The Role Of Contract Dp E 04 1

World Health Organization
Geneva

EIP/FER/DP.E.04.1

THE ROLE OF CONTRACTING
IN IMPROVING HEALTH SYSTEMS
PERFORMANCE

DISCUSSION PAPER
NUMBER 1 - 2004

Department "Health System Financing, Expenditure and Resource Allocation" (FER)
Cluster "Evidence and Information for Policy" (EIP)

World Health Organization 2004

This document is not a formal publication of the World Health Organization
(WHO), and all rights are reserved by the Organization. The document may,
however, be freely reviewed, abstracted, reproduced or translated, in part or in
whole, but not for sale or for use in conjunction with commercial purposes.

The views expressed in documents by named authors are solely the responsibility
of those authors.

THE ROLE OF CONTRACTING

IN IMPROVING HEALTH SYSTEMS

PERFORMANCE

by

Jean Perrot

WORLD HEALTH ORGANIZATION
GENEVA
2004

CONTENTS

INTRODUCTION

1. THE EVOLUTION OF HEALTHS SYSTEMS ORGANIZATION IN THE DEVELOPING COUNTRIES

1.1. Diversification of actors
1.2. Separation of roles

2. THE RATIONALE OF CONTRACTUAL RELATIONS

2.1. Contractual relations based on delegation of responsibility
2.2. Contractual relations based on an act of purchase
2.3. Contractual relations based on cooperation
2.4. Synthesis

3. CONTRACTUAL POLICY AS A STRATEGY OPTION FOR IMPROVING HEALTH SYSTEMS
PERFORMANCE

4. THE ROLE OF THE STATE

4.1. The State as actor in a contractual relationship
4.2. The State as regulator of contractual relationships

5. LESSONS DRAWN FROM EXPERIENCE

NOTES

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INTRODUCTION

People's health has improved considerably in the course of the twentieth century. Proof of this is the
spectacular increase in life expectancy; barely half a century ago it was no more than 48 years whereas
today the global average figure is 66 years. Numerous determinants have certainly contributed to this;
broad sectors of the population have seen their income increase, better working conditions have made
life less harsh and dangerous, food has become healthier and individual and collective hygiene have
improved. Moreover, the higher level of education, especially that of women, has led to a better
understanding of health issues. In addition, medical knowledge and practices as well as methods of
treatment have made great strides in recent decades. Finally, the organization of health systems, which
broadly developed during the nineteenth century, has made it possible to coordinate efforts, notably
under the aegis of States favouring conventional universalism, in other words free access to all types
of care for all.

Nonetheless, despite all these efforts, the performance of health systems is still too often
unsatisfactory. As the World Health Report 2000 "Health Systems: improving performance", points
out "these failings result in very large numbers of preventable deaths and disabilities in each country;
in unnecessary suffering; in injustice, inequality and denial of basic rights of individuals. The impact
is most severe on the poor, who are driven deeper into poverty by lack of financial protection against
ill-health". The supply of services, both public and private, does not always meet people's needs.

It is true that in recent years, health systems' organization has undergone a considerable evolution. One
factor which has unquestionably contributed to these changes has been the mitigation of rivalry
between the public and private areas in all spheres of economic, social and political life. In an effort to
make up for the inadequate performance of their health systems, most countries have undertaken
reforms. Political decision-makers had several choices: devolution allows more authority to be vested
in local Ministry of Health officials; administrative decentralization is a means of transferring
responsibility for health to a local authority; autonomy for public providers is designed to endow
health facilities with autonomy, within the public sector, based on legal status; separation of funding
bodies from service providers allows competition between providers, whether public or private to be
introduced; the broadening of the range of possibilities for funding health, through risk-sharing
arrangements, makes possible the emergence of an actor charged by its members with negotiating
access to care; privatization, at least in the conventional sense, involves transfer of ownership from the
public to the private sector; development of the private sector is a strategy option for political
decision-makers wishing to withdraw from the provision or funding of health services.

However, these institutional reshufflings do not always yield the expected results. The different actors
carry on in isolation and fail to seek the synergy that would be beneficial. Likewise, the way in which
the supply of health services is organized is broadly based on hierarchical authority, on a vertical
command structure, which is not conducive to participation by all.

Nevertheless a new approach endeavours to make good these shortcomings. Actors are striving to
come out of their isolation and to set up coordinated actions in order better to respond to the demands
and needs of people. The relationships they develop may be based on consultation; exchange of
information and the development of joint principles for intervention (joint declaration, charter, etc.)
are some of the forms this may take. However, there are limits to this moral commitment.
Accordingly, it is increasingly common for such relations to be based on contractual arrangements,
which formalize agreements between actors who accept mutual commitments.

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The first part of this document describes recent trends in health services organization, more
particularly in the developing countries, together with the gradual emergence of contracting as one of
the tools available for improving the organization of health system. The second part of the document
focuses on the diversity of the situations to which contracting may apply and on the opportunities
offered to countries, bearing in mind that the possible choices must above all be based on an analysis
of national situations. The third part stresses the risk of uncontrolled development of ad hoc
contractual arrangements and examines the need to resort to contractual policies that provide a
reference frame for each contractual arrangement, thus making possible a health systems approach.
Part four examines the role of the State, and more particularly of the Ministry of Health as the
guardian of peoples' welfare; contracting means that the State acts and intervenes in a wholly
innovative manner. Lastly, part five highlights a number of lessons to be drawn from the experiments
currently under way in both the developed and the developing countries.

1. THE EVOLUTION OF HEALTH SYSTEMS ORGANIZATION IN DEVELOPING COUNTRIES

Until the end of the 1970s, in many developing countries the organization of health systems involved
two actors: on the one hand, a public system that was entirely organized by the central State which
enacted laws, norms and regulations, laid down health policy and ran health facilities that were
financed by public revenue and public assistance, and on the other a private system, either for-profit or
run by the churches, and which operated independently and in complete autarky1. That is two tight
worlds. In line with the then prevailing welfare state rationale, most of these countries opted for a free
and State-run health service. It is true that during the period, the different private sectors developed,
although in a compartmentalized fashion and almost without the State knowing.

The sway of the welfare state philosophy came to an end at the beginning of the 1980s. The
Governments of the developing countries found themselves forced to address profound financial crises
as a result of which virtually all of them introduced restrictions and/or reforms. The situation of the
public facilities deteriorated inexorably. States long endeavoured to resist the deterioration. They
would not or could not admit their failure. Shortages gradually and insidiously became the norm.

A more manifest desire for "active privatisation" (to use J.Muschell's expression2) then emerged, in
which Governments, following the general trend towards privatization of the public sectors,
encouraged private actors to emerge in order to enhance the efficacy of health services. Transfer of
ownership in the strict sense of privatization was the exception. It took the form rather of the
expansion of NGO, in particular non-denominational health facilities, and the development of private
clinics and private practice.

Nevertheless, both these periods were heavily marked by rigid compartmentalization of the efforts of
health actors, with each of them setting up its activities in its own environment. But at the same time,
as each of them wanted to extend its sphere of influence, we also witnessed rivalry or clashes:
installation of a new public health centre in the vicinity of an existing private centre; failure of a
private practitioner to refer patients to the public hospital, etc.

For some ten years now, it has been possible to observe a marked evolution in the organization of
health systems. This is no doubt largely attributable to the disappearance of the public–private
ideological confrontation. There have been far-reaching reshufflings which have taken two directions:
on the one hand, the number of actors involved in health has increased and become more diversified
under the dual pull of private sector development and of processes of democratization and
decentralization, fostering the emergence of a civil society and of structured and responsible local
authorities. On the other hand, this trend has gone hand in hand with sharper separation of roles; actors
have increasingly specialized in a particular health system function: provision of services,

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procurement of services, management of health facilities, health financing and health system
regulation.

1.1. THE DIVERSIFICATION OF ACTORS

A situation in which the public sector, represented solely by the Ministry of Health, and a private
sector, whether for profit or not, ignore or clash with one another to provide health services is
increasingly remote from reality. Reshuffling has taken place first of all within the health system and
then among the sector's actors. Thus, recent years have been marked by two far-reaching changes
which have resulted from the diversification of the ways in which public services are managed:

- Devolution: the heavily centralized administration which has long prevailed is gradually
being replaced by an administration to which authority is devolved. Devolution within the
health sector has essentially developed through the organization of a three-tier health system:
central, intermediate (regional) and local (health district)3.

- Autonomy: while appreciating that a health services production unit operating along
traditional lines of administrative management acts as a check on the efficacy of such
facilities, but at the same time appreciating the undesirability of privatizing the facility or
entrusting its management to a private institution, the Ministry of Health may opt to endow it
with a status that allows it autonomy. While remaining part of the public sector, the health
facility possesses legal personality to perform a public service mission and enjoys
administrative and financial autonomy. This autonomous status currently extends to various
types of health service: first and foremost hospitals, but also agencies responsible for
procurement and distribution of drugs and medical supplies and training schools.

This diversification has also involved the arrival on the scene of operators from outside the health
field:

- Populations: during the first half of the twentieth century, modern medicine has been marked
by the growing role of hospitals as a tool for improving people's health. Moreover, health
professionals determine peoples' needs using technical criteria based on the progress made by
medicine. In such circumstances, the involvement of populations is virtually non-existent.
From the early 1960s, this vision was called into question, first of all on economic grounds,
but also because people do not always react as health professionals would like them to: they
take time to consult, fail to comply with treatment and neglect prevention… The trend is
gradually reversing: people's involvement has to cease being passive and become active. This
approach was vindicated by the Alma Ata Declaration on Primary Health Care of 1978. The
initiative taken by Colombia, where there is an ombudsman (defensor del pueblo) officially
appointed by the Ministry of Health to act as a mediator for the population is also noteworthy.

- Local authorities: administrative decentralization marks a new and far-reaching change in
the evolution of health systems. The establishment of local authorities signals the appearance
of an actor from outside the health field. Responsibility for health and/or health facilities are
devolved to them. Some countries emphasize health status; in this case, local authorities are
responsibly for ensuring that health policy is implemented as well as possible. In other
countries, it is public health facilities which are transferred to the authorities; they are required
to ensure they are properly run;

- Institutions specialized in risk-sharing: necessary as it undoubtedly is, direct payment for
health services has limitations which are now well recognized, in particular as regards access
and equity. For a time, it was believed that these shortcomings could be overcome by risk
sharing within and by health facilities. However, and this is particularly so in the developing
countries, health facilities are poorly equipped to play this role. As a result, specialized
institutions such as insurance and micro-insurance systems have come into being; on account

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of their considerable financial resources, they are capable of influencing the very organization
of the health sector.

1.2. Separation of functions

Whereas in the past, a health actor simultaneously played all roles, the trend within contemporary
health systems is towards greater specialization:

- Separation of the financing of health services from their provision: for many years, these two
essential roles were played simultaneously by health actors: naturally, the first to come to
mind is the State which, through its health facilities, offers free health services to the
population. However, the same is true of health facilities run by charitable organizations. In
the developing countries, the practice of cost recovery, -in Africa, the Bamako initiative-, was
to set in motion the separation of these two functions. However, this separation is still at an
incipient stage, since it is organized within the health facility. With the emergence of
prepayment systems, the separation is more marked. Besides, within the public sector,
separation of provision from financing was introduced through the emergence of specific
agencies responsible for managing public funds. In England, this separation between Provider/
Purchaser is one of the cornerstones of the health system reform 4 initiated by Mrs Thatcher
when she was Prime Minister; its purpose was to create virtual markets between these actors.
The ensuing competitive spirit has been called into question since Mr T. Blair became Prime
Minister;

- Separation of ownership of capital from the managerial function: in the most usual
organization structures, the owner also performs the management function; he directs the
establishment because he is its owner. As a result of the emergence of legislation conferring
legal personality on public-sector establishments, the notion of Board of Management
emerged, with a dual implication. First of all, an entity responsible for defining the
establishment's policy orientations, approving its management and deciding what actions to
undertake comes into being within the health facility. 5 Besides, this body, whose members
may come from all horizons (users' associations, the population, municipal authorities, and the
establishment's staff) 6 is not responsible for the day-to-day running of the health
establishment, which is entrusted to an executive management.7

- Highlighting the capacity of the State to regulate relations between the other actors of the
health system; For many years, the State focused on producing and financing health services.
Its gradual withdrawal from these two functions compelled it to re-examine its role.8 As
Musgrove observes 9, it is not a question of State withdrawal but of selective commitment:
parsimonious use must be made of the provision and financing functions targeting specific
objectives while developing regulatory instruments. It is possible to exercise this regulatory
role in different ways: for example, by means of accreditation systems making it possible to
identify health actors whose actions are circumscribed by national health policy or by laying
down a legal framework within which health actors may draw up perfectly legal contracts and
negotiate with perfect peace of mind.

This gradual transformation of the roles and status of traditional actors and the emergence of new ones
has occasionally taken place without interference; for example, the growing importance of NGOs was
not, at least initially, the result of a deliberate intent. However, it was also amplified by the health
system reform programmes introduced by countries, frequently with the support of their development
partners. The emphasis was then placed on institutional reform as a prerequisite for any improvement
in health systems performance. Institutions with better defined objectives, enjoying greater autonomy
and acting in greater proximity to populations should be the guarantee of greater efficiency. These
health system reforms are part of a broader trend towards New Public Management10.

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Health systems reforms

emphasize:

Institutional Interrelations between
recombining operators

• The rationale for institutional recombining

In our view, institutional recombining is a prerequisite for improving health systems performance.
When faced with a poorly functioning health system, several options are open to political decision-
makers:

- devolution vests greater responsibility in local Ministry of Health officials; thus, in this
setting, the district chief medical officer will no longer require prior authorization from the
Ministry to implement certain activities;
- administrative decentralization allows some responsibility for health to be transferred to a
local authority; for example, the State may decide that municipalities rather than the Ministry
of Health will be responsible for running public health centres;
- autonomy for public providers is intended to assign, within the public sector, to some health
facilities autonomy based on the definition of a legal status;
- separation of funding bodies from providers makes it possible to introduce competition
between health providers, whether in the public or private sector;
- broadening the range of health funding options, through risk-sharing arrangements, makes
possible the emergence of an actor, whose members (the population) have charged it with
negotiating access to care;
- privatization, at least in the conventional sense, entails a transfer of ownership from the
public to the private sector;
- development of the private sector may represent a strategy for political decision-makers
wanting, by this means, to withdraw from providing or funding health care.

As a rule, these institutional recombining policies go hand in hand with regulatory measures; in order
to mitigate the undesirable effects of these measures which, in one way or another, entail greater
"privatization" of the health system, political decision-makers are generally inclined to accompany
them with control and support measures based either on tighter control or incentives11.

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The concept of privatization

At first sight, privatization seems a simple concept. According to the conventional dictionary definition,
privatization refers to the transfer of ownership of a public-sector entity to the private sector. Its antonym is
nationalization.

In ordinary usage, privatization has only this meaning. In this context, it is impossible to interpret contracting as
a form of privatization. This is because privatization supposes a change in ownership whereas contracting starts
with the existing situation in terms of the actors present and seeks to establish relations between them.

However, in the specialized literature on the reform of the State, the concept of privatization has taken on a
wider meaning: privatization also encompasses the adoption of a management model that draws on the rules of
the market. If we apply the rationale developed by D. Rondinelli and M. Iacono12, privatization of this sort may
be achieved in several ways:

- By transferring ownership13: as in the case of a public enterprise whose ownership is transferred to the
private sector, what is involved here is transfer of the ownership of certain public entities (hospitals,
health centres, a laboratory, a drug distribution service, etc) to the private sector. This is described by
some authors as State "disinvestment":14 the structure's assets are partly or completely sold;
- While preserving public ownership, ensure that public entities adopt the managerial practices of the
private sector: suppression of arbitrary subsidies and public monopoly status, institution of a status
under which the entity is autonomous, possibility of outsourcing certain tasks, use of non public-sector
work contracts. The public entity adopts private-sector managerial techniques: it becomes an
independent enterprise and is less and less part of a larger whole as in the case of an administration ;
- While preserving public-sector ownership, entrusting the management of public entities to the private
sector: delegated management;
- While preserving control over public funding, purchasing services from private providers, regardless
of whether they operate from health facilities;
- Persuading the private sector to take the place of the public sector: in this case, ownership is and
remains private, but the private entity takes the place of the public actor which previously performed the
activity.

We can thus say that in each of the above five situations, the health system will be increasingly privatized
because it will operate more in line with the rules of the market.

However, some strategies may limit privatization: for example, persuading the private sector to collaborate with
the public sector: in this case, ownership is and remains private, but the entity agrees to align its activity on
national health policy. This could be described as greater State intervention.

There are thus three factors that allow us to assess privatization in terms of:

- ownership of the structure: as generally understood, this involves transfer of the ownership of the
structure from the public to the private sector;
- management of the structure: the structure is managed in accordance with the rules of the market and
the private sector. In other words i) users are considered to be clients, ii) services are defined on the
basis of demand from clients, iii) the production process is determined by this demand and production
costs must be controlled. One corollary of this is the need for the actor to give up the hierarchical
administrative rationale and acquire a degree of autonomy;
- the structure's mission or objectives: this involves determining whether there are no constraints
affecting the providers' mission (laissez-faire) or whether the State intervenes to define their mission
(through contractual arrangements or regulation), and consequently influences the definition of the
products.

The table below sets out all these elements:

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Evaluation As regards ownership As regards management As regards mission
criteria

Reform
Transfer of ownership Handover from public Transfer of ownership - Laissez-faire
to private privatizes management or
- State intervention
through contractual
arrangements or
regulation

Grant autonomy to public Status quo (public) Operating more in line Quasi status quo (public)
structures with market rules

Handing over Status quo (public) Handover from public Quasi status quo (public)
management of a public to private
facility
Persuading the private Status quo (private) Replacement of a public Quasi status quo (public)
sector to take the place of by a private actor
the public sector

Nb: bold characters show the elements mainly affected by privatization

• The rationale of interrelations between actors

The rationale of the relationship between actors, -which for the sake of convenience, we shall
call contracting -, accepts institutional arrangements as a element of the system, regardless of
whether they are the fruit of the status quo or of a reform. The strategy is thus based on
coordinated action by health actors to improve health system performance. Better coordination
and combination of the efforts of each actor in implementing a national health policy is
intended to improve the efficacy of each of them. However, for individual efficacy to become
overall system efficacy, mechanisms for regulating these relations need to be introduced.

This document adopts the second of these rationales. While not disregarding the rationale underlying
institutional recombining, it considers it as a fact. As regards decision-making, it places itself at the
point where the decision-maker plans to choose contracting from among the range of solutions
available to solve a given problem. The document thus endeavours to illustrate the opportunities
offered by contracting and the means of making effective use of it; it also examines the prerequisites
for its success and the potential pitfalls. In particular, the document will attempt to stress the danger of
contracting turning out to be merely a tool at the service of private interests without regard for the
community, and of its consequently bringing about no real improvement in health system
performance. The document will then explore the contractual policy as a tool for regulating
contractual arrangements between health actors.

