a battering-ram. Shots were exchanged between the police and the Unionists. Two of the latter were wounded. One free labourer fired with a revolver. The attacking party then retired, taking the wounded men with them.
- 36. The police overtook them, and, taking charge of the wounded men, conveyed them to Wilcannia Hospital in a buggy. One was shot in the left breast; the other near the same spot. The bullet travelled to the back, near the spine. From the size of the bullet it would appear to have been fired by a free labourer, the police navy revolvers carrying a larger bullet. Unaware of the extreme length to which 'the ethics of war' (to use a phrase grandiloquently applied in one of Mr. Stead's harangues) had been pushed, Bill Hardwick and his comrades rode gay and unheeding 'down the river.' They were within a dozen miles of Moorara, and had travelled late in order to get to the station that evening, as shearing had commenced. An unwonted sight presented itself. Before them lay a large encampment, from which many voices made themselves heard, and around which were fires in all directions. 'Hulloa!' said one of the men, 'what's all this? Have they moved the station up, or what is it? Have the men got to camp here because of the grass, and ride to Moorara and back, like boys going to school?' 'By Jove! it's a Union Camp,' said Bill; 'we'd better look out. They're a rough lot here by all accounts. They might go for us if they hear we've dropped the A.S.U.—for a bit.' 'I don't see as they can do much,' said a grey-haired man, one of the best shearers in the shed. 'We've come last from a Union shed. We've no call to say more nor that till we get to Moorara.' 'That's all right,' said a younger man, who, like Hardwick, was a selector on the Upper Waters, 'but that sweep Janus Stoate might have wired to the delegate here and put us away. Anyhow, we'll soon see.' 'Who goes there?' suddenly demanded a voice from the pine scrub. 'Who are you, and where from?' 'Who are you, if it comes to that?' answered Bill. 'Is this here an army, and are you goin' to take the bloomin' country, that a man can't ride down the river on his own business?'
- 37. 'We'll soon learn yer,' said the man who had challenged. 'Where are yer from last?' 'From Tandara. It's a Union shed, I believe, and we shore under Union Rules.' 'We know all about that. What's yer name—is it William Hardwick?' 'I never was called anything else,' answered Bill, who, now that he had got his monkey up (as he would have said), cared for nothing and nobody. 'Well, yer accused by the delegate, as was in charge of that shed, of disobedience of orders; also of conspiring to bring the Union into contempt, and of being on the way, with others, to shear at a non- Union shed against the interests of the Australian Workers' Federated Union. What d'ye say in reply to the charge?' 'Go to the devil,' said Bill, at the same time spurring his horse. But the strange man jumped at his bridle-rein, and though Bill got in a right-hander, before he could get loose, armed men broke out of the pine clump, and, rifle in hand, forced the party to dismount. 'Tie their hands,' said the leader. 'We'll show the bally "scabs" what it is to pal in with the squatters, as have ground down the workers long enough. March 'em up to the camp and bring 'em afore the Committee.' 'This is a jolly fine state of things,' said one of the younger men of Bill's party. 'I used to believe this was a free country. One would think we was horse-stealers or bushrangers. Are ye goin' to hang us, mate?' 'You hold yer gab, youngster, or it'll be the worse for you. We'll straighten yer a bit, afore yer goes shearin' again in the wrong shed,' said a man behind him, sourly, at the same time giving him a blow on the back with the butt-end of a rifle. 'By——! if my hands was loose, I'd give yer something to remember Dan Doolan by, yer cowardly, sneakin', underhand dog, crawlin' after fellers like Stoate, keepin' honest men out o' work, and spendin' it on
- 38. spoutin' loafers. Well, we'll see who comes out on top, anyhow,' upon which Mr. Dan Doolan relapsed into silence—being 'full up,' as he would have expressed it, of 'Government of the people, by the people, for the people,' in its logical outcome. Arrived at the camp, they were surrounded by a crowd of men, looking less like workmen of any kind than an array of freebooters. Nearly all had arms. Others had apparently put them by for the night. They affected a raffish, semi-military rig, and evidently regarded themselves as revolutionists; which, in point of fact, they were. Not as yet, perhaps, ripe for a policy of plunder and bloodshed, but within measurable distance of it—needing but an accidental contest with the police or a well-defended station (and there were such) to be irrevocably committed to it. A great show of form and ceremony was aimed at, as Bill and his companions in captivity were brought before half-a-dozen serious- looking individuals, seated before a table outside of a tent of larger than average size. One man was in the centre, and was addressed as Mr. President. 'Have you brought the suspected individuals, mentioned in the communication received by the Committee this morning, before us?' 'Yes, Mr. President. Here they are. We found them close by the camp, a-ridin' towards Moorara.' 'What are their names?' The apprehending personage read out from a telegraph form the names of William Hardwick, Daniel Doolan, George Bond, Donald MacCallum, James Atkins, Joseph Warner, John Stevens, Cyrus Cable, Thomas Hyland, John Jones, William Murphy, Jacob Dawson, and Martin Hannigan. 'You stand charged with obstructing the work of the Delegate of the A.S.U. at Tandara, and disobeying an order to come out, sent by the duly authorised Vice-President at Wagga Wagga. How do you plead?'
