![provinces, in which the president, Audiencia, and other ministers do not command, but
only the religious father.
The king is named as such, and is called upon as king, only in order that he may pay the
stipends; beyond that his royal name is abhorred and persecuted.
It causes horror to see a religious, paid and maintained by his Majesty, with the character
of apostolic missionary, no sooner arrived at Manila from these kingdoms than he
immediately publishes and defends the assertion that the king is not master of the
islands, but only they who have conquered them; that the Indian ought not to pay tribute;
and that no bull [i.e., of the Crusade] is needed. It is for this very reason that there are so
many difficulties in collecting the tribute, and that the bull is not purchased excepting in
Manila and its environs.
With these opinions, and their extolling, some the pontifical grants to their girdle, others
those of the scapulary of Carmel,16 and others their exercises, they obtain vast
contributions which they call alms; and the king is left with the bulls, for the religious
assert and proclaim that they are not necessary.
In regard to jurisdiction, it is a well-known fact that no gobernadorcillo of Indians carries
out any mandate of the president, Audiencia, or alcalde without the permission of the
religious father—under penalty of one hundred lashes, which are given to him instantly
if he obeys the royal magistrates and justices.
With these and other pernicious ideas in which the fathers abound, they surprise the poor
Indian, strike him with terror, and make him believe that they are all-powerful, can do
everything, and that the authority of the king is worth nothing. Thus the king becomes,
like the bishops, a monarch in partibus, in name alone, and only in order to maintain
certain persons who style themselves apostolic missionaries.
A few days after I had arrived at Manila, the archbishop-governor [i.e., Rojo] despatched
an order to the province of Pampanga; it fell into the hands of a father, and he tore it to
bits with great calmness, the archbishop overlooking that act of disrespect. Hence, even
in case that one obey any mandate of the royal jurisdiction, so many are the obstacles
and difficulties that the fathers find for its execution, that they absolutely do not have
any other endeavor or desire than to cause the Indian not to recognize any other
sovereign than themselves. The worst is, that this idea has existed since the conquest of
the two Americas, whence it passed to Filipinas, with the utter detriment and ruin of
king, state, and religion. Hence the king is called king, and the president, Audiencia, and
alcaldes by their own names; but, in reality, the fathers exercise these functions.17
Remedy for this evil](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/38985-250409103154-7d135fa6/85/Zebrafish-neurobehavioral-protocols-1st-Edition-Jonathan-M-Cachat-22-320.jpg)
![To order with the utmost strictness that the regulars restrain themselves within their
limits as parish priests, under penalty of expulsion if they meddle with or embarrass the
royal jurisdiction.
EIGHTH ABUSE
From these so pernicious ideas fixed in the minds of the Indians, is born the monstrous
result that a baptism, burial, or marriage costs them twelve, twenty, or more pesos, if the
father asks it—and this is with all caprice, and no resistance or appeal can be made. But
when it comes to demanding the tribute, although it is not more than one peso and two
reals a year for the whole tribute, and five reals for the half-tribute, there are a thousand
difficulties, and various stratagems are used, such as going to the mountains to hide, or
feigning that they cannot pay; and, in such a case, they always have the father on their
side against the king and the alcalde, on this point.
Remedy for this evil
To order that the fathers shall not meddle in worldly affairs, especially in the royal
jurisdiction; that they shall not engage in trade;18 to establish collection of the tithes; and
to compel them to observe very moderate tariffs [of parish fees]—under penalty of
expulsion obliging them to undo the evil that they have wrought.
NINTH ABUSE
It is an abuse that the king pays the expenses of the voyage and support of the fathers in
Filipinas, under title of apostolic missionaries, and they go there to become merchants
and business men, to the harm of the poor Spaniards and of the Indian, besides their
abandonment of the spiritual ministry which is in their charge.
