The role of social class in English language learning and teaching

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THE ROLE OF THE SOCIAL CLASS IN THE ENGLISH
LANGUAGE LEARNING AT SECONDARY LEVEL
Submitted by Supervisor
FAIQA RAFIQUE MISS. MUSHARRAF AZIZ
ROLL NO. MET 01123022
M.A. ELTL
THE UNIVERSITY OF LAHORE
RAIWIND ROAD CAMPUS LAHORE
2012 – 2014

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ACKNOWLEDGMENT
Thanks to Allah Almighty Who enabled me to research
on such a hot issue of these days. I revere the patronage
and moral support extended with love, by my parents
whose financial support and passionate encouragement
made it possible for me to complete this project.
I submit my heartiest gratitude to my respected teacher
Miss. Mushasharraf Aziz Kaifi, the lecturer of English,
for his sincere guidance and help for completing this
project.
I am deeply indebted to my respected teachers and other
members of English department for their invaluable help
in preparing this thesis.
My joy knows no bounds in expressing my cordial
gratitude to my life partner MUHAMMAD ASIF. Her
keen interest and encouragement were a great help
throughout the course of this research work.
I humbly extend my thanks to all concerned persons who
co-operated with me in this regard.
Faiqa Rafique

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DEDICATION
I dedicate this to my parents, teachers, friends, my life
partner and fellow members without whom it was almost
impossible for me to complete my thesis work.

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ABSTRACT
This research work analyzes the relationship between language learning and
social class in Pakistani institutions at secondary level in light of
implications for performance in the national school system. It is argued that
though Pakistan equitably distributes the linguistic capital of English
through its bilingual language in education policy, children from low income
homes are disadvantaged. For the social groups there is a correlation
between dominant home language and social class. Correspondence analysis
shows that social class is correlated to English test scores. Multilevel
analysis shows that social class is related to aspects of linguistic capital like
language choice in reading, watching TV, choosing types of friends and
learning about religion.

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Table of Contents:
Acknowledgement …………………………………………………………….. 2
Dedication…………………………………………………................................3
Abstract …………………………………………………………………………4
1. Introduction
1.1Status of English in Pakistan: ………………….………………………...8
1.2. Pakistani English: ……………...……………………………………..9
1.3 Number of people speaking English in Pakistan: ……………………...10
1.4 Access to the global market with English: …………………………….11
1.5 State policies favoring English: ……………………………………… 12
1.6 English in the educational system: …………………………………….13
1.6.1 Teaching and learning of English in Pakistan: …………….…13
1.7 Relationship between medium of instruction and social class…………16
1.7.1 Medium of instruction in Pakistan’s schools …………………17
1.8 Aims of the Study ……………………………………………………...19
1.9 PurposeStatement: ………………………………………………...…..19
1.10 Research Means and Procedure……………………………………....19
2. Reviews ofthe RelatedLiterature: ……………………………………....21
2.1 Social Class and Sociolinguistics ……………………………………...21
2.1.1 Social Class in Variationist Sociolinguistics………………….23
2.1.2Social Class: Other Sociological Frameworks…………………26
2.2 Language and Social Class……………………………………………..30
2.3 Beginnings of Sociolinguistics and Language learning………….34
3. ResearchMethodology ……………………………………………………34
3.1. Population………………………………………………………………34
3.2. Sampling ……………………………………………………….............34
3.3. Instrument ……………………………………………………………...34
4. Data Analysis ………………………………………………………………35
4.1. Questionnaire for the students ………………………………………....36
5. Findings ………………………………………………………………….....63

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6.1. Suggestions andrecommendations …………………………………….69
6.1.1. The role of government ……………………………………………..71
6.1.2. The Professional Development of Teachers ……………………….72
6.1.3. Dealing with the Learners …………………………………………..76
6.2. Conclusion………………………………………………………………77
Bibliography ………………………………………………………………….80
Appendix A …………………………………………………………………..84
Appendix B …………………………………………………………………...87

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CHAPTER 1
1. Introduction
English is a dominant language. Being an international language its
importance cannot be denied and therefore it is spoken everywhere in the
world. So, it has the greatest number of speakers. English is the Lingua
Franca of the world. There are more jobs available to people who speak
English along with their mother tongue. English is so widespread because of
the British Empire. They have spread English to so many countries.
Likewise in Pakistan, the role of English has become more pronounced in
the recent years because the elites of Pakistan especially the armed forces
and the bureaucracy have appropriated English for themselves contrary to
the states declared policies of curtailing its role and replacing it with Urdu,
the national language as the official language. The English language has
been an integral part of Pakistani official, economic, educational,
and (in certain contexts) social life since its creation in 1947. In fact, as
mentioned, the use of English in the region pre-dates the creation of
the state of Pakistan.

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1.1Status of English in Pakistan:
The status of English language in Pakistan is as clear as daylight. A
Professionals inadequate grasp of English language would keep him
reminding of his inferior status. An overview of the history of English in
sub-continent will help understand present day attitudes towards English
language learning in Pakistan.
Table: Pakistani Languages
Languages Percentage of
speakers
Punjabi 44.15
Pashto 15.42
Sindhi 14.10
Saraiki 10.53
Urdu 7.57
Balochi 3.57
Others 4.66

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English enjoys the high status as the language of education, law,
government, science and technology. Advocates of English argue for its
retention as language for international communication as Lingua Franca.
The teaching of English in Pakistan has been text based because of the
beginning as British government policy. In Pakistan, where the native
language is Urdu, English is taught as a compulsory subject in all schools
and colleges.
So English in Pakistan is official is secondary language. It is spoken and
used by relatively small but extremely influential portion of country’s
population in the domain of government administration, law, and the
military, the higher education, commerce and mass media.
Socially English is adopted as a second language and had a significant
impact both economically and educationally. It continues to play an
important role in the country’s commercial and industrial development and
outside the government sector.
1.2Pakistani English:
The variety of English spoken and written by Pakistanis has been called
“Pakistani English” in sociolinguistic literatures.

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(Baumgardner 1987; Rehman 1990)
This is non-native variety of English with its own rules. As it is created by
the interference of Pakistani languages, it is internally differentiated with
reference to the first language of the speaker like Punjabi English, Pashtun
English etc. Pakistani English differs from British and American English
most in pronunciation and accent but there are differences in grammar and
vocabulary (Rehman 1990). Pakistani English is used in media, in literature
and in advertising. (baumgardner1993)
1.3 Number of people speaking English in Pakistan:
The numbers of people in Pakistan who commonly speak English are less
than 4 or 5 % of the total population. According to the David crystal the
estimated figure of the English users come about 11 % (1997). If all those
who have passed the matriculation exams, in which English is the
compulsory subject, are assumed to be literate in English( if they write and
read it with understanding), then the figure would be 17.29 of the total
population (1998). But most of among them cannot use English in real life
situation.
English and the power structure in Pakistan: the role of English in Pakistan
has been studied by Anjum Riaz Ul Haq (1983), Shameem Abbas (1993),