2. THE RATIONALE OF CONTRACTUAL RELATIONS

The combined effect of the diversification of actors and the separation of roles has made health
systems more complex, making it no longer desirable, for a number of reasons, for them to operate in
isolation (efficiency, equity, etc.); actors have gradually realized the need to build relations. We need
to consider their actual form. The forms taken by these relations are not insignificant. One path
followed to avoid isolation is coordination. Here are some of its forms:

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- Recognition of the other means acknowledging that one's counterpart is a worthy
partner. Simple as it may be, in practice this is not always easy: it is hard to overcome
a sense of superiority (in the case, for example, of the administration) or of uniqueness
(as in the case of a religious NGO). Recognition may even be formalized; a system of
accreditation thus becomes a means of coding mechanisms offering recognition.
Accreditation constitutes recognition of a counterpart's legitimacy, its skills and
activities.
- Coordination: through coordination, actors exchange information and opinions both
on the fundamental values and the conduct of their activities. The exchange may be
very informal (coordination meetings) or lead to the drafting of joint principles of
intervention (joint statement, understanding, charter…). There is certainly a moral
commitment, but such relations create no obligation in the legal sense.

There are limits to these relations; some actors realize that their relations with others call for more
formal commitment. The contractual arrangement is a tool that meets their expectations because it will
strengthen their relationship. There are numerous definitions of a contractual arrangement. We offer
the following: a voluntary alliance between independent partners who accept reciprocal duties and
obligations and who each expect to benefit from their relationship. There are three important elements
in this definition:

- The notion of voluntary alliance between independent or autonomous partners means that an
actor may not be compelled to enter into a relationship although, at the same time, an actor
must be capable of doing so, in the legal sense, in other words he must possess a legal status
as a juridical person. The independence of the contracting parties confers on them equality in
the eyes of the law; although in reality it often reveals an imbalance of power between the
parties to a contractual relationship;15

- Commitment entails reciprocal duties and obligations: this is the very substance of a
contractual relationship; however, the level of commitment may vary. Although a contract
represents a binding commitment, meaning that it must be complied with, the manner in which
this will be done will vary depending on whether it is a classical or "transactional" contract or
a "relational" one.16

Classical and relational contracts

A conventional contract is determined by the following characteristics: the purpose of the contract is
clear, the contract is of limited duration, from the moment of its establishment the parties know
exactly what they expect, and the future is foreseeable (exhaustiveness of the contractual clauses).
However, reality is another matter; in many cases, it is not always possible to be certain about the
future, the unexpected may occur (such as an epidemic): these hypotheses are the fruit of what
economists refer to as bounded rationality, according to which agents are incapable of correctly
perceiving all the choices open to them or all the consequences of their choice. It is impossible to
determine in advance all the actions that will need to be taken; it becomes impossible and/or too costly
to provide for all possible scenarios (known as the inexhaustiveness of contracts). This is particularly
true of complex relations.
Nevertheless the desire to enter a contractual relationship is no less real: we may then talk of a
relational contract. A relational contract is based on the parties' confidence that each will act in their
mutual interest. Consequently, there is no need for the contract to be exhaustive and detailed;
agreement on the main objectives of the relationship, the methods of work and the means to be used to
carry out the actions will suffice. The flexibility and cooperation characteristic of this type of contract
are intended to secure not only its permanence, but also contractual efficiency and peace of mind.

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Classical contracts are wholly enforceable; for this reason, contracts will contain penalties for
failure to comply with their clauses; their application is ensured by third parties outside the
contract, such as the legal system (the courts). Relational contracts, however, are not
enforceable. When a bilateral cooperation agency signs an agreement with a friendly country's
Ministry of Health to build a hospital, a commitment is certainly made by both parties;
however, it will obviously be difficult for the beneficiary country to compel the bilateral
cooperation agency to fulfil its commitments. The same is true of global partnerships such as
the Global Alliance for Vaccines and Immunization. Fulfilment of commitments relies on
mechanisms other than penalties: the credibility of the agents, their notoriety or reputation,
trust, good faith.17 Such contracts are "self-enforcing": it is in each party's interest to comply
with the contract if it wishes to preserve its reputation and credibility18,19.

- The benefits of the relationship: actors are not inspired by altruism. They will enter a
contractual relationship only if they expect to reap benefits for themselves. It needs to be
borne in mind that a benefit is not necessarily solely financial. For example, a humanitarian
image may represent a considerable benefit for a pharmaceutical company. Moreover, it
should strongly be emphasized that we are talking about net benefit; any contractual
relationship entails costs,20 and the examples provided below show that the costs may
outweigh the benefits yielded by contractual relations;

Interactions between actors are diverse both in terms of their nature and their scale. There are
numerous typologies for contractual relations: some are based on the nature of the contract (public -
private), others on the actors involved, and others on the scope of the contract (hospital contracts, drug
supply contract…). We propose to group them into three categories depending on the purpose of the
contract, i.e. depending on the primary purpose of the contractual relationship: a) a delegation of
responsibility, b) a purchase of services, or, c) cooperation. Besides, the strategies followed by the
actors may respond to two rationales:

- The rationale of "somebody else doing it": realising that it is not efficient enough, a health
actor, will come to an agreement with another actor to perform the activity in its place.
This is the rationale of what economists refer to as the agency theory, in other words, the
actors are not on the same footing: one of them -the principal- seeks a solution to its problems
from an agent who will act on its behalf. In order to secure the best possible service, the
principal will take the best bid, and to this end set the providers in competition with one
another;

- The rationale of "working together": after having determined where their synergies lie,
partners cooperate for a common purpose. The actors in such a relationship consider
themselves to be partners who, each in their own way, contribute to solving the problem.
Relations between these actors are based on cooperation.

Depending on the nature of the situation, an actor will adopt what it considers to be the most
appropriate solution. Whenever (at least) two actors come up with the same analysis, a contractual
relationship may come into being. The following examples illustrate the diversity of solutions to
which actors resort.

2.1. CONTRACTUAL RELATIONS BASED ON DELEGATION OF RESPONSIBILITY

The rationale is as follows: rather than itself managing the health services it owns or pursuing
on its own the development of health services, the State will seek out an actor to do it in its stead. In
contrast with privatization, the State retains control over the development of health services by
establishing contractual relations with actors who agree to the delegation of responsibility.

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This general principle of delegation of responsibility takes various forms which are summarized
below:

Public Private

Public Private

Public Autonomous
establishments

Public Local
authorities

1. Contracts delegating responsibility to a private actor: Rather than setting up and
operating a service itself, the State negotiates with a private actor. However, we need to
distinguish between an existing service and one that is to be created:

. Contracts delegating public service: a private organization (such as a private
company, association, foundation, trade union or mutual fund) manages a public or State
service on behalf of the State. In such cases, the State delegates or devolves work to a
private organization. An operating agreement designates the organization as the operator
of the public service which is entrusted to it together with specifications determining how
it is to be operated. Examples of this are the contract with a midwives' association to
operate the Bardot maternity hospital in Côte d'Ivoire,21 and contracts for a private
company to operate hospitals in South Africa. Mali has committed itself to a more
systematic approach, because its national health policy stipulates that the State will no
longer operate basic health centres whose management is to be entrusted to community
health associations (ASACO).

Community Health Associations (ASACO) in Mali

In 1990, the MoH, having realized the limits of a centralized health system, based on
hospitals and free care, was to adopt a new sectoral policy, the main thrust of which
was greater responsibility for the populations who would henceforth be responsible
for managing the Community Health Centres (CSCOM) through the intermediary of
an ASACO. The ASACOs manage CSCOM; both bodies were set up simultaneously
in a thirteen-stage process codified by the Ministry of Health and culminating with a
mutual assistance agreement signed by the ASACO and the State. This approach is
based on shared responsibilities and financial commitments between the population
and the State, which are formalized in the standardized mutual assistance agreement
providing for the following: definition of the health and managerial missions of the
CSCOM, 75% funding for the infrastructure and equipment, including the initial
stock of drugs, with the ASACO funding the difference; the CSCOM operates with
the revenue from fee paying. Lastly, the agreement sets the terms under which the
Ministry of Health is to exercise its supervisory authority, through the district
management team and the provisions applicable in case of non-fulfilment or
termination of the agreement. Partnership based on contracting has thus been
instituted as a principle of national health policy and is applicable to Mali's primary
health care system as a whole, thus implying the need for a thorough review of the
roles of the State and of the population, with the State abandoning its role of direct
provider of basic health care. Nevertheless, there are numerous problems: i) zones
that are not viable or barely viable, as the ASACOs have essentially developed in the
financially best off districts, ii) the problem of the mutual assistance agreement
which over time has become a standard contract restricting negotiations to a
minimum and with too many grey areas (such as poorly defined methods of
evaluation and control and no details of the qualifications required of the staff hired).
If it is to last, this model must evolve, and in particular incorporate the new partner

12

to have emerged from administrative decentralization: the local communities.
There is a similar experiment in Côte d'Ivoire: the community-based health facilities
(FSU-Com) whose management association has signed an agreement for the
"concession of a public service" with the Ministry of Public Health22.

Delegated management of public health facilities, i.e. of facilities performing a public service mission,
may adopt a diversity of forms which are themselves determined by national contexts and legislation.
We shall focus on two situations determined by the degree of involvement of the private entity (the
assignee) in the infrastructure and equipment:

- The private entity receives from the Ministry of Health the existing resources - the buildings and
equipment- as they stand in order to perform the public service mission. As a rule, responsibility
for the upkeep, maintenance work, and renewal are shared by the delegator and the assignee in the
manner laid down by the contract. Technically speaking, and in legal systems inspired by French
practice, this is known as affermage; in the English legal system, it is referred to as lease contract.
The resources remain the property of the State;
- The private entity takes responsibility for erecting the buildings and procuring the equipment.
These will revert to the State when the agreement (which is generally a long-term one) expires.
Under French law, this is known as concession; under English law, it is referred to as Build,
Operate, Transfer (B.O.T.).

In all cases, the State remains the client; it negotiates directly with the contractor. This type of
contractual relationship does not necessarily entail the withdrawal of the State, but a change in its level
of involvement; the contract will in particular need to ensure that the operator undertakes to fulfil the
public service mission characteristic of the care facility. Besides, in most cases, the State remains the
owner of the infrastructure (land, building, major equipment) and is thus better able, if necessary, to
reconsider the delegation of management.

. Contracts for the concession of a geographical area

As with an oil or forestry concession, the State may grant the exploitation of a
geographical area it considers to be inadequately served and which it does not wish or is
unable to serve itself. For example, contracts to provide primary health care services in
certain parts of Bangladesh,23 contract leasing a whole health district to an NGO in
Cambodia,24, 25.

Concession of an entire health district to an NGO in Cambodia

Beginning in 1999, and with the support of a loan from the Asian Development Bank, the
Cambodian Ministry of Health started drawing up four-year contracts with NGOs to provide
health services for an entire health district. The contract covers health workers' wages,
recurrent costs, drugs and consumable medical supplies. As for activities, the contract
stipulates that the health services must deliver the minimum package for health centres and
the supplementary package for district hospitals.

The local administration, which depends on the Ministry of Health, retains responsibility for
supervision of the health facilities under contract and for data collection. It is also required
to report on the implementation of the contract and its smooth operation.

From initial analyses, it would appear that the changes in the methods of work are so far-
reaching that the NGOs given the contract by the Ministry of Health have difficulty in fully
appreciating their new roles. The analyses show that by adopting this geographical approach
the Ministry of Health offers the assignee the possibility of adopting a systemic approach to
the district for which it is responsible, thus making it better able to organize the local health
system.

13

This rationale also underlies certain measures designed to help young physicians set up
their practice in rural areas where health facilities are lacking. For example, in Mali and
Madagascar, the Ministry of Health has helped young physicians to set up practice by
signing with them a contract specifying that they are the only health personnel in a
specific geographical area, and that in exchange they must provide primary health care as
defined by the national health policy.26 Analysis of these experiments has shown that
even if it initially meets with difficulties, the introduction of private medicine under
contract is nevertheless possible, even in poor rural areas, and is a possible solution when
the conventional approach using health facilities is not possible for financial reasons.

2. Contract of association with the public service: a private organization, which owns its
structures and possesses its own resources, collaborates, is associated with and performs a "
public service mission"; under contract to the State; it thus becomes a public service
concessionaire For example, the church hospitals in Tanzania27 and Ghana28 are contractually
the only referral facilities in a determined geographical area. In Zambia, the Memorandum of
Understanding signed in 1996 by the Ministry of Health and the Church Medical Association
of Zambia stipulates that the boards of management of the church-owned hospitals have the
same powers as those in the public sector.29 In many countries, these are actually implicit
contracts. Thus, in Chad, the country's health map is organized around existing health
facilities, whether public or private; the health map assigns to a private health facility
responsibility30 for the health of the area's population, although the responsibility remains
implicit. In order to avert numerous problems, it would often be worthwhile formalizing such
recognition in contractual arrangements.

Significantly, it is possible that these private institutions, which own and manage health
facilities, may not perform a public service function. This does not prevent the Ministry of
Health, in addition to recognizing their activities through a system of accreditation, from
developing contractual arrangements with them in order to determine what collaboration or
support they require in exchange for the activities they perform.

It is also significant that delegated management concerns not only the function of health
services provision, but also that of health administration. One of the main functions of
devolved health administration is to manage health facilities operating within its area. This is a
relatively simple function when the Ministry of Health manages health facilities directly (in
which case they are merely administrative services), it becomes more difficult when the health
facility has autonomous status. When the management of the public health facility has been
delegated, it is rare for habits to have become established. In contrast, the contract associating
private health facilities to the public service makes devolved health management easier.

Contracting out health facilities, whether in the form of delegated management or association
with public service, means that certain actors, especially the NGOs, will place their action
more within the public service framework. The contract signed by them concerning this
delegation will determine their role in the provision of health services.

However, these entities may wish to commit themselves still further and to participate in the
devolved health administration. The rationale is the following: as they are already managing
health facilities in the area, they also wish to become involved in the devolved health
administrative function. This role may remain on the level of coordination, although it may
also lead to a specific contractual relation:

- this contractual relation may define the modes of collaboration or of participation in
the in the running of the devolved health administration. For example, NGOs already
running health facilities will define, in this ad hoc contract, their relations with the
district management team, and in particular the role of each entity;

14

- the same contractual relationship may also adopt the form of delegated management:
in this case, the manager of the health facilities in the area is given a contract to
assume the devolved administrative function. This may be done in two ways: either by
drawing up specific contracts for each function (management of health facilities and
devolved health administration) or by drawing up a single contract simultaneously
defining both the roles assumed by the manager. It should be emphasized that, as with
any principle of delegated management, the manager assumes responsibility for the
devolved administrative function. Contractually, the manager takes over the State's
regalian functions.

This type of contractual approach is determined by the vision held of the health district.
Simultaneous contracting out of both functions - the provision of health services and health
administration- corresponds to integrated models, i.e. systems in which both functions, while
clearly identified, are closely linked or highly dependent on one another. In such systems, it is
assumed that it is impossible for the two functions to be taken on by different entities. For
example, under the "classical" model of the health district, sole responsibility for the
administration and management of health facilities is assumed to lie with the Ministry of
Health.

3. Contract binding the State to the local authorities

Within the broader framework of State administrative reform, the trend is to bring the
administration closer to the population whenever possible (principle of subsidiarity). Thus, in
the field of health, numerous countries have transferred or are in the process of transferring
responsibility to the local authorities. The State's health facilities are transferred to the local
authority, who becomes responsible for running them. This is currently under way in
Madagascar and in Senegal.

The contractual arrangement in Mahajanga district in Madagascar31

In Madagascar, a 1995 law and the 1996 decree bringing it into force entrusted
management of basic health care centres to the communes. The instructions determining
the extent of the responsibilities and resources transferred are however somewhat vague.
The GTZ project in Mahajanga province is designed to put into practice this political
desire for decentralization. The aim of the project is to develop collaboration between the
district management team (technical oversight) and the communes to which the centres
are handed over. In addition, the project proposes management models for these health
facilities, in the form of two types of agreement: under the first of them, the health centre
is managed by a users' association which enters into a lease contract with the Commune
and in the second the centre is managed as an autonomous communal administration on
whose board of management the commune is represented. The contractual framework,
which is relatively complex as it involves several tiers of contractual relationship, was
thus determined from the outset. It is subsequently interpreted through as many
contractual arrangements as are necessary.

Evaluations carried out by the GTZ team responsible for the support have shown that
decentralization brings about a far-reaching redefinition of the actors' roles and that
contracting is a potential tool for understanding the new relationships that emerge between
these actors, although it is not always easy simultaneously to control institutional reform
(decentralisation) and use of a new tool (contracting).

Because local authorities generally lack the financial resources required carrying the burden of
these new responsibilities, and also because the central State wishes to maintain its capacity to
harmonize practice within its territory, the need to set up links between the central State and

15

the local authorities responsible for these basic health care facilities is recognized. While such
links may be of a conventional administrative nature, they increasingly take the form of
formalized contractual relations designed to serve as tools to assist with the transfer of
responsibility to the local communities.32

4. A contract binding the State and its autonomous institutions

An alternative approach is to grant autonomous status to public institutions. Acceptance of the
fact that one of the weaknesses of the way public services are organized lies in the
concentration of all functions in the hands of a single entity -the central State- leads to a
proposal to set up distinct entities. Because they are closer to the ground, these entities are
directly responsible either for a specific field (such as drug procurement and distribution) or
for a health facility (such as an autonomous hospital). For example, in Morocco, the Ministry
of Health is currently drawing up performance contracts with the autonomous hospitals.
Similarly, in Tunisia plans are afoot gradually to introduce target-based contracts (covering
several years) between public health establishments (autonomous establishments) and the
Department responsible for supervision at the Ministry of Health, for the purpose of
developing a performance-based contractual relationship.33

However, such situations lead to a particular type of arrangement, because they involve only
public actors. For a public actor, autonomy does not mean independence: supervision is
always present. In many cases, this approach remains experimental: numerous countries are
steering towards reforms granting autonomy to their local hospitals without simultaneously
setting up the contractual relations that will unavoidably emerge from this new institutional set
up. When these contractual relations are already in place, as in Zambia where the autonomous
hospitals have signed agreements with the Minister of Health,34 the State, because it too is
faced with overriding budgetary constraints, tends not to meet its financial commitments thus
somewhat undermining the credibility of the contractual relationship.

5. Internal Contracting

Delegation of responsibility may be internal, in other words it may operate within what for
legal purposes is a single unit. The adjective "internal" needs to be defined depending on
whether:

- there is only a single entity in the legal sense, but contracting operates between
distinct parts of the unit. This is the case, for example, when the central echelon
wishes to enter a contractual relationship with the peripheral level (province, region or
health district). For example, in Burkina Faso, the central echelon has drawn up
performance contracts with the health districts, which have no distinct legal status.
Under the contract, the central echelon delegates its responsibility for attaining
specific results to the level to which it has been devolved.

Programme-budgets in Morocco

The new results-based budgetary management which the Ministry of Health is endeavouring
to introduce may be defined as a formalized process designed to determine each year, albeit
within the framework of a sliding three-year programme and with annual budgeting, the
respective responsibilities of the central administrative departments and of the departments of
the Ministry of Health to which responsibility has been devolved and which are coordinated
by health regions to which power has been delegated for the attainment of mutually defined
objectives. The process thus concerns the relationship between the central echelon and the
services to which responsibility has been devolved, i.e. the health regions. In order to
encourage the actors to assume their individual responsibilities, it is intended to formalize this
relationship through a contract between these two levels of the health administration.

16

In strict legal terms, this is not really a contract, because it is not "enforceable".
Nevertheless, it is a contractual relationship because it involves negotiation and
agreement between the parties concerned.

- there is only a single entity for legal purposes and the relationship is established
between elements of this entity answerable to the same authority. For example,
internal contracting inside a hospital. In this case, each of the services is answerable to
the same management authority: the contract is established between the management
and the different services. In this way, France has developed internal contracting
within public establishments on the basis of the 1996 reform. The contract is binding
on the head of the establishment and the heads of the medical and non-medical
services. Under the internal contract, management authority is delegated by the
Director of the hospital to the centres of responsibility, i.e. the services. This contract
determines the objectives, the means and the indicators for monitoring the centre of
responsibility, the incentive to interest them in the results of their management and the
consequences of failure to fulfil the contract.

