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Translator and Interpreter Training Issues Methods and
Debates John Kearns (Editor) Digital Instant Download
Author(s): John Kearns (editor)
ISBN(s): 9780826498069, 082649806X
Edition: Illustrated
File Details: PDF, 12.03 MB
Year: 2008
Language: english

Translator and
Interpreter Training

Continuum Studies in Translation
Series Editor: Jeremy Munday,
Centre for Translation Studies,
University of Leeds
Published in association with the International Association for Transla-
tion and Intercultural Studies (1ATIS), ContinuumStudies in Translation
aims to present a series of books focused around central issues in trans-
lation and interpreting. Using case studies drawn from a wide range of
different countries and languages, each book presents a comprehensive
examination of current areas of research within translation studies
written by academics at the forefront of the field. The thought-provok-
ing books in this series are aimed at advanced students and researchers
of translation studies.
Translation as Intervention
Edited by Jeremy Munday

Translator and
Interpreter
Training
Issues, Methods and
Debates
Edited by
John Kearns
continuum

Continuum International Publishing Group
The Tower Building 80 Maiden Lane, Suite 704
11 York Road New York
London SE1 7NX NY 10038
© John Kearns and Contributors 2008
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or
transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical,
including photocopying, recording, or any information storage or
retrieval system, without prior permission in writing from the
publishers.
British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data
A catalogue record for this book is available from the BritishLibrary.
ISBN: 978-08264-9805-2 (hardback)
978-08264-9806-9 (paperback)
Library of Congress Cataloguing-in-Publication Data
CIP data has been applied for by the Publisher
Typeset by Newgen Imaging Systems Pvt Ltd, Chennai, India
Printed and bound in Great Britain by MPG Books, Cornwall

Contents
List of Figures and Tables vii
General Editor's Comment ix
Contributors x
Introduction xiii
A Note on URLs xv
Professionalization and Intervention
Cane/ace Seguinot, York University, Toronto
Teaching Interpreting and Interpreting Teaching:
A Conference Interpreter's Overview of Second
Language Acquisition 19
Alessandro Zannirato, Johns Hopkins University,
Baltimore, Maryland, USA
Training Editors in Universities: Considerations,
Challenges and Strategies 39
Haidee Kruger, North-West University,
Vaal Triangle Campus, South Africa
Mobility Programmes as a Learning Experience for
Translation Students: Development and Assessment
of Specific Translation and Transferable Generic
Competences in Study Abroad Contexts 66
Dorothy Kelly, AVANTI Research Group,
University of Granada, Spain
Systematic Assessment of Translator Competence:
In Search of Achilles'Heel 88
Catherine Way, AVANTI Research Group,
University of Granada, Spain
1 1
2
3
4
5

Contents
First Results of a Translation Competence Experiment:
'Knowledge of Translation' and 'Efficacy of the
Translation Process' 104
PACTE Group : Allison Beeby, Monica Fernandez, Olivia Fox,
Amparo Hurtado Albir, Inna Kozlova, Anna Kuznik, Willy
Neunzig, Patricia Rodriguez, Lupe Romero (in alphabetical order).
Principal researcher: Amparo Hurtado Albir,
Universitat Autonoma de Barcelona, Spain
SLIP -A Tool of the Trade Married to an
Educational Space: Making British Sign
Language Dictionaries 127
Christine W.L Wilson and Rita McDade, Department of
Languages and Intercultural Studies, Heriot-Watt University,
Edinburgh, Scotland
Fan Translation Networks: An Accidental Translator
Training Environment? 158
Minako O'Hagan, Dublin City University
The Academic and the Vocational in
Translator Education 184
John Kearns, Kazimierz Wielki University, Bydgoszcz, Poland
Index 215
VIi
6
7
8
9

List of Figures and Tables
Figures
Figure 3.1 A sequential model of the editing process. 56
Figure 6.1 A holistic model of translation competence. 107
Figure 6.2 Results obtained for item 10 (D). 113
Figure 6.3 Results obtained for item 4 (S). 114
Figure 6.4 Distribution of the mean dynamic index of the subjects in the two
experimental groups. 114
Figure 6.5 Spanish text used for A-B translation with 'rich points' indicated. 116
Figure 6.6 Acceptability distribution for the 15 'best' translatorsand the 15 'best'
teachers in A-B translation. 118
Figure 6.7 Total time taken and acceptability. 119
Figure 6.8 Acceptability and time taken at each stage. 120
Figure 7.1 Body notation system. SLIP Project 2000. This is the design "hidden
behind the screen interface". Users can click freely to select a location
on the body, but zones on the body are carefully coded. 147
Figure 7.2 Location. SLIP Project 2001. This is the simple shape visible to the user
on screen.The various "invisible" zones are highlighted as the cursor
moves over them. 148
Figure 7.3 Handshapes. SLIP Project 2001. This shows the pop up menu seen
by the user who can then select the appropriate handshape. 148
Figure 7.4 Facial expressions.SLIP Project 2001. A sample of the twenty-two facial
expressions which appear in a pop up menu. 149
Figure 8.1 Exampleof mimetic words used as part of artwork (circled by the
author for emphasis). 168
Figure 8.2 Introduction to Ofcama-looking character. 173
Tables
Table 3.1 Important components and principles of the theoretical and practical
dimensions of editorial training in a language-practice programme 52
Table 3.2 Analysis of student's editorial interventions according
to the process-oriented model 58
Table 4.1 Translator competence and outcomes of mobility programmes 81
Table 5.1 Students' 'Achilles' Heel' record sheet 96
Table 5.2 Recording communicative and textual competence 96
Table 5.3 Recording cultural competence 97
Table 5.4 Recording subject area competence 97

List of Figures and Tables
Table 5.5 Recording instrumental and professional competence 98
Table 5,6 Recordingpsycho-physiological competence 98
Table 5.7 Recordinginterpersonal competence 99
Table 5.8 Recording strategic competence 99
Table 8.1 Comparative data between fan and professional translations 170
Table 8.2 Useof Translator's notes in fan and professional translation 171
Table 8.3 Useof orthographic devices by the fan translator 173
VIII

General Editor's Comment
The International Associationfor Translation and Intercultural Studies (IATIS)
provides a global forum for scholars and researchers concerned with transla-
tion and other forms of intercultural communication.
The Association facilitates the exchangeof knowledge and resources among
scholars in different parts of the world, stimulates interaction between
researchers from diverse traditions, and encourages scholars across the globe
to explore issues of mutual concern and intellectual interest.
Among the Association's activities are the organization of conferences and
workshops, the creation of Web-based resources and the publication of news-
letters and scholarly books and journals.
The Translation Series published by Continuum in conjunction with IATIS
is a key publication for the Association. It addresses the scholarly community
at large,as well as the Association's members. Each volume presents a themati-
cally coherent collection of essays, under the coordination of a prominent
guest editor. The series thus seeks to be a prime instrument for the promotion
and dissemination of innovative research, sound scholarship and critical
thought in all areas that fall within the Association's purview.
Jeremy Munday
University of Leeds, UK

Contributors
John Kearns isAssociate Professor in the Institute of Modern Languages and
Applied Linguistics at the KazimierzWielki University, Bydgoszcz, Poland. His
main area of research is translator education, the subject on which he com-
pleted his doctoral studies at Dublin City University. He has edited the collec-
tion New Vistas in Translator and Interpreter Training for the Irish Translators'
and Interpreters'Association (ITIA), is general editor of the journal Transla-
tion Ireland and reviews editor for The Interpreter and Translator Trainer. He is
on the executive committee of the ITIA and also chairs the training committee
of the International Association of Translation and Intercultural Studies
(IATIS). He has worked extensively as a translator from Polish to English and
divides his time between Ireland and Poland.
Dorothy Kelly is senior lecturer in Translation at the University of Granada,
where she has been teaching since 1981, and where she currently coordinates
a programme of doctoral studies in Translating and Interpreting entitled
"Traduccion, Sociedad y Complication". She obtained her first degree in
Translating and Interpreting at Heriot-Watt University,Edinburgh (Scotland),
and her doctoral degree from the University of Granada. Her main research
interests are translator training and directionality in translation, on both of
which she has published numerous articles and chapters in collective
volumes. She is author of A Handbook for Translator Trainers (2005),has edited
La traduccion y la interpretation en Espana hoy: perspectivas profesionales
(2000) and La direcdonalidad en Traduccion e Interpretation (2003). She is
currently series editor of Translation Practices Explained and co-editor of the
journal The Interpreter and Translator Trainer, both at St Jerome Publishing,
Manchester, UK.
Haidee Kruger is a lecturer in LanguagePractice and English Literature at the
Vaal Triangle Campus of North-West University in Vanderbijlpark, South
Africa, where she teaches editing, translation and twentieth-century poetry
and fiction. She has also worked as an editor, translator and materials devel-
oper, mostly in the field of educational publishing. Sheholds an MAin English
Literature (on the Beat poetry of Allen Ginsberg) and is currently reading for
a Ph.D. in Translation Studies at the University of the Witwatersrand, focusing
on the translation of children's literature in the South African educational
context. She is also a writer and poet.