In the environs of Manila—with the exception of the Franciscans, who have nothing,
and of the Condesa de Lizárraga, who has a small estate—the religious orders possess
the following estates: the Dominicans, Lolomboy, Panay, Navotas, Great Malabon, and
Biñan; the calced Augustinians, Malinta and Pasay; the discalced Augustinians, San
Pedro Tunasan, San Nicolás, Imus, and Tunasancillo; the Jesuits, Mayjaligue, Masilog,](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/38985-250409103154-7d135fa6/85/Zebrafish-neurobehavioral-protocols-1st-Edition-Jonathan-M-Cachat-23-320.jpg)
![Nagtajan, Nagsubig, Mariquina, Indan, Silan, Marigondon, Payatas, and San Pedro
Macati (where they have their earthenware factory, from which they make annually
thirty thousand pesos fuertes net profit). These are the ones which I now have in mind,
although they have other estates in the provinces, of which I can give no exact account.
But indeed I know, because I have seen it, that the Indians who cultivate those lands
come to be virtually slaves, by which means the orders have aggrandized themselves,
with their trade in sugar, cattle and horses, and rice. Although this last is the bread of all,
that bread rises in price to such a degree that it can rise no further—to which is added the
great export of these products to China and the coasts of Coromandel and Malabar.19
Remedy for this evil
To command, under penalty of expulsion, that they do not trade, as it is contrary to law;
and, in respect to estates, they ought to sell them, even though they are the just owners,
since such business is inconsistent with their ministry. It is certain that, by public report,
if they had to show their titles to those lands it would be found that many, if not all of
them, had been usurped from the Indians. On this account, without doubt, in regard to
this point there was much talk in the time of Governor Arand[i]a. But nothing was
gained in favor of the Indians, from whom, let the fathers allege what they please, the
endowment of land which the law orders cannot be taken.
TENTH ABUSE
In the extreme parts of the mountains of the provinces of Pampanga, Pangasinan, Ilocos,
and others, the regulars possess missions which they call active [vivas] missions. There
has been a mission for forty, fifty, or sixty years, without paying tribute or
acknowledging the king. If any alcalde has tried to visit them, they have had
superabundance of witnesses and testimonies for their right to conduct it;20 this means
that the king supports the missionary, and escorts who guard him. This is a monstrosity;
for if he wishes to know the condition and results of the mission the matter is reduced to
a lawsuit, until the alcalde is ruined. In reality such missions are advance-posts or
custom-houses toward the mountains of the heathen, whence the latter bring down to
them their gold, cacao, wax, and other products. This is what employs and occupies the
religious father. There are well-founded opinions which assert that the inhabitants of the
mountains are not reduced to subjection because of the bad treatment which they know
is given them in the missions—where from their foundation there has not been nor is
there any Spaniard save the father. It follows from this that, where the father is, there is
no lack for vexations against the Indians. Consequently, for the same, and even a](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/38985-250409103154-7d135fa6/85/Zebrafish-neurobehavioral-protocols-1st-Edition-Jonathan-M-Cachat-24-320.jpg)
![missionaries were observed in the same way there would be no Christianity equal to that
of those countries.
Let the evil Spaniard be punished; that is but justice: but the good man cannot and ought
not to be punished. The fact is that by means of the said laws the father puts all [the
Spaniards] on the same footing, and persecutes and punishes all without distinction until
he drives them out of the country. In this way, he is left alone in the village, and without
witnesses for what only God knows, and the intelligent Catholics weep; and the Indian
grows more alien every day, and becomes hostile to the Spaniard through the instruction
which he receives from the father.
If the Spaniard is very bad, let him be punished by all means. But, if this is proper, why
do they not only not ask the same in regard to the Chinese (who without comparison is
worse), but defend, protect, and aid him, on account of trade and whatever else offers?
The Spaniard may be a robber, gambler, and vicious; but he is not an idolater, an
apostate, or a traitor, a sodomite, and the father of all deceit, as is the Chinese.
Nevertheless, the father keeps still about all this and shelters it, and reserves his hootings
only for the poor Spaniard, who many times shames the father missionary himself by the
regularity of his conduct.