This type of internal contracting has numerous advantages but also poses its own specific
problems: what type of incentives (individual or collective) will persuade the actors
effectively to implement the contract? What contract monitoring mechanisms are sufficiently
effective?

The first two categories above involve relations between the public and private sectors. The State
considers that it is vested with a public service mission but entrusts management thereof to private
bodies. The contractual relationship governing this delegation of responsibility falls within the scope
of B.O.T., and will adopt specific legal forms depending on the national context. In contrast, the latter
two categories concern relations between the State and public enteritis that possess legal status
(autonomous structures or territorial communities). Transfer of responsibility is effected by the law.
However, responsibility is not transferred in full; there are still links between the State and these
entities. It is difficult to regulate these links through a conventional hierarchical relationship: the
contractual relationship offers itself as the tool for addressing them and making them operational.
However, in all cases the State will ensure that the contractee complies with the public service
mission: the contract exists to ensure this.

2.2. CONTRACTUAL RELATIONS BASED ON AN ACT OF PURCHASE

This category corresponds to situations in which a fundholder prefers to purchase the provision of
services rather than itself producing them. In this case, the rationale is based on a simple principle:
rather than "doing", in other words providing the service itself, a health actor will entrust a partner
with providing it, in exchange for remuneration. Thus, the object of the contractual relationship is the
financing of activities. The fundholder seeks to make the best possible use of them by entrusting the
performance of an activity to the partner offering the best service (the same service at a lower cost or a
better service for the same budget). To do or to buy that is the question. This strategy may take
different forms. In particular, we shall need to distinguish between cases in which the actor used to
perform the activities itself and has decided to cease doing so (generally known as outsourcing35) and
those in which the activity is new.

This purchasing strategy applies at two levels, depending on the object of the purchase:

- it concerns itself with how fundholders (individuals, but also their representatives (the
State, health insurance systems)) use their funds to procure health services from health
service providers; in this case, the purchase concerns a finished product – the health service
provided by the provider;

17

- it also concerns itself with the mode of production chosen by the health service providers;
in this case, the purchase concerns production factors.

Labour market

purchase

Input - labour

purchase Health services purchase
provider
Fundholder
(or administration) Suppliers

Output - health Input - goods
services
purchase

Input - Intermediate
intermediate Service
Services providers

2.2.1. Relations between fundholders and health service providers

Individual fundholders may decide themselves to purchase from a health services provider
the health services they require. Generally speaking, this purchase does not give rise to a
specific contract; however, in certain cases (such as plastic surgery), the client may insist on
drawing up a contract. Individuals may also entrust their funds (voluntarily in the case of
non-compulsory insurance systems or involuntarily in the case of mandatory or tax-based
ones) to an institution that will decide whether to provide the health services itself or to
purchase them from a provider. In the public sector in particular, the functions of fundholder
and health services provider have long been integrated and still frequently are. However,
recent trends in health systems have show a growing separation of these functions.
Fundholders will adopt "strategic purchasing" to use the expression used in the World Health
Report 200036 whereby they will decide that they are best able to supply the service or that a
provider is best able to do so. In the latter case, individuals delegate to the fundholder
authority to represent them in all their relations with health service providers. However,
these relations between the fundholder and the service provider are determined by the status
of the fundholder:

• The Ministry of Health: the Ministry of health which, through its budget, holds public
funds, may decide that it will no longer undertake certain activities itself but use its
budget to purchase services from providers. This approach is common for certain
specific and focused activities; for example, tuberculosis, leprosy, malaria and AIDS
control,37 immunization, integrated management of childhood illness or elimination of
malnutrition.38 in Namibia, the Ministry of Health signs contracts with private
practitioners to perform surgery in isolated rural areas.39 Such contracts may be signed
with all types of actor. In some cases, the Ministry will purchase services from NGOs. In
this way, contracts have been drawn up between the Ministry of Health and NGOs to
provide reproductive health or AIDS control services within the framework of the World
Bank funded PDIS project in Senegal. In Latin America, several countries (Colombia,

18

Costa Rica, Guatemala, Peru and the Dominican Republic) have implemented contracts
with NGOs in order to expand health coverage or improve the quality of care.40 In other
cases, the Ministry of Health will reach agreements with private physicians: for example,
the draft agreement between private physicians practising in rural areas of Mali and the
Ministry of Health to provide immunization as part of the EPI programme. In the field of
reproductive health, Ministry of health officials contract private providers to perform
certain activities (such as antenatal care).41

It is also important to consider who takes the initiative for this contractual relationship.
In some cases, it will be the fundholder, i.e. in this case the Ministry of Health; the latter,
holding funds, wishes to have certain activities performed and makes proposals, through
a call for tenders, to providers wishing to carry them out. In other cases, the providers
take the initiative of offering to perform certain activities for the Ministry of Health and
the Ministry responds to the proposal.

Administrative decentralization and the ensuing transfer of funds to the local authorities
introduces a new dimension into this type of contracting. In particular, whereas providers
such as NGOs previously had a single correspondent - the Ministry of Health - they now
have to deal with a multitude of deciders, each of whom potentially has its own
rationale, and to adapt to each local context.42

• Government funding agencies: this approach is based on the following principles: i)
within the State itself, in this case the Ministry of Health, the separation of the provider
and purchaser function, ii) the creation of State-run funding agencies as autonomous
entities within the public sector and that receive allocated public funds, of which they
have to make the best possible use to purchase services for their population from the best
service providers. In developed countries, the English model is without a doubt the best-
known example and has given rise to numerous publications.

In England, this trend is part of the new public-sector management and the concept of
"managed competition", (Enthoven 1993).43 The public sector endeavours to introduce
market inspired44 operating mechanisms that are capable of improving the system's
efficiency. According to the authors, this involves introducing into the public sector the
concepts of "planned" markets, (Saltman and von Otter 1992),45 "internal" markets,
(Enthoven 1985),46 "quasi markets", (Le Grand et Bartlett 1993),47 "managed
competition"), and "manacled competition", (L.E.Brown, V.E.Amelung).48,49 More or
less controlled competition should lead to greater efficacy and consequently provide the
population with a better service.

The British National Health Service (NHS)

The national health service reforms introduced by the former Prime Minister Mrs Thatcher, are
based on a clear distinction between providers and fundholders or purchasers and on the
introduction of competition among the actors through "quasi-markets". The purchasers are
either district health authorities or groups of general practitioners who purchase hospital
services for their community from providers whom they pit against one another. Contracts are
then signed by the actors. The general framework and principles of this reform were laid down
a 1990 act. Numerous evaluations have been made of these contracts.50 Many of them
emphasize the difficulty of creating authentic competition and the possible negative effects
(collusion between providers, selection of low-risk patients, etc.)

In 1997, Tony Blair's Government established the "new NHS" based on the search for a third
way. The principle of the internal market was abandoned; competition was replaced by
cooperation and trust between partners51.

However, the most recent reform to date52 has reintroduced a degree of competition among

19

providers and extended the "concordat" between the public and private sectors (collaboration
between the two sectors is encouraged); this reform bears a strong resemblance to the "internal
market" introduced by Margaret Thatcher in 1990.53

A series of articles published in 2001 by the journal Social Science and Medicine
highlights the difficulties encountered by countries that have implemented these
reforms during the past decade.54 These reforms have been introduced with the
primary aim of reducing health-care expenditure; however, the experience analysed
shows that this has not been the case. However, the reforms have transformed the
institutional culture, no longer based on an administrative hierarchy but on
competition, and have led to a redefinition of the role of the State, especially at the
level of health-care providers. Sweden has also begun reforms based on the separation
of service providers from purchasers and the introduction of market-inspired
mechanisms. After a period of competition (1989-1993) Sweden, without calling into
question contracting, is moving towards more cooperative relations between health-
care purchasers and providers.55

In the developing countries, reforms of this kind are few. In Ghana, the "Ghana Health
Service", a Ministry of Health implementing agency, was established in 1996, one of
its roles being to procure health care services from providers on behalf of the Ministry
of Health. The implementation of this reform is still in its infancy.56 In Zambia, the
results of a similar process are equally ambivalent.57

• Insurance systems: in developed countries where the health service is not State-
funded, health care is financed by insurance systems that are semi-official,
autonomous or private. The population is required to contribute towards these
insurance systems.58 Differences are visible in the way health care expenditure is
covered. There are three main models:59, 60

- The reimbursement model: the patient pays the health-service provider and
is reimbursed by the insurance system. This model is analogous to the French
social security system: there is no link between fundholder and provider;
- The integrated model: the population chooses an organization that is both
purchaser and provider: a show-case for this is Health Maintenance
Organization (HMO) in the United States;
- The contractual model: the insurance system purchase the health services
directly on behalf of the policy-holders: the German model is a prime
example.61

In developing countries, insurance systems are only at an incipient stage and are
characterized by the fact that they are not obligatory and provide cover only for a
small part of the population. Nevertheless, these systems are taking shape.62 Once they
have been created, such insurance systems will look into the practical details of how to
cover their members' health-care expenditure. One current method is to draw up
agreements with public or private health-care facilities as well as private practitioners.
Such agreements cover rates, terms of reimbursement, admittance of policy holders,
quality of care etc. One example is the agreement signed by the mutual insurance
societies belonging to the support fund for remunerative activities by women (Fonds
d'Appui aux Activités Rémunératrices des Femmes – FAARF) and public health
centres in Burkina Faso.63 The first evaluations of this experiment highlight the
importance of contracting as a tool for improving the quality of care, since it has
forced the health services to take a hard look at themselves and to adapt to the needs
of the population. As for mutual health insurance societies, contracting has forced
policy-holders to clarify their needs and priorities. In Romania, since 1994 for eight

20

districts, and as of 1998 for the entire country, the health authorities and the health
insurance systems have drawn up contracts with independent physicians for the
provision of primary health care.64 Another example is the PRIMA in Guinea, where
the mutual health insurance society has established contracts for the provision of
services with the prefectural hospital on the one hand and the health centre on the
other.65

Whether the State itself, official agencies (such as Regional Health Authorities in New
Zealand or Health Authorities in Great Britain) funded from the State budget or health
insurance funds financed by contributions, all these entities are gradually becoming "pro-
active" purchasers.66 They are no longer content with simply distributing budgetary allotments
or reimbursing their members' expenses. Through contractual arrangements, they negotiate
conditions with providers (private or public) for access to care either for the population under
their responsibility or their members.

Moreover, it is worth taking a closer look at what purchasing actually encompasses. It is
extremely simplistic to look at this in purely monetary terms. When institutional purchasers
purchase a health service from providers, they naturally agree on the price of the transaction,
while taking into account the quality of the service provided. However, it is worth keeping in
mind that the act of purchasing is a complex one involving many elements. Economic theory,
especially marketing, shows that the act of purchase, even for relatively simple goods, brings a
number of elements into play; for example, purchasing a car does not only depend on the
relatively objective criteria of its transport function, but equally on subjective characteristics
such as the image produced by the car (age, social class, and gender of the owner are
characteristics that are linked to a car). The same goes for health. For instance, when a health-
insurance company agrees a contract with a health-care facility, it is likely that the negotiation
will not relate to the rates for medical procedures (these will already have been set) but to the
service « purchased »: conditions of admittance of policy-holders, terms of payment by
policy-holders, etc. In this way, purchasing health services is a powerful means of addressing
the quality of care. Through contractual arrangements, purchasers can put quality of care first
in their dealings with providers.67 These quality elements may be addressed either in the initial
stages of the relationship with the provider (in which case, quality standards can help to
choose the provider) or later on in the relationship (in this case, part of the provider's
remuneration depends on the results in terms of quality of service).

Lastly, it is worth highlighting that this type of contractual arrangement between a fundholder
and a health-service provider is necessary in all health systems that adopt capitation.68 The
contract specifies the obligations accepted by the health-service provider in exchange for the
lump sum it will receive in advance for each registered member in any given system. Many
developed countries have adopted capitation (USA – HMO and Great Britain); others are
considering introducing it, or at least partially (Canada and France for example); there has
been a considerable growth in this method of payment in middle-income countries: several
Latin-American countries have developed such procedures,69 (Argentina and Nicaragua) and
also Thailand.70 However, in developing countries, capitation is rarely used on account of the
weakness of their insurance system.

2.2.2. Health service-providers' production processes

The health-service provider, and the same applies to the administration, has at its disposal
funds received directly from individuals or from fundholders that have received them from
individuals, to carry out its key core functions. The health service provider or operator can
act as a conventional producer that assembles items to produce the product it wishes to
supply to its clients. These items will be bought either on the labour market, as far as human
resources are concerned, or on the goods and services market, for other supplies; to achieve
this, conventional contracts will be negotiated. It may also approach specific providers for

21

certain intermediary services. In this case, a contract will be drawn up in which one party
undertakes to perform work for a fee which the other undertakes to pay; this is known as
sub-contracting in the field of business. Examples are: maintenance contracts (a scheme in
Papua- New-Guinea), catering (schemes in Bombay, India), laundry services provided for a
hospital by a service firm (a scheme in Thailand).71 The aim of this approach is to improve
the use of resources which moreover, are often very scarce in developing countries.
Assessments of these arrangements, though in need of further evaluation, are yielding
valuable lessons.72 These evaluations show that signing a contract with a reputable business
does not necessarily guarantee good service; the entity proposing the contract should also be
capable of monitoring each stage.

Contracting of non medical services in public health facilities in Tunisia *
Public Health Establishments (PHE) are university teaching hospitals under the supervision of the Ministry of
Public Health; they were set up under an act adopted on 29 July 1991; they have a high degree of managerial
autonomy, are governed by commercial legislation and run by a board of directors. Since 1993, EPS have
resorted to contracting for certain non-medical activities: catering. Cleaning, security and assistance with
accounting. In 2001, 16 of the 21 PHEs resorted to contracting.

There are a number of reasons why the EPS decided to subcontract some non-medical services: i) the mediocre
quality of catering and cleaning services in hospitals is a source of discontent for patients and of wasted
resources, ii) the shortage of skilled staff on account of budget cut-backs, iii) the commitments made as part of
support for hospital reform, iv) the bandwagon effect, fashion and mimicry, which have played a significant role,
in the mistaken belief that private health care is of a higher standard than public.

In conjunction with the central Ministry of Health administration, the EPS have set out terms and conditions of
contracts as a reference guide to help each establishment draw up specific contracts. These terms and conditions
stress the following : i) specific technical considerations for each activity, ii) the requisite resources to be
provided by each party, iii) the division of labour between the contracting parties, and, iv) the control
mechanisms to be adopted by those hospitals concerned.

Each EPS is required to monitor work being carried out by external firms and to train its staff properly to take on
these new tasks. Technical and administrative services are involved in day-to-day monitoring of the contractual
arrangement. An administrative and technical monitoring committee is charged with regularly following-up the
progress and evaluation of services, improving the internal administration of subcontracted services and with
reviewing the terms and conditions of contracts. We may draw the following conclusions from this experience:
- According to general professional opinion, the quality of services from subcontracted providers, especially
catering and cleaning, has improved. The costs, however, are relatively high, leading to successive increases
in unit costs;
- The staff freed by contracting have filled other roles, thus resolving problems of labour shortages in other
areas;
- While in the majority of EPS, contracting is the subject of close follow-up and regular supervision on the
basis of the terms of the contract, negligence also occurs in subcontracted work;
- Relations between subcontracted staff and the institution's staff are often strained, primarily on account of
the lack of a clear definition of roles and responsibilities;
- Patients, confused by the differences in staff, may complain about the service provided by subcontracted
staff who are unqualified for certain tasks, thus creating tense relations with the institution;
- The lack of experience of hospital staff from agencies, their lack of supervision and precariousness are the
main risk factors that should be addressed by those in charge of drawing up EPS contracts.

To conclude, experience of subcontracting non-medical services in public hospitals in Tunisia reveals certain
advantages in terms of improved quality as long as it is accompanied by efficient and rigorous monitoring by
those in charge of the hospital. However, costs are still relatively high since the number of potential providers is
too small to allow real competition to take place.

*
H. Achouri, A. Jeridi, respectively Director and Head of Unit of the Hospitals Administration Service -
Ministry of Public Health, Tunisia

22

This outsourcing of auxiliary services does not always yield the expected results: for
example, in the Czech Republic, hospital catering services were recently subcontracted to
SODEXHO a French international company; however, in the light of the high cost of
subcontracting, these services have once more been taken over by the public hospitals.

These service contracts can also apply to other areas. For example, in Chad, as part of the
health-sector support project (HSSP) funded by the World Bank, the Ministry of Public
Health has signed contracts with partners such as international NGOs, United Nations
agencies (UNICEF), bilateral cooperation organizations (Germany) to enable them to
provide their technical support to prefectural health directorates (at regional levels):
supervision, management, drug supply, cost recovery, etc. In Cambodia, as part of a project
funded by the Asian Development Bank, a contract gives an international NGO authority
over staff from the Ministry of Health, in particular for the award of bonuses (linked to
giving up private practice and the improvement of services).73 As part of decentralization,
NGOs such as BEMFAM in Brazil, CEMOPLAF in Ecuador, MEXFAM in Mexico, and
CARE in Bolivia, have signed contracts with local councils to train their staff in areas such
as reproductive health.74

Lastly, the autonomy granted to public institutions allows them, with major differences
depending on the local context, to change the rationale of public service. These autonomous
structures are able, moreover, to call on specific labour through contracts: they may choose
their staff or resort to casual or independent employees.

It is worth looking at the way in which these contractual relations are established. The literature on the
procurement function has increased considerably in recent years.75 The debate on the issue may be
summarized by two main trends: competition and partnership.76 Competition is the traditional
approach to relations between purchasers and providers: each party keeps its distance and the
purchaser encourages competition in order to obtain the best possible service for the lowest price
during the transaction and then renews the competition as often as possible during the competition:
"Arm's length relationships; frequent tendering which is risky and costly; reliance on price; spot
contracts or complex contingent claim contracting; multi-sourcing; lack of trust; reluctance to share
information; adversarial attitudes ("win-lose" outcomes)".

Conversely, in the partnership or "co-maker" approach, the purchaser forms relations based on
confidence and trust with specific providers: -: avoiding unnecessary costs of excessive tendering and
frequent competitions; fewer, dedicated suppliers; long-term contracts; coordinated strategies between
buyers and suppliers; a sharing of risks and rewards; trusting relationships; single sourcing; resulting
mutual benefit ("win - win" outcomes). The evolution of the British NHS reveals the transition from
relations based on competition to those based on trust;77 instead of "purchasing", we will refer to
"commissioning" i.e. the act whereby an authority hands over responsibility and power for a limited
period, to an entity who acts on its behalf. "Commissioning is thus a strategic activity for assessing
requirements, resources and existing services and for making the best use of available resources in
order to satisfy the needs identified. Commissioning involves defining priorities, purchasing the
appropriate services and evaluating them.78

As a rule, relations based on competition are suited to the first of these categories, purchasing raw
input. However, the available evidence on the provision of intermediate services reveals the
limitations of relations based solely on competition and that a degree of partnership is proving a
prerequisite for satisfactory results. The resulting contractual approach will be related to this: in the
first category, we will find mainly enforceable contracts which will fully set out all the conditions of
the relationship; in the second, we will adopt" head of agreement" relational contracts.79

23

2.3. CONTRACTUAL RELATIONS BASED ON COOPERATION

In the previous two types of contractual relations, we have as far as possible referred to the "actors
involved" rather than the "partners". This latter term can have two meanings. In one sense, a partner is
your counterpart. This tells us nothing about the situation of that actor: he may just as easily be an
enemy as a friend. The term "partner" simply indicates with whom he has a relationship. This is the
meaning that corresponds to the two types of contractual relations above. In the second sense of the
word, the partner is the person with whom you are associated. To be a partner means to work together
towards a common goal while respecting each partner's identity. The contractual relations to which we
will now turn our attention are based on this meaning of "partner".