Contributors
Minako O'Hagan is a lecturer at Dublin City University, Ireland, where she
teaches translation technology and Japanese. Her current research interests
include CAT (Computer-aided Translation) applications, audiovisual transla-
tion, Japanese popular culture (anime,manga and videogames) and e-learning.
She is the author of The Coming Industry of Tele-translation (1996), and co-
author, with David Ashworth, of Translation-mediated Communication in a
Digital World (2002).
The PACTE Group (Proceso de Adquisicion de la Competencia Traductora
y Evaluacion) was formed in October 1997. The aim of its research is to inves-
tigate translation competence and its acquisition in written translation using
an empirical and experimental-based research methodology. Sixlanguage pairs
are used: English-Spanish, English-Catalan, French-Spanish, French-Catalan,
German-Spanish and German-Catalan. PACTE is a member of the Institute of
Neurosciences (INC) of the Universitat Autonoma de Barcelona since 2001.
For more information, see the Group's website: twww.fti.uab.es/pacte
Candace Seguinot is a Full Professor in the School of Translation at Glendon
College, York University, in Toronto, Canada, where among other responsibili-
ties she directs the Programme in Technical and Professional Writing. Her
research and publications are in the areas of cross-cultural communication,
global marketing, theoretical models of the translation process and the nature
of professional expertise. She is the editor of The Translation Process (H.G.
Publications, School of Translation, York University, 1989) and is currently
engaged in research on cross-disciplinary perspectives on knowledge transfer.
Catherine Wayhas been a lecturer in Translation and Interpreting (Spanish-
English) at the University of Granada in Spain since 1989 and also lectures
on the role of translation and interpreting in intercultural mediation in the
faculty of law at the university. Along with Dorothy Kelly she is a member of
the AVANTI Research Group. A professional translator and interpreter, her
research interests are in economic, commercial, financial, legal and sworn
translation, public service interpreting, directionality in translation and trans-
lator training. She has recently authored a study on translation as social action
and has co-edited a collection of papers on directionality in translation. With
Dorothy Kelly she co-edits the journal The Interpreter and Translator Trainer.
Christine W.L.Wilson and Rita McDade, lecturers in the Department of
Languages and Intercultural Studies, Heriot-Watt University, Edinburgh,
developed and run the only university British Sign Language/English interpret-
ing course in Scotland. Christine Wilson's background is in French/English
Xi

Contributors
translation and interpreting as practitioner, lecturer and researcher with
special interest in interpreting in public sector fields, by videoconferencing
and in cross-cultural surveys. She is co-author of Translating, Interpreting &
Communication Support: A Review of Services in the Public Sector in Scotland.
Rita McDade, a respected member of the Deaf Community, is a relay inter-
preter and translator and was previously Training Officer for the Scottish
Association of Sign Language Interpreters. She has particular interest in the
teaching and acquisition of BSL at advanced levels, BSLtutor training and
translation into sign language.
Alessandro Zannirato is senior lecturer and director of the Italian Language
Program at Johns Hopkins University. He received a degree in liaison inter-
preting from Milan's Civica Scuola per Interpret! e Traduttori (now ISIT),
a laurea in Conference Interpreting from S. Pio V University of Rome, and
a Ph.D. with a double concentration in Second Language Acquisition and
Interpreter Training from the University of Cape Town. He is a sworn transla-
tor of the High Court of South Africa, and has worked as a teacher, teacher
trainer, technical translator and interpreter for various institutions. His
research interests include foreign language programme evaluation, interpreter
training and L2teacher development.
XII

Introduction
The present collection reveals the field of research in language mediation
education to be finding a surer footing for itself in various ways. Perhaps most
conspicuous and refreshing from an editorial point of view has been the
absence of earnestly dogmatic pleas for the importanceand necessity of train-
ing in translation and interpreting, which seemed to characterize discourse in
the field for several years. The value of education, it seems, is something which
can now be increasingly presumed at least within training circles and discus-
sion has progressed to more challenging issues of what and how we should be
teaching (and indeed, in the case of Minako O'Hagan's contribution, of how
our training efforts can be informed by the successes of translators who define
themselves through their very lack of training).
Other trajectories become apparent on closer examination. There appears
to be a move away from papers which focus hermetically on the individual
experiences of trainers arriving at their own solutions in their own classrooms.
Contributions in the current collection challenge this isolation in different
ways, perhaps most obviously in the fact that researchers are feeling increas-
ingly assured in talking about training as it connects with a variety of other
fields - Haidee Kruger's extension of the discussion into editing appears, in
this respect, as entirely appropriate as Dorothy Kelly's investigation of transla-
tion in student exchange programmes and Christine W.L. Wilson and Rita
McDade's study of lexicography for sign-language interpreting.
Most particularly, however, it appears that we are becoming more comfort-
able in talking about education at the same time aswetalk about translator and
interpreter training. There is a more conspicuous willingness to move into
other disciplines to inform our research and, concomitantly, a greater bravery
in viewing the implications of our work in the broader social arena. Such a
tendency is clear in Candace Seguinot's examination of the role of training
intervention in the context of broader notions of professionalization or
Alessandro Zannirato's study of the interplay of interpreter training and sec-
ond language acquisition. Moreover, this extension into other fields appears to
be matched by a growing awareness of the development of a research canon in
our own field of investigation. This is particularly evident with regard to the
increasingly sophisticated discussions which are evolving around the notion
of competence, the meticulous research trajectory of the PACTE group in

Introduction
Barcelona being a case in point here. While competence is also a primary
theme of the contributions by Dorothy Kelly and Catherine Wayto this collec-
tion, it is worth noting that it is a notion which is mentioned in one form or
another in all of the papers in this volume.
Along with the development of a common vocabulary, the contributors
here reveal an increasing tendency to draw on a common research canon. One
name mentioned frequently in the papers is that of Don Kiraly, whose social
constructivist approach to translator training responds to the inadequacies of
many traditional 'transmissionist' training models with a pedagogy informed
by recent thought in constructivist psychology. For many, notably O'Hagan,
the direction which these collaborative methods of learning point towards is
firmly within the potentialities offered by new technologies. Cutting-edge
technology is also at the core of Wilson and McDade's project, which maps
new ground in terms of research into the development of training tools.
Catherine Wayshares this concern with tools when she aptly notes how train-
ers nowadays are not only faced with the task of enabling trainees to acquire
new professional competences, but also of providing their graduates with the
tools to ensure that they are capable of maintaining and upgrading these
competences throughout their working lives. In keeping with the sentiments
of Kiraly'sapproach, perhaps the future of translator and interpreter training
research lies in examining ways in which we can enable our learners to learn
how to learn, as this would seem to be a primary competence demanded in
both professional and personal life after university.
The broad international range of these papers reflects the fact that all but
one were initially presented at the Second International Conference of the
International Association of Translation and Intercultural Studies (IATIS),
held at the University of the Western Cape, Cape Town, South Africa in July
2006. In addition to thanking all the contributors, I would also like to thank
both the conference organizers and those within IATIS for making such an
international endeavour possible. I extend my gratitude to series editor Jeremy
Munday for his unfailing support and to the many specialists who provided
peer reviews for the articles. Finally many thanks to Gurdeep Mattu and
Colleen Coalter at Continuum for their patience and understanding.
John Kearns
Dublin, September 2007
XIV