What consolation can there be for the Spaniard, prohibited so rigorously from entering
the domains of his king, when he sees that the Chinese are not only not hindered from
such entrance, but also that they are encouraged; and that they rove about, and come and
go, with more freedom than in their own country?23
Is it possible that we must see laws so harsh against the people of our own nation, and
yet, that although the Chinese are foreigners and so perverse in all ways, they have
merited a special título in the Recopilación and in article 18, book vi, for their defense,
trade, and increase in Manila and the provinces?
Fray Gaspar de San Agustin speaks as follows in his history of the conquest of Filipinas,
book ii, folio 373 and verso, when speaking of the Chinese: “They are a race blinded by
greed, and self-interest, and when these intervene friendship or relationship counts for
nothing; for the son delights more in deceiving his father than the foreigner.” He
continues, and after noting that they are atheists, and that only by a miracle will it be
seen that any of them is a good Christian, he concludes as follows: “finally, they are a
nation who hope for no other blessings than those of this world, nor other glory than
temporal goods; and they worship no other God than the metals of silver and gold, and
keep faith with Money alone.”](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/38985-250409103154-7d135fa6/85/Zebrafish-neurobehavioral-protocols-1st-Edition-Jonathan-M-Cachat-26-320.jpg)
![This is the character of the Chinese, according to the above-cited author.24 And, granted
that it was a very inadequate statement, it is necessary to remark that both he and the rest
of his order, and the others, with no difference, have favored and protected such atheists
and persecuted the Spaniards. The proof is ad oculum [i.e., ocular], until the destruction
during the war; for Manila and the provinces were inundated by Chinese, married and
protected by the fathers, but there was not, nor is there a Spaniard [in the provinces].
This was because they did not find themselves persecuted by those same fathers;
therefore the Chinese, according to the same historian, reached in time past the number
of four hundred thousand. The most remarkable thing is, that the fathers administered to
them in spiritual matters with as great serenity as if they were fathers of the deserts,25
and yet Fray Gaspar confesses that they are atheists.
We cannot pass in silence the fact that after the war the Chinese religious26 refused to
confess the Chinese, for they said that they knew that their fellow-countrymen were
idolaters. However, the Spanish religious found a moral rule by which to proceed
without any innovation, as they proceed in their own administration; and in this way
they have administered the Christian churches in those regions. Consequently, he who
says the contrary deceives, and falsifies the truth in regard to certain facts which are
public, and which all those of us who have been in those regions have seen.
In confirmation of the above, see the same historian, book iii, folio 426, in which,
treating of the arrival of Governor Santiago de Vera, he says: “He brought very strict
orders from his Majesty27 to correct the great excesses which had come to his royal
notice, and which had been committed by the encomenderos of the Indians—who, losing
shame before God and the world, had descended to such dishonorable acts (perhaps for
lack of punishment in the first encomenderos), which transgressed their obligation.”
Leaving aside the truth of so great excesses and of the medium by which they came to
his royal notice (which if investigated thoroughly must have been, without doubt,
through the fathers themselves) it is a fact that a decree was despatched at Lisboa, March
27, 1583, in favor of the Indians, and against the excesses of the encomenderos.
The above-mentioned historian continues, and says that the governor deprived
Bartolomé de Ledesma, encomendero of Abuyo, of his encomienda, as also others whom
he found more guilty in similar crimes—whose names he omits, as it is not his intention
to reveal or point out other persons who at present behave as they should; but he will not
neglect to give the royal decree.
In fact he gives the decree literally, and in truth the crimes of the encomenderos are so
atrocious that they become incredible. But granting their certainty, because the decree so
says, one must wonder that the father inserts it so exactly after he has just said that he
omits those excesses because it is not his intention to describe them. That being a
manifest contradiction, proves that the mind of the fathers has always been, and will](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/38985-250409103154-7d135fa6/85/Zebrafish-neurobehavioral-protocols-1st-Edition-Jonathan-M-Cachat-27-320.jpg)
![always be, to defame and make odious the Spaniard to the Indian, the council, and the
king, in order that the fathers may be masters of everything, without opposition or
witnesses.