At the heart of contractual cooperation lies a desire for organizational interpenetration. This can be
interpreted in many ways. Firstly, it is generally characterized by lasting commitments by the actors;
relationships take time to form, but equally to develop and produce results. The actors, aware of their
past relations, meet to exchange ideas and look ahead to continuing a relationship in the future.
Secondly, and most importantly, the degree of cooperation between actors varies. Therefore, after
having identified their synergies, the actors work together towards a common goal. However, in some
cases, each actor, in its own way, will play an active yet autonomous part, in producing this result,
while in other cases, the actors will work together to perform all or some of the tasks needed to reach
the objective.80 Lastly, this contractual cooperation implies that at each stage in the contractual
relation, the actors are fully involved in decisions concerning the implementation of the contract and in
making the necessary adjustments for unexpected circumstances that may arise during the contract; the
complexity of these contracts makes it impossible completely to finalize them and demands a certain
degree of flexibility, calling for constant decision-making.

In this way, cooperation can be defined as a "long-term agreement which involves interactions
between members of independent organizations that combine or pool their forces".81 In concrete terms,
contractual cooperation can be expressed in different ways: we shall distinguish between the two main
categories according to the degree of organizational interpenetration.

2.3.1. Weak organizational interpenetration agreements

These agreements correspond to situations when actors reach an understanding on the framework of
cooperation (aims, means); however, putting these into practice affords each actor a high degree of
autonomy. Without going into too much detail, we can place the following agreements in this
category:

• Franchising:82 a franchise differs from a classic contractual arrangement between two partners in
the following ways: i) the franchiser must be able to offer something to the franchisee (a financial
and material contribution, know-how), ii) the concept of the network: at the heart of the system is
the idea that a higher authority wishes to harmonize a network of legal entities sharing a common
goal. The franchiser is the coordinator of the network and therefore endeavours to ensure
consistency. The franchisees know that they all belong to the same network: this identification
with a network is important. In this way, the Ministry of Health can resort to franchising to further
involve the private sector. Even if the State is not the service or health-care provider, it may wish
to maintain its role as a leading actor in the proceedings.

Implementing the DOTS strategy
The "Directly Observed Treatment Short-course" strategy, DOTS is now considered to be
one of the most effective and low cost means of controlling tuberculosis. It involves
providing TB screening tests and ensuring that patients follow a course of antibiotic
treatment. In developing countries, the National Tuberculosis Control Programmes have

24

difficulty coping with the situation and the private sector, when operating alone, is
inefficient (misdiagnosis, late or non-existent referrals, inappropriate treatment, etc.
Collaboration has become indispensable. Several countries such as India, Bangladesh,
Cambodia and China are trying out types of franchising. The National TB Control
Programme (NTP) in each country i) defines a standard treatment protocol and ii) signs
contracts with private practitioners who monitor the treatment of a certain number of
patients following the treatment protocol. The NTP applies its know-how and supervises
the system. The franchisees form a network of health-service staff that works under the
hallmark of an NTP contract.

The contractual tool has become an efficient device that helps the Ministry of Health and
private practitioners jointly to analyse the mutual costs and benefits of their relationship.

Some countries have tested franchise networks for first-level private health facilities: for example
the PROSALUD network in Bolivia and the ZamHealth network in Zambia.83 There are also
experiments with family planning activities84, 85 and social marketing activities for adolescents.

• Collaboration between health-care institutions and voluntary associations: since 4 March
2002, French law has authorized public and private hospitals to sign agreements with non-profit
associations to enable them to intervene in hospitals: for example, the activity of non-profit
associations in the field of palliative care for patients, or associations that provide extracurricular
activities for hospitalized children.86

• The network approach: if, in the past, continuity of care was almost exclusively assured by the
medical profession, today, the involvement of many professional health-care and social categories
is sought. Recognition of the multiplicity of factors determining health leads to multidisciplinary
approaches. Comprehensive case-management of patients is becoming more and more necessary;
the aim is to coordinate the range of care provided to patients by health-care actors either at the
same time or successively. The operational response to this is increasingly taking the form of a
care network. The ensuing contracting formalizes the role of each actor in a global and coherent
system for dealing with patients. France is currently developing this type of contracting 87. Within
this defined framework, each practitioner maintains a high degree of autonomy for his or her
activities.

• Strategic planning at the local health system level: the organization of health systems at the
district level is currently undergoing a profound transformation with entities that do not belong to
the world of health coming into play, i.e. local governments. Administrative decentralization is
leading to the emergence of an authority with generally very weak expertise in health issues
(except in big cities).

Legislation on administrative decentralization more or less defines the role of local authorities at
the level of health facilities. However, the links with the health district, and consequently with the
core team that ensures consistency, are rarely addressed. Through administrative decentralization,
health will find itself confronted with two rationales:

- the systemic rational, adopted by traditional health-care actors (the Ministry of
Health but also the health care service providers) which is based on technical
considerations;

- the rationale of politics, where health is but one of the mandates of the non-
specialized elected representatives of local governments and where the geographical
area rarely corresponds to the health district.

25

The question is how to reconcile the systemic coherence of the health district's traditional health
actors with the political rationale of actors responsible for administrative decentralization. The
solution is no longer to be found in the channels of centralized and dirigiste government
coordination, as was often proposed by the administration through health district plans. It is here
that the approach developed through the concept of "strategic planning"88 takes on its full
significance. It involves bringing together all the actors in a given area (here a health district) and,
through negotiations, drawing up a strategic plan that defines the district's main orientations. On
the basis of an analysis of the situation and taking into consideration the needs of the health
district, the strategic plan establishes the priorities, determines the strategies that will enable it to
attain its objectives and indicates the financial implications. It offers a framework, a guide for
future actions that will be put into place. This approach, which separates the strategic vision of
the evolution of local health systems from the planning of operations, allows different health
actors to reach agreement on basic issues before taking action.

However useful it may be, this approach may nevertheless be nothing more than a gentleman's
agreement between the actors. Contracting makes it possible to go further by introducing a
binding element of formalization into relations. The "performance contract" tool is part of this
rationale. While preserving the strategic planning approach, the contractual agreement or
"contractual cooperation"89 binds the actors that have signed to a legally enforceable commitment
and to respect the obligations they have freely and jointly accepted. It also has the virtue of
establishing a stable relationship between partners and mutual standards of behaviour; in this
sense, a contract is a method of organization.

In the sphere of administrative decentralization, some go even further and question the
advisability of adopting a sectoral approach which has the drawback of singling out health
problems. They advocate the adoption of an approach that starts from the decentralized
geographical area and encompasses all sectors at the same time. The resulting contractual
cooperation between actors and the central authority allows priorities to be set and creates better
inter-sectoral harmonization.90 However, it is also clear that the main drawback of this approach
lies in its complexity and time-consuming nature.

• "Sector-wide approach (SWAp)" mechanisms: in conventional negotiation mechanisms
between a Government and its development partners, such as UNDP Round tables, the search for a
consensus on national health policies does not lead to any formal commitment. One of the
characteristics of SWAPs is precisely to overcome this situation and secure a real commitment
from both parties, i.e. the Ministry of Health and the development partners. In this way, both
parties formally undertake to respect the national health policy which they have jointly approved.
In particular, and this is one of the characteristics of the SWAp approach, they agree to pool their
financial resources and to entrust responsibility for managing them to the Ministry of Health.
Consequently, the spirit of SWAps is one of contractual cooperation, since it involves formalizing
partnerships through contractual relations. These conventions essentially bind the parties to
obligations bearing on means rather than on performance.

Health "SWAp" in Tanzania91

Tanzania has recently undergone a fundamental health-sector reform; this has been conducted
through a SWAp process. Up till now, this SWAp has been set forth in three contractual documents:

- A Declaration of intent in June 1998, signed by the Ministry of Health and the development
partners, showing their commitment to a reform programme of the health system based on common
implementing mechanisms;
- A Memorandum of Understanding, in October 1999: this preliminary agreement defines the
procedures for the "common-basket" funding arrangements and the obligations and commitments of
partners;
- A Side agreement, between the Ministry of Health and those partners who wished to add funds to

26

the basket, in March 2000.

These documents are fully consistent with contracting; they show a commitment to clearly defined
responsibilities that goes beyond conventional cooperation mechanisms. However, the first analyses
to have become available show that however useful these different documents may be, they merely
constitute commitments based on good faith between partners, and not enforceable and binding
commitments. Thus, even if good faith is present when the documents are signed, it does not mean
that it will actually be there in reality.

Furthermore, actual implementation of SWAp at the health district level is part of the spirit of
contracting. The approval of an action plan for a health district by a committee that is responsible for
the "basket" of funds both from the State budget and the development partners is one of the
prerequisites for receiving the funds needed for the district to operate.

"SWAp" in Bangladesh92

In Bangladesh, over the last twenty years, development partners have spun an extensive NGO
network in the area of reproductive health, which they have often financed directly, thus by-passing
the Ministry of Health. The SWAp that was introduced aims to change this situation. After having
jointly decided on a health strategy, the funding from the development partners is pooled and its
management entrusted to the Ministry of Health. The latter signs contracts for the implementation of
the strategy with the NGOs. It should be pointed out that the results are ambivalent due to a certain
inflexibility in the development partner's procedures.

• Partnership agreements: admittedly, this often-used term frequently crops up in very different
situations and can even include some of the cases described above (for example, SWAps can be
considered to be partnership agreements). In general, the following agreements are included in this
category:

- Partnership agreements between States: these are generally agreements on cooperation
between a developed country and the Ministry of Health of a developing one;
- Partnership agreements between a pubic entity and a private entity: for example, the
European Union frequently signs partnership agreements with NGOs; the agreement between
the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation and the United Nations Foundation also fall into this
category;
- Partnership agreements between private entities: for example, two laboratories from the
Merck KGaA group (Théramex, the leader in treatment for the menopause, and Monot,
number one at the chemists: these two laboratories have signed a partnership agreement in the
area of women's health for the joint promotion of Evestrel (tablets and cream) among doctors
as well as in Chemists and at supermarket drug counters;
- Partnership agreements between health establishments: for example, a hospital in a
developed country signs a partnership agreement with a hospital in a developing country to
conduct training for its medical staff. These agreements can lead to twinning arrangements,
where interpenetration is greater.

2.3.2. Strong organizational interpenetration agreements

These agreements correspond to situations in which actors reach an understanding on the framework
of cooperation (aims, means) and carry out some, if not all activities together, allowing them to fulfil
the objectives of the contract. Once again, without going into too much detail, the following
agreements can be classified under this heading:

27

• Joint management: joint management, understood as a sharing of authority and
responsibility, can be seen on a macro-level: where France is concerned, we can point to joint
management of the social security bodies by the employers and unions. However, it can also
be seen from a micro-level: for example, managing a health institution. Such is the case of a
certain approach to community participation: this vision is along the innovative lines of the
Bamako Initiative. At the health-facility level, we find a joint management committee or a
board of management that is made up both of members of the health staff (manager) and
representatives of institutions representing the community: town councils, associations. There
should be a balance between, on the one hand the health administration, which should ensure
that health facilities fulfil their public service commitments, and on the other, the population,
which, insofar as it significantly contributes towards their financing, should be able to decide
and control how its financial contribution is being used. In practice, this joint management is
expressed in different ways: (i) in everyday administration (for example, shared management
of cost recovery revenue by members of the administrative committee and the manager of the
health centre), or (ii) with regard to the main policy trends of a health institution (for example,
users' associations sitting on a hospital's board of management). Thus, the contract, in its
broadest sense, is made up of joint management procedures which are defined by the actors
involved.

• Alliances: this lies at the heart of "working together". The agreements deriving from this are
based on active participation by partners and rely on complementarity between resources,
technology and know-how. These alliances can take two forms:

- The first is what the world of industry refers to as "strategic alliances":93 these are
agreements whereby partners determine the terms of their cooperation, i.e. how they
pool their resources on a day-to-day basis to reach the target they have set;

- In the second, two entities decide that to carry out a given activity, they will set up a
joint subsidiary. This contractual cooperation is not set out in a contract, but rather in
the articles of association of their joint subsidiary. For example, i) two hospitals may
decide to share some of their services: specific laboratory tests, specific aspects of
accounting, etc. ii) health-care providers may decide to share drug supply facilities; to
do so, their alliance may take the form of a joint subsidiary, for example, an economic
interest group (GIE).94 In some countries, public institutions are authorized by law to
create joint services which enjoy a certain degree of autonomy (separate management
and budget). The spirit of contractual cooperation is evident in the articles of
association of a joint subsidiary or entity in which each parent entity defines its
involvement.

Thus, contracting proves to be far broader and much more elaborate than the concept of a contract in
the legal sense of the term. It defines any agreement between actors, whether in the form of a contract,
or through other means, such as those examined above.95.

2.4. Summary

To summarize this section, it is worth noting that all the contractual relations described above have the
same objective: improving the performance of health systems. Partners' individual interests are
transcended by a collective general interest, and it is because of this that contracting is of importance
to health systems. Nevertheless, the examples given above differ as to the ways of attaining this
objective. Some approaches adopt the hypothesis that competitors and competition between actors is a
sine qua non for contracting to work; it infers a priori that the absence of competition, which is
usually the case in developing countries, necessarily acts as a restraint on use of the contractual tool.
In contrast, a precondition for an alternative approach posits the need for reliable actors and seeks to
make the most of their synergies. A contractual relation can be drawn up without negotiations, or on

28

the contrary, through extended and open-ended negotiations. In the first case, there is no room for
negotiation; an actor prepares the specifications and standard contract, and those actors who agree to
enter this contractual relation merely sign the proposal. The other extreme is when nothing is
predetermined and everything must be negotiated; the actors, without any a priori assumption, jointly
decide on the terms of the contract.

This diversity of means of attaining an objective should be recognized, and is undoubtedly one of the
strengths of this tool. However, before resorting to either one or the other method, an in-depth study is
required to determine the most appropriate strategy. This is where national contexts are of importance,
and to advocate one strategy rather than another is a mistake.

We also need to take into account the degree of enforceability. Generally speaking, a contract is a
binding commitment – enforceable is the legal term – which means that non-fulfilment of the clauses
by one of the parties can lead to penalties, and above all the parties can invoke the commitments
before entities not party to the contract (the courts). The contract will contain provisions for these
penalties and for the means of enforcing them.96 Some contractual arrangements, however, cannot be
placed in this category; for example, it would be difficult to force parties to a SWAp to honour their
commitments. Rather than talking of an enforceable contract, it is preferable to talk of a "relational
contract".97 This is a negotiated agreement between actors, generally belonging to the public sector,98
which sets out each actor's role in the joint venture or action. The underlying strength of these
agreements does not derive from the possible imposition of penalties by a court, but rather from the
fact that the parties must work together.99 Relational contracts attach great importance to the
relationship between the contracting parties, thus waiving a certain degree of detail in favour of the
spirit of the agreement reached, leaving a certain leeway for unexpected incidents (this is referred to as
the incompleteness of the contract100,101). Relational contracts call principally on trust, flexibility and
the use of across the board solutions to guard against uncertainties in the (political and economic)
climate as well as against the difficulty of defining precise objectives and measuring the results. Even
if the actors' commitment cannot be enforced by law, it is no less real. It simply follows other
procedures and relies on other mechanisms: the value of the actor's word, credibility and reputation
derive from respect for commitments, but also social control. If a relational contract is to produce the
expected results, it must form part of a framework of continuous management of relationships,
dialogue and negotiation. These are the elements that ensure actors respect their commitment to
continue their cooperation102 and avoid opportunistic behaviour. The theory of "signalling" is based on
the idea that contracting parties should permanently send each other signals, whereby they each seek
to reassure the other of their intention to cooperate.103 In some cases, too detailed a contract, which
forcefully outlines the dispute settlement procedure, can be a sign that the contracting parties have no
confidence in each other.104

The following table brings together the information covered so far:

29

Delegation of responsibility Purchase Contractual Cooperation
of service

High . Devolution of public . Service contracts, Sub- . Joint management of a
service contracting health facility
. Contract covering a . Franchising
geographic area
Degree of enforceability

. Health activities purchased
by the State, public agencies . Health-care network
or insurance institutions

. Association with the public
service

. Contracts binding the State . Performance contract
and autonomous institutions
or local communities
.Framework agreement
Low . SWAps

It is worth mentioning that so far in the document, we have mainly focused on examples in which the
actors in contractual relationships have had a high degree of responsibility: in delegated management,
the manager is responsible for the results obtained; the same goes for an NGO that carries out medical
activities on behalf of a ministry of health, a subcontractor that provides intermediate services, or
partners in a health-care network. Contracting consists above all of giving shape to the actors' role to
exercise responsibility. Some actors, such as development partners (e.g. multilateral or bilateral
international organizations and international NGOs), may also play a different role, namely providing
technical and/or financial support to the service providers, whether medical facilities or activities
beyond the realm of medical facilities or to the health administration.

These partners are not responsible for the management of the medical facility or of the entity carrying
out the activities; they merely provide support for the entity's managers, who remain responsible for
the structure and the activities it performs.

The support contract defines the responsibilities of the partner in terms of means; in return for these
means, the health service provider (either from a health facility or outside) undertakes to reach the
objectives that are clearly defined in the contract: these determine the actual support received.

Finally, each actor who intervenes in the field of health can be seen as an organization at the hub of a
web of contracts linking it to all those counterparts with whom it is likely to enter a relationship. This
array of opportunities lies along two axes:

- a "vertical" axis: to explain this, it is useful to refer to agency theory and the concepts of
"principal" and "agent". "Downstream" contracting is when the actor involved is in the
position of principal; this includes all service and subcontracting contracts. "Upstream"
contracting is when the actor involved is in the position of agent, in other words, on the basis
of a contract, the agent the pursues the objectives defined by the principal;

- a "horizontal" axis: agency theory is no longer relevant here because there is no longer a
relationship based on hierarchical dependency. Instead, there is a mutually dependent
partnership. In economic theory, we talk of cooperative game theory.

30

Stewardship

Upstream vertical
contracting

Stewardship
Stewardship

Horizontal Actor Horizontal
contracting involved contracting

Downstream vertical
contracting

Stewardship

Each actor, and consequently the decision-makers above him, should examine the formal links that
they may maintain with their environment. In order to use its full potential, they should consider all
the opportunities available to them, that is to say, study each one and, depending on their strategies
and abilities, develop those which offer them the greatest benefit. To illustrate this point, we refer to
the case study of three Colombian hospitals.105

Obviously, the contractual relationship will exist only if the potential counterparts aim for similar
results. There must be a meeting point between two individual sets of interests and intentions, making
it possible to formalize the planned relationship. The approach is pragmatic; it involves the implicit
assumption that what is advantageous for each actor is equally advantageous for the system, in other
words for the collective interest.