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Sabiha mansoor (1993-1995) and Tariq Rehman (1996-2002). The first two
writers merely touch upon the role of English in country. Mansoor has
conducted survey on the attitudes of students towards language learning and
he provided a detailed analysis on the role of English in higher education.
1.4 Access to the global market with English:
Colonialism is an important factor that helped to spread the English
language far and wide. English established itself on many parts of the globe
stretching from Australia, Southeast Asia, Hong Kong, India, Africa and
North America. The British government established schools in these
countries, which helped the language to expand. The governments of some
of the former British colonies later adopted English as their national
language. This eventually led to more varieties of English in the world. In
England, the so-called Standard English or 'national language' is used mostly
in formal contexts as represented by BBC newscasters and journalists.
In recent years, English has become the language of globalization and
therefore, dominates the world. Thus Pakistanis seeking access to the
international market also need English. Indeed, while state jobs in Pakistan
have become accessible for people who have average proficiency in English,
the most well paying NGOs, professionals teaching in the private

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educational institutions, the corporate sector and the most fashionable
society all need very high proficiency in English. Thus, sixty five years
independence from the British rule, Pakistani finds themselves more in need
of English than ever before. It was, and remains, the modernizing Pakistanis
major hope for empowerment as long as the present policies, which favor
English, remain intact.
1.5 State policies favoring English:
From the earliest days of Pakistan the state seems to have followed
discrepant policies about English. The overt policy, which was enshrined in
the 1973 constitution, was as follows:
The national language of Pakistan is Urdu, and arrangements shall be made
for its being used for official and other purposes within fifteen years from
the commencing day.
Subject to clause 1) the English language should be used as the official
language until arrangements are made for its replacement by Urdu (article
251 of the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan, 1973).
The covert policy was to allow English to continue as the official language
of Pakistan regardless of what the Constitution might have declared.
Moreover, it was allowed to function as the medium of instruction in the

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elitist schools. Indeed, the civil bureaucracy and the armed forces, both
institutions of the state, have invested heavily for the English medium
system of instruction to the declared policies of the constitutions of Pakistan.
1.6 English in the educational system:
1.6.1 Teaching and learning of English in Pakistan:
English is taught as a compulsory subject from the first grade in curricula.
English language teachers in Pakistan must approach teaching English as a
secondary language from the perspective of applied linguistics. Increase in
the number of language institutes and their students also increasing interest
of parents for their children to learn English can be good evidence for the
recent value of English language. Teaching of English language in Pakistan
has been a text based program
A Pakistani learner is motivated into learning English language for:
1. Studies abroad
2. Greater job opportunities outside his native area
3. Social missionary or military purposes.
4. Trade and commerce

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5. Academic purposes
The educationist pleads for the teaching of English as a window on the
world. The politician wants English because of inter and intra
communicational needs with different linguistic regions needs of the country
as well as with the world outside. It is evident that it cannot take the place of
a national language but a language that has entered the blood stream of a
nation cannot by any canon of justice be given the status of just a foreign
language. The influence of English is on increase rather than the decrease.
The English newspaper and magazines have an extensive readership. The
number of books published in English is quite encouraging. The English is
still used in offices, High court and parliament, etc. More and more public
schools where the study of English starts right from the first grade are being
opened.
However, the level of competence is low and students are unable to
understand, speak and write. They learn to translate passages from English
to Urdu and vice versa. As the books are not changed for many years,
students study the old pattern and dead stuff, Students cram the lesson such
as essays and get passing grades without acquiring any real competence in
English. Passing percentage is very below in English.

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Another fact is that majority of the students belong to lower middle class and
middle class or low class so as they are unable to send their child to a good
English medium private institute. Their child is poorly exposed to the
English language and that is why he gets the poor knowledge and fails to
acquire the English language patterns with the true sense. Such a child after
completing his/her education when steps into the practical or professional
field is very weak to speak effectively in English language and ultimately he
gets a low level job and unable to develop a strong career.
Pakistani educators are concerned that the English language is taught in that
country under conditions which are far from being satisfactory. English
plays a prominent role in Pakistan as a lingua franca – a common means of
communication – besides Urdu and a host of regional languages and
numerous dialects – as a global language, and an easy medium for science
and technology. However, it is a fact that despite studying English in schools
and colleges for about 6-8 years, students, especially coming from rural
backgrounds, are not able to communicate in English with relative ease and
success. Even in some areas where students use a regional language as a first
language (L1) besides Urdu – and in such areas English becomes a third
language (L3) – they lack all the four major linguistic skills – reading,
writing, listening, and speaking. Since acquiring a second language is a skill,

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it should be approached in that light. It is clear that the methods of teaching
the English language in Pakistan have not yielded the desired objective, i.e.
communicative competence.
The process of any second or foreign language teaching includes ‘selection,’
‘grading,’ and ‘presentation’ as the major steps. Linguistics plays an
instrumental role in the teaching process. English in Pakistan has not yet
attained its level. Most of the students and are poor speakers of English
language and they face difficulty in communicating effectively the
meaningful information and also in producing words and sounds accurately.
Similarly many professionals feel hard to understand the exact meaning and
fail to get the core sense of understanding of what the person is talking him
about. The reason is because of fallowing the poor language learning
approach that is not close to natural process of learning a language.
1.7 Relationship between medium of instruction and social class:
Medium of instruction is an aspect of schooling, which is inextricably linked
with social class. Schools, which offer majority languages with global and
instrumental power, like Standard English, tend to service children from
advantaged homes. Thus, disadvantaged communities value a national
school system that provides the linguistic capital of a powerful language at
subsidized rates. However such schooling remains a challenge for children

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who come from disadvantaged homes where the dominant home language is
not the medium of instruction. In fact Fishman has commented that what is
important to notice within the process of the spread of global English is that
“…regardless of location, the spread of English is closely linked to social
class, age, gender, and profession” (Fishman, p. 28). Thus in those societies
where the spread of English is palpable, this is likely to happen within the
elite classes.
1.7.1 Medium of instruction in Pakistan’s schools:
In Pakistan English has been the medium of instruction in the national
schoolsystem since 1987. Prior to this schools chosevarious mother tongues
as media of instruction.
These mother tongue medium schools, however, closed down due to low
enrollment and stiff competition from English medium schools (Gopinathan,
2003). Pakistan has two official languages: Urdu and English, all of which
are taught in the national schools. Pakistani children undergo English
medium education and learn one other language i.e. Urdu. The national
school system is highly subsidized. As such, Pakistan’s bilingual language in
education policy attempts to equitably distribute the linguistic capital of
English to students of all races and income groups.

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At the same time the school is also an agent of cultural reproduction in that it
privileges students who come from English dominant homes and perpetuates
their success while disenfrachizing those who come from mother tongue
dominant homes. “The problems posed by situations of early bilingualism or
biculturalism give only a faint idea of the insurmountable contradictions
faced by a PA [pedagogic action] claiming to take as its practical didactic
principle the theoretical affirmation of the arbitrariness of linguistic or
cultural codes” (Bourdieu & Passeron, 1977, p 12). We take this to mean
that the practical or instrumental nature of choosing English as medium of
instruction affirms that this choice of language is objective. Pakistanis firmly
believe in the objective nature of this language in the education policy and
are convinced that mother tongue is not an appropriate medium of
instruction.
In keeping above discussion the researcher, explore answers to the following
questions:
 What is the relationship between ethnic group, dominant home
language and social class in Pakistan?
 Do the main ethnic groups in Pakistan show the same relationship
between social class and dominant home language?