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union was at last effected between the three dissentient
parties, by which the Lutheran doctrine of the Lord’s Supper
was acknowledged, yet in so indefinite a form that Calvin’s
view might also be entertained. The Lutheran opposition at
the synod had been suppressed by urgent entreaty, but
afterwards broke out again in a still more violent form. At the
Synod of Thorn, in A.D. 1595, the Lutheran pastor Paul Gericke
was the leader of it; but one of the nobles present held a
dagger to his heart, and the synod suspended him from his
office as a disturber of the peace. Sigismund Augustus had
meanwhile died, in A.D. 1572. During the interregnum that
followed, the Protestant nobles formed a confederation, which
before the election of a new king succeeded in obtaining a
comprehensive religious peace, the Pax dissidentium of
A.D. 1573, by means of which Catholics and Protestants were
for all time to live together in peace and enjoy equal civil
rights. The newly elected king, Henry of Anjou, sought to
avoid binding himself by oath to the observance of this peace,
but the imperial marshal addressed him in firm and decided
language, Si non jurabis, non regnabis. In the following year,
however, the new king left Poland in order to mount the
French throne as Henry III. Stephen Bathori, A.D. 1576-
1586, swore without hesitation to observe the peace, and
kept his oath. Under his successor, Sigismund III., a Swedish
prince, A.D. 1587-1632, the Protestants had to complain of the
infringement of many of their rights, which from this time
down to the overthrow of the Polish kingdom, in A.D. 1772,
they never again enjoyed.395
―Continuation, § 164, 4.
§ 139.19. Bohemia and Moravia.―The numerous
Bohemian and Moravian Brethren (§ 119, 8), at whose head
was the elder Luke of Prague, greeted the appearance of
Luther with the most hopeful joy. By messages and writings,
however, which in A.D. 1522-1524 were interchanged between
them, some important diversities of view were discovered.
Luke disliked Luther’s realistic theory of the Lord’s Supper,

continued to hold by the seven sacraments, rejected the
doctrine of justification by faith alone, and took special
offence at Luther’s view of Christian freedom, which seemed
to him to want the necessary rigour of the apostolic discipline
of the life and to under-estimate the importance and worth of
celibacy and virginity. Luther, on the other hand, charged
them with a want of grasp of the doctrine and a Novatian
over-estimation of mere outward exercises and discipline. And
so these negotiations ended in mutual recrimination, and only
after Luke’s death, in A.D. 1528, and the glorious Diet of
Augsburg, in A.D. 1530, were they reopened. The
Lutheranizing tendency, for which especially the two elders
John Roh and John Augusta laboured, now gained the upper
hand for two decades. In A.D. 1532 the Brethren presented to
the Margrave George of Brandenburg an apology of the
doctrine and customs, which was printed at Wittenberg, and
had a preface by Luther, in which he expressed himself in
very favourable terms about the doctrine of the “Picards,” and
only objected to their spiritualizing tendency, of which their
doctrine of the supper and of baptism was not altogether
free, inasmuch as they, while practising infant baptism,
required that each one should on reaching maturity take the
vows upon himself and have baptism repeated. Still more
favourably did he speak of their confession presented in
A.D. 1535 to King Ferdinand, in which they had left out the
rebaptizing, substituting for it the solemn imposition of hands
as confirmation. When the Brethren at Luther’s request had
modified the two articles at which he took offence, their
unsatisfactory theory of justification, and that of the
wholesomeness, though not necessity, of clerical celibacy, he
declared himself thoroughly satisfied, and at their last
personal conference, in A.D. 1542, he stretched his hand over
the table to Augusta and his companions as the pledge of
indissoluble brotherly fellowship, although not agreed in
regard to various matters of constitution and discipline. The
refusal of the Brethren to fight against their German fellow

Protestants in the Schmalcald war led to their king Ferdinand
upon its close issuing some penal statutes against them.
Driven away into exile in A.D. 1548, many of them went to
Poland, the larger number to Prussia, from whence they
returned to their native land in A.D. 1574. Meantime matters
had there in many respects taken an altogether new turn. In
the later years of his reign Ferdinand had become more
favourable to the evangelical movement in his hereditary
dominions, and Maximilian II., A.D. 1564-1576, gave it an
absolutely free course (§ 137, 8). Thus the Brethren could not
only go on from day to day increasing in numbers and in
influence, but alongside of them there grew up a genuine
Lutheran community and an independent Calvinist body. The
Crypto-calvinism which was also at the same time gaining the
victory in Saxony (§ 141, 10) cast its shadow upon the
Lutheranizing movement among the Brethren. And this
movement told all the more against the Lutheran party there
from the circumstance that at an earlier period there had
been powerful influences at work, inspired by a national
Bohemian spirit, to resist German interference in matters of
religion. Since the death of the elder Luke the national party
had succeeded more and more in working back to the
genuine Bohemian constitution, discipline, and confession of
their fathers. At the head of this movement stood John
Blahoslaw, from A.D. 1553 deacon of Jungbunzlau, after Luke
of Prague and before Amos Comenius (§ 167, 2) the most
important champion of the Bohemian-Moravian Confession.
To him chiefly are the Brethren indebted for the high
development of literary and scientific activity which they
manifested during the second half of the century, and his
numerous writings, but pre-eminently his translation of the
N.T., proved almost as influential and epoch-making for the
Bohemian language as Luther’s translation of the Bible did for
the written language of Germany. Himself one of the ablest
among the very numerous writers of spiritual songs in
Bohemian, he was the restorer of the simple and majestic

Bohemian chorales. As he had himself, in A.D. 1568, translated
the N.T. from the original Greek text, he also undertook, with
the help of several younger men of noble gifts, a similar
translation of the O.T. and a commentary on the whole Bible.
But he died in A.D. 1571, in his forty-eighth year, before the
issue of his great work, upon the inception of which he had
expended so much thought and care. This great undertaking
was completed and published in six volumes between
A.D. 1579-1593. The strong spiritual affinity between the
society of the Brethren and the Calvinistic church, especially
in its doctrine of the supper and in its zeal for rigid church
discipline, was meanwhile again brought into prominence,
and had led to a more and more decided loosening of
attachment to the Lutheran church, and, in spite of the
antagonism of its episcopalianism to the Calvinistic
presbyterianism, to the formation of closer ties with
Calvinism. But now, on the other hand, the common danger
that threatened them from Rudolph II., who had been king of
Bohemia from A.D. 1575, at the instigation of Jesuits through
the Spanish court, led all non-Catholics, of whatever special
confession, to draw as closely together as possible. Thus a
league came to be formed in the same year in which the
Brethren were far outnumbered by Lutherans, Reformed, and
Calixtines (§ 119, 7), by means of which, in the Confessio
Bohemica of A.D. 1575, a common symbol was drawn up, and
all the four parties were placed under the management of a
common consistory. But when, after Maximilian’s death,
Rudolph II. proceeded more and more rigorously in his efforts
to completely suppress all heresy, the Bohemians rose with
one heart, and at last, in A.D. 1609, extorted from him the
rescript which gave them absolute religious liberty according
to the Bohemian Confession, a common consistory of their
own, and an academy at Prague. Bohemia was now an almost
completely evangelical country, and scarcely a tenth part of

its inhabitants professed attachment to the Catholic
faith.396
―Continuation, §§ 153, 2; 167, 2.
§ 139.20. Hungary and Transylvania.―From A.D. 1524,
Martin Cyriaci, a student of Wittenberg, wrought in Hungary
for the spread of the true doctrine. King Louis II. threatened
its adherents with all possible penalties. But in A.D. 1526 he
fell in battle against the Turks at Mohacz. The election of a
new king resulted in two claimants taking possession of the
field; Ferdinand of Austria secured a footing in the western,
and the Woiwode John Zapolya in the eastern provinces. Both
sought to suppress the Reformation, in order to win over the
clergy to support them. But it nevertheless gained the
ascendency, favoured by the political confusions of the time.
Matthias Devay, a scholar of Luther, and for a time a
resident in his house, from A.D. 1521 preached the gospel at
Ofen, having been called thither by several of the leading
inhabitants on Melanchthon’s recommendation, and in
A.D. 1533 had a Hungarian translation of the Pauline epistles
printed at Cracow. In A.D. 1541 Erdösy issued the complete
New Testament, which was also the first book printed in
Hungary. At a synod at Erdöd, in A.D. 1545, twenty-nine
ministers drew up a confession of faith in twelve articles, in
agreement with the Augsburg Confession. But also the Swiss
doctrine had now found entrance, and won more and more
adherents from day to day. These adopted at a council at
Czengar, in A.D. 1557, a Calvinistic confession, with decided
repudiation of the Zwinglian as well as the Lutheran theory of
the Lord’s Supper, describing the latter as an insania
sarcophagica. The government of Maximilian II. did not
interfere with the progress of the Reformation; but when
Rudolph II. attempted to interfere with violent measures, the
Protestants rose in revolt under Stephen Bocskai, and
compelled the king to grant them complete religious liberty by
the Vienna Peace of A.D. 1606. Among the native Hungarians
the Reformed confession prevailed, but the German residents