3. CONTRACTUAL POLICY AS A STRATEGIC MEASURE TO IMPROVE THE PERFORMANCE OF
HEALTH SYSTEMS

The preceding paragraphs have not only shown the very diverse range of experience of
contracting; they have also shown that it falls into three main categories. Each of them refers to a
specific objective of the contractual relations that develop between health actors and to certain modes
of implementation. However, in each of the three categories, the experiences are at different levels.
Some concern very specific and straightforward situations involving two actors, while others concern
more complex contractual relations.

31

Many experiences involve ad-hoc contractual relations, resulting from local initiatives or needs which
do not, however, fall within a global strategy. Let us take the example of a ministry of health which,
owing to insufficient means, decides to subcontract the running of a district hospital that has recently
been renovated with financial support from a development partner. Without going into the grounds for
the decision, it has to be recognized that it is an isolated one. It is not part of a voluntarist policy by the
ministry of health, but rather an isolated act. For reasons of pragmatism, the Ministry of Health sought
the best solution for a specific problem but did not wish to set the decision within a broader
framework. Thus, contractual arrangements frequently remain ad-hoc, step-by-step and often
fragmented responses to links that develop between two or more actors, depending on the turn of
events.106 Interesting as it may be, this is a simplistic approach. Sustainability is not always taken into
account (for example, some service contracts signed thanks to external funds may have short-term
benefits but uncertainty over the long-term availability of funds may lead to the development of
activities that will come to an end when funding is withdrawn). In other cases, public interest may be
disregarded in a contractual arrangement (for example, a mutual health insurance may have negotiated
priority of treatment for its members with a medical facility; although an advantageous arrangement
for both parties, it is less so for the health system and the population as a whole).

Such ad hoc contractual arrangements should not be rejected out of hand, but their influence will
remain marginal both quantitively and in terms of organizational change within the health system.
Many countries allow contractual relations to develop on the basis of individual interests. Others do
the opposite; having decided that conciliation of two individual sets of interests does not necessarily
guarantee the collective interest, they will attempt to channel this strategy by providing a frame of
reference for individual decisions: contractual policy. .

However, by setting up contracting as the principle around which the health system gravitates and by
harmonizing contractual policies, do we not acquire a strategic tool capable of bringing about a
genuine improvement in the performance of the health system? This is what is really at stake in
contracting and explains the interest shown in it by those responsible for the health system. The
changeover from a pragmatic to a systems approach entails definition of a frame of reference. The
contractual arrangement will cease to be an isolated act in response to a particular need; it will be part
of a coherent framework from which it draws its strength.

Higher up, this framework needs to be clearly linked to a country's national health-care policy.
Incorporating contracting into the national health-care policy confers on it legitimacy and recognition.
From being an ad-hoc, even covert tool, contracting thus becomes a tool whose use is advocated and
whose potential and limits as a means of improving the performance of health systems are recognized.

By this framework, we mean the definition of contractual policies at the level of a country's entire
health system or at that of each of its elements: a health measure assigned priority (such as integrated
management of childhood illness), a health problem (malaria or TB control), a particular population
(AIDS victims), a different function of the health system (risk-sharing systems, drug distribution), a
geographical area (the organization of a health district). The purpose of a contractual policy is to
define relations between actors; it defines the role of the contract in the relationship between actors
working in the same sphere, sets out the principles and objectives of the contractual relation, defines
the priorities and actions covered by the contract, proposes preferred types of contract and sets the
rules of the game (for example, procedure for registering contracts).

The different contractual arrangements agreed between actors are the practical expression of a
collective and concerted strategy. A contractual policy ensures control of and harmonizes contractual
practices. It avoids the lack of coordination that results from the juxtaposition of ad-hoc contractual
arrangements.

These contractual policies may be represented in various ways:

32

• National contractual policies: under State supervision and with more or less broad
cooperation from other health actors, documents laying down the country's contractual
policies are put together. In this way, Chad now has a document on contractual policy
which defines the fundamental principles and scope of contractual policies as a whole and
at the health district level on the one hand and in the area of drugs on the other. The status
of these documents may be anything from a simple policy statement which is not binding
on the health-care actors to legal texts or regulations which are binding on the parties to
them. In any case, the approach is unilateral; it is the State, through the exercise of its
authority, that sets the framework with which the actors will have to comply.

One example: contracting of public and private hospitals in France

The order of 24 April 1996 reformed public and private hospitals and instituted Regional
Hospital Agencies (ARH) which are public interest groups, legal enteritis under public law
with administrative and financial autonomy, set up by the State and the health insurance
bodies. The agencies are under the direct responsibility of the Ministry of Health. Their
tasks include ensuring that public and private hospitals have drawn up contracts specifying
objectives and means.107 This contract documents each actor's commitments: it is generally
based on an "institutional project" and sets out the institution's strategic orientations and
conditions for their implementation, objectives in terms of quality and safety of care,
provisions relating to human resources management, the objectives of implementation of
the orientations adopted by the regional health conference, the deadlines for applying
accreditation procedures, participation in care networks, the institutions pooling their
resources and financial considerations – in particular the State and local government
contributions. ARHs adopt different strategies: some favour an individual approach to
contracts, each contract being drawn up independently, while others adopt a collective
approach, each contract being part of the whole. Under the first strategy, contracts are
developed through a gradual process, whereas under the second, all the contracts for a
region are agreed upon and drawn up simultaneously.

• Framework conventions (or framework agreements): these are documents put together by
actors; a framework agreement is the result of negotiations between actors, and
consequently applies to those who have put them together. In practice, framework
agreements reflect different objectives.

- Some framework agreements lay down contractual terms which the actors are free to
accept or reject. In France, this is the case of the agreements between the health
insurance funds and the associations of private practitioners: the general practitioner
sends a letter stating that he accepts the overall agreement defining relations between
the funds and general practitioners; there is thus no specific contract linking the
practitioner to a health insurance fund.

- Other framework agreements are intended more as instruments that determine the
broad lines of contracts, leaving it to the actors to define, within this framework, their
specific contractual relations. For example, the major national NGOs and the religious
organizations that own and manage numerous health facilities in developing countries
have realized that their isolation neither helps to make their work more efficient nor
benefits the health system as a whole.108 In order to escape this isolation, some of
these organizations have entered into contractual arrangements with health authorities
in order to obtain official recognition for their health facilities. However, here again
they have realized that the impact of such contractual arrangements is limited and that
they themselves are institutionally fragile. For these reasons, they wish to incorporate
these contracts into framework agreements that will serve as a reference for the
negotiations on their specific contractual arrangement.

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The relationship between the State and the Catholic Church in
Burundi109

In Burundi, the Catholic Church operates 20% of health facilities; the State and
the Church collaborate. The State: i) automatically approves the facilities and
supervises them, ii) provides access to training, iii) exempts drugs from tax and
iv) provides subsidies. Despite this, relations between both partners are fraught:
subsidies have remained at the levels established in the 1960s, there is a deadlock
within the Government and as for the Church, it is not particularly open about its
activities. Both partners wish to overcome these difficulties by normalizing and
formalizing their relationship in an agreement currently under negotiation. Once
this framework agreement has been signed, it will provide each actor with a
reference that will allow them to establish contractual relations in the field. This
joint reference is important, because it legitimizes the specific contractual
arrangements.

Even if the length of the process can be partly explained by the country's internal
problems, it should be emphasized that negotiations between partners as different
as the Church and the Ministry of Health take time, since it is essential to create
an atmosphere of trust necessary for a smooth dialogue.

Once again, these documents bind the actors involved in different ways. Even if a
French general practitioner is free not to join the agreement, this choice can have
enormous consequences in practice. These framework agreements sometimes take the
form of a Memorandum of Understanding (MOU): for example, under the DOTS TB
control strategy, Stop TB at WHO Headquarters advises the Ministry of Health to sign
an MOU with private practitioners, setting the terms of collaboration between the
public and private sectors. It is then up to private practitioners to sign the contract for
the implementation of the DOTS strategy.

The choice between one view or the other rests on the concept of subsidiarity: which
capacities do the mutual insurance societies want to hand over to their union or
federation? Either they confer on the latter a large part of their bargaining power, at
the risk of depriving themselves of many of their prerogatives in negotiations with
care providers, or they simply subscribe to a mandate vesting in them responsibility
for coordination and overall guidance, while preserving their own negotiating
prerogatives.

• These contractual policies, just like framework agreements, also need to mesh with an
array of legislation and regulations that enable them to operate. For example, a contractual
policy defines the main terms of contracting with NGOs by stipulating that contracting
may involve either delegation of management authority or association with a public
service. One solution might be to require an NGO managing a health facility to create a
subsidiary NGO simply for the purpose of managing that facility; alternatively, it might
create a separate accounts department associated through a reciprocal account with the
parent NGO.

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Laws and
regulations

Framework--
Contractual convention
policies

Contractual Contractual Contractual Contractual Contractual
arrangements arrangements arrangements arrangements arrangements

Once this necessary linkage between specific contractual arrangements and contractual policy has
been accepted, we need to examine the strategy that leads to this situation. A "top-down" approach
consists of initially setting contractual policy and then turning it into specific contractual
arrangements. While this strategy is certainly coherent and Cartesian, it is not always effective: there
is a risk of the policy being put into practice ex nihilo. An alternative, "bottom up" approach consists
of allowing specific experiments to go ahead and on the basis of their successive evaluations,
gradually to consolidate increasingly broad contractual policies.

Recent examples of the use of these concepts and instruments reveal complex situations. In some
cases, it is because the actors involved in specific contractual arrangements become aware of the limits
of their approach that they suggest a more systemic one.

- This frequently happens with the "framework convention" approach; for example, in Burundi
as well as in Uganda, the churches believe that specific contractual arrangements require case-
by-case negotiations which are often arduous. What is more, each contractual agreement is
considered exceptional, since the contractual strategy is not part of the national health policy.
To offset these drawbacks, the churches want to set up a frame of reference for their
negotiations that will provide force and credibility to the contractual arrangements that will
subsequently be drawn up;

- In contrast, some prefer to perfect contractual relations through specific contracts, to show
the worth of this approach and only then to establish it as the principle through which the
health system operates through a contractual policy that is formalized in a national health
policy (for example, GTZ in Madagascar and Swiss cooperation in Benin). Thus, specific
contractual arrangements, by which we mean a stage that must be superseded, may prove to be
a useful strategy, preferable to the prior development of a purely theoretical contractual policy
that will not be followed by any acts.

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National health policy

Overall contractual policy at the national level
"Top -down" approach

"Bottom-up" approach
Contractual policy
at the local level or in a
specific area

Experience Experience Experience
A B C

However, reality no doubt lies somewhere in the middle. As with the chicken and the egg, it hardly
matters what comes first. The process will be fuelled by mutual feedback. The gradual consolidation
of these experiences will enhance the specific contractual policies which in turn will nurture
experience in the field. Global contractual policy, based on these initial experiences, will be enhanced
by reflection in each area, enabling it better to fulfil its guiding role. These approaches should not be
set against each other, but used to develop a mutually beneficial dynamic.

Finally, it is worth highlighting the importance of cooperation in developing contractual policies.
Contrary to hierarchical models that underlie certain relations, contractual policies presuppose
cooperation, negotiation and the search for consensus. The more this cooperation is present during the
development of a contractual policy, the greater the likelihood of contractual practices complying with
it.

4. THE ROLE OF THE STATE

In response to the development of contracting, the State may adopt a “laissez-faire” strategy. It puts its
faith in market forces to ensure that contractual relations that tie actors together are advantageous to
the health system.

The State may also decide that the best outcome will not be achieved without its intervention.
Contracting provides it with an opportunity to develop a form of intervention that follows other roads
than those of direct health service provision. In line with this rationale, the State assumes the key role
in contractual relations that tie all the system’s actors together. Contracting is therefore “neither
privatization, nor State withdrawal”. It is a tool for organizing health systems; it is up to the State to
ensure that it is efficiently and adequately used. The role of the State lies on two levels.

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4.1. The State as an Actor in a Contractual Relation

For the reasons often invoked above, the State no longer wishes to be the sole actor, yet at the same
time, neither does it wish to withdraw from providing and financing health services. Contracting is a
means of enabling it to reconcile these positions. In this case, the State becomes the signatory of the
contract it draws up with other actors:

• Provision of health services: the State wishes to maintain control of the country’s medical
cover without having to bear the full weight of financing and managing the health care
facilities. In this way, while maintaining ownership of these facilities, the State delegates
responsibility for their management. In the same way, the State can enable private providers,
who own health services, to join the public service. In either case, the State will not be
exploiting the health system, but, through the contractual tool, will nevertheless be the
contracting authority for medical cover.

• Out-sourcing health services: rather than carrying out certain activities itself, the State decides
to purchase them from an actor, generally from the private sector. The resulting contracts are
of the “service contract” type, in which the State pays an actor to provide a given product.
This purchase strategy can be applied at two levels depending on the object of the purchase:
- purchase of a finished product, i.e. a health service which is provided by a provider who
may or may not operate from a medical facility;
- purchase of production factors: laundry, catering, maintenance, security, etc.
By purchasing these services, even if the State is no longer the direct producer, it remains the
contracting authority.

• Procuring health services within the State apparatus: to avoid the drawbacks of concentrating
all functions within the same entity, the State may separate the functions of provision and
funding by creating specific entities. This division, even if partly artificial, will have the virtue
of enabling each protagonist – providers and financiers – to negotiate with the other. This
negotiation based on competition or on trust,110 should lead to contractual arrangements that
will improve the efficiency of the health system. By creating specialized agencies with the
public budget at their disposal, the State has the means of compelling public or private health
service providers to compete with one another.111

Contractual cooperation: under this rationale the State remains active. Such contractual cooperation
can take various forms, from joint management of medical facilities’ through contractual relations
such as “franchising”, to even more complex systems such as “performance contracts”, “framework
contracts”, or “care networks”. In all these cases, however, the State is a directly and actively
implicated actor. It comes down to combining each partner’s efforts with the aim of jointly providing a
product, even if each actor’s contribution is specific.

This strategy, where the State becomes a joint-actor, has many merits in terms of improving
managerial efficiency, especially in reducing the gap between decision-making and producing health
services. Nevertheless, many analysts also draw attention to its limits and constraints.112 For example,
hospital autonomy, which without a doubt leads to better management within each structure, may at a
higher level lead to the fragmentation of health policies and higher transaction costs if the State wants
to be able play its supervisory role.

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In addition, without being directly party to a contractual relation, the State may stand surety. In the
case of a mutual health insurance that signs a contract with a health centre belonging to an NGO, the
contractual relation does not directly involve the State and yet the latter cannot disregard it. In order to
show the population that this contractual arrangement is part of the rationale of national health policy
and that it works in their favour, the State can support it by giving official approval 113 to the
contractual relation. In effect, the State will be the joint-signatory of the contractual relation, but not at
the same level as the protagonists; the State will not interfere in the contractual relationship between
the protagonists. It will not be held responsible for failure to reach the objectives, but it will be able to
intervene at any time, especially by withdrawing its support.

4.2 The State as Regulator of Contractual Relations

The State’s role in contracting does not end with its direct involvement in a specific contractual
relation. Admittedly, this involvement may help to improve the health systems’ performance.
Nevertheless, States are also aware of the limits of their direct involvement, and measure the
importance of action by all other actors, whether they belong to the public sector, such as
decentralized local authorities, or to various private sectors, as well as populations themselves.

Increasingly, these various actors interact, sometimes by associating themselves with the State, but
more often not. This diversification of actors, and the separation of roles that accompanies it,
necessarily leads to the emergence of numerous interactions between actors, which they seek to
formalize in contractual arrangements in order to protect themselves vis-à-vis their commitments. Can,
or should the State wash its hands of any responsibility? Since health is a common good, it cannot and
should not. There are several justifications for state intervention in this field:

- Non-intervention may lead to the sub-optimal use of contracting by actors: after years of
being accustomed to operate in isolation, health actors have become used to this situation.
For example, certain NGOs, out of fear of losing their independence, prefer not to enter
into relations with other health actors.114

- Non-intervention may lead to contractual relations that are harmful to populations:
unscrupulous health actors may agree on something to the detriment of the population; for
example, actors with a sphere of influence in a certain geographical area may agree on the
price of drugs, prescribe lab tests or X-rays, the length of stay in hospital, etc. Admittedly,
blatant cartels that run counter to medical deontology can easily be controlled. However,
these agreements are often insidious.

Regulating contractual relations is part of the rationale of State reforms that are taking place in several
countries. The State’s role is being reconsidered, particularly in social sectors; the thrust of this, after
many years of privatization often advocated by particular international organizations, has now turned
towards a strong State whose functions are more in line with pursuit of the general interest rather than
providing or financing a service. The health sector, like education, cannot avoid this general approach;
the State, through the Ministry of Health, must set out to perform this stewardship function. As stated
in the World Health Report 2000: Health Systems – Improving Performance (WHO), the State should
take the helm rather than row. This current reflection on the State's stewardship is not new. As R.B.
Saltman and O. Ferroussier-Davies (2000)115 point out, this issue had already been addressed by J.J.
Rousseau in the 18th century, then by M. Weber at the beginning of the 20th century and more recently
by the school of public choice in the United States during the 1970s. We will retain the suggested
definition: stewardship is “a function of a government responsible for the welfare of the population,
and concerned about the trust and legitimacy with which its activities are viewed by the citizenry”116.

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In keeping with this rationale, the State must regulate contractual relations so that they are in the
general interest and improve the health system’s performance. Before analysing the practical details of
how the State performs this function, it is worth first of all agreeing on the concept. We will refer to
the definition by L. Kumaranayaka (1998), “Regulation occurs when government controls or
deliberately tries to influence the activities of individuals or actors through manipulation of target
variables such as price, quantity and quality”117. Here we adopt this broad view of regulation, which
also includes control and monitoring mechanisms as well as incentives.118 We need to bear in mind the
spirit of regulation; it should always keep sight of its objectives, which are to ensure the health
system’s performance, namely to provide efficient and equitable care, and to be mindful of the
population’s needs. Regulation should therefore not be a handicap; some say it should adopt the carrot
and stick approach, while others refer to an iron hand in a velvet glove.

Although there seems to be broad agreement on this ultimate objective, the methods by which
regulation can be carried out vary. Some fall under the rationale of agency theory, namely the State –
the principal – seeks the means by which it can influence agents – autonomous institutions, local
authorities, even private providers – in order to persuade them to achieve the aims laid down by its
health policy.119 Others place regulation within the rationale of cooperation, where actors seek to join
efforts to achieve objectives they have defined together.

In practical terms, the methods which the Government uses to regulate contractual relations are the
following:

A – Following-through contractual relations

• A legal framework: the State must ensure that the country’s legislation permits contracting. It
must also take the necessary steps to facilitate contractual relations. For example, it is not
unusual for health actors to abandon efforts to establish contractual relations due to difficulties
with a punctilious administration; relations remain informal, even though it would be more
beneficial to formalize them. This legal framework will define the “decision space”120,121
available to each actor. This framework will undoubtedly vary considerably between
countries, depending on the institutional reforms they are involved in. For example, in
Colombia, the law authorizes newly autonomous hospitals to sign contracts with private health
insurance systems, while a similar law does not allow this in Chile.

• Competition: competition is not always the most appropriate means of conducting a
contractual relation. However, when it concerns service contracts by which an actor purchases
health services from a provider, for example, it is up to the State to ensure that prior
agreements are not the rule and that the field remains open. Formerly, economists referred to
perfect competition as the guarantee of good competition. Today, the term contestable
markets122 is preferred; competing pressure can be exerted by the threat of a new actor
entering the market or through actors who are already there. These actors may be few in
number. It is up to the State to ensure a contestable market, both theoretically (the competing
actors actually exist) and in practice (there is no prior agreement between actors).