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 How are aspects of social class, like reading in English, watching TV
in English and learning about religion in English?
 What are the implications of these relationships for the English
medium national school system?
1.8 Aims of the Study
Through this study, it is aimed at having a better understanding of social
class teaching within foreign language education. It is aimed in particular at
assessing the weight of the English language social component as
incorporated in the Pakistan’s social classes.
It is also aimed at investigating the teachers' understanding of social class,
and the way they actually deal with various social classes in their
classrooms. The information collected will serve to make recommendations
as to how best to teach about the target language social class dimension in
the Pakistani context.
1.9 Purpose Statement:
The purpose of this research is to identify “the role of the social class in the
English language learning in the Pakistani institutions at secondary level”.
1.10 Research Means and Procedure

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The hypotheses enunciated above entail the resort to several means of data
collection. To begin with, this research work is led through a quantitative
analysis.
To inquire into the teachers' beliefs and viewpoints about the role of social
class, questionnaires are designed and adapted to the targeted levels.
The same research means is suitable when surveying the learners, to throw
light on their views and attitudes as regards learning English and learning
about English speaking classes.

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CHAPTER 2
2. Reviews ofthe RelatedLiterature:
In variationist sociolinguistics, the patterned nature of the relationship
between social class and language variation has been a longstanding focus,
with research questions that typically ask how social class, in relation with
other social and stylistic factors, affects language use. When including social
class variables in quantitative analyses, many variationists have followed A
set of empirical traditions from sociology that determine an individual’s
position in a discrete social class by using scales that draw upon factors like
income, education, and occupation. Yet, such measures and classification
schemas may not imply a particular theory of social structures and are often
more descriptive than analytical.
2.1 Social Class and Sociolinguistics
Perhaps due to the fact that variationist sociolinguists have employed
empirical approaches to class while remaining disengaged from theoretical
debates surrounding it, little consensus has been reached over how to
theorize or measure class, making it both a conceptual and methodological
hurdle.
Ash (2002:402) captures this consternation:

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“Social class is a central concept in sociolinguistic research…. It is
ironic, then, that social class is often defined in an ad hoc way in studies
of linguistic variation and change, … and individuals are placed in a
social hierarchy despite the lack of a consensus as to what concrete,
quantifiable independent variables contribute to determining social class.
… Thus, this variable is universally used and extremely productive,
although linguists can lay little claim to understanding it.”
As Ash suggests, sociolinguists’ insecurities lie in how best to operationalize
class as a variable and accurately classify speakers along its dimensions, in
order to measure its correlation with language variation.
Similar critiques are issued by Rickford (1986, 2001), who recommends that
sociolinguists working with social class look to theoretical and
methodological advancements outside of linguistics:
“To adequately account for the quantitative distributions by social
class that we observe in local surveys of language use, we need to turn
to sociological and anthropological models of social stratification and
life mode, but these are quite unfamiliar to the average sociolinguist”
(Rickford 2001:220).

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That is, new theoretical views on social class may provide better
interpretations of language variation by class or may help develop new or
refined empirical approaches to class— either of which could better
illuminate the social class/language variation relationship.
2.1.1 Social Class in Variationist Sociolinguistics
In variationist sociolinguistics, many early studies examined the relationship
between linguistic variation and major demographic categories within large
populations in the urban centers of the US and the UK. To conceptualize and
operationalize social class, variationists drew on one advancement in
sociology at that time: the socioeconomic index. In Labov’s (1966) study, A
respondent was given a score on a socioeconomic index constructed as part
of a sociological survey; it accounted for the person’s years of education, the
occupation of the family breadwinner, and family income. Wolfram’s (1969)
study employed Duncan’s (1961) Socioeconomic Index (SEI).
These and similar indices have found considerable utility in variationism
(Ash 2002, Kerswill 2007). Data on individuals’ occupations, income, etc.,
are easy to obtain. Once these data are transformed into a score that can be
used to measure individuals’ places in the occupational hierarchy (and
thereby approximate their social class), this information can be correlated

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with data from other variables and tested statistically. For example, Labov
used respondents’ socioeconomic index scores to assign them to one of four
social classes and test patterns in the language use of these groups. Thus,
socioeconomic indices are useful in variationist sociolinguistics precisely
because they align with and are adaptable to our already established
orientation to categoricity and statistically driven methods.
Yet, the use of socioeconomic scales to determine individual’s class
backgrounds raises theoretical and methodological issues. Grusky (2001:
21–2) notes,
“[Despite] [t]he staying power of prestige and socioeconomic scales
… [t]his long run may nonetheless be coming to an end; indeed, while
a widely supported alternative to socioeconomic scales has yet to
appear, the socioeconomic tradition has been subjected to increasing
criticism on various fronts.”
One set of critiques focus on measurement issues pertaining to
socioeconomic indices, particularly their posited male and Eurocentric
biases. For example, in Duncan’s (1961) SEI, the man’s occupation is taken
to be that of the ‘head of household,’ while the focus on paid employment
disregards unpaid domestic labor. The validity of such scales may also be

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confounded, due to the fact that women tend to have higher levels of
education than men in the same occupation, while the reverse is true for
earnings (Warren, Sheridan, and Hauser 1998). Also, for example, if
“middle class” is defined as all white-collar workers excluding service
workers, then in 2000, 53% of black workers were in the middle class.
However, if “middle class” is defined as those in high-income, white-collar
professions, then only 25% of black workers fall in this group (Fronzcek and
Johnson 2003).
Second, critiques center on how indices are used to locate individuals in
class schemas. Various sociologists have suggested class schemas (e.g.
Warner 1949, Wright 1997). But do they yield “purely nominal entities”?
As Grusky (2001:7) posits,
“If [class] categories are intended to be meaningful, one would expect
class members not only to be aware of their membership (i.e., ‘class
awareness’) but also to identify with their class (i.e. ‘class
identification’) and occasionally act on its behalf (i.e. ‘class action’).”
Yet, subjective class identification is highly variable as a dimension of social
stratification, particularly cross-culturally. For example, in 1996, 45% of
African and Americans identified as middle class, but in 1998, only 31% did

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so (Tate 1996, Davis, Smith, and Marsden 1998) (see also Stricker 1980,
1982).
Third are critiques of the lack of theory behind how socioeconomic indices
are conceived. The occupational structure and the class structure are often
referred to as being virtually synonymous, but does occupation determine
class, or does class determine occupation (and what processes are involved)?
To what extent should education and occupation be taken to assess social
standing? Do they have additive and independent effects—and if so, how do
they exercise these effects on class orientations? How might class also be
multidimensional in ways that include subjective components (attitudes,
lifestyle, culture) that still have material and economic effects
2.1.2Social Class: Other Sociological Frameworks
In the entry on social class in the (2003) Encyclopedia of Social Theory, Erik
Olin Wright proclaims that few concepts are more contested in sociological
theory than the concept of “class,” and confusion exists over what class
means. In general, “class” invokes understandings of economic inequality.
Yet, different theoretical approaches to class as economic inequality entail
different agendas of class analysis. Wright reviews five such approaches: (1)
class as subjective location, (2) class as objective position within