The same historian concludes the matter on folio 427, with the following words: “But
Doctor Santiago Vera made such judicious arrangements in regard to the evil doing of
the encomenderos, that, from the time of his government, that matter began to take better
shape, and through the Infinite Pity is at present in better condition.”28
This condition of affairs is what the fathers wish, for it has been many years since there
has been any encomendero or Spaniard in the provinces. That has been their sole desire,
and, having obtained it, he openly avows that the matter is at present in a better
condition through the Divine Pity, because they are alone, absolute, and without rival.
But how could this fail to happen thus, if laws xxiii and xxiv of the same título and book
only permit the Spaniard, even though he goes as a merchant, to remain in the villages of
the Indians for three days; and if he exceeds that time, it must be with the penalty of fifty
pesos of gold-dust for each day? It is to be noted here that the father is so exact in the
observance of these laws that it can be said that he keeps others; and although he does
not exact the fifty pesos because most of the Spaniards require the money for their food,
what does it matter if he orders them to be lashed and imprisoned?
Let this point be taken in the sense which is desired [by the fathers], and let the Spaniard
be considered most perverse; yet he is better than the best Chinese. Is it possible that so
many privileges are conceded to the Chinese, that he is to live, marry, and trade freely in
Manila and the provinces, and so great harshness must be exercised against the poor
Spaniard? Is it possible that the latter can deserve so little that he is not indeed equal to
the Chinese?29
The condition of this matter reduces itself to a few points. First, that if, by scandals and
evil example to the Indians, the Spaniards have to leave the villages, one ought to begin
with the father. This is so notorious a fact that all who have been in América and
Filipinas will testify to that effect in the official letters of the Council.
Second, in respect to the arguments which are alleged against the Spaniard, they are not
what they seem, and one must subtract three-fourths of them; while it must be assumed
as a well-known fact that, as they are his declared enemy, and all the regulars are
pledged against the Spaniard, they have not hesitated to find witnesses and raise up false
testimonies, in order to attain their plans. This idea is so generally practiced and current,
that would to God there were no memory of it.](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/38985-250409103154-7d135fa6/85/Zebrafish-neurobehavioral-protocols-1st-Edition-Jonathan-M-Cachat-28-320.jpg)
![Remedy for this evil
To abrogate the laws above cited, as being suggested without doubt, by the regulars, and
if not, as being dangerous to the state; and to order that the Spaniards can come and go,
and freely trade, in the provinces; to proclaim rewards for those who marry Indian
women, and to expel the father if he meddles with the Spaniard in what concerns his
external conduct, since, if he is evil and commits crimes, there are justices to punish him.
TWELFTH ABUSE
It is an abuse that, contrary to the command of the laws and so many decrees, the fathers
do not permit the Indians to talk Spanish, to which they are greatly inclined, and punish
them if they do. This is the surest rule (although very pernicious to the state) of which
the fathers have availed themselves, since the time of the conquest, to domineer over the
Indians despotically with the king and the Spaniards, to the common prejudice of all.30
From this policy it results that every convent of Manila is a Babel, for, when the fathers
assemble in the capital, it frequently occurs that each one brings servants from his
province to serve him. And since they follow a system, from which no religious order
departs, to speak to each Indian in his own language, it happens that in one convent are
found the Tagálog, Pampanga, Pangasinan, Ilocan, Cagayan, Zamboangan, Camarines,
Igorot, Ilongot, and Visayan tongues, all in sight of the government, Audiencia, and
Spaniards, with total contempt of what is ordered in this regard by his Majesty; and by
this very proceeding they boast that we do not understand them, and that they alone
command the wretched Indians.
Quite the contrary was the rule which the Portuguese followed in India from the
beginning of their conquests. Hence one finds that there is no other language in Macao,
Canton, Goa, the Malabar Coast, Coromandel, Ceilan, and Batavia, than their own.