remained true to Lutheranism. (Continuation § 153, 3.)―As
early as A.D. 1521 merchants had brought into Transylvania
from Hermanstadt copies of Luther’s writings. King Louis II.
of Hungary, however, carried his persecution of the
evangelicals even into this territory, which was continued
after his death by Zapolya. In A.D. 1529, however,
Hermanstadt ventured to expel all adherents of the Romish
church from within its walls. In Cronstadt, the work of the
Reformation was carried on from A.D. 1533 by Jac. Honter,
who had studied at Basel. Since Zapolya through an
agreement with Ferdinand, in A.D. 1538, was assured of
possession for his lifetime of Transylvania, he acted more
mildly toward the Protestants. After his death the monk
Martinuzzi, as Bishop of Grosswardein, assumed the helm of
affairs for Zapolya’s son during his minority, oppressing the
Protestants with bloody persecutions, while Isabella, Zapolya’s
widow, was favourable to them. Martinuzzi therefore handed
over the country to Ferdinand, but was assassinated in
A.D. 1551. After some years Isabella returned with her son,
and a national assembly at Clausenburg, in A.D. 1557,
gave an organization to the country as an independent
principality, and proclaimed universal religious liberty. The
Saxon population continued attached to the Lutheran
confession, and the Czecks and Magyars preferred to adopt
the Reformed.397
§ 139.21. Spain.―The connection brought about between
Spain and Germany through the election of Charles V. as
emperor led to the very early introduction into the Peninsula
of Luther’s doctrine and writings. Indeed many of the
theologians and statesmen who went in Charles’ train into
Germany returned with evangelical convictions in their hearts,
as, e.g., the Benedictine Alphonso de Virves, the fiery Ponce
de la Fuente, both court chaplains of the emperor, and his
private secretary Alphonso Valdez. A layman, Roderigo de
Valer, by earnest study of the Bible attained unto a knowledge

of the gospel, and became the instrument of leading many
others into the way of salvation. The Inquisition confiscated
his goods and condemned him to wear the san benito
(§ 117, 2). Juan Gil, a friend of Valer, Bishop of Tortosa,
founded a society for the study of the Bible. The Inquisition
deposed him, and only Charles’ favour protected him from the
stake; but subsequently his bones were dug up and burnt.
Many other prelates also, such as Carranza of Toledo,
Guerrero of Granada, Guesta of Leon, Carrubias of Ciudad
Roderigo, Agostino of Lerida, Ayala of Segovia, etc., admitted
the necessity for a thoroughgoing revision of doctrine,
without detaching themselves from the pope and the Romish
church; and in this direction they laboured with zeal and
success amid the threatenings of the Inquisition. The first
Protestant martyr in Spain was Francisco san Romano, a
merchant who had become acquainted with Luther’s doctrine
at Antwerp. He was led to the stake at Valladolid, in A.D. 1544.
Francis Enzina, in A.D. 1543, translated the New Testament.
He was cast into prison, and the book prohibited. A complete
Spanish Bible was printed by Cassiod. de Reyna at Basel, in
A.D. 1569. In Seville and Valladolid first of all, and at a later
period also in many other Spanish cities, evangelical
congregations held secret services. Even so soon as about
A.D. 1550, the Reformation movement threatened to become
so general and widespread, that a Spanish historian of that
age, Ilesca, in his history of the popes, expresses the
conviction that all Spain would have become overrun with
heresy if the Inquisition had delayed for three months longer
to put an end to the pestilence. But it now applied that
remedy in the largest and strongest doses possible. The
measures of the Inquisition were specially prompt and
vigorous during the reign of Philip II., A.D. 1555-1598.
Scarcely a year passed in which there were not at each of the
twelve Inquisition courts one or more great autos-de-fé, in
which crowds of heretics were burnt. And the remedy was
effectual. After two decades the evangelical movement was

stamped out. How determinedly the crusade was carried out
is shown by the proceedings in the case of the Archbishop of
Toledo, Barthol. Carranza. This prelate had published a
“Commentary on the Catechism,” in which he expressed a
wish to see “the ancient spirit of our forefathers and of the
early church revived in its simplicity and purity.” The grand-
inquisitor discerned therein Lutheran heresy, and though he
bore one of the highest positions in the Spanish church,
Carranza was kept close prisoner for eight years in the
dungeons of the Inquisition, and after he had at last reached
the pope with his appeal, he was kept for nine years in the
castle of St. Angelo at Rome. There at last, upon his abjuring
sixteen heretical propositions, especially about justification,
saint and image worship, he was sentenced to five years’
imprisonment in the Dominican cloister at Orvieto, but died
some weeks after, in A.D. 1576, in his seventy-third year. At
the Quemadero, the scene of the autos-de-fé of the Madrid
Inquisition court, there were till quite recently discernible the
traces of the human hecatombs that had there been offered
up to the insatiable Moloch of religious fanaticism. The official
newspaper of the capital of the 12th April, A.D. 1869, reports
how on the removal of the soil for the purpose of lengthening
a street, the grim geological archives of the burnings of the
Inquisition were laid bare, while with horrifying minuteness it
proceeds to describe the maximum reached, and the gradual
diminution of these papal atrocities.398
§ 139.22. Italy.―The Reformation made progress in Italy in
various directions. A large number of the humanists
(§ 120, 1) had in a self-sufficient paganism lost all interest in
Christianity, and were just as indifferent toward the
Reformation as toward the old church; but another section
were inclined to favour a reformation after the style of
Erasmus. Both remained in outward connection with the old
church. But besides these there were many learned men of a
more decided tendency, some of them attempting reforms at

their own hand, and so not infrequently rejecting fundamental
doctrines of Christianity, such as the various Anti-trinitarians
of that age (§ 148), some who attached themselves to the
German, but more frequently to the Swiss reformers. Both
brought the reforming ideas before the people by preaching
and writing. Almost all the works of the German and Swiss
reformers were immediately after their publication circulated
in Italy in translations, and under the shield of anonymity
scattered broadcast through the land, before the Inquisition
laid hold upon them. Among the princely supporters of the
Reformation movement, the most prominent was Renata of
Este, Duchess of Ferrara, and sister-in-law of the French king
Francis, distinguished as much for piety as for culture and
learning. Her court was a place of refuge and a rallying point
for French and Italian exiles. Calvin stayed some weeks with
her in A.D. 1536, and confirmed her in her evangelical faith by
personal conversation, and subsequently by epistolary
correspondence. Her husband, Hercules of Ferrara, whom she
married in A.D. 1534, at first let her do as she liked, but in
A.D. 1536 expelled Calvin from his dominions, and had his wife
confined, in A.D. 1554, as an obstinate Lutheran heretic, in the
old castle of Este. Still she was allowed to return to her
husband after she had brought herself to confess to a Romish
priest. But when after his death, in A.D. 1560, Alphonso, her
son, put before her the alternative of either recanting her
faith or leaving the country, she returned to France, and there
openly made profession of her faith and attached herself to
the Huguenots. Francis of Guise was her son-in-law, and she
was subjected on account of her Protestantism to the
incessant persecutions of the Guises. She died in
A.D. 1575.―We have seen already, in § 135, 3, that the idea
had been mooted of a propaganda of Catholic Christians in
Italy. With a strong and lively conviction of the importance of
the doctrine of justification by faith they made it the central
point of religious life and knowledge, and thus, without
directly opposing it, they inspired new life into the Catholic