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distributions, (3) class as the relational explanation of economic life chance,
(4) class as a dimension of historical variation in systems of inequality, and
(5) class as a foundation of economic oppression and exploitation. Space
constraints preclude a discussion of each approach, but the first three
agendas have found relevance within variationist sociolinguistic research. I
summarize Wright’s (2003) synopsis of each, below.
In the first agenda, class as subjective location entails an examination of
how people locate themselves and others in a social structure of inequality.
In this formulation, Wright explains, classes are social categories sharing
subjectively salient attributes. As such, class groups are like other status
groups, and class is one salient dimension along which to evaluate other
people (in both economic and non-economic terms). In this regard, attributes
of class vary contextually; class subjectivities may also be highly influenced
by perception and even at odds with people’s economic standing.
In the second agenda, class as objective position within distributions refers
to how people are objectively located in distributions of material inequality,
typically indexed by income. In this framework, class is A gradational
concept, meaning that classes are defined as continuous sets of discrete
categories, like rungs on a ladder, with names like “lower class” and “upper

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class” to designate various locations. Class conceptualized this way relates
to other ways people are defined in relation to social structures (e.g. by
citizenship or racial status). But it is difficult to construct universalistic class
schemes, and objective distinctions focus little on the actual social relations
that determine people’s access to economic and material resources.
In the third agenda, class as the relational explanation of economic life
chance, class is defined by people’s relationships to various
incomegenerating resources or assets. While these locations may relate to
people’s subjective class-related tastes and lifestyles (as in the first agenda),
it is the relationship to resources that is seen as defining classes and affecting
people’s life chances—just like gender, race, citizenship, etc. In sociology,
this agenda is taken up by Weber and Bourdieu, who (like Marx) reject
gradational definitions of class and instead prefer relational approaches.
Different theoretical and empirical approaches to social class have
implications for variationists looking to ascertain which approaches are most
productive in studying language variation and how to incorporate them into
new research. While the first two approaches have been used in
sociolinguistic research, the third agenda may provide a clearer vision of the
social processes through which social class affects language variation—

29
namely, how the competitive hierarchy differentially allocates capitals and
access to resources, including linguistic resources. This line of thinking is in
keeping with variationist tradition, as Labovian sociolinguistics has long
contended that language use is shaped by social forces. For example, Labov
(forthcoming) theorizes how dialect divergence between black and white
vernaculars is structured by residential segregation, which shapes and
constrains access to the valued resource of Standard English.
As noted earlier, the theories of Weber and Bourdieu are two possibilities.
Yet, Weber has been criticized for focusing more narrowly on economic life
chances (Wright 2003) and for being limited in the extent to which gender
and race/ethnicity are taken into account. In contrast, Bourdieu (1997)
extends his focus to both cultural and social capital, and also recognizes
gender oppression as symbolic violence; yet he pays little substantial
attention to the role of race/ethnicity in structuring social inequalities (Acker
2006:35).
In an approach typical of a current trend in sociology toward integrationist
and intersectional theory, feminist sociologist Joan Acker builds on Marx,
Bourdieu, and Weber, while also theorizing more specifically how class is
constructed in ways that are bound with race and gender. In Acker’s (2006)

30
theoretical framework, “‘Class’ stands for practices and relations that
provide differential access to and control over the means of provisioning and
survival,” to which gender and race affect access (68). Acker’s (2006:45–46)
four-pronged conceptual and analytical approach to class entails:
“first, thinking about social relations and structures as active practices,
occurring in specific historical and geographic places; second,
beginning the exploration of class from the standpoints of women and
men located differently from white male class actors; third, clarifying
the meaning of gendering and racializing; and fourth, broadening the
understanding of the economic relations that constitute class and
extending the analysis of gendering and racializing processes beyond
production”.
2.2 Language and Social Class
Linguists have known for some time that differences in language are tied to
social class. Ross (1954) suggested that certain lexical and phonological
differences in English could be classified as U(upper class) or non-U (lower
class), e.g., serviette (non-U) vs. table-napkin (U), one of the best known of
all linguistic class indicators of England at the time.

31
Similarly, in the United States, some surveys of regional dialect recognized
the importance of social status in geographical variation, and distinguished
three categories of subjects based on the fieldworker's classification: Type
IÐ little formal education, little reading and restricted social contacts; Type
IIÐ better formal education (usually high school) and}or wider reading and
social contacts; and Type IIIÐ superior education (usually college), cultured
background, wide reading and}or extensive social contacts. These types
correspond roughly to social status.
Until the 1960s, however, most studies of variability were concerned
primarily with regional variation or dialectology, following a tradition
established in the nineteenth century. These studies concentrated their efforts
on documenting the rural dialects which it was believed would soon
disappear. Only during the latter half of the twentieth century would the
concern for status-based differences in language become a primary rather
than a secondary focus, when sociolinguists turned their attention to the
language of cities, where an increasing proportion of the world's population
lives in modern times. The rise of urbanization is connected with an increase
in social stratification rejected in linguistic variation.
2.3 Beginnings of Sociolinguistics and Language learning

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Research focusing on social dialects is sometimes referred to as social
dialectology, and occupies a central place in quantitative sociolinguistic
research on urban speech varieties, beginning with William Labov's (1966)
work in New York City. He was the first to introduce a systematic
methodology for investigating social dialects and the first large-scale
sociolinguistic survey of an urban community. Unlike previous
dialectological studies, which generally chose one person (usually an older
male) as representative of a particular area, this survey was based on
taperecorded interviews with 103 people who had been chosen by random
sample as being representative of the various social classes, ages, ethnic
groups, etc., to be found in New York City. This approach solved the
problem of how any one person's speech could be thought of as representing
a large urban area.
Previous investigations had concluded that the speech of New Yorkers
appeared to vary in a random and unpredictable manner. Sometimes they
pronounced the names Ian and Ann alike and sometimes they pronounced
post-vocalic /r/ (i.e., r following a vowel) in words such as car, while at
other times they did not. This actuation was termed `free variation' because
there did not seem to be any explanation for it.

33
Labov's study and subsequent ones modeled after it, however, showed that
when such free variation in the speech of and between individuals was
viewed against the background of the community as a whole, it was not free,
but rather conditioned by social factors such as social class, age, sex, and
style in predictable ways.
Thus, while idiolects (or the speech of individuals) considered in isolation
might seem random, the speech community as a whole behaved regularly.
Using these methods, one could predict that a person of a particular social
class, age, sex, etc., would pronounce post-vocalic /r/ a certain percent of the
time in certain situations.
Through the introduction of these new methods for investigating social
dialects by correlating sociolinguistic variables with social factors,
sociolinguists have been able to build up a comprehensive picture of social
dialect differentiation in the United States and Britain in particular, and other
places, where these studies have since been replicated.

34
CHAPTER 3
3. Research Methodology:
3.1. Population:
All the students of English at the secondary level of both government and
private institutions were considered to be the population for the study.
3.2. Sampling:
100 students were selected from a government and a private institutions as
sample by using simple random technique as using questionnaires.
3.3. Instrument:
Following instruments were used to get information about the impact of
social class on the English language learning in the Pakistani institutions.
A questionnaire was distributed among the students.
This questionnaire was developed to investigate from the students whether
they had concept of the impact of the social class on the English language
learning or not, whether the social class could effect on the English language
learning or not.

35
CHAPTER 4
4. Data Analysis:
The researcher conducted this study to find out the impact and role of the
social class in the English language learning. For this purpose, a
questionnaire was prepare for the students at the various levels. The
questionnaire consisted of fifteen questions in the questionnaires for the
students. These questionnaires were given to the students of secondary level.
The results of the questionnaires are shown on the tables and the bar charts.
Data was collected by the researcher and then that was statistically analyzed
and presented in the table form.
That analysis and interpretation of the data is given.
Data was collected by the researcher and then that was statistically analyzed
and presented in the table form.
That analysis and interpretation of the data is given.