Surely, if that plan had been followed (as it ought to have been) in the two Américas and
in Filipinas, so many hardships would not have been encountered [by the Spaniards] as
were seen during the invasion of the English,31 and as will always be seen for this
reason; and the king would be master of those domains with as much security as he is of
these [in Spain], but, if the contrary be true, they will always be dependent on the will of
the ecclesiastics.
In proof of this truth, one must not forget what we all witnessed during the war; for with
the exception of the provincial of St. Francis, who was most loyal and of great service,
and that of the Augustinian Recollects, all the rest were declared enemies—so much so](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/38985-250409103154-7d135fa6/85/Zebrafish-neurobehavioral-protocols-1st-Edition-Jonathan-M-Cachat-30-320.jpg)
![To order, under penalty of expulsion, the fathers not to meddle with the Indians except in
their spiritual ministry; and that their household duties be performed by servants, for
which they have much more than enough income.
FOURTEENTH ABUSE
Consequent upon this notion of theirs is this abuse, that when the gobernadorcillos of the
villages (these are the deputies of the alcaldes) who exercise the royal jurisdiction, go to
see the father, they have to leave their staffs or rods of justice at the entrance; for the
fathers do not permit even tokens of the royal authority in their presence. The fathers
compel those officials to accompany them quite to the sacristy, and, when they return to
their house, make them serve them at table, and never allow them to sit down or to keep
their hats on; and they address those officials by tu [i.e., “thou”] as they do servants. Let
one estimate what they will do with the other Indians.
Remedy for this evil
To order that, when the gobernadorcillos go to see the father, they be compelled to go
into his house with their badges of justice, under penalty of [the father’s] expulsion if
they are forbidden to do so; for, representing as they do the king, the father must treat
them with suitable decorum, and must give them a seat, and under no pretext be served
by them at table.
FIFTEENTH ABUSE
It is an abuse that, when the provincials go to visit, they make their so magnificent
entrances into the villages at the cost of the Indians. That is, just as if they were bishops,
the bells are rung for them, and they are accompanied by vast crowds from village to
village; and the people go to receive them, and go to expense and make feasts, which
only cooperate toward their absolute domination over those natives.
Remedy for this evil](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/38985-250409103154-7d135fa6/85/Zebrafish-neurobehavioral-protocols-1st-Edition-Jonathan-M-Cachat-32-320.jpg)
![That the regulars be subjected, as is decreed, to visitation by the ordinaries. By so doing,
the latter will make use of their right without there being any necessity for visits by the
provincials; and when the provincials wish to visit them purely as religious, and not as
parish priests, to prohibit the Indians from great public feasts and expenses, under
penalty of expulsion, since there is no other remedy.
SIXTEENTH ABUSE
It is an abuse that after the stipend or sínodo,35 and large fees exacted by the father from
a poor Indian in regular form, the Indians generally have to carry the [sick] Indian in a
hammock or parilusclas36 to the church in order that the father may administer the
sacraments to him. On account of that abuse, and the motion, and the [effect of the]
wind, most of them die; and the man’s death is followed by a looting of his house for the
burial fees. This is a fine way for the fathers to fulfil their duty and exercise charity.
Remedy for this evil
To order, under penalty of expulsion, that they fulfil their duty, as every good parish
priest should, by administering the sacraments to the poor sick in their own houses; and
such grave wrongs against the Indians and his Majesty will cease, by moderating the
tariffs, with the establishment of the tithes.
SEVENTEENTH ABUSE
It is an abuse that, although the provincials are ordered to watch over the reduction of
these peoples, so that the Indians, living within sound of the church-bell, may be
directed and instructed in a Christian and civilized manner, the latter are today found
(except those administered by the Franciscans, who are those most settled in villages) as
scattered as they were in the time of their paganism. They have many of the vicious
habits of their paganism, and are so stupid in their Christian belief and social life that it
causes pity. So grave a wrong is followed by another against the royal treasury, namely
that, as they live far away and in the recesses of the mountains, it is impossible for the
alcalde to enumerate them for the payment of their tribute, and he is compelled to guide
himself by the list or register which the father gives him. In that particular, considerable](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/38985-250409103154-7d135fa6/85/Zebrafish-neurobehavioral-protocols-1st-Edition-Jonathan-M-Cachat-33-320.jpg)
![discrepancies have always been noted against his Majesty; for in Filipinas and América,
it has been considered as an act of cleverness to defraud the king and persecute the
Spaniard, and they never tire of it.