church. The first germ of this movement appeared in the so-
called Oratory of Divine Love, an association formed in the
beginning of A.D. 1520 at Rome, after the apostolic model, for
mutual religious edification, consisting of fifty or sixty young,
eager men, mostly of the clerical order. One of the original
founders was Jac. Sadolet, who in this spirit expounded the
Epistle to the Romans. To it also belonged such men as the
founder of the Theatine order (§ 149, 7), Cajetan of Thiene,
and John Pet. Caraffa, Bishop of Chieta, and afterwards Pope
Paul IV., who sought the church’s salvation rather in the
practice of a rigorous inquisitorial discipline. The sack of
Rome (§ 132, 2) broke up this association in A.D. 1527, but
spread its efforts over all Italy. The fugitive English cardinal,
Reginald Pole, attached himself in Venice to the party of
Sadolet. In Ferrara there was Italy’s most famous poetess,
Vittoria Colonna; at Modena the Bishop Morone, who,
although as papal legate in Germany, a zealous defender of
the papal claims (§§ 135, 2; 137, 5), yet in his own diocese
even subsequently aided the evangelical tendencies of his
companions with much ardour, and hence under Paul IV. was
cast into the Inquisition, to come out only under Pius V., after
undergoing a three years’ imprisonment. In Naples there was
Juan Valdez, Alphonso’s brother, secretary of the Spanish
viceroy of Naples, and author of the “One Hundred and Ten
Divine Considerations,” as well as a book of Christian doctrine
for the young in the Spanish language. In Siena there was
Aonio Paleario, professor of classical literature, famous as
poet and orator. In Rome there was the papal notary
Carnesecchi, formerly the personal friend of Clement VII. In
other places there were many more. The most conspicuous
representative of the party was the Venetian Gasparo
Contarini (§ 135, 3), who died in A.D. 1542.
§ 139.23. The tendency of the thought of these men is most
clearly and fully set forth in the little work, “The Benefit of
Christ’s Death.” At Venice, where it first appeared in A.D. 1542,

within six years 60,000 copies of this tract were issued, and
afterwards innumerable reprints and translations of it were
circulated. Since Aonio Paleario had written, according to his
own statement, a tract of a similar character, he came to be
generally regarded as its author, until Ranke discovered a
notice among the acts of the Inquisition, according to which
the heretical jewel was to be assigned to a monk of San
Severino in Naples, a disciple of Juan Valdez, and afterwards
Benrath succeeded in proving his name to be Don Benedetto
of Mantŏva. The conciliatory spirit of these friends of
moderate reform gave grounds for large expectation, all the
more that Paul III. seemed all through his life to favour the
movement. He nominated Contarini, Sadolet, Pole, and
Caraffa cardinals, instituted in A.D. 1536 a congregatio
præparatoria, and made Contarini the representative of the
curia at the religious Conference of Regensburg in A.D. 1541
(§ 135, 3), which sought to bring about the conciliation of the
German Protestants. But just about this time, probably not
without the co-operation of the Jesuit order founded in
A.D. 1540, a split occurred which utterly blasted all these
grand expectations. The zeal of Caraffa set himself at the
head of the opposition, and Paul III., in accordance with his
proposal in his bull Licet ab initio of A.D. 1542, reorganized the
defunct Roman Inquisition after the Spanish model as the
central institution for the uprooting of the Protestant heresy.
This “Holy Office” henceforth pursued its violent career under
the pontificate of Caraffa himself, who mounted the papal
throne in A.D. 1555 as Paul IV. Subsequently, too, under the
obstinate, fanatical, and hence canonized monkish pope
Pius V., from A.D. 1566 every suspicion of Protestantism was
rigorously and mercilessly punished with imprisonment,
torture, the galleys, the scaffold, and the stake. So
energetically was the persecution carried out against the
adherents and the patrons of the Reformation, that by the
end of the century no trace of its presence was any longer to
be found within the bounds of Italy. One of the last victims of

this persecution was Aonio Paleario. After he had been for
three years in the prisons of the Inquisition, he was strangled
and then burnt. A similar fate had previously befallen
Carnesecchi. How thoroughgoing and successful the Holy
Office was in the suppression of books suspected of a
heretical taint appears from the war of extermination carried
on against that liber perniciosissimus, “On the Benefit of
Christ’s Death.” In spite of the hundred thousand copies of
the book that had been in circulation, the Inquisition so
carefully and consistently pursued its task of extirpation, that
thirty years after its appearance it was no longer to be found
in the original and after a hundred no translation even was
supposed to exist. In Rome alone a pile of copies were burnt
which reached to the height of a house. In A.D. 1853 a copy of
the original was found in Cambridge, and was published in
London, 1855, with an English translation made by the Duke
of Devonshire in A.D. 1548.399
§ 139.24. Among the Italian reformers who shook themselves
entirely free from the papacy, and only by flight into foreign
lands escaped prison, torture, and the stake, the following are
the most important.
1. Bernardino Ochino, from A.D. 1538 general of the
Capuchins, became by his glowing eloquence one of the
most popular of Italian preachers. The study of the Bible
had led him to accept the doctrine of justification when,
in A.D. 1536, he was called to Naples as Lenten preacher.
He was there brought into close contact with Juan
Valdez, who confirmed him in his evangelical tendencies,
and made him acquainted with the writings of the
German reformers. In order to escape arrest and the
Inquisition, he fled in A.D. 1542 to Geneva, and wrought
successively at Basel, Augsburg, Strassburg, and London.
After the death of Edward VI. he was obliged to make his
escape from England, went as preacher to Zürich,

adopted Socinian views, and even justified polygamy. He
was consequently deposed from his office, fled to Poland,
and died in Moravia in A.D. 1565.400
2. Peter Martyr Vermilius, an Augustinian monk and
popular preacher. The study of the writings of Erasmus,
Zwingli, and Bucer led him to quit the Catholic church. He
fled to Zürich, became professor in Strassburg, and on
Cranmer’s invitation came to England, where he was
made professor in Oxford. When Mary came to the
throne, he returned to Strassburg, and died as professor
at Zürich in A.D. 1562.
3. Peter Paul Vergerius in A.D. 1530 accompanied
Campegius to the Diet of Augsburg as papal legate
(§ 132, 6); was sent again, in A.D. 1535, to Germany by
Paul III., in order to get the German princes to agree to
the holding of the council at Mantua (§ 134, 1), and on
this point he conferred personally but unsuccessfully with
Luther. On his return home, in A.D. 1536 the pope
conferred upon him, in recognition of his faithful service,
the bishopric of his native city, Capo d’Istria. In A.D. 1540
we find him again present during the religious conference
at Worms (§ 135, 2), where his conciliatory efforts called
down on him the displeasure of the pope and the
suspicion of his enemies as a secret adherent of Luther.
In order to clear himself of suspicion he studied Luther’s
writings with the intention of controverting them, but had
his heart opened to gospel truths, and was obliged to
betake himself to flight. At Padua the dreadful end of the
jurist Speira, who had abjured his evangelical convictions,
and feeling that he had committed the unpardonable sin
died amid the most fearful agonies of conscience, made
an indelible impression upon him. He now, in A.D. 1548,
formally joined the evangelical church, wrought for a long
time in the country of the Grisons, not as a member of

the Reformed but of the Lutheran church, and died as
professor at Tübingen in A.D. 1565.
4. The Piedmontese Cœlius Secundus Curio was the
youngest of a family of twenty-three, and was early left
an orphan. He studied at Turin, where an Augustinian
monk, Jerome Niger, made him acquainted with the
writings of Luther and others. Unweariedly devoted to
spreading the gospel in the various cities of Italy, he was
repeatedly subjected by the persecution of the Inquisition
to severe imprisonment, but always managed to escape
in almost a miraculous way. At last he found, in A.D. 1542,
on the recommendation of the Duchess Renata, an
asylum in Switzerland, first of all in Bern; then he taught
in Lausanne for four years, and in Basel for twenty-two.
He died at Basel in A.D. 1569. His latitudinarian theology
gave no offence among the liberal-minded folk of Basel,
but he was looked upon with much displeasure by the
theologians of Geneva, whose prosecutions of heretics he
had condemned; and even from Tübingen, Vergerius,
who had been his intimate friend, brought the charge of
Pelagianism against him.
5. Galeazzo Carraccioli, Marquis of Vico, on his mother’s
side a nephew of Paul IV., was led by intercourse with
Juan Valdez and the preaching of Peter Martyr to
abandon the gay, worldly life of the Neapolitan court for
one of religious earnestness and devotion, and by means
of a visit to Germany in company with the emperor he
was confirmed in his evangelical convictions. In order to
be able to live in the undisturbed profession of his faith,
he fled, in A.D. 1551, to Geneva. Neither the tears nor the
curses of his aged father, who had hurried after him to
that place, nor the promise of indulgence from his papal
uncle, nor the complaining, the tears, and despair of his
tenderly loved wife and children, whom at great risk he
had visited at Vico in A.D. 1558, were able to shake the