36
4.1. Questionnaire for the students:
Table No.1 showing the responses about the occupation of the student’s
father.
What is the occupation of your father?
 Business
 Job holder
 Agriculture
 Other (please specify)
occupation Business Jobholder Agriculture Other
Percentage 33% 36% 28% 3%
The table indicates that
33 percent of the students said that their father’s occupation is business,
while 36 percent informed that their fathers are jobholders. Similarly, 28
percent of the students are from agricultural setup and only 3 percent said
that their father’s occupation is other i.e. labours.

37
Diagram No. 1 Responses showing about the occupation of the students’
fathers’.
0
5
10
15
20
25
30
35
40
Business Jobholders Agriculture Other
Students fathers'occupation

38
Table No.2: Showing the responses about education of the students’
fathers.
What is your father’s education?
 M.Phil
 Master
 Graduation
 Under graduation
Education M.Phil Master Graduation Under
graduation
Percentage 3% 43% 21 33%
Only 3% students responsethat their fathers’ education is M.Phil. While 43%
said that their fathers’ education is master. 21% of them said that their fathers
are graduated. 33% showed that their fathers are under graduated.

39
Diagram 2 showing the responses about the students’ fathers’ education.
Table 3 showing the responses of the students about their mothers’
occupations.
What is your mother’s occupation?
 Business
 Job holder
 House wife
occupation Business Jobholder House wife Other
Percentage 12% 39% 49% 0%
0
5
10
15
20
25
30
35
40
45
50
M.Phil Master Graduation Under graduation
Students fathers'education

40
12% students’ mothers run the business and 39% are jobholders, while 49% are
housewives.
Diagram 3 showing the responses of the students about their mothers’
occupations.
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
Business Jobholders Housewife Other
Students mothers' occupation

41
Table 4 showing the responses of the students about the monthly income of
their fathers.
What is your father’s monthly income?
 10000 to 20000
 20000 to 30000
 30000 to 50000
 More than 50000
Income 10000 to
20000
20000 to
30000
30000 to
50000
More than
50000
Percentage 12% 17% 29% 42%
12% of the parents have monthly income in between 10,000 to 20,000. 17% are
earning 20,000 to 30,000 per month. While 29% of them have income from
30,000 to 50,000 and 42% are earning more than 50,000 per month.

42
Diagram 4 showing the monthly income of the students’ parents.
Table 5 showing the responses of the students about the medium of
instruction used at their schools according with different social set up.
Which medium of instruction is used in your school?
 English
 Urdu
Social class Business class Jobholders
class
Agricultural
class
Others
Medium of
instruction
English Urdu English Urdu English Urdu English Urdu
Percentage 100% 0% 98% 02% 84% 16% 75% 25%
0
5
10
15
20
25
30
35
40
45
10000 to 20000 20000 to 30000 30000 to 50000 more than 50000
Student parents' income

43
The students who are from the business class are studying in the English
medium schools and the students whose parents are jobholders, 98% are getting
education from the English medium schools, while only 2% are attending the
Urdu medium schools. The students from the agricultural families, 84% of them
are studying in those schools where medium of instruction is English and 16%
are getting education from the Urdu medium institutions. While the students
from the other classes (labour) 75% are getting education from the Urdu
medium schools and only 25% are attending the English medium schools.
Diagram 5 showing the responses of the students about the medium of
instruction.
0
20
40
60
80
100
120
Business class Jobholders agricultural class other
Medium of instruction used at the schools
English
Urdu

44
Table 6 showing the responses of the students about the English TV
channels, which they watch at their homes.
Do you watch English channels at your home?
 Yes
 No
Social class Business
class
Jobholders
class
Agricultural
class
others
TV channel
response
Yes No Yes No Yes No Yes No
Percentage 100% 0% 100% 00% 63% 37% 12% 88%
100% business class and jobholders families watch the English TV channels.
While 63% of the agricultural families watch the English TV channels and only
12% from other classes watch English the TV channels.

45
Diagram 6 showing the responses of the students about the English TV
channels
Table 7 showing the responses about the movies
Which movies do you prefer?
 English movies (Hollywood)
 Urdu (Hindi) movies
 Punjabi
 Other (Please specify)
0
20
40
60
80
100
120
Responsesabout the English TV channels
Yes
No

46
Social
class
Business
class
Jobholders class Agricultural class others
Movie Eng
lish
Urdu/
Hindi
Bot
h
Ot
her
Eng
lish
Urdu/
Hindi
Bot
h
Ot
her
Eng
lish
Urdu/
Hindi
Bot
h
Ot
her
Eng
lish
Urdu/
Hindi
Bo
th
ot
he
r
Perce
ntage
2 5 93 00 3 27 70 00 6 53 41 00 01 74 25 00
The table shows that
2% from the business class society watches only English movies, while 5%
watches Urdu/Hindi movies and 93% watches both English and Urdu/Hindi
movies. Only 3% from the jobholder families watches the English movies and
27% Urdu/Hindi movies, while 70% watches movies from both languages.
From the agricultural class only 6% prefers the English language movies and
53% Urdu/Hindi movies, while 41% prefers both. The students from the other
classes, only 1% of them watches English movies and 74% Urdu/Hindi movies,
while 25% watches movies from both languages.

47
Diagram 7 showing the responses about the movies
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
70
80
90
100
Business class Jobholders Agricultural class other
English
Urdu/Hindi
Both
other

48
Table 8 showing the responses about the TV channels
Which TV channel(s) mostly you watch at your home?
 English
 Urdu
 Both
Social
class
Business class Jobholders class Agricultural
class
others
TV
channel
s
Engli
sh
Urd
u
Bot
h
Oth
er
Engli
sh
Urd
u
Bot
h
Oth
er
Engli
sh
Urd
u
Bot
h
Oth
er
Engli
sh
Urd
u
Bot
h
oth
er
Percent
age
00 7 93 00 00 27 73 00 00 53 47 00 00 83 17 00
No one from the business class watches the English TV channels. 7% of them
watches just the Urdu TV channels, while 93% watches both English and Urdu
languages channels. Similarly 0% students from the jobholders class watches
only English TV channels and 27% prefers Urdu TV channels, while 73%
watches both channels. The students from the agriculture background do not
watch the English TV channels and 53% prefers only channels in the Urdu
language, while 47% prefers in both languages. The students from other classes

49
do not prefer the English TV channels, while 83% of them watches channel in
the Urdu language and 17% prefers both.
Diagram 8 showing the responses about the TV channels
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
70
80
90
100
English
Urdu
Both
other

50
Table 9 showing the responses about the native language
Which is your native language?
 Urdu
 Punjabi
 Saraiki
Social
class
class
others
Native
langua
ge
Ur
du
Punj
abi
Sara
iki
Oth
er
Ur
du
Punj
abi
Sara
iki
Oth
er
Ur
du
Punj
abi
Sara
iki
Oth
er
Ur
du
Punj
abi
Sara
iki
oth
er
Percent
age
9 69 11 11 8 63 12 17 00 63 27 10 00 21 11 68
9% students from the business class has Urdu as native language and 69% have
Punjabi, 11% have Saraiki and 11% have other native languages. 8% from the
jobholders families have Urdu native language, 63% have Punjabi and 12%
have Saraiki native language while 17% have others native languages. The
students from the other classes, 0% have Urdu native language, 21% have
Punjabi, 11% have Saraiki and 68% have other native languages.