Remedy for this evil
To decree that the reduction into villages be carried out as is ordered, which can be
secured at once if the father so wishes; and if he opposes the order, to expel him. By so
doing, the wrongs stated above will be avoided.
EIGHTEENTH ABUSE
It is an abuse that the alcaldes in the provinces find it necessary to yield to the father in
whatever the latter desires (this is always against royal authority) against the Indian and
the Spaniard; and, if the alcalde does not thus act, that moment the fathers rise against
him and prove, in part or in all, the following charges: “he lives in concubinage, is a
drunkard, a thief, and does not observe his duties toward the church,” even though he be
an anchorite. For the father causes the Indian to make depositions as he wishes, and if
the Indian does otherwise, there are lashes. By this may be understood the doctrine
which is taught to those ignorant people, and the condition in which the administration
of his Majesty’s justice and authority is.
Remedy for this evil
To order that the father do not meddle with temporal affairs, under penalty of expulsion.
This is certain, for otherwise there will never be peace. [By so doing] the alcalde can
administer justice; and, if he should be unjust, the governor and the Audiencia will set
the matter right.
NINETEENTH ABUSE
It is an abuse for some men of the religious estate, who are supported and maintained by
his Majesty with the character of apostolic missionaries, to teach the Indians, instead of
love for their neighbor, to hate and persecute the Castilas (thus they call us Spaniards).](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/38985-250409103154-7d135fa6/85/Zebrafish-neurobehavioral-protocols-1st-Edition-Jonathan-M-Cachat-34-320.jpg)
![This is a practice as old as the conquest, and was seen with horror in the most cruel
period of the war; and afterward this proposition was inculcated in a certain pulpit of
Manila, to a great gathering of Spaniards and Indians, [saying], “To issue to a man a
warrant as alcalde is the same thing as que deleatur de libro vitæ;”37 and in other pulpits
were said other things not less scandalous against all the [Spanish] nation.
Remedy for this evil
To ordain that there be no preaching contrary to the decalogue, under penalty of
expulsion, which is justified by so cruel and scandalous an act.
Another of the most grievous abuses is, that religious who have served as missionaries in
the islands are generally chosen as bishops in those islands. They having been brought
up under the conditions already stated, are influenced, even though they might desire to
exercise their jurisdiction as ordinary in certain districts conquered centuries ago, most
by the abuses and the domination of their respective orders. Consequently, they overlook
wrongs, and keep silent, from which results the despotism of the orders over the two
powers [i.e., secular and ecclesiastical]. It is true that, even if they should wish to
exercise their jurisdiction, the orders will not allow it; for they are so blind and obstinate
in their sway and privileges that they are capable of killing any bishop who makes such
an attempt. Doctor Fray Domingo de Salazar, first bishop of Manila, began that dispute
with the Augustinians, as Fray Gaspar relates in the above-mentioned history. Others
have defended the same idea, but, nevertheless, we see that the said fathers and other
regulars still maintain their domination in opposition to the bishops—with detriment to
both jurisdictions, and perhaps to Christianity, that cannot be exaggerated.
There are other abuses against the royal treasury worthy of the most prompt relief, such
as that of the storehouses of Manila and Cavité, which cost the king huge sums on
account of the lack of system therein.
Another abuse is that the post of commander of the Acapulco ship costs his Majesty four
thousand pesos. Besides the enormity that such an office should be conferred for only
one ship, the further abuse follows that neither the captain nor other officers are of any
use, as the commander orders everything at his own caprice; in consequence, either he is
superfluous, or they are.