steadfastness of his faith. But equally in vain were his
incessant entreaties and tears to induce his wife and
children to come and join him on some neutral territory,
where he might be allowed to follow the evangelical and
they the Catholic confession. On the ground of this
obstinate and persistent refusal, the Genevan consistory,
with Calvin at its head, at last granted him the divorce
that he claimed, and in A.D. 1560 Carraccioli entered into
a second marriage. Down to his death, in A.D. 1586, by
his active and industrious life he afforded a pattern, and
by his successful labours he proved a powerful support to
the Italian congregation in Geneva, whose pastor,
Balbani, raised to him a well deserved memorial in the
history of his life, which he published in Geneva in
A.D. 1587.
6. To the sketch of these noble reformers we may now add
the name of a woman who is well deserving of a place
alongside of them for her singular classical culture, her
rich poetic endowment, and her noble and beautiful life.
Fulvia Olympia Morata, of Ferrara, in her sixteenth year
began to deliver public lectures in her native city, where
she enjoyed the friendship and favour of the Duchess
Renata. She married a German physician, Andrew
Grunthler, went with him to his home at Schweinfurt, and
there attached herself to the Protestant church. When
that city was plundered by the Margrave Albert in
A.D. 1553 (§ 137, 4), they lost all their property. She died
in A.D. 1555 at Heidelberg, where Grunthler had been
appointed professor of medicine.401
§ 139.25. The Protestantizing of the Waldensians
(§ 108, 10).―The news of the Reformation caused great
excitement among the Waldensians. Even as early as
A.D. 1520 the Piedmontese barba, or minister, Martin of
Lucerne, undertook a journey to Germany, and brought back

with him several works of the reformers. In A.D. 1530 the
French Waldensians sent two delegates, George Morel and
Peter Masson, who conferred verbally and in writing with
Œcolampadius at Basel, and with Bucer and Capito at
Strassburg. The result was, that in A.D. 1532 a synod was held
in the Piedmontese village of Chauvoran, in the valley of
Angrogna, at which the two Genevan theologians Farel and
Saunier were present. A number of narrow-minded prejudices
that prevailed among the old Waldensians were now
abandoned, such as the prohibition against taking oaths, the
holding of magisterial offices, the taking of interest, etc.; and
several Catholic notions to which they had formerly adhered,
such as auricular confession, the reckoning of the sacraments
as seven, the injunction of fasts, compulsory celibacy, the
doctrine of merits, etc., were abandoned as unevangelical,
while the Reformed doctrine of predestination was adopted.
On this foundation the complete Protestantizing of the whole
Waldensian community now made rapid progress, but called
down upon them from every side bloody persecutions. In
Provence and Dauphiné there were, in A.D. 1545, four
thousand murdered, and twenty-two districts devastated with
fire. Their remnants got mixed up with the French Reformed.
When the Waldensian colonies in Calabria were told of the
Protestantizing of their Piedmontese brethren, they sent, in
A.D. 1559, a delegate to seek a pastor for them from Geneva.
Ludovico Pascale, by birth a Piedmontese Catholic, who had
studied theology at Geneva, was selected for this mission; but
soon after his arrival he was thrown into prison at Naples,
and from thence carried off to Rome, where in A.D. 1560 he
went with all the martyr’s joy and faith to the stake erected
for him by the Inquisition. In the trials of this man Rome for
the first time came to understand the significance and the
attitude of the Calabrian colonies, and now the grand-
inquisitor, Alexandrini, with some Dominicans, was sent for
their conversion or extermination. The flourishing churches
were in A.D. 1561 completely rooted out, amid scenes of

almost incredible atrocity. The men who escaped the stake
were made to toil in the Spanish galleys, while their wives
and children were sold as slaves. In Piedmont, the duke, after
vain military expeditions for their conversion, which the
Waldensians, driven to arms had successfully withstood, was
obliged to allow them, in the Peace of Cavour of A.D. 1561, a
restricted measure of religious liberty. But when the violent
attempts to secure conversions did not cease, they bound
themselves together, in A.D. 1571, in the so-called “Union of
the Valleys,” by which they undertook to defend one another
in the exercise of their evangelical worship.―Continuation,
§ 153, 5.
§ 139.26. Attempt at Protestantizing the Eastern
Church.―The opposition to the Roman papacy, which was
common to them and the eastern church, led the Protestants
of the West to long for and strive after a union with those
who were thus far agreed with them. A young Cretan, Jacob
Basilicus, whom Heraclides, prince of Samos and Paros, had
adopted, on his travels through Germany, Denmark, and
Sweden had come into friendly relations with Melanchthon
and others of the reformed party, and attempted, after he
entered upon the government of his two islands in A.D. 1561,
to introduce a reformation of the local church according to
evangelical principles. But he was murdered in A.D. 1563, and
with him every trace of his movement passed away.―In
A.D. 1559 a deacon from Constantinople, Demetrius Mysos,
spent some months with Melanchthon at Wittenburg
[Wittenberg], and took with him a Greek translation of the
Augsburg Confession, of which, however, no result ever came.
At a later period, in A.D. 1573, the Tübingen theologians,
Andreä, Luc. Osiander, and others, reopened negotiations
with the patriarch Jeremiah II. (§ 73, 4), through a Lutheran
pastor, Stephen Gerbach, who went to Constantinople in the
suite of a zealous Protestant nobleman, David of Ungnad,
ambassador of Maximilian II. The Tübingen divines sent with

him a Greek translation of the Augsburg Confession,
composed by Mart. Crusius, with a request for his judgment
upon it. The patriarch, in his reply in A.D. 1576, expressed
himself candidly in regard to the errors of the book. The
doctors of Tübingen wrote in vindication of their formula, and
in a second answer, in A.D. 1579, the patriarch reiterated the
objections stated in the first. After a third interchange of
letters he declined all further discussion, and allowed a fourth
epistle, in A.D. 1581, to remain unanswered.―Continuation,
§ 152, 2.

II. The Churches of the Reformation.
§ 140. The Distinctive Character of the
Lutheran Church.402
In the Lutheran Church, that specifically German
type of Christianity which from the days of
Charlemagne was ever panting after independent
expression reached its maturity and full
development. The sacred treasure of true catholicity,
which the church of early times had nurtured in the
form of Greek-Roman culture, is taken over freed
from excrescences, and enriched by those
acquisitions of the Middle Ages that had stood the
proof. Its vocation was to set forth the “happy mean”
between the antagonistic ecclesiastical movements
and struggles of the West, and to give its strength
mainly to the development of sound doctrine. And if
it has not exerted an equal influence in all
departments, paying most attention to the worship
and least to matters of constitution, it cannot, on the
other hand, be denied that even in those directions

an effort has been made to modify the violent
contradiction of extremes (§ 142, 1, 2).
The Mediate and Mediating Attitude of the Lutheran
Church shows itself in its fundamental conception of the essence of
Christianity as the union of the Divine and human, of which the
prototype is found in the Person of Christ, and illustrations of it in
the Scriptures, the church, the sacraments, the Christian life, etc. In
the varied ways in which this union is conceived of lies the deepest
and most inward ground of the divergence that exists between the
three western churches. The Catholic church wishes to see the union
of the Divine and human; the Lutheran, wishes to believe it; the
Reformed, wishes to understand it. The tendency prevails in the
Catholic church to confound these two, the Divine and the human,
and that indeed in such a way that the human loses its human
character, and its union with the Divine is regarded as constituting
identity. The Reformed church, again, is prone to separate the two,
to look upon the Divine by itself and the human by itself, and to
regard the union as a placing of the one alongside of the other, as
having not an objective but a merely subjective, not a real but a
merely ideal, connection. But the Lutheran church, guarding itself
against any confusion as well as any separation of the two elements,
had sought to view the union as the most vital, rich, and inward
communion, interpenetration, and reciprocity. In the view of the
Catholic church the human and earthly, which is so often a very
imperfect vehicle of the Divine, in which the Divine often attained to
a very incomplete development, is to be regarded as in and by itself
already the Divine. So is it in the idea of the church, and hence the
doctrine of a merely external and visible church, which as such is
only the channel of salvation. So is it in the historical development of
the church, and hence the absolute authority of tradition and the
reversal of the true relations between Scripture and tradition. So too
is it with the doctrine of the sacraments, and hence the idea of an
opus operatum and of transubstantiation. So in regard to the
priesthood, hence hierarchism; so in regard to the idea of