- 39. 'Is this a bally Supreme Court?' inquired Bill. 'What are we to plead for? I never signed no agreement to obey a pair of loafers like Stoate and Stead. I've seen one of 'em beg rations from a squatter, layin' by to do him all the harm in his power, and the other tried his best to take their money out of the pockets of hard-working men at Tandara. You may talk till you're black in the face, I'm not goin' to play at court work, for you or any other blatherskite, and so I tell you.' 'Remove these men to the lock-up hut, and place a sentry before the door,' said the chairman, with dignity. So Bill and Co. were hauled off, and bundled into a small hut, where they spent the night without food or bedding. Their swags had been considerately taken care of, and their horses turned out among the camp herd for the night. This done, they listened to the order given to the sentry to shoot any man that attempted to come out; and much musing upon the strange condition in which they found themselves in their native country, spent the night in a most unpleasant state of discomfort. As for the corps d'armee—as they, no doubt, considered themselves to be—they were more jovial and self-contained. Songs and recitations were given, apparently met with admiration and applause. Rifles and revolvers were discharged, as well to have the loading replaced as to inform any employés of the adjoining station that the camp was armed, and considered itself to be an independent, well-provided contingent. Orations were made by speakers filled with detestation of the tyranny of the squatter, and the malignant nature of all Capital, except when diverted into the pocket of the virtuous (and muscular) working-man. Hints were thrown out, not too closely veiled, of the retribution in store for those treacherous enemies of the working-man, who, instead of supporting him, like brothers, against the curse of Capital, presumed to have opinions of their own, and exercised the right of private judgment even against the interests of their own Order—this
- 40. was a great word with them. Dark suggestions were made with regard to a cargo of free labourers (otherwise 'scabs' or blacklegs) now coming down river in a steamboat. They were to be met and 'dealt with,' after what fashion the speakers did not as yet enlighten their hearers. When the wire-pullers of the Australian Shearers' Union had converted or terrorised the labourers of the land to such an extent that employers were met at every turn by exorbitant demands, or impossible regulations, it became necessary to form a Pastoral Association to oppose the tyranny. For it was evident that unless united action was taken they would be no longer permitted to manage their own affairs. The work and wages connected with an immense export, with a property to the value of hundreds of millions sterling, were to be regulated by irresponsible impecunious agents, chosen by a plebiscite of labourers naturally unfitted for the direction of affairs involving important national issues. Some idea of the magnitude of the interests involved may be gathered if it is considered that the cost of management of the vast flock of sheep depastured on the freehold and Crown lands of the colonies necessitates the paying away annually not less than £10,000,000 sterling, most of which is expended for wages, for shearing, and for stores. Shearing, which lasts for a considerable period of each year, finds employment for 25,000 shearers, and the extra hands required in connection with this work may be put up at 10,000 to 12,000. The following figures tend to further explanation of the position:— Value of freehold land on which stock is depastured, £200,000,000 sterling; value of sheep and plant, £100,000,000 sterling. The income from the properties is, as nearly as possible—from wool, say £22,000,000, from surplus stock £5,250,000, and stock £27,250,000. The outgoings will be—for wages, carriage, stores, £10,000,000; interest on £300,000,000 capital at 5¾ per cent, £17,250,000; total
- 41. outgoing, £27,250,000. The returns are comparatively small, taking the whole of the population together. The frequent droughts, causing the loss of millions of sheep, with other ills and ailments fatal to stock, have not been taken into the calculation. The properties as a whole will bear no increase in cost of management. Another reason which actuated the employers, pastoralists, merchants, and others connected with the pastoral industry, was that the sudden withdrawal of their labourers was attended with greater loss and expense than, say, in the case of mines or shipping. The mines could be closed, the ships laid up. Expenditure on the part of owners would then cease until the strike was ended. But, on the far back stations, wells had to be worked, wood carted for machinery, edible shrubs cut for starving sheep, in default of which immediate loss of stock to a very great extent would take place.