• Control: the State may monitor the contractual relations established between actors. Without
interfering in the implementation of contracts, the State may nevertheless ensure that their
implementation goes according to plan and benefits all parties, including the population
concerned. This contract monitoring can be carried out at the request of the parties involved,
or by decision of the State.

39

• Accreditation: ahead of contractual relations, the Government may help to establish a system
of accreditation which, among other things, facilitates contractual relations.

Accreditation
Accreditation is not:
• A planning procedure: this consists of determining the level of service to be introduced in
a given geographical area and for a defined period of time, in accordance with the health
needs and the installations already in place. Health maps are the main tool for this type of
planning.
• An authorizing procedure (licensing123): this allows a health facility to carry out an
activity. It is issued by a governmental authority; it defines the minimum standards that
have to be reached by those receiving authorization. It can take different forms:
- administrative: the State guarantees that activities undertaken by the said entity will
not harm populations; generally, this authorization is granted by an official
organization in charge of the “interior”; thanks to this authorization – some refer to
“habilitation” or “homologation” – a health establishment may open its doors to the
public. The authority issues the right to practice:
- technical and/or financial: for example, procuring expensive equipment may require
prior authorization from the administration in charge of health;
- deontology: certain activities are prohibited: for example abortion after a certain
number of weeks of pregnancy, human cloning, etc.
• A certification procedure: this ensures that the quality of a system conforms to ISO9000
norms, granted by a qualified and independent organization, and provides written
confirmation that a product, process or service conforms to specific requirements*.

Accreditation, sometimes called “approval”, started in the United States and has spread to countries
such as Canada, Australia and France (since 1996). Despite certain differences between countries,
accreditation aims to:
- provide recognition of the quality of an establishment; it is formal recognition of a health
establishment’s ability to carry out procedure of recognized quality; a normative function.
- ensure continued improvement in the quality and safety of care; an incentive function. In
this sense, accreditation is a tool for change.

In addition, in order to guarantee its independence vis-à-vis the authorities (supervision), the health
funding agencies and of course the health establishments, accreditation is generally entrusted to a
specific entity: Joint Commission on Accreditation of Healthcare Organisations (JCAHO) in the
United States, National Agency for Accreditation and Evaluation in Health (ANAES) in France,
Australian Council on Health Care Standards (ACHS) in Australia, King's Fund organisational audit in
England, Canadian Council on Health Services Accreditation (CCHSA) in Canada, Japan Council for
Quality Health Care (JCQHC, 1995).

Accreditation is an external review of a health establishment, which takes into account the entirety of
its operation and practices. While basing itself on standards set at each country’s level, in general with
the cooperation of health system actors, the accrediting organization evaluates:
- the medical facility's resources: the suitability of the facility (premises, equipment, etc.),
control of production processes and allied processes (drugs, blood, etc.);
- procedures: professional practices (diagnosis and treatment, organization of work, etc.);

40

- results: results in terms of improvement of health, patient satisfaction, etc.

However, what really distinguishes it from certification, is that accreditation is the driving force
behind the continued development of quality within the health establishment and is not merely a one-
off external evaluation mechanism. Recommendations put forward by the accrediting organization are
also guidelines for change that will lead to an improvement in quality.

What does accreditation involve for health structures? We can highlight the following situations:
• The first is when accreditation involves both the internal management and external reputation
of the health establishment, without the result of accreditation necessarily having a formal
influence on supervisory and financing organizations.
• The second is when accreditation is explicitly linked to obtaining a contract or funding, which
are essential to its existence. In the United States, to be entitled to provide care for patients
benefiting from Medicare (elderly people), hospitals must comply with health standards set by
the accreditation system. On the whole, there is a clear tendency to establish a specific link
between accreditation and procedures for financing establishments. In this way, accreditation
has become a condition for developing contractual relations; before beginning negotiations,
the actors involved must have received accreditation. It is thus possible that, in future, the
capacity to develop contractual relations in general or in certain specific fields will be one of
the indicators on which accreditation is based.
• The third is when accreditation is not formally used to plan or determine financing but forms
part of the elements of the negotiation. For example, in France, an establishment’s
accreditation report is officially submitted to the Regional Hospital Agency (l’Agence
Régionale d’Hopitalisation (ARH)) which also negotiates contracts specifying targets and
means between itself and the health establishments; the accreditation report is not an official
part of the contractual negotiation, but is part of the dialogue on which the negotiation is
based. Thus, accreditation can play a vital role in contractual relations. As C. Mathy124 points
out, accreditation constitutes an ex ante signal which reveals the quality of the product and of
the contracting structure. It reduces the risks for the other party, which is already assured of
the “ranking”, competence and even efforts of its future partner. It makes it possible to reduce
the post-contractual checks, and so lowers the costs of cooperation.

* Definitions:
- norm: a set of rules for conformity which are enacted by a standardization organization
- standard: a set of recommendations developed and recommended by a group of
representative users

• An information system: The State is responsible for setting up an efficient information system for
contractual relations. This information system may consist of several elements: i) registration of
contracts: since the contracts relate to a particular good – in this case health – the Government
should at least have a copy of all contracts signed by health actors; ii) analysis of contracts: as
with all sources of information, the Government should carry out statistical analyses of contracts
(the number of contracts signed in the country, the actors involved, the value of the contracts
involved, the type of contract, etc.); ideally, this analysis should be included in a national
information system, which is rarely the case today.

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• Audit: evaluating each step is a special feature of contracting. However, internal audit, i.e. that
carried out by actors who are party to the contractual relation, is in adequate. It is advisable to
carry out external audits which will provide an assessment both of the contractual relation and its
impact and results. Only this type of audit makes it possible lay firm foundations on which to base
future actions and persuade new actors to become involved for sound reasons.125 Once again, the
State must ensure external and neutral audit.

• Training: as with any new tool, users need to acquire skills. A closer look at some experiments, in
particular analysis of certain contracts, shows a marked lack of professionalism, whose likely
outcome is failure of the experiment, not because of contracting per se, but because of its misuse.
Contracting calls on several concepts, developed by different disciplines (law, economics, public
health, political and administrative science, etc.). A sound understanding of these tools is needless
to say a prerequisite for successful experiences. The State should therefore ensure that each actor,
including itself, has this understanding. Training, in all its forms, is the means of doing so.126

• Mediation of conflicts: conflict is inherent to contractual relations. Actors must, at their level, do
everything possible to resolve conflicts. In extreme cases, they may resort to legal measures.
Between these two extremes they can also resort to official mediation. The State must be capable
of performing this role, which very often proves to be delicate. This role will be made easier
whenever the State has the trust of the actors involved.

B – Incentives

The State may influence contractual relations through incentives. By adopting the definition of a
contractual arrangement given above, through appropriate incentives, the State may influence actors’
decision-making by inviting them to reconsider the value of entering into contractual relations. The
Ministry of Health might decide to tie the award of subsidies, grants, or tax exemptions, to the
signature of contracts. For example, the Ministry of Health will only allocate free vaccines to doctors
who have signed a contract with it to set up practice in rural areas.

Incentives may be even stronger: in France, for example, the Ministry of Health will only grant certain
subsidies to a hospital (public or private) if it signs a contract relating to targets and means with the
relevant Regional Hospital Agency. The Hospital is then legally obliged to enter into a contract. This
example is noteworthy; from a strictly legal angle, “obligation” and “contract” are paradoxical terms;
obligation contradicts the concept of a contract, which is interpreted as a voluntary alliance between
independent partners.

Incentives do not contradict contracting, provided they do not cause major imbalances in relations
between actors. It is true that in some cases, these relations are so imbalanced that it is debatable
whether they are still freely agreed-upon contractual arrangements.

Incentives are relevant in all contractual policies that aim to persuade the private sector to work
together with the public sector. This strategy is, for example, adopted in certain Asian countries to
implement the DOTS strategy: as an incentive to sign contracts with it, the Ministry of Health offers
benefits to those who do.

The incentives that a Ministry of Health may use are mainly financial.127 However, the Ministry of
Health may also use other means: for example, official approval, which consists of the Ministry of
Health recognizing a contract between actors.

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C – Contractual policies

Developing, implementing and evaluation of contractual policies is the State's, and in particular the
Ministry of Health’s responsibility. The latter should be the prime instigator of contractual policies.
This role reflects one of the primary functions of the health system: stewardship. This function, whose
importance was highlighted in the World Health Organization's (WHO) World Health Report 2000,
vests in the State legitimacy to direct national health policy, even though to do so requires the
participation of all those involved. Thus the authoritarian State, acting through the general, impersonal
and coercive rule of law, is less and less adapted to the context of modern societies which are
characterized by their growing complexity. A modern State is one that no longer issues orders from on
high, but agrees to negotiate with its social environment. Modern law should make greater provision
for “regulating-legislation” (flexible, reflexive, responsive, etc.), and no longer claim to be all-
regulating but simply create (open) frameworks of negotiation in which democracy can operate. In
practice, this is no easy matter. The State must simultaneously guarantee the consistency of national
health policy while allowing room for singularity. In this respect, it is difficult for it to be a real
partner, that is to say an actor like any other. Even if it accepts contracting it is almost always a
separate partner, beyond and above the parties, that reserves the right to intervene. Only practical
experience, based on mutual respect, will make it possible to strike a balance.

The development, implementation and evaluation of contractual policies offers a powerful lever for
regulating contractual practices because it provides the Ministry of Health with the means to
supervise, channel and harmonize the contractual relations that develop between actors. Having
accomplished that, the Ministry of Health reduces its expenditure on monitoring contractual practices
and limits departure from the norm.

Regulation as such constitutes a far-reaching change in the Government’s role; it should focus on
taking the helm rather than on rowing. These different forms of regulation require many resources that
are often not available in the Ministries of Health in developing countries; financial resources of
course, but above all, human resources. Contracting is a demanding approach, especially in terms of
skills. Thus developing countries – and especially their governments – rarely have the means to meet
these new demands,128 qualified human resources in this field are generally non-existent or lacking;
the experience from which they derive their training, is often inadequate or non-existent; guidance
materials for action in the field do not exist;129 and training facilities are still at the planning stage.

In addition, the Ministries of Health, insofar as they plan to promote a redistribution of roles among
health actors, should look at their own functional, administrative and financial organization in order to
adjust it to the newly implemented policy. This revision of the organization chart, which can be carried
out gradually, especially in the case of a process of decentralization, is often a source of internal
conflict.

The stakes are high; if the Government is not able to perform its stewardship function, which is
expressed in its capacity to regulate contractual relations, there will be every reason to expect
contracting rapidly to become an ineffective, or even harmful, tool for the organization of health
services. Contracting may fall into disrepute in the following ways:

- increased transaction costs: to protect themselves against malicious intent and
opportunistic behaviour, actors will be forced to develop every aspect of their contractual
relations and provide for all possible eventualities, leading to more protracted
negotiations, drafting and monitoring of the implementation of contracts. This will result
in increased transaction costs which may offset the expected benefits of the contractual
relation;

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- corruption: the weakness of the Government, but also that of other actors, opens the door
to all forms of corruption. If they are aware that their contractual arrangements are not part
of a “framework”, actors may be tempted by all sorts of corruption. Corruption during
negotiations, corruption while drawing up the contract (a skilled expert can easily use
ambiguous wording), corruption while signing (whoever is authorized to sign, is
corruptible), corruption during implementation (withholding information, false audits,
etc.);
- new markets for the distribution of financial resources: if the State is not careful,
contracting may quickly become a new market for the distribution of resources. In some
countries we can already see that actors have realized that access to resources is passing
through different channels. Previously, access to resources followed administrative routes.
If today access to resources is via contracting, skilled actors will be quick to offer their
services in a contractual form and exploit naive clients.

The State's role is therefore particularly important and shapes the future of this approach. In
response to this dynamic, developing countries are without a doubt much less equipped than
developed countries. They need to develop skills in this field as a matter of urgency. The
international community must play its role and provide the means to take on these new
challenges. To do this, resources and experience must be shared. As C. Ham (2000)130 states in
the conclusion to his work: “ Most countries are dealing with health-care reform as if each was
on Mars. Few have tried to learn from others… This indifference to the international face of
doctoring is a huge mistake… there are lessons to be learnt from looking at different ways of
paying for and delivering the goods. Instead of each country trying out its own experiments,
they should be studying each other’s for ideas and pitfalls”. These remarks, that address the
overall problem of health systems reform, are particularly appropriate to the field of
contracting.

5. LESSONS DRAWN FROM EXPERIENCE

Development of contracting, particularly in the developing countries, is but recent. Experiments are
still under way. However, they have frequently been begun on the fringes of the health system and of
national health policy; this makes it easy for us to understand that their advocates have not sought to
publicized their results. Besides, some of these experiments, and frequently the most innovative
among them, are so recent that we lack the necessary detachment to assess their scope. Consequently,
in the comings years as these experiments go ahead, we should expect more and more information and
evaluations to become available to enable us to determine the appropriateness of this tool as a means
of improving health systems performance. Each of the actors involved in these experiments needs to
bear in mind that the experience he has garnered from the process needs to be brought to the attention
of the international community in order to build up our collective capacity.

However, despite our present lack of distance, we are still in a position to draw some lessons from
experiments involving contracting. They provide us with some valuable ideas about the areas in which
action should be carried out if we want the tool offered by contracting to serve as a cost-effective
means of improving health systems performance.

We shall now focus on ten points. This is not an exhaustive approach but rather an attempt to bring out
those elements political decision-makers need to bear in mind when planning to use contracting as a
tool for implementing their national health policy. Many of them take up elements already addressed
in the text.

44

1. Commitment by the State

Contracting is an innovative approach that brings about a far-reaching change in relations between
actors in health at all levels of the health system. If the State - by which we mean not only the
decision-making authorities at the Ministry of Health but also the Government and all the components
of the State apparatus - fail to lend their support to this new vision, any action undertaken in the field
is at any moment likely to be called into question or at the very least remain at the experimental stage,
in other words, an exception. At the very least, the State must make it possible for the experiments to
go ahead without interference, i.e. without being under suspicion from the outset. Obviously, it will be
preferable for the State to show that it strongly supports the approach so that all the actors receive a
clear message encouraging them to adopt the same rationale.

However, it is also important that at the same time the State should make it clear that contracting does
not entail either privatization or the State's withdrawal. If contracting is seen as a Trojan Horse for
privatization, then there is every reason to expect some partners to be reluctant to agree to the State's
playing a regulatory role. If Chad is able to begin with its partners a dialogue based on trust, it is no
doubt because it has clearly set out its commitment to contracting by including it as one of the twelve
strategic orientations of its national health policy131 and by stating, in a slogan, that contracting is
"neither privatization nor withdrawal".

2. The diversity of contractual arrangements

We should emphasize that all the contractual relationships described here possess one common
objective: to improve health systems performance. The individual concerns of partners must be set
aside in favour of the general and collective interest; herein lies the importance of contracting for
health systems. Nevertheless, the experiments described diverge over how to attain that objective.
Some approaches adopt the hypothesis that competition between actors is a sine qua non for
contracting to achieve its aims; from this, it is assumed a priori that the absence of competition, which
is common in developing countries, must act as an impediment to use of the contractual tool.
However, several evaluations have shown that competition does not automatically guarantee
satisfactory results from contracting. In contrast, one prerequisite for an alternative approach is the
existence of trustworthy actors from whose synergy it seeks to reap the maximum benefit. Contracting
thus assumes that better organization of health services through improved coordination of collective
efforts will make it possible to attain the objective.

The diversity of means of attaining the objective must be recognized and is no doubt one of the tool's
strengths. It is important for political decision-makers to take stock of this diversity so that they may
take advantage of every opportunity. We have shown that while Cambodia is developing contracting
across the board in its health districts, Mali is introducing it only in health centres, France is
developing a form of contracting based on cooperation while New Zealand is basing it on competition.
In some cases, this is a deliberate strategy based on the country's underlying cultural considerations.
However, in others the situation is more fortuitous and the full range of opportunities offered by
contracting has not been tapped because of ignorance. Nevertheless, the decision to resort to one or
other of these means calls in every case for thorough study in order to determine the most appropriate
strategy. It is in this respect that national strategies take on their full importance, and it would be
mistaken to advocate one strategy rather than another.

3. Diversity in the development of contractual relations

At the origin of the idea of applying contracting to the health sector, at least in the form taken in the
developing countries, lay belief in the market principle, in other words competition as a means of
finding the best solution for the actors who had entered into a relationship. Competition was expressed
by means of the tools conventionally used by the market, such as calls for tenders. Nonetheless, in the
developed countries there were those who rapidly drew attention to the limits of such a relationship

45

based on pure competition and advocated a radical change in strategy based on trust; numerous
analyses of the British National Health Service have underscored the detrimental consequences of pure
competition; nowadays, the NHS is based more on cooperation and trust.132 Where the developing
countries are concerned, most analyses concur that, where the health sector is concerned, competitive
and transparent markets are frequently conspicuous by their absence. Consequently, while offering the
proper transparency, the developing countries, no doubt need to take the path of contractual relations
based on negotiations between partners who already have a reputation in the health sector. Their
reputation will be all the sounder if it is based on a system of technical accreditation of which all the
actors in the health sector approve.

Moreover, we need to recall the concept of enforceability to make certain distinctions between
contractual arrangements. Here too, political decision-makers need to bear in mind the diversity of
contractual relationships and to examine, without any a priori assumption, the most suitable
approaches for each situation. The society's cultural foundations will no doubt be an important
consideration; some countries will emphasize competition and the market while others will be more
sensitive to relations based on dialogue and negotiation.

4. The risk of under-estimating the difficulties

Once it has been adopted in principle, many actors see contracting as a tool which it is fairly easy to
master. Here are two illustrations of this: i) two actors who get on well will say that there is no need
for a complex contractual document, the existing good relations are sufficient a guarantee of good
relations in the future, and, ii) why not adopt a standard contract applicable to every case?133 Thus
S.Bennett et al.,134 have emphasized, in respect of evaluations bearing on relatively simple
experiments with contracting, that the actors have frequently underestimated the difficulties of the
contractual relationship.

- a contractual process takes time. There is a risk of the actors going too fast and wanting to
apply miracle solutions. Under pressure from the need to show results, actors are often
tempted to go far too fast, resulting in confusion and problems at each stage. It is important
that each actor should have fully understood each stage before going on to the next one. For
example, in Benin, the officials of the Health Development Support Programme (Swiss
Cooperation) point out that it took twelve months' discussions between the different partners,
although they also recognize that the period made it possible thoroughly to clarify each party's
role in the agreement signed.135

All the more time will be needed to direct each stage in the processes since contracting is a
new phenomenon and the actors are unable to rely on well established recommendations and
guidelines. They therefore have to invent at each stage. Although we might assume that the
lessons garnered from the experiments under way will make it possible to shorten some of the
stages, we must always bear in mind that it takes time to develop a contracting project, that
this time needs to be taken into account at the outset of the process and that leapfrogging
stages is always detrimental ;

- a contractual process is not over when the contract is signed: it is not uncommon for the
partners to have made considerable efforts during the preparatory stage of the contract, only
then to cease their efforts once it has been signed. For example, in Burkina Faso, the
agreement signed by the Ministry of Health and the Camillien Fathers' Delegation for the
establishment of new health facilities and determining their mode of operation has remained
virtually unknown; the commitments made by both parties are not used as a basis for
evaluating their relations. In fact, this agreement is more akin to accreditation that to a
contractual agreement.