sanctification, and hence semipelagianism and the doctrine of
merits. Thoroughly antagonistic to all this was the view of the
Reformed church. It was inclined rather to sever completely the
Divine in Christianity from its earthly, visible vehicle, and to think of
the operation of the Divine upon man as merely spiritual and
communicated only through subjective faith. It renounced all
tradition, and thereby broke off from all historical development,
whether normal or abnormal. In its doctrine of Scripture, the literal
significance of the word was often exalted above the spirit; in its
doctrine of the church, the significance of the visible church over
that of the invisible. In its doctrine of the Person of Christ, the
human nature of the glorified Saviour was excluded from a personal
full share in all the attributes of His divinity. In the doctrine of the
sacraments, supernatural grace and the earthly elements were
separated from one another; and in the doctrine of predestination
the Divine foreknowledge of man’s volitions was isolated, etc. The
Lutheran church, on the other hand, had at least made the effort to
steer between those two extremes, and to bind into a living unity
the truth that lies at the foundation of both. In the Scripture it
wishes as little to see the spirit without the word, as the word
without the spirit; in history it recognises the rule and operation of
the Spirit of God within the human and ecclesiastical developments;
and it rejects only the false tradition which has not had its growth
organically from Holy Scripture, but rather contradicts it. In its
doctrine of the church it holds with equal tenacity to the importance
of the visible church and that of the invisible. In its doctrine of the
Person of Christ it affirms the perfect humanity and the perfect
divinity in the living union and richly communicating reciprocity of
the two natures. In its doctrine of the sacraments it gives full weight
as well to the objective Divine fact which heavenly grace presents in
earthly elements as to the subjective condition of the man, to whom
the sacrament will prove saving or condemning according as he is a
believer or an unbeliever. And, finally, it expresses the belief that in
the Divine decree the apparent contradiction between God’s
foreknowledge and man’s self-determination is solved, while it

regards predestination as conditioned by the foreknowledge of God;
whereas Calvinism reverses that relation.

§ 141. Doctrinal Controversies in the
Lutheran Church.403
Even during Luther’s lifetime, but much more
after his death, various doctrinal controversies broke
out in the Lutheran church. They arose for the most
part upon the borderlands either of Calvinism or of
Catholicism, and were generally occasioned by
offence taken at the attitude of the more stiff and
dogged of Luther’s adherents by those of the
Melanchthonian or Philippist school, who had irenical
and unionistic feelings in regard to both sides. The
scene of these conflicts was partly in the electorate
of Albertine Saxony and in the duchy of Ernestine
Saxony. Wittenberg and Leipzig were the
headquarters of the Philippists, and Weimar and Jena
of the strict Lutherans. There was no lack on either
side of rancour and bitterness. But if the Gnesio-
Lutherans went far beyond the Melanchthonians in
stiffnecked irreconcilableness, slanderous
denunciation, and outrageous abuse, they yet
showed a most praiseworthy strength of conviction,
steadfastness, and martyrlike devotion; whereas
their opponents not infrequently laid themselves
open to the charge, on the one hand, of a
pusillanimous and mischievous pliability, and, on the

other hand, of using unworthy means and covert,
deceitful ways. Their controversies reached a
conclusion after various alternations of victory and
defeat, with often very tragic consequences to the
worsted party, in the composition of a new
confessional document, the so called Formula
Concordiæ.
§ 141.1. The Antinomian Controversy, A.D. 1537-1541,
which turned upon the place and significance of the law
under the Christian dispensation, lay outside the range of the
Philippist wranglings. John Agricola, for a time pastor in his
native town of Eisleben, and so often called Master Eisleben,
in A.D. 1527 took offence at Melanchthon for having in his
visitation articles (§ 127, 1) urged the pastors so earnestly to
enjoin upon their people the observance of the law. He
professed, indeed, for the time to be satisfied with
Melanchthon’s answer, which had also the approval of Luther,
but soon after he had, in A.D. 1536, become a colleague of
both in Wittenberg, he renewed his opposition by publishing
adverse theses. He did not contest the pedagogical and civil-
political use of the law outside of the church, but starting
from the principle that an enjoined morality could not help
man, he maintained that the law has no more significance or
authority for the Christian, and that the gospel, which by the
power of Divine love works repentance, is alone to be
preached. Melanchthon and Luther, on the contrary, held that
anguish and sorrow for sin are the fruits of the law, while the
saving resolution to reform is the effect of the gospel, and
insisted upon a continued preaching of the law, because from
the incompleteness of the believer’s sanctification in this
world a daily renewing of repentance is necessary. After
several years of oral and written discussion, Agricola took his
departure from Wittenberg in A.D. 1540, charging Luther with

having offered him a personal insult, and was made court
preacher at Berlin, where, in A.D. 1541, having discovered his
error, he repudiated it in a conciliatory exposition. The
reputation in which he was held at the court of Brandenburg
led to his being at a subsequent period made a collaborateur
in drawing up the hated Augsburg Interim (§ 136, 5). As his
antinomianism every now and again cropped up afresh, the
Formula Concordiæ at last settled the controversy by the
statement that we must ascribe to the law, not only a usus
politicus and usus elenchticus for terrorizing and arresting the
sinner, but also a usus didacticus for the sanctifying of the
Christian life.
§ 141.2. The Osiander Controversy, A.D. 1549-
1556.―Luther had, in opposition to the Romish doctrine of
merits, defined justification as purely an act of God, whose
fruit can be appropriated by man only by the exercise of faith.
But he distinguished from justification as an act of God for
man, sanctification as the operation of God in man. The
former consists in this, that Christ once for all has offered
Himself up on the cross for the sins of the whole world, and
that now God ascribes the merit of the sacrificial death of
Christ for every individual as though it had been his own, i.e.
juridically; the believer is thus declared, but not made
righteous. The believer, on the ground of his having been
declared righteous, is made righteous by means of a
sanctifying process penetrating the whole earthly life and
constantly advancing, but in this world never absolutely
perfect, which is effected by the communication of the new
life which Christ has created and brought to light. Andrew
Osiander proposed a theory that diverged from this doctrine,
and inclined toward that set forth in the Tridentine Council
(§ 136, 4), but distinguished from the Romish view by
decided attachment to the Protestant principle of justification
by faith alone. He had been from A.D. 1522 pastor and
reformer at Nuremberg, and had proclaimed his ideas without

thereby giving offence. This first happened when, after his
expulsion from Nuremberg on account of the interim, he had
begun to announce his peculiar doctrine in the newly founded
University of Königsberg, where he had been appointed
professor by Duke Albert of Prussia in A.D. 1549 (§ 126, 4).
Confounding sanctification with justification, he wished to
define the latter, not as a declaring righteous but as a making
righteous, not as a juridical but as a medicinal act, wrought
by an infusion, i.e. a continuous influx of the righteousness of
Christ. The sacrificial death of Christ is for him only the
negative condition of justification, its positive condition rests
upon the incarnation of Christ, the reproduction of which in
the believer is justification, which is therefore to be referred
not to the human but rather to the Divine nature in Christ.
Along with this, he also held by the conviction that the
incarnation of God in Christ would have taken place in order
to complete the creation of the image of God in man even
had the fall never happened. The main point of his opposition
was grounded upon this: that he believed the juridical theory
to have overlooked the religious subjective element, which,
however, is still present in faith as the subjective condition of
declaring righteous. The keen and bitter controversy over
these questions spread from the university among the clergy,
and thence to the citizens and families, and soon came to be
carried on on both sides with great passionateness and heat.
The favour publicly shown to Osiander by the duke, who set
him as Bishop of Samland at the head of the Prussian clergy,
increased the bitterness felt toward him by his opponents.
Among these was Martin Chemnitz, a scholar of Melanchthon,
and from A.D. 1548 rector of the High School at Königsberg.
Also Professor Joachim Mörlin, a favourite pupil of Luther,
Francis Staphylus, who afterwards went back to the Romish
church (§ 137, 8), and Francis Stancarus of Mantua, a man
who bears a very bad reputation for his fomenting of
quarrels, were among Osiander’s most inveterate foes.
Stancarus carried his opposition to Osiander so far as to

maintain that Christ has become our righteousness only in
respect of His human nature. The opinions received from
abroad were for the inmost part against Osiander. John Brenz,
of Württemburg [Württemberg], however, clined rather to
favour Osiander’s view than that of his opponents, while
Melanchthon, in giving utterance to the Wittenberg opinion,
endeavoured by removing misunderstandings to reconcile the
opposing parties, but on the main point decided against him.
Even Osiander’s death in A.D. 1552 did not put an end to the
controversy. At the head of his party now appeared the court
preacher, John Funck, who, standing equally high in favour
with the duke, filled all positions with his own followers. In his
overweening conceit he mixed himself up in political affairs,
and put himself in antagonism with the nobles and men of
importance in the State. A commission of investigation on the
Polish sovereignty at their instigation found him guilty of high
treason, and had him beheaded in A.D. 1566. The other
Osiandrianists were deposed and exiled. Mörlin, from
A.D. 1533 general superintendent of Brunswick, was now
honourably recalled as Bishop of Samland, reorganized the
Prussian church, and in conjunction with Chemnitz, who had
been from A.D. 1554 preacher in Brunswick, where he died in
A.D. 1586 as general superintendent, composed for Prussia a
new doctrinal standard in the Corpus doctrinæ Pruthenicum
of A.D. 1567.404
§ 141.3. Of much less importance was the Æpinus
Controversy about Christ’s descent into hell, which John
Æpinus, first Lutheran superintendent at Hamburg, in his
exposition of the 16th Psalm, in A.D. 1542, interpreted, after
the manner of the Reformed theologians, of His state of
humiliation, and as the completion of the passive obedience
of Christ in the endurance of the pains of hell; whereas the
usual Lutheran understanding of it was, that it referred to
Christ’s triumphing over the powers of hell and death in His
state of exaltation. An opinion sent from Wittenberg, in