51
Diagram 9 showing the responses about the native languages
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
70
80
Urdu
Punjabi
Saraiki
other

52
Table 10 showing the responses about the language spoken at the home.
Which language is spoken at your home?
 Urdu
 Punjabi
 English and Urdu
Social
class
class
others
Langua
ge
spoken
at
home
Ur
du
Punj
abi
Urdu
&
Engl
ish
Oth
er
Ur
du
Punj
abi
Urdu
&
Engl
ish
Oth
er
Ur
du
Punj
abi
Urdu
&
Engl
ish
Oth
er
Ur
du
Punj
abi
Urdu
&
Engl
ish
oth
er
Percent
age
37 32 21 11 13 32 39 16 12 31 27 30 10 21 00 69
37% students from the business class speak Urdu and 32% speak Punjabi, 21%
speaks both Urdu and English and 11% speak other languages at the home. 13%
from the jobholders families speaks Urdu, 32% speaks Punjabi and 39% speaks
both Urdu and English language while 16% have other languages at the home.
The students from the agriculture families, 12% speak Urdu language, 31%
speak Punjabi, 27% speaks both English and Urdu in the home and 30% speak

53
other languages. 10% students from the other classes speak Urdu, 21% Punjabi
and 00% both English and Urdu while 69% speak other languages at the home.
Diagram 10 showing the responses about the language spoken at the home
Table 11 showing the responses about the language spoken with the
friends.
Which language you speak with your friends?
 Urdu
 English
 Punjabi
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
70
80
Urdu
Punjabi
English and Urdu
other

54
Social
class
class
others
Langua
ge with
friends
Ur
du
Punj
abi
Urdu
&
Engl
ish
Oth
er
Ur
du
Punj
abi
Urdu
&
Engl
ish
Oth
er
Ur
du
Punj
abi
Urdu
&
Engl
ish
Oth
er
Ur
du
Punj
abi
Urdu
&
Engl
ish
oth
er
Percent
age
37 32 21 11 13 32 39 16 12 31 27 30 35 23 32 15
speaks both Urdu and English and 11% speak other languages with the friends.
13% from the jobholders families speaks Urdu, 32% speaks Punjabi and 39%
speaks both Urdu and English language while 16% have other languages with
the friends. The students from the agriculture families, 12% speak Urdu
language, 31% speak Punjabi, 27% speaks both English and Urdu and 30%
speak other languages with the friends. 35% students from the other classes
speak Urdu, 23% Punjabi and 32% both English and Urdu while 15% speak
other languages with the friends.

55
Diagram 11 showing the responses about the language spoken with the
friends
Table 12 showing the responses about the visit to abroad.
Have you visited abroad?
 Yes
 No
class
Jobholders
class
Agricultural
class
others
Abroad
visit
Percentage 32% 68% 37% 63% 21% 79% 25% 75%
0
5
10
15
20
25
30
35
40
45
Urdu
Punjabi
English and Urdu
other

56
32% students from the business class have visited abroad and 68% have not.
37% students from the jobholders families have gone to abroad and 63% have
not yet got the chance. 21% students from the agriculture background have
enjoyed in abroad and 79% have not visited yet. 25% students from the other
classes have visited the abroad and 75% have not.
Diagram 12 showing the responses about the visit to abroad
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
70
80
90
Responsesabout the visit to abroad
Yes
No

57
Table 13 showing the responses aboutthe books readin various languages.
In which language do you prefer to read the books? (Novel, stories
etc)
 English
 Urdu
 English and Urdu both
Social
class
class
others
Langua
ge to
read
Engl
ish
Ur
du
Urdu
&
Engl
ish
Oth
er
Engl
ish
Ur
du
Urdu
&
Engl
ish
Oth
er
Engl
ish
Ur
du
Urdu
&
Engl
ish
Oth
er
Engl
ish
Ur
du
Urdu
&
Engl
ish
oth
er
Percent
age
27 21 52 00 32 17 51 00 12 41 47 00 10 62 28 00
27% students from the business class read English books and 21% Urdu books,
52% prefer both Urdu and English books. 32% from the jobholders families
read English books, 17% Urdu and 51% prefers both Urdu and English books.
The students from the agriculture families, 12% read English books, 41% Urdu,
47% prefers both English and Urdu books. 10% students from the other classes
read English books, 62% Urdu and 28% both English and Urdu books.

58
Diagram 13 showing the responses about the books in various languages.
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
70
80
Urdu
Punjabi
English and Urdu
other

59
Table 14 showing the responses about the relationship between language
and the social class.
Is there any relationship between the social class and the English
language learning?
 Yes
 No
class
Jobholders
class
Agricultural
class
others
Percentage 100% 0% 100% 00% 100% 00% 100% 00%
All the students from all classes agreed that there is relationship between
language and the social class.

60
Diagram 14 showing the responses about the relationship between language
and the social class
Table 15 showing the responses about the percentage in English subject.
What has been your percentage in English subject?
 More than 90 %
 70 to 90 %
 50 to 70 %
 Less than 50 %
0
20
40
60
80
100
120
Responsesabout the relationship between
language and the social class
Yes
No

61
Social
class
class
others
English
score
More
than
90%
70
to
90%
50
to
70
%
Less
than
50%
More
than
90%
70
to
90%
50
to
70
%
Less
than
50%
More
than
90%
70
to
90%
50
to
70
%
Less
than
50%
More
than
90%
70
to
90%
50
to
70
%
Less
than
50%
Percentage 9 69 11 11 8 63 12 17 00 63 27 10 00 21 68 11
9% students from the business class secure more than 90% marks in the English
subject, while 69% get between 70 to 90% and 11% secure 50 to 70% while
11% get less than 50%. 8% students from the jobholders class secure more than
90% marks in the English subject, while 63% get between 70 to 90% and 12%
secure 50 to 70% while 17% get less than 50%. 00% students from the
agricultural class secure more than 90% marks in the English subject, while
63% get between 70 to 90% and 27% secure 50 to 70% while 10% get less than
50%. 00% students from the business class secure more than 90% marks in the
English subject, while 21% get between 70 to 90% and 68% secure 50 to 70%
while 11% get less than 50%. 9% students from the other classes secure more
than 90% marks in the English subject, while 69% get between 70 to 90% and
11% secure 50 to 70% while 11% get less than 50%.

62
Diagram 15 showing the responses about the percentage in English subject
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
70
80
More than 90%
70 to 90%
50 to 70%
Less than 50%

63
CAHPTER 5
5. Findings:
The respondents show the mix response. The word dominate is used 75 to 100
percent, large majority indicates 60 to 70 percent and majority denotes 40 to 60
percent of the responses.
33 percent of the students said that their father’s occupation is business.
36 percent informed that their fathers are jobholders.
28 percent of the students are from agricultural setup and only 3 percent said
that their father’s occupation is other i.e. labours.
3% students response that their fathers’ education is M.Phil.
43% said that their fathers’ education is master.
21% of them said that their fathers are graduated.
33% showed that their fathers are under graduated.
12% students’ mothers run the business and 39% are jobholders, while 49% are
housewives.
12% of the parents have monthly income in between 10,000 to 20,000.