46

5. Transaction costs

Contracting is never cost-free. It always entails costs for the actors involved, and this is true of all
stages in the process. During the preparatory phase of the contract, the future joint contracting parties
will need to spend a lot of time in meetings, to seek information to analyse both their situation and that
of their partners, prepare files etc. All of this involves expenditure, both direct and indirect. Once the
contract has been signed, implementation also involves costs, it is necessary to make sure that the
contracting parties are meeting their commitments, to settle conflicts, prepare reports, etc.

Ex ante, the actors will agree to a contractual relationship only if the benefits expected by each of
them from such a contractual relationship outweigh the costs involved. Ex post, the results show that
the costs, even when they have been taken into account, have been underestimated and are higher than
expected. In some cases, the costs even exceed the benefits achieved. For example, analysis of the
contracting of catering services for patients in some hospitals in Bombay (India)136 shows that the
reduction in the cost of catering services following the introduction of contracting was matched by a
marked decline in the quality of the service.

However, while it is never possible completely to eliminate the transaction costs of a contractual
relationship, we should nevertheless examine the methods by which they may be reduced. In this
respect, the nature of the contractual relationship is important. Recent trends within the British health
service towards greater cooperation rather than competition is in line with this trend.137 It has been
realized that a contractual relationship based on competition among service providers entails very high
transaction costs and opportunistic behaviour. The aim of the present system is to reduce these
transaction costs by placing greater reliance on cooperation and trust between partners. Similarly,
transaction costs may be reduced by working not only with each individual private partner, but with
groups of private partners where they exist.138 For example, it is possible first of all to negotiate with a
group or network of NGOs in order to determine the broad principles of contractual arrangements,
which will then circumscribe each contractual arrangement with the NGOs belonging to the network.
In the same way, the NGO network may exercise a degree of supervision over its members, thereby to
the same extent discharging the main actor from its supervisory function.

6. The need to build up contractual policies

Specific ad-hoc contractual arrangements may help to improve relations between actors and contribute
to improving the health system's efficacy. However, there is a significant risk of such specific
contractual arrangements producing results that are limited, if not harmful in certain circumstances. A
contractual policy, on the contrary, will provide a framework for specific contractual arrangements
and ensure they possess the necessary coherence to be effective.

Some countries have opted to define a contractual policy before starting with large-scale
experimentation (such as France and Great Britain, but also Chad and Mali); others, who are more
numerous, prefer to conduct experiments before settling on a contractual policy. Each of these
strategies has advantages and drawbacks; this makes it advisable to set a process in motion, rather than
attempting to impose one or the other strategy. However, it is generally recognized that uncontrolled
development of ad-hoc contractual arrangements results in disorganization of the health services. For
this reason, the International Labour Organization (ILO), whose mandate covers social protection for
workers (including protection of their health) and which has helped to set up micro-insurance schemes
in the developing countries in order to achieve this, has realized the importance of these micro-
insurance schemes, of establishing contractual relations with health care suppliers and above all, of
setting these relations within a national framework rather than within a framework at the level of each
micro-system.

47

7. The role of the State

Contracting is a tool for organizing the health services, responsibility for which, in the original and full
sense of the word, lies with the State. Contracting should always be regarded as a strategic option for
improving health systems performance. A systemic vision is alone capable of preserving this
objective. As an actor, the State is in a position to make judicious use of the contractual tool through
demonstration and the bandwagon effect, it will have a decisive influence on how the tool is used.
However, the State also has a duty to regulate contractual practices by exercising supervision over
contractual relations (definition of a legal framework, information, control, evaluation, training and
mediation systems), incentives, particularly financial ones, and for developing, implementing and
evaluating contractual policies.

As long as contracting remains an exception, its impact on the health system on the one hand will be
limited, as will the risks on the other. However, once contractual practices begin to take shape, the
risks deriving from lack of coordination increase and may ultimately destabilize the organization of
health services. At the same time as it encourages the development of contractual practices, the State
must ensure they are coordinated. Strengthening of the stewardship function, which is advocated in the
WHO World Health Report 2000, takes on its full meaning in this respect. If contracting is to be a tool
for improving health systems performance, the State must be capable of exercising its stewardship
function in respect of the general interest, which is not necessarily a central concern for partners
seeking to develop their relations.

8. The objectives of evaluation

Evaluation is one of the cornerstones of contracting, because of the need to determine whether the aim
of the contract has been complied with and its objectives attained. However, contracts frequently fail
to set out this need for evaluation. In this case, it seems as if the parties concerned have no desire to
equip themselves with the means of checking that they have met their commitments. Evaluation
remains outside the sphere of the contract, whereas it should be an integral part of it. For example, if
we look at the "agreement on association to the public health and social service" between the Ministry
of Public Health of Côte d'Ivoire and the Association for Community-Based Urban Health Facilities,
we see that both parties are required to exchange information but that no explicit provision is made to
evaluate the results, i.e. to compare the expected results and the actual outcome. As has already been
observed, the terms of the contract must clearly set out the objectives to be attained and the means to
be used to do so. As an integral part of this, the contract must define the indicators or performance
criteria that will make it possible to assess whether the objectives have been attained. In a manner of
speaking, if there are no methods of evaluation, then there is no contract because it is impossible to
check up on the actual commitment of each of the contracting parties. The contract them becomes a
declaration of intent, compliance with which rests solely on the good will of the actors. We should
certainly point out that in many cases, it is difficult to measure the results, making it difficult to agree
on performance criteria covering their multiple facets.139

Moreover, very recently, scientific journals have begun to publish articles on experiments that call on
contracting. This literature is a means of informing the international community of innovative
practices and of publishing information that has so far been non-existent. The literature also focuses on
the contractual process that has been introduced and the difficulties encountered. This assessment is
valuable and provides decision-makers with ways of avoiding the errors made by others. Nevertheless,
with few exceptions these evaluations do not enable us to appreciate the impact of contracting on
health systems performance. It is true that the experiments are in many cases so recent that we lack the
necessary detachment to conduct an evaluation. As time goes by, we should expect to see more and
more publications addressing this dimension. However, we should take steps now to fill this gap.

48

Haiti's experience of performance-based contracts with NGOs140

With the assistance of funding from USAID, since 1995 the Ministry of Health has signed contracts with local
NGOs to carry out activities, especially in the field of maternal and child health, reproductive health and family
planning. Very rapidly, the Ministry realized that paying the NGOs solely on the basis of proof of expenditure
was highly inefficient; consequently, it introduced performance-based payment.

To do so, indicators were determined to assess the population covered and the quality of health service delivery.
Reimbursement was then paid on the basis of performance.

The initial results show that not only has there been an improvement in the performance of the NGOs but also a
change in their attitude towards the Ministry, with a shift towards collaboration, whereas in the past the
relationship was that of "principal and agent".

Finally, as contractual policies are gradually introduced, the field of evaluation needs to shift from that
of specific contractual arrangements to analysis of contractual policies. In the developing countries,
this field is so far almost wholly unexplored. In the next few years an effort will need to be made,
because it is essentially in this area that we are able to appreciate whether contracting has had any
impact on health services organization and thus on the performance of a country's health system.

9. Technical capacity

Management of a contractual process, as well as the implementation and follow-up of a contractual
policy call for technical capacities in which the partners involved are still lacking. The lack of
technical skills in the fields of law, economics, public health and political science may prove
extremely detrimental to effective use of contracting and result in doubts about the desirability of a
contractual relationship, because of what is in fact a technical problem. For example, in South Africa,
where the provincial health authorities have signed contracts with private surgeons to work part-time
in public health facilities,141, evaluations have revealed considerable shortcomings in the capacity of
the authorities to draw up and then supervise the contracts signed. From an analysis carried out in five
countries (Ghana, Zimbabwe, India, Sri Lanka and Thailand), Mills et al. highlight this need to take
into account the ability of those involved at all levels if the contractual process is to bear fruit.142

It is therefore necessary to build up the technical capacity both of health actors and of the State,
particularly as regards the latter's role in regulating contractual practices. Various handbooks or guides
on this topic are starting to appear or being written. There are not yet enough of them. Many actors fail
to take action for lack of guidance and support; although they have realized the value of resorting to
contracting, they are also conscious of their technical shortcomings and prefer either to abandon or
postpone the idea.

10. The dangers of contracting

The transition from a system in which actors' roles are kept separate to one in which there are
interrelations between more and more actors brings about a far-reaching change in the actors'
behaviour. While it is possible to consider that contracting is a tool for building better relations
between the actors concerned, it may also have a downside that may cancel out its benefits. In this
respect, we have emphasized how excessive competition that encourages opportunistic behaviour may
fruitlessly overburden the transaction costs. In addition, there is always the possibility that corruption
may at any time sneak into the contractual process. Finally, it is also possible to view contracting as
but another rule of the game over access to health resources, in place of the traditional administrative
channels.

49

Consequently we must avoid the belief that contracting is a miracle solution which, by a wave of a
magic wand, will solve every problem that arises in the organization and performance of health
systems. A long road no doubt lies ahead before this tool, which brings about far-reaching changes in
the way health actors operate, manages to fully bear fruit. The gradual and collective learning process
is a guarantee of success. Evaluation of the experiments under way will enable us to lay down firm
foundations on which to build tomorrow's undertakings.

50

NOTES

1
For a detailed description of this integration of health systems functions, see Murray C.J.L., Frenck J. (2000)
"A framework for assessing the performance of Health Systems ", Bulletin of the World Health Organization,
2000, vol. 78, p. 717-731.
2
Muschell J. (1995): "Privatization in health", WHO/THE/TBN/95.1
3
WHO- OMS (1984) "Glossary of Terms used in the "Health for All" series N° 1-8", p.13.
4
The 1991 NHS reform inspired a multitude of articles in both the specialized and mass circulation press. Using
the Internet and a search engine (entering simply "NHS"), it is possible to come up with several hundred
documents. We shall simply mention a document on the redirection of the health service introduced when the
new Labour Government took power: Department of Health, The New NHS (London: HMSO, 1997)
5
Depending on the legal structure adopted, this management team will be more or less subservient to the
regulatory authority (the State) or the board of management
6
S.Affane, A.Allaoui (1998) "L'expérience de la République fédérale islamique des Comores", (the experience
of the Federal Republic of the Comoros) paper presented at the technical meeting Towards new partnerships for
the development of health in the developing countries: contracting as a policy tool, WHO/ICO, Geneva, 4-6
February 1998
7
As part of new entrepreneurial theories, these considerations are addressed in what is known as the property
rights theory. We should mention two seminal articles illustrating this theory: Alchian A.A: (1969) "Corporate
Management, and Property Rights", in H.Manne (ed.) Economic Policy and the Regulation of Corporate
Securities, American Economic Institute, Washington; Demetz H. (1967) "Toward a Theory of Property Rights",
American Economic Review, May
8
World Development Report 1999/2000 Entering the 21st Century chapter 5 "Decentralizing: Rethinking
Government".
9
Musgrove P. (1996) "Public and private roles in health: theory and financing patterns", The World Bank
discussion paper n°339, Washington
10
Mills A, Bennett S, Russell S (2001) "The challenge of health sector reform. What must Government Do?"
Palgrave. See, in particular chapter 1.
11
N. Hafez Afifi (2001) "Harnessing private participation in the health sector through active regulation. In
"Private participation in health handbook", module 4, The World Bank, (to be published)
12
Rondinelli M, Iacono M (1996) "Strategic management of privatization: a framework for planning and
implementation", Public Administration and Development, Vol. 16, 247 - 263
13
A clear distinction needs to be made between ownership of a structure and that of an infrastructure. Ownership
of an infrastructure concerns built items (buildings), non-built items (land and the principal investments).
Ownership of the structure concerns a legally autonomous economic unit which is organized to produce goods or
services. To take the case of a hospital: the structure may be that of an NGO which is recognized as the owner
who runs the hospital as an enterprise. However, the enterprise may or may not actually own the hospital
buildings, which may be someone else's property, for example another NGO. In this case, what matters, is
ownership of the structure and not of the infrastructure.
14
E.S. Savas (1990) "A taxonomy of Privatization Strategies", vol.18, n°2, 343-355

53

15
This disequilibrium is inherent to contracts such as franchises under which the franchiser has real power over
the franchisees; it is also present in a labour contract, where the power of the employer outweighs that of the
employee and in certain supply contracts when a firm has a monopoly over its suppliers who are entirely
dependent on it for their orders.
16
We owe this distinction to I.Macneil (1978) "Contracts: adjustments of long-term economic relationships
under classical, neoclassical and relational contract law", Northwestern University Law Review, 72: 854-905
17
For a detailed examination of good faith in relation to contracts, see the internet document: www2.univ-
lille2.fr/droit/documentation/pdf/jamet.pdf
18
An interesting application of this is given in, C.K.Lail "Contracting without courts: reviewing the past to deal
with the present in China", internet document.
19
Because they are unenforceable through the courts, some jurists refuse to recognize relational contracts as
contracts. However, this trend is changing and in recent years a considerable literature has developed. For a
detailed analysis of this viewpoint, see L. Rolland (1999) "Les figures contemporaines du contrat et le Code civil
du Québec", Revue de droit de McGill, Montréal, Canada
20
Economists refer to "transaction costs" meaning that the contractual relationship - in this case the transaction-
entails direct expenditure costs in money and time.
21
The Bardot maternity centre (Côte d'Ivoire), an experiment presented by the European Community at the
technical meeting Towards new partnerships for the development of health in the developing countries, WHO,
Geneva, February 1998
22
"Community-based health facilities (FSU-Com)", document of the Projet Santé Abidjan (PSA), Côte d'Ivoire
23
A.M. Zakir Hussain (1998) "A New Direction Towards Management of Health Care Delivery System",
Ministry of Health and Family Welfare, PHC Series - 31
24
N.Fronczak (1999) "Description and Assessment of Contracting Health Services Pilot Project", Basic Health
Services Project, MOH, Cambodia
25
Soeters R, Griffiths F (2000) "Can government health workers be motivated? Experimenting with contract
management: the case of Cambodia", communication presented at the international symposium on financing
health systems in low-income countries in Africa and Asia", France, Clermont-Ferrand 30 November - 1
December 2000
26
NGO "Santé sud" with the support of French Cooperation and the European Union. Assistance in setting up
makes provision for basic medical equipment. The applicant may also request a loan to purchase a motor bike
and a cash advance. The rural physician undertakes to comply with a set of «specifications» to satisfy the health
needs of his or her area of reference (treatment and prevention). He is required to make rounds on specific days
to the main villages and home visits.
27
M. Bura (1998) "Church-related Hospitals contracted as Designated District Hospitals: Tanzanian
Experiences", communication presented at the technical meeting Towards new partnerships for health
development in the developing countries, WHO, Geneva, February 1998
28
Y.Yeboah (1999) "Contracting: the case of Ghana from the perspective of the Christian Health Association of
Ghana (CHAG)", paper presented to the meeting organized by Medicus Mundi International Updating heath
care development cooperation, 5-7 November 1999, Dar Es Salam, Tanzania
29
K.Hanson, L.Atuyambe, J.Kamwanga, B.McPake, O.Mungule, F.Ssengooba (2002) "Towards improving
hospital performance in Uganda and Zambia: reflections and opportunities for autonomy", Health Policy, 61: 73-
94
30
Definition of the notion of public service or what others call, albeit with nuances, the general interest, is not an
easy matter and depends on different national contexts. However, what is sure is that the notion of public service

54

is based on the fact that because of their nature, objectives and the interests involved, certain activities in society
must be exempt from the rationale of the market and the search for profit, and be managed in accordance with
specific criteria ensuring everyone has access to certain goods and services and thus helping to ensure the
economic, social and cultural cohesion of society. (solidarity and equalization).
31
C.Bodart, B.Schmidt-Ehry (1999) "L'approche contractuelle comme outil de mise en œuvre des Politiques
nationales de santé en Afrique" (Contracting as a tool for implementing national health policies in Africa), GTZ,
Division 43
Ph. Senant, T. Kirsch-Woik (1998) "Aspects juridiques de l'approche contractuelle comme outil de mise
en œuvre d'une politique nationale de santé " (Legal aspects of contracting as a tool for implementing a
national health policy), paper presented at the meeting "Contracting as a tool for implementing national
health policies in African countries", Dakar, Senegal, 19-21 October 1998
Senant Ph, Kirsch-Woik Th (2000), "Evolution de l'approche contractuelle dans la province de
Mahajanga (Madagascar)" (Evolution of contracting in Mahajanga province, Madagascar), Paper
presented at the international symposium on Financing health systems in low-income countries in Africa
and Asia, France, Clermont-Ferrand, 30 November - 1 December 2000.
32
Andrews M, Schroeder L (2003) "Sectoral decentralisation and intergovernmental arrangements in Africa",
Public Administration and Development, Vol. 23, pp. 29-40
33
H.Achouri (2001) "Le projet d'appui à la réforme hospitalière: objectifs, impémentation, résultats et
enseignements" (The hospital reform support project: aims, implementation, results and lessons), La Tunisie
médicale, vol. 79, n°5
34
McPake B, Hanson K, (2000) "A model of the equity implications of reforms in Zambia", Paper presented at
the international symposium on "Financing health systems in low-income countries in Africa and Asia", France,
Clermont-Ferrand, 30 November - 1 December 2000.
35
Outsourcing: resorting to an outside operator to perform an activity which an actor has decided to cease
performing itself.
36
World Health report 2000: Health systems: Improving performance, p. 104 et seq.
37
Several examples of agreements between youth associations and the National AIDs Control Programme of the
Ministry of Health of Chad were presented at the Information seminar on contracting in the health sector in
Chad, N’Djamena - 4 and 5 November 1998
38
Marek T, Diallo I, Ndiaye B, Rakotosalama J (1999), "Successful contracting of prevention services: fighting
malnutrition in Senegal and Madagascar", Health Policy and Planning. 14(4)
39
As described by P.R. Shaw (1999) "New trends in Public Sector Management in health - Applications in
Developed and Developing Countries", World Bank Institute, April
40
Abramson W B (1999) "Partnerships between the public sector and nongovernmental organizations:
contracting for primary health care services", study carried out by Abt Associates Inc. as part of LAC Health
Sector Reform Initiative.
41
Lubben M, Mayhew S H, Collins C, Green A (2002) "Reproductive health and health sector reform in
developing countries: establishing a framework for dialogue", Bulletin of the World Health Organization, vol.80,
n°8, pp. 667-674
42
Kolehmainen-Aitken R-L (2000) "State of the practice: Public-NGO partnerships in response to
decentralization", LAC Health Sector Reform Initiative, N° 22.
43
Enthoven A C (1993) "The History and Principles of Managed Competition", Health Affairs, Supplement
44
For a detailed presentation see, Sara Bennett, Barbara McPake, Anne Mills (1997), op. Cit.
45
Saltman R B, and von Otter C (1992) Planned Markets and Public Competition: Strategic Reform in Health
Care. Milton Keynes: Open University Press