- 43. CHAPTER V One of the methods which the Pastoralists were compelled to use to defeat the attempted domination of the Shearers' Union was to import free labour: men who were contented to work for high wages and abundant food; to obey those who paid, lodged, and fed them well. It may here be stated that the fare in shearing time, provided for the shearers, the station hands, and the supernumerary labourers, was such as might well be considered not only sufficing and wholesome, but luxurious, in any other part of the world. Three principal meals a day, consisting of beef or mutton, good wheaten bread, pudding, vegetables when procurable; three minor repasts of scones and cakes, with tea ad libitum; the whole well cooked, of good quality, with no limitation as to quantity. Where is the rural labourer in Europe similarly provided? Agencies were established in the principal towns of the colonies. Men were hired and forwarded to such stations as were in need. The cost of transit was paid by the associated employers. They were forwarded by rail, by coach, on horseback, or by steamer, as such transit was available. An unfair, even illegal system of intimidation, under the specious name of 'picketing,' to prevent the men thus engaged from following their lawful occupation, came into vogue. Unionists were stationed along roads or near stations, nominally to 'persuade' the free labourers not to fulfil their agreements, but, in reality, to threaten and abuse, not infrequently with brutal violence to assault and ill-treat the nonconformists. The majority of the Unionists were well-intentioned men, led away by specious demagogues; but among them were lawless ruffians, who, ignorantly prejudiced against their superiors and even their equals, who had risen in life by the exercise of industry and thrift, were capable of any villainy, not even stopping short of arson and bloodshed. Up to this time the Ministry of the day had been tardy
- 44. and over-cautious, both in the protection of property and in the punishment of a criminal crew. But they were gradually coming to a determination to stop such disorders summarily. The strong arm of the law was invoked to that intent. For too frequently had peaceable workmen, under the ban of the Unionist tyranny, been captured, ill- treated, robbed, and temporarily deprived of their liberty. Grown bold by previous toleration, the Union Camp by Moorara had determined to make an example of this particular steamer, with her load of free shearers and rouseabouts—to teach them what the penalty was of withstanding the Australian Shearers' Union and bringing a load of blacklegs past their very camp. It was nearly midnight when a scout galloped in to announce that the Dundonald was within half a mile of the camp, on her way down river with fifty free labourers on board. 'By the God of Heaven,' shouted a dissolute-looking shearer, 'we'll give them a lesson to-night, if we never do it again. I know the agent well—a d—d infernal swell, who looks upon working-men as dogs, and talks to them like the dirt under his feet. I told him I'd meet him some day, and that day's come.' 'Come along, lads,' shouts an evil-faced larrikin from a city lane; 'let's give it 'em hot. We'll burn their bloomin' boat, and have roast blackleg for breakfast.' 'You'd as well mind your eye, my lad,' said a slow-speaking, steady- going Sydney-sider, from Campbelltown. 'Seth Dannaker's the skipper of this boat—I can hear her paddles now, and he'll shoot straight if you meddle with his loadin'. You're not the sort to face Seth's pea-rifle, 'nless yer got a fairish big tree in front of yer.' Upon this discouraging statement, the product of 'a city's smoke and steam'—under-sized, untended from childhood, grown to manhood, untaught save in precocious villainy—slunk into the background, while from the centre of a group emerged the man who had posed as the 'President of the Council,' and thus addressed the crowding shearers:—
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