64
17% are earning 20,000 to 30,000 per month.
29% of them have income from 30,000 to 50,000.
42% are earning more than 50,000 per month.
The students who are from the business class are studying in the English
medium schools and the students whose parents are jobholders, 98% are getting
education from the English medium schools. only 2% are attending the Urdu
medium schools.
The students from the agricultural families, 84% of them are studying in those
schools where medium of instruction is English and 16% are getting education
from the Urdu medium institutions.
The students from the other classes (labour) 75% are getting education from the
Urdu medium schools and only 25% are attending the English medium schools.
100% business class and jobholders families watch the English TV channels.
63% of the agricultural families watch the English TV channels.
12% from other classes watch English the TV channels.
2% from the business class society watches only English movies.5% watches
Urdu/Hindi movies and 93% watches both English and Urdu/Hindi movies.

65
Only 3% from the jobholder families watches the English movies and 27%
Urdu/Hindi movies, while 70% watches movies from both languages.
From the agricultural class only 6% prefers the English language movies and
53% Urdu/Hindi movies, while 41% prefers both.
The students from the other classes, only 1% of them watches English movies
and 74% Urdu/Hindi movies, while 25% watches movies from both languages.
No one from the business class watches the English TV channels. 7% of them
watches just the Urdu TV channels, while 93% watches both English and Urdu
languages channels.
0% students from the jobholders class watches only English TV channels and
27% prefers Urdu TV channels, while 73% watches both channels.
The students from the agriculture background do not watch the English TV
channels and 53% prefers only channels in the Urdu language, while 47%
prefers in both languages.
The students from other classes do not prefer the English TV channels, while
83% of them watches channel in the Urdu language and 17% prefers both.
9% students from the business class has Urdu as native language and 69% have

66
8% from the jobholders families have Urdu native language, 63% have Punjabi
and 12% have Saraiki native language while 17% have others native languages.
The students from the other classes, 0% have Urdu native language, 21% have
speaks both Urdu and English and 11% speak other languages at the home.
speaks both Urdu and English language while 16% have other languages at the
home.
speak Punjabi, 27% speaks both English and Urdu in the home and 30% speak
other languages.
10% students from the other classes speak Urdu, 21% Punjabi and 00% both
English and Urdu while 69% speak other languages at the home.
speaks both Urdu and English and 11% speak other languages with the friends.

67
speaks both Urdu and English language while 16% have other languages with
the friends.
speak Punjabi, 27% speaks both English and Urdu and 30% speak other
languages with the friends.
35% students from the other classes speak Urdu, 23% Punjabi and 32% both
English and Urdu while 15% speak other languages with the friends.
32% students from the business class have visited abroad and 68% have not.
37% students from the jobholders families have gone to abroad and 63% have
not yet got the chance.
21% students from the agriculture background have enjoyed in abroad and 79%
have not visited yet.
25% students from the other classes have visited the abroad and 75% have not.
27% students from the business class read English books and 21% Urdu books,
52% prefer both Urdu and English books.

68
32% from the jobholders families read English books, 17% Urdu and 51%
prefers both Urdu and English books.
The students from the agriculture families, 12% read English books, 41% Urdu,
47% prefers both English and Urdu books.
10% students from the other classes read English books, 62% Urdu and 28%
both English and Urdu books.
All the students from all classes agreed that there is relationship between
language and the social class.
9% students from the business class secure more than 90% marks in the English
11% get less than 50%.
8% students from the jobholders class secure more than 90% marks in the
while 17% get less than 50%.
00% students from the agricultural class secure more than 90% marks in the

69
00% students from the business class secure more than 90% marks in the
9% students from the other classes secure more than 90% marks in the English
11% get less than 50%.

70
CHAPETER 6
6.1. SUGGESTIONS and RECOMMENDATIONS:
The relationships shown in the previous section between dominant home
language, and class has serious implications for children entering an English
medium school system as the combination of low income with a non-English
speaking home, can place the child „at –risk‟. Such children find it challenging
to cope with the demands of the curriculum.
The parents of children who do not speak English feel alienated from the school
and are unable to participate in school activities or help their children with
homework. In the Pakistani context this is likely to be the case with low income
families who tend not to speak English at home.
Furthermore the linguistic capital of disadvantaged homes does not include
literacy practices in English. The children from low income homes tend not to
read in English and watch TV in English. In school they tend not to mix with
children
who speak only English preferring the company of those who are, like them,
mother tongue dominant. In terms of social practice religious instruction for
children from low income homes tends to be in mother tongue. Their
experience of socialization is thus different from that of who speak mainly
English and frequent schools where services are conducted in English. As such

71
an English medium school system can be both a challenging and alienating
experience for the children from low income homes.
The relationship between social class and the English grades that the children
get in school is noteworthy.
6.1.1. The role of government
The Ministry of Education Pakistan should aware of this sociolinguistic feature
and offer various support programs to help children who enter school from non-
English speaking homes.
For this purpose the Learning Support Program (LSP) should be set up with the
purpose of locating at-risk children entering grade 1 and providing them with
intervention so that they can cope with mainstream education.
At-risk children should be identified using the School Readiness Test, also
known as the Primary 1 Screening Test.
Every year approximately 12,000 pupils or 20% of the cohort in a school are
identified as being at risk, though the percentage varies between schools.
However, the problem be dealt with at the preschool level itself. As most
children in Pakistan attend pre-school we think this site offers many
opportunities for intervention in English language and literacy.

72
LSP can do well in acknowledging the gap between home and school it has
some shortcomings. There should be “funds of knowledge” through which large
scale intervention can be conducted with similarly at risk children.
The main contributions of the funds of knowledge projects, should include the
use of bilingual teaching aides, home visits and instruction in the mainstream
classroom through new interactional patterns instead of pulling the child out
into a remedial environment, are not part of LSP.
6.1.2. The Professional Development of Teachers
The Pakistani teachers are reluctant to teach, just as any instructor might be
uneasy about teaching a subject without any in-depth knowledge or training.
Most of the teachers in our study sample put it plainly that their knowledge
does not qualify them to teach about it. The natural consequence of this lack of
knowledge and its accompanying uneasiness is to grant the subject in question
lower priority, or to ignore it completely.
The second demand is, thus, on the teacher's professional competence. The
interested authorities should think of ‘training teachers of language’ rather than
merely 'language teacher training'. This issue has been pointed out by the
findings of the experiment elaborated in the framework of this research,
according to which nearly half the trainees who had a two month-course on
culture did not fail to consider it when asked to design a language lesson plan.

73
To begin with, this training has to be interdisciplinary. Teachers should benefit
from some training in social sciences and cultural studies, just as some ESP
teachers need a background in science and technology. Additionally, this
training has to be concerned with both theory and practice that is, combining a
reflection on theoretical insights with practice-oriented activities. Teachers
should also be involved actively in their training through a task-oriented
experiential learning approach. This is very important in that, on the one hand,
it is of direct relevance to what they are supposed to do with the learners in
class; on the other hand, it helps them to develop competence themselves. In
fact, they need to have as good knowledge. Teachers are not merely purported
to amass a body of information about the facts and artifacts, beliefs and values,
but also to develop skills of gathering data, analyzing meanings, and assessing
self and other in a critical way.
Study visits to an English-speaking country may be planned, even if on behalf
of a limited number of teachers, selected form different parts of the country,
who would then report on their 'adventure' to their colleagues.
Reflection on attitudes and experiences is to be encouraged for it leads to self-
evaluation and eventually to improvement and progress.
What is more, teachers should learn ways to promote the language learning.
They should be able to design language lessons with culture built into them.