55

46
Enthoven A C (1985) Reflections on the Management of the NHS. London: Nuffield Provincial Hospital
Thrust
47
Le Grand J and Bartlett W (1993) Quasi-markets and social policy. The Macmillan Press, London
48
L.E. Brown and V.E. Amelung (1999) ""Manacled Competition": Market reform in German Health Care",
Health Affairs, Vol. 18, n°3, May/June
49
Strictly speaking, these terms are not equivalent. In systems with internal markets (Great Britain, New-
Zealand) purchaser and provider are considered t o be completely separate, and it is mandatory for the purchaser
to make a contract with the provider; in contrast, in systems in which there is managed competition (Netherlands,
United States), vertical integration of the purchaser and provider functions is possible (as is the case of the
Health Maintenance Organizations (HMO). On this topic see, C.M. Flood (2000) "International Health Care
Reform: a legal, economic and political analysis", Routledge Studies in the Modern World Economy, Routledge,
London and New York
50
For a recent evaluation, see Le Grand J (1999) "Competition, Cooperation, Or Control? Tales From
The British National Health Service", Health Affairs, Vol. 18, N°3, May-June 1999
51
The White paper for the new NHS may be consulted on the Internet: web site of the U.K. Department of
Health on 2 October 2000: http://www.official-documents/doh/newnhs/wpaper.htm
52
Department of Health. (2002) "Delivering the NHS Plan: Next Steps on Investment, Next Steps on Reform"
Cm 55 03. Stationery Office, Norwich
53
Lewis R. Gillam S. (2003) "Back to the market: yet more reform of the national health service", International
Journal of Health Services, Vol.33, Number 1, pages 77-84
54
Light D. W. (2001) "Comparative institutional response to economic policy managed competition and
governmentality", Social Science and Medicine, 52: 1151-1166
Light D.W. (2001) "Managed competition, governmentality and institutional response in the United Kingdom",
Social Science and Medicine, 52: 1167-1181
Lieverdink H. (2001) "The marginal success of regulated competition policy in the Netherlands", Social
Science and Medicine, 52: 1183-1194
Andersen R., Smedby B., Vagero D. (2001) "Cost containment, solidarity and cautious experimentation:
Swedish dilemmas", Social Science and Medicine, 52: 1195-1204
Cabiedes L., Guillén A. (2001) "Adopting and adapting managed competition: health care reform in Southern
Europe", Social Science and Medicine, 52: 1205-1217
Gross R., Harrison M. (2001) "Implement ting managed competition in Israel", Social Science and Medicine,
52: 1219-1231
Fougere G. (2001) "Transforming health sectors: new logics of organizing in the New Zealand health system",
Social Science and Medicine, 52: 1233-1242
Iriart C., Merhy E: E:, Waitzkin H. (2001) "Managed care in Latin America: the new common sense in health
policy reform", Social Science and Medicine, 52: 1243-1253
55
Harrison M.I., Calltorp J (2000) "The reorientation of market-oriented reforms in Swedish health care", Health
Policy, 50: 219 - 240
56
Larbi G.A. (1998) "Institutional constraints and capacity issues in decentralizing management in public
services: the case of health in Ghana", Journal of International Development, Vol.10, pp.377-386
57
Cassels A. (1995) "Health sector reform: key issues in less developed countries", Journal of International
Development, Vol.7, N°3, pp. 329-347
58
In some countries, these systems are a virtual State monopoly, as in France, while in others, there are
numerous insurance systems, as in Germany.
59
Hurst J.W. (1991) "Reforming health care in seven European nations", Health Affairs, Fall, 7

56

60
van de Ven W.P.M.M, Schut F.T., Rutten F.F.H. (1994) "Forming and reforming the market for third-party
purchasing of health care", Social Sciences and Medicine, Vol.39, N°10, pp. 1405-1412
61
Von der Schulenburg J.-M. G. (1994) "Forming and reforming the market for third-party purchasing of health
care: a German perspective", Social Science and Medicine, Vol.39, N°10, pp. 1473 1481
62
For example, the Internet site set up by ILO for Africa is worth consulting: http://www.concertation.org
63
A.Thiombiano (2000) "L'approche contractuelle et les services de santé décentralisés: l'expérience des
mutuelles de santé du Projet FAARF et les formations sanitaires au Burkina Faso" (contracting and decentralized
health services: the experience of the mutual insurance societies participating in the FAARF project and health
facilities in Burkina Faso), paper presented at the meeting on "Contracting and decentralized health services in
Africa, Dakar, 19-22 June 2000"
64
C. Vladescu, S. Radulescu (2001)"Improving primary health care: output-based contracting in Romania", Ch.6
in "Contracting for public services: output-based aid and its applications", Edited by P.J. Brook and S.M.Smith,
World Bank and International Finance Corporation
65
Criel B., Barry A.N., von Roenne F. (2002) "Le projet PRIMA en Guinée Conakry. Une expérience
d'organisation de mutuelles de santé en Afrique rurale" (The PRIMA project in Guinea Conakry: an experiment
at organizing mutual health insurance societies in Africa)
66
C.M. Flood (2000) Op.cit.
67
In 1988, A. Donabedian suggested approaching quality from three angles: the inputs offered by the provider,
the care-production process and the results obtained.
68
Capitation is one manner in which a health-service provider is paid by a fundholder: the latter pays the
provider an amount determined in advance on a per capita basis and paid for a period in the future. Using this
amount, the provider undertakes to provide all the care needed by the individuals for whom the sum has been
paid.
69
Telyukov A. (2001) "Guide to prospective capitation with illustrations from Latin America", LAC- Health
Sector Reform Initiative, N°5, http://www.americas.health-sector-reform.org
70
R. Bitran (2001) "Paying Health Providers through Capitation in Argentina, Nicaragua, and Thailand: Output,
Spending, Organizational Impact, and Market Structure", Partnerships for Health Reform (PHR), Major Applied
Research 2, Technical Paper N°.1
71
For a review of these services, see, A.Mills (1997) "Contractual relationships between government and the
commercial private sector in developing countries", ch. 12, in S.Bennett, B.McPake, A.Mills Private health
providers in developing countries, Zed Books, London
72
Bennett S., McPake B., Mills A. ((1997) "Private health providers in developing countries", Zed Books,
London and New Jersey. See, in particular, Chapter 12, pp. 189- 213.
73
Soeters R, Griffiths F (2000) "Can government health workers be motivated? Experimenting with contract
management: the case of Cambodia", paper presented at the international symposium "Financing health systems
in low-income countries in Africa and Asia", CERDI, Université d'Auvergne, Clemont-Ferrand, France. Soeters
R, Griffiths F (2002) "Improving government health services through contract management: a case from
Cambodia", to be published
74
Kolehmainen-Aitken R-L (2000) "State of the practice: Public-NGO partnerships in response to
decentralization", LAC Health Sector Reform Initiative
75
In particular, the journal "European Journal of Purchasing & Supply Management" has for several years been
a source of seminal articles. Although the field concerned is only rarely health, the concepts and tools developed
are of interest to the health sector.

57

76
D.Parker, K.Hartley (1997) "The economics of partnership sourcing versus adversarial competition: a
critique", European Journal of Purchasing & Supply Management, Vol.3, N° 2, pp. 115-125
77
Gilson L (2003) "Trust and the development of health care as a social institution", Social science & Medicine,
56, pp.1453-1468
78
Peacock S (1997) "Experiences with the UK National Health Service Reforms: A case of the infernal
market?", Centre for Health Program Evaluation, Australia
James C, Dixon M, Sobanja M (2002) "Re-focusing Commissioning for Primary Care Trusts" An NHS alliance
discussion paper, http://www.nhsallaince.org/docs
79
In this respect, see A.Cox (1996) "Relational competence and strategic procurement management: towards an
entrepreneurial and contractual theory of the firm", European Journal of Purchasing & Supply Management,
Vol.2, N°1, pp. 57-70, et I.Thompson, A.Cox, L.Anderson (1998) (1998) "Contracting strategies for the project
environment", European Journal of Purchasing & Supply Management, Vol.4, N°1, pp.31-41
80
In the sphere of business economics, this issue arises in respect of "subcontracting partnership", where the sub-
contractor producing the article on behalf of a principal helps to design the article.
81
M.Ingham (1994) "L'apprentissage organisationnel dans les coopérations" (Organizational apprenticeship in
cooperation), Revue Française de Gestion, N°97, pp. 105-121
82
According to the European Code of Ethics for Franchising, franchising is "a system of marketing goods and/or
services and/or technology, which is based on a close and ongoing collaboration between legally and financially
separate and independent undertakings, the Franchisor and its individual Franchisees, whereby the Franchisor
grants its individual Franchisees the right, and imposes the obligation to conduct a business in accordance with
the Franchisor's concept"
83
M.Makinen, Ch.Leighton (1997) "Summary of Market Analysis for a Franchise Network of Primary Health
Care in Lusaka, Zambia", Abt Associates and PHR, Technical Report 15, Washington
84
D.Montagu (2002) "Franchising of health services in low-income countries", Health Policy and Planning,
17(2), 121-130
85
A. Ruster, C. Yamamoto, K. Rogo (2003) "Franchising in Health", The World Bank, Public Policy for the
Private Sector, Note Number 263
86
Ph. Jean (2002) "Les associations de bénévoles" (voluntary associations) , Revue Hospitalière de France, n°
487, p. 18-23
87
For example, networks in the areas of perinatal care may be consulted on the Internet site of the Rhone-Alps
regional hospital agency: http://www.satelnet.fr/arhra
88
A.Green (1992) "An introduction to health planning in developing countries", Oxford University Press,
Reprinted 1995, 1996, 1997, 1998, 1999
89
G. Marcou, F.Rangeon, J.L. Thiébault (eds.) (1997) "La coopération contractuelle et le gouvernement des
villes"(Contractual cooperation and municipal government), L'Harmattan, Paris, France
90
In accordance with this approach, what matters is avoiding the errors made in the past. For example, the
introduction of cost recovery into the health sector without any coordination with the Ministry of Finance or
other sectors has led to many problems.
91
A.Brown (2000) "Current Issues in Sector-Wide Approaches for Health Development: Tanzania Case study",
OMS, WHO/GPE/00.6
92
DFID (2000) "Making the most of the private sector" Report to DFID (Department for International
Development), Seminar on 11 and 12 May 2000

58

93
In the world of industry, this strategy is increasingly common, and offers an alternative to that of merger/buy
out.
94
An economic interest group (GIE) is a legal entity under French law whose purpose is to employ, for a specific
period, of all the means necessary to facilitate or develop the activities of one of its members.
95
A.Telyukov, K.Novak, C.Bross (2001) "Provider payment alternatives for Latin America: concepts and
stakeholder strategies", N° 50, LAC-HSR, Health Sector Reform Initiative, http://www.americas.health-sector-
reform.org
96
This is quite akin to the notion used by Walsh, who distinguishes between contracts based on penalties and
those implying cooperation between the actors. Walsh K. (19985) "Public Services and Market Mechanisms.
Competition, Contracting and the New Public Management", Basingstoke: Macmillan
97
There is a wealth of literature on relational contracts. There are two seminal articles on the subject: I.Macneil
(1978) "Contracts: adjustments of long-term economic relationships under classical, neoclassical and relational
contract law", Northwestern University Law Review, 72: 854-905, et, O.Williamson (1979) "Transaction cost
economics: the governance of contractual relations", Journal of Law and Economics, 22: 233-261. The following
may also be consulted: N.Palmer (2000) "The use of private-sector contracts for primary health care: theory,
evidence and lessons for low-income and middle-income countries", Bulletin of the World Health Organization,
78, (6)
98
A noteworthy analysis of relational contracts between the health administration and general practitioners in
South Africa is to be found in: N.Palmer, A.Mills (2003) "Classical versus relational approaches to
understanding controls on a contract with independent GPs in South Africa", Health Economics, forthcoming
99
For a detailed analysis, see J.McHale, D.Hughues, L.Griffiths (1997) "Conceptualizing contractual disputes in
the National Health Service internal market", chapter 8 in "Contracts, co-operation, and competition", S.Deakin,
J.Michie, (1997), Oxford University Press
100
For the application of these concepts to an analysis of the British health system, see P.Allen, B.Croxson, J.A.
Roberts, K.Archibald, S.Crawshaw, L. Taylor (2002) "The use of contracts in the management of infectious
disease related risk in the NHS internal market", Health Policy, 59 pp. 257-281
101
N.Palmer, A.Mills (2003) "Classical versus relational approaches to understanding controls on a contract with
independent GPs in South Africa", Health Economics, vol.12 pp.1005-1020
102
Within the framework of games theory, and with particular reference to the prisoner's dilemma, economists
have shown that the actors' reputation is an element which favours cooperation. By not cooperating in the
contractual relationship, an actor damages his reputation and credibility and the trust placed in him by the other
actor, thus eliminating himself from the contractual process in the future and losing the future benefits of the
contractual relationship. See, for example, O.Williamson (1993) "Calculativeness, trust and economic
organization", Journal of Law and Economics, Vol.36, pp. 453-486 et D.Kreps (1990) "Game theory and
economic modelling", New-York Oxford University Press.
103
C. Chaserant (2002) "La coopération se réduit-elle à un contrat? Une approche procédurale des relations
contractuelles" (Can cooperation be reduced to a contract? A procedural approach to contractual relations),
Recherches économiques de Louvain, n°68 (4)
104
B.Lyons, J.Metha (1997) "Private sector business contracts: the text between the lines", chapter 2 in
"contracts, co-operation, and competition", S.Deakin, J.Michie, (1997), Oxford University Press
105
L.Saenz (2001) "Managing the transition from public hospital to "social enterprise": a case study of three
Colombian hospitals", LAC-HSR, Health Sector Reform Initiative, N° 46, http://www.americas.health-sector-
reform.org
106
This point is emphasized in the article by B.McPake, A.Mills (2000) "What can we learn from international
comparisons of health systems and health system reform?", Bulletin of the World Health Organization, 78 (6)

59

107
This 1996 order nevertheless poses a problem; it makes it mandatory for hospitals to draw up contracts with
the ARH. This legally imposed contractual requirement conflicts with the very notion of a contract, which is
based on the free will of the parties. This justifies use of the expression "supervised contracting" because the
legislator intervenes in the sphere of contractual relations by obliging the parties to form a contract and even
stipulating some of the clauses of the contracts.
108
Medicus Mundi International "Un contrat pour la santé: passer des contrats État - ONG: une stratégie
proposée par MMI pour améliorer les soins de santé" (A contract for health: State-NGO contracts: a strategy put
forward by MMI as a means of improving health care).
109
F.Bigirimana (2000) "Collaboration entre l'État et l'église catholique du Burundi dans le domaine de la santé"
(Collaboration between the State and the Burundi Catholic Church in the health sphere), paper presented to the
meeting "L'approche contractuelle dans les services de santé décentralisés en Afrique", Dakar, 19-22 June 2000

110
See, in this respect the evolution of the British Health Service.
111
Cassels, A (1995) "Health sector reform: key issues in less developed countries", Journal of International
Development, vol. 7, N°3, pp. 329-347
112
R. Bartley (1999) "The new public management in developing countries: implications for policy and
organizational reform", Journal of International Development, Vol. 11, pp 761 – 765

Ch. Polidano (1998) "Introduction: new public management, old hat?", Journal of International Development,
vol. 10, pp 373-375
113
Definition of a label: recognition of the quality of the services provided by an actor, or of the quality of a
contract between two actors; however, the State will not substitute itself for one of the actors should they fail to
comply.
114
S.A. Zaidi (1999) "NGO failure and the need to bring back the State" Journal of International Development
11, pp. 259-271
115
R.B.Salman, O. Ferroussier-Davis (2000) "The concept of stewardship in health policy", Bulletin of the World
Health Organization, 78(6)
116
WHO World Health Report 2000: Health Systems – Improving Performance, p. 119
117
L.Kumaranayake (1998) "Economic Aspects of Health Sector Regulation: Strategic Choices for Low and
Middle Income Countries", Ed: Departmental Publication N° 29, London: London School of Hygiene and
Tropical Medicine
118
Some make a distinction between regulation, seen as a form of government control, on the one hand and
incentives on the other.
119
Th. Bossert (1999) "Decentralization of health systems: decision space, innovation and performance", LAC
Health Sector Reform Initiative, n°17
120
Th.Bossert (1999) op. cit.
121
Th.J. Bossert, J.C. Beauvais (2002) "Decentralization of health systems in Ghana, Zambia, Uganda and the
Philippines: a comparative analysis of decision space", Health Policy and Planning, 17(1), pp. 14-31
122
W.J.Baumol (1982) "Contestable Markets: an Uprising in the theory of Industry Structure", American
Economic Review, vol.72, n°1. See also, J.P. Foirry (1997) "Économie publique" Les fondamentaux, Hachette,
Paris- France

60

123
A L Rooney, P R van Ostenberg (1999) "Licensure, Accreditation, and Certification: Approaches to Health
Services Quality", USAID, Quality Assurance Methodology Refinement Series
124
C Mathy (2000) "La régulation hospitalière" Médica Éditions, Paris, France
125
To simplify things these items have been presented separately. That does not mean that they are not related.
For example, it is obvious that advocacy is easier to carry out when there are solid factual grounds and the most
effective practices can be identified.
126
Although it is the State's duty to make this training available to actors, this does not mean that it has to do it
itself. Once again, it can resort to contracting to perform this task.
127
Although Ministries of Health make little use of these tools, development partners are beginning to use them.
Thus, in Haiti, USAID, which finances medical activities through contracts with NGOs, has introduced incentive
mechanisms in the form of subsidies for NGOs that fulfil the performance criteria set out in the contract. Eichler
R, Auxila P, Pollack J (2000) "Performance based reimbursement to improve impact: evidence from Haïti", LAC
Health Sector Reform Initiative, 44

128
Saltman R.B (2002) "Regulating incentives: the past and present role of the state health care systems", Social
Science and Medicine, 54, 1677-1684. One of the main conclusions of the article highlights that contracting is
not for a poor government.
129
There have nevertheless been a number of recent initiatives; J.E. Rosen (2000) "Contracting for reproductive
Health Care: a guide", Health, Nutrition, and Population, The World Bank, December 2000
130
Ch. Ham (ed.) (2000) "Health care reform: learning from international experience", State of health series,
Open University Press, Buckingham, Philadelphia
131
Chad: National Health Policy. Ministry of Public Health, 1998.
132
See, M.Goddard, R.Mannion (1998) "From competition to co-operation: new economic relationships in the
National Health Service", Health Economics, vol. 7
133
WHO has frequently received requests from actors in the field for standard contracts which, in the mind of the
applicants, could not but exist.
134
Bennett S, McPake B, Mills A (1997) "Private health providers in developing countries", London and New
Jersey, Zed Books.
135
Programme d'Appui au développement de la Santé (PADS). Les centres de santé communautaires (CSCOM):
concepts, hypothèses, viabilité et évaluation (Health-sector Development Programme (PADS). The Community
Health Centres (CSCOM): concepts, hypotheses, feasibility and evaluation). Swiss cooperation in Benin, Institut
Universitaire d'études du développement, Geneva.
136
Mills A (1997) "Contractual relationships between government and the commercial private sector in
developing countries", Ch. 12, in "private health providers in developing countries", Bennet S, McPake B, Mills
A. Zed Books, London and New Jersey
137
Goddard M, Mannion R (1998) "From competition to cooperation: new economic relationships in the
National Health Service", Health Economics, 7: 105-119
138
In the series "Notes for decision makers" by Partnerships for Health Reform (PHR), see the file entitled
"Collaboration with private providers in order to improve provision of priority services"
139
K.Slack, W.D. Savedoff (2001) "Public Purchaser - Private Provider contracting for health services.
Examples from Latin America and the Caribbean", Inter-American Development Bank, Sustainable
Development Department, Technical Papers Series

61

140
Eichler R, Auxila P, Pollock J (2000) "Performance Based Reimbursement to improve Impact: Evidence from
Haïti", LAC, Health Sector Reform Initiative, n°44.
141
Palmer N, Mills A (2000) "Serious contractual difficulties? A case study of contracting for PHC in South
Africa", Paper presented at the international symposium on Financing health systems in low-income countries in
Africa and Asia, France, Clermont-Ferrand, 30 November - 1 December 2000.
142
Mills A, Bennett S, Russell S (2001) "The challenge of health sector reform. What must Government Do?"
Palgrave.

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