A.D. 1550, left the matter undetermined, and even the
Formula of Concord was satisfied with teaching that Christ in
His full personality descended into hell in order to deliver men
from death and the power of the devil.―An equally peaceful
settlement was brought about in the Kargian Controversy,
A.D. 1563-1570, about the significance of the active obedience
of Christ, which the pastor of Anspach, George Karg or
Parsimonius, for a long time made a subject of dispute; but
afterwards he retracted, being convinced of his error by the
Wittenberg theologians.
§ 141.4. The Philippists and their Opponents.―Not long
after the Augsburg Confession had been accepted as the
common standard of the Lutheran church two parties arose,
in which tendencies of a thoroughly diversant character were
gradually developed. The real basis of this opposition lay in
the diverse intellectual disposition and development of the
two great leaders of the Reformation, which the scholars of
both inherited in a very exaggerated form. Melanchthon’s
disciples, the so-called Philippists, strove in accordance with
their master’s example to make as much as possible of what
they had in common, on the one hand, with the Reformed
and, on the other hand, with the Catholics, and to maintain a
conciliatory attitude that might aid toward effecting union.
The personal friends, scholars, and adherents of Luther, on
the contrary, for the most part more Lutheran than Luther
himself, emulating the rugged decision of their great leader
and carrying it out in a one-sided manner, were anxious
rather to emphasise and widen as far as possible the gulf that
lay between them and their opponents, Reformed and
Catholics alike, and thus to make any reconciliation and union
by way of compromise impossible. Luther attached himself to
neither of these parties, but tried to restrain both from
rushing to extremes, and to maintain as far as he could the
peace between them.―The modification of strict
Augustinianism which Melanchthon’s further study led him to

adopt in the editions of his Loci later than A.D. 1535 was
denounced by the strict Lutherans as Catholicizing, but still
more strongly did they object to the modification of the tenth
article of the Augsburg Confession which he introduced into a
new rendering of it, the so-called Variata, in A.D. 1540. In its
original form it stood thus: Docent, quod corpus et sanguis
Domini vere adsint et distribuantur vescentibus in cœna
Domini et improbant secus docentes. For these words he now
substituted the following: Quod cum pane et vino vere
exhibeantur corpus et sanguis Christi vescentibus in cœna
Domini. This statement was indeed by no means Calvinistic,
for instead of vescentibus the Calvinists would have said
credentibus. Yet the arbitrary and in any case Calvinizing
change amazed the strict Lutherans, and Luther himself bade
its author remember that the book was not his but the
church’s creed. After Luther’s death the Philippist party, in the
Leipzig Interim of A.D. 1519, made several other very
important concessions to the Catholics (§ 136, 7), and this led
their opponents to denounce them as open traitors to their
church. Magdeburg, which stubbornly refused to acknowledge
the interim, became the city of refuge for all zealous
Lutherans; while in opposition to the Philippist Wittenberg,
the University of Jena, founded in A.D. 1548 by the sons of the
ex-elector John Frederick according to his desire, became the
stronghold of strict Lutheranism. The leaders on the Philippist
side were Paul Eber, George Major, Justus Menius, John
Pfeffinger, Caspar Cruciger, Victorin Strigel, etc. At the head of
the strict Lutheran party stood Nicholas Amsdorf and Matthias
Flacius. The former lived, after his expulsion from Naumburg
(§ 135, 5), an “exul Christi,” along with the young dukes at
Weimar. On account of his violent opposition to the interim,
he was obliged, in A.D. 1548, to flee to Magdeburg, and after
the surrender of the city he was placed by his ducal patrons
in Eisenach, where he died in A.D. 1565. The latter, a native of
Istria, and hence known as Illyricus, was appointed professor
of the Hebrew language in Wittenberg in A.D. 1544, fled to

Magdeburg in A.D. 1549, from whence he went to Weimar in
A.D. 1556, and was called to Jena in A.D. 1557.
§ 141.5. The Adiaphorist Controversy, A.D. 1548-1555, as
to the permissibility of Catholic forms in constitution and
worship, was connected with the drawing up of the Leipzig
Interim. That document described most of the Catholic forms
of worship as adiaphora, or matters of indifference, which, in
order to avoid more serious dangers, might be treated as
allowable or unessential. The Lutherans, on the contrary,
maintained that even a matter in itself unessential under
circumstances like the present could not be treated as
permissible. From Magdeburg there was poured out a flood of
violent controversial and abusive literature against the
Wittenberg renegades and the Saxon apostates. The altered
position of the latter from A.D. 1551 hushed up in some
measure the wrath of the zealots, and the religious Peace of
Augsburg removed all occasion for the continuance of the
strife.
§ 141.6. The Majorist Controversy, A.D. 1551-1562.―The
strict Lutherans from the passing of the interim showed
toward the Philippist party unqualified disfavour and regarded
them with deep suspicion. When in A.D. 1551, George Major,
at that time superintendent at Eisleben, in essential
agreement with the interim, one of whose authors he was,
and with Melanchthon’s later doctrinal views, maintained the
position, that good works are necessary to salvation, and
refused to retract the statement, though he somewhat
modified his expressions by saying that it was not a
necessitas meriti, but only a necessitas conjunctionis
s. consequentiæ; and when also Justus Menius, the reformer
of Thuringia, superintendent at Gotha, vindicated him in two
tractates,―Amsdorf in the heat of the controversy set up in
opposition the extreme and objectionable thesis, that good
works are injurious to salvation, and even in A.D. 1559

justified it as “a truly Christian proposition preached by
St. Paul and Luther.” Notwithstanding all the passionate
bitterness that had mixed itself up with the discussion, the
more sensible friends of Amsdorf, including even Flacius, saw
that the ambiguity and indefiniteness of the expression was
leading to error on both sides. They acknowledged, on the
one hand, that only faith, not good works in themselves, is
necessary to salvation, but that good works are the inevitable
fruit and necessary evidence of true, saving faith; and, on the
other hand, that not good works in themselves, but only
trusting to them instead of the merits of Christ alone, can be
regarded as injurious to salvation. Major for the sake of peace
recalled his statement in A.D. 1562.
§ 141.7. The Synergistic Controversy, A.D. 1555-
1567.―Luther in his controversy with Erasmus (§ 125, 3), as
well as Melanchthon in the first edition of his Loci, in
A.D. 1521, had unconditionally denied the capacity of human
nature for independently laying hold upon salvation, and
taught an absolute sovereignty of Divine grace in conversion.
In his later edition of the Loci, from A.D. 1535, and in the
Augsburg Confession of A.D. 1540, however, Melanchthon had
admitted a certain co-operation or synergism of a remnant of
freewill in conversion, and more exactly defined this in the
edition of the Loci of A.D. 1548 as the ability to lay hold by its
own impulse of the offered salvation, facultas se applicandi ad
gratiam; and though even in the Leipzig Interim of A.D. 1549
the Lutheran shibboleth solê was constantly recurring, it was
simply with the object of thoroughly excluding any claim of
merit on man’s part in conversion. Luther with indulgent
tolerance had borne with the change in Melanchthon’s
convictions, and only objected to the incorporation of it in the
creed of the church. But from the date of the interim the
suspicion and opposition of the strict Lutherans increased
from day to day, and burst forth in a violent controversy when
John Pfeffinger, superintendent at Leipzig, also one of the

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