74
They are supposed to provide their learners with authentic experiences in the
framework of a systematic approach and a proper methodology. Accordingly,
they do not just need to know what to do with respect to the social component,
but also how to do it. Another important area is the evaluation of teaching
materials as regards the presentation and practice.
It is doubtless too optimistic to presume that the teachers' attitudes would
change, and their knowledge and skills develop by only one training
programme.
Nevertheless, the latter would undeniably enable them to learn some insights
and tools that will make them deal confidently with teaching. It would also
develop their metalanguage in this field, a fact which encourages reflection and
further research, and gives a sense of achievement. Furthermore, such training
would be an opportunity for teachers of different languages at different teaching
levels to exchange experiences and viewpoints.
In the following lines, we have included various recommendations for teachers
to improve their cultural knowledge, to help improve that of their learners and
to maximize the effectiveness of the course books they use.
 It is widely agreed upon that media do enhance teaching, form non-
mechanical aids such as pictures all the way up to sophisticated aids such
as computers. They bring a slice of real life into the classroom. Teachers

75
should exploit the endless resources offered by satellite television, for
instance, in the area of English language awareness. It may provide
valuable materials that can be used in teaching contrastive and
comparative analyzes of cultural systems. Video tapes and computer
disks CD-ROMs are frequently accessible to many language teachers and
learners; their value in the English language classroom cannot be stressed
enough. Other available materials as pictures and photos are too often
ignored, when in fact they could be ideal sources of culture.
 The teachers who are interested in widening their own knowledge, and
who wish to implement a social component in their classes have to
consider themselves as co-learners. They should encourage questions and
work together with the class to find answers, by consulting documents
such as encyclopedias. Other possible sources include:
o Subscribing to some of the English language journals and periodicals;
o Reading and analyzing the English langugae literature;
o Attending conferences and taking part in workshops dealing with this
subject;
o Cooperating with colleagues at the local, national and international
levels, through the exchange of social documents and instructional
materials. It is useful to keep abreast with the English language novelties

76
using all the resources available: books, magazines, web sites, foreign
friendships, and more common mass media as radio and television.
There should be, furthermore, an identification of the major issues to be
discussed in relation to a particular topic, so that the classroom debates would
be deep, leading to new knowledge, new insights and new understanding.
Without this deep engagement, critical thinking cannot occur.
One would say that all this is easier said than done. It is, indeed, particularly, in
the Pakistani context, where teachers tend to be overworked and underpaid. One
cannot expect them to do more efforts. Yet, to accept the task of teaching a
foreign language means also to accept the task of teaching something about in
which it is spoken.
6.1.3. Dealing with the Learners
The pupils need to realize that a good command of the English grammar, lexis
and phonology is necessary but not sufficient for a successful communicative
use of the language. They should be helped to recognize that such elements as
the significance of silence, the appropriacy of language forms or of the topic of
conversation to the situation, the interlocutor's assumptions and expectations are
equally important. They need to view their textbook of English and other
materials more than linguistic objects.

77
It is of great benefit for the learners to be provided with explicit information,
whether in English or in Urdu, about the interconnectedness of language.
When possible, organizing visits to an English-speaking country for the elite
can be a golden opportunity to restructure their views of language and social
class. The pupils should get acquainted with modern technology, namely
computers and internet webs, which could provide unlimited possibilities for
learning language. Moreover, much time should be invested to encourage them
to read all kinds of authentic materials, to develop their communicative
competence.
6.2. CONCLUSION
Throughout this thesis, the main concern has been the way the social
component is viewed and handled in the Pakistani institutions, in relation to two
important factors: social class and the learner.
It has been set about the work with an overview of basic issues that pertain to
social class, the relationship social class, language and communication, the
place of social class in foreign language learning. This has served to convey the
background of the field of foreign language and to set the context for our
research.
On the basis of the examination of the data collected from the students'
questionnaire, it has been to come to the conclusion that the social setup has

78
impact in foreign language learning. Yet, at least half of them do not have a
clear view of what this awareness implies in classroom terms, and do not devise
activities that promote knowledge and understanding. Moreover, most of the
informants put it openly that they do not have in-depth knowledge about
English-speaking.
Moreover, the second language learning experiences of privileged students have
not been documented as much as less privileged students, perhaps because
researchers see the situations and needs of the affluent and secure are less
serious compared to the poor and troubled. Their social economic status and
self-identified social class positions influences their opportunities to practise
English. The participants only attempt to communicate when their thoughts,
beliefs and social class status are validated by others with whom they interact.
Subsequently, the participants’ senses of their middle-class or upper-class
identities were reinforced during their English language learning. When they
perceived new behaviour and attitudes associated with middle class or upper
class, they tended to adjust themselves socioculturally. Influenced by language
teachers, peer pressure, the media, and the social environment, the participants
perceived that there was a link between social prestige and language learning.
Thus, they chose to wear certain brands to signify their social class identities.

79
Finally, the data suggests that the focus on middle-class in the language
classroom should be called into question. I would suggest that students should
be encouraged to think critically; language teachers also need to think about the
messages they are projecting, and to raise awareness of social classes and social
inequalities in the content of published materials and their experiences. In this
way, English language teaching will perhaps assist and inspire students to
combine concern and compassion with critical thinking and analysis.

80
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Appendix – A
QUESTIONNAIRE
QUESTIONNAIRE
(For Students Only)
Here are some questions. Kindly answer honestly, because your answers will be
used for research purposes only. The answers you give us will be combined
with the results of other respondents; therefore no one will be able to trace your
responses.
1. What is the occupation of your father?
 Business
 Job holder
 Agriculture
2. What is your father’s education?
 M.Phil
 Master
 Graduation
 Under graduation
3. What is your mother’s occupation?
 Business

85
 Job holder
 House wife
4. What is your father’s monthly income?
 10000 to 20000
 20000 to 30000
 30000 to 50000
 More than 50000
5. Which medium of instruction is used in your school?
 English
 Urdu
6. Do you watch English channels at your home?
 Yes
 No
7. Which movies do you prefer?
 English movies (Hollywood)
 Urdu (Hindi) movies
 Punjabi
8. Which TV channel(s) mostly you watch at your home?

86
 English
 Urdu
 Both
9. Which is your native language?
 Urdu
 Punjabi
 Saraiki
10.Which language is spoken at your home?
 Urdu
 Punjabi
 Saraiki
11.Which language you speak with your friends?
 Urdu
 English
 Punjabi
 Saraiki

87
12.Have you visited abroad?
 Yes
 No
13.In which language do you prefer to read the books? (Novel, stories etc)
 English
 Urdu
 English and Urdu both
14.Is there any relationship between the social class and the English
language learning?
 Yes
 No
15.What has been your percentage in English subject?
 More than 90 %
 80 to 90 %
 60 to 80 %
 50 to 60 %
 Less than 50 %

88
Appendix – B
List of the Institutions
1. Lahore Grammar SchoolEME Branch, Lahore Punjab
2. Bahria SchoolSystem Bahria Town, Lahore Punjab
3. Punjab College Lahore Punjab
4. The Educator High SchoolElite Campus Johr Town, Lahore Punjab
5. My Academy Abpara Society Near EME Lahore

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