Another abuse is that, after so many years in which so much gold has been produced in
the islands, this precious metal makes no acknowledgment to its king in Filipinas by
paying him the tenth, nor is it weighed in a mint, nor is it by any other expedient made](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/38985-250409103154-7d135fa6/85/Zebrafish-neurobehavioral-protocols-1st-Edition-Jonathan-M-Cachat-35-320.jpg)
![Map of the river of Cagayan, showing town sites along its banks, 1720(?); drawn by Juan Luis de Acosta
[Photographic facsimile from original MS. map in Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla]
Another abuse is, that there has been no thought of conquests in the mountains of
Pangasinan, Ilocos, and Cagayan, where, according to accurate information by the
fathers themselves, there have been more than three hundred thousand tributes. It would
be an easy undertaking, according to the reports of the fathers themselves and the
mildness of those Indians.
On account of the advantage which may result for his Majesty and his vassals there, the
following points should be considered:
It is known (and I have information in my possession) that there are mines of a special
copper, with a mixture of gold, in Ilocos and Catanduanes; and it would be an advantage
to open and work them for the casting of artillery and other manufactures.
The iron mine of greatest yield was in operation until the time of the war, when the
works were burned.38 If they were placed in operation again, there is nothing more to do
than to begin the work, and they will make whoever operates them wealthy.](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/38985-250409103154-7d135fa6/85/Zebrafish-neurobehavioral-protocols-1st-Edition-Jonathan-M-Cachat-37-320.jpg)
![ministers, both secular and ecclesiastical—who, although charged with the conservation
and prosperity of those islands, abandon them without defense, and in the miserable
condition which was made plainly evident in the last war, to our utmost grief, where
even the hearts of those most honored and put under obligation by the king were
alienated, and they forgot the loyalty and love due to both Majesties.41
For the radical correction of the above ills it is indispensably necessary to frame and
send from here clear and full instructions for establishing the just method of procedure
that is fitting, conferring on the governor all the authority necessary for its execution, by
the means which prudence and the actual condition [presencia, misprinted paciencia] of
affairs dictate to him.
Finally I direct attention to the undeniable assumption that the Filipinas Islands, on
account of the natural wealth of their soil, their advantageous situation for carrying on
the commerce of Asia with this Peninsula [i.e., Spain], and still more as being the
outpost which defends and insures the peaceful possession of the rich and extensive
empire of the two Americas, Northern and Southern, on their Pacific coasts, in which is
situated the greater part of their wealth—for all these reasons, they demand in justice, in
reason, and in all good policy, that the greatest attention be given to them, without
sparing any means or effort that may contribute to the conservation and success of so
important a matter.
The choice of a zealous governor will contribute especially to erecting the foundations of
that great work, but it is necessary to honor him and give him authority, so that he may
work to advantage and without the obstacles that have many times frustrated the best and
most carefully conceived ideas, by secret information, by tricky and criminal artifices,
and in other evil ways.
The ideas expressed thus far are quite adequate, if they are carried into execution, and
they become more important, on account of the persons by whom they must be carried
out, many of whom have reached the end of their usefulness, and belong to different
estates, and very opposing interests—the most influential of whom are accustomed to
and have grown old in despotism and lack of restraint. In order to remove that despotism
from the provinces, to make the city secure, and succeed in obtaining that one “render to
God what is of God, and to Cæsar what is of Cæsar,” that governor needs a body of
troops suitable to cause respect for the name of the king. This object can be attained only
by being carefully followed up by a ruler who is disinterested and zealous for the royal
service, it being well understood that such military force ought to be placed on the same
footing of pay as that of Nueva España, since otherwise there will be no one who will
serve in it.](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/38985-250409103154-7d135fa6/85/Zebrafish-neurobehavioral-protocols-1st-Edition-Jonathan-M-Cachat-39-320.jpg)
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The king has capable and zealous ministers who can examine the points which are here
briefly indicated. They may be certain that what I have set forth is accurate and reliable
in all its parts, and that I have had no other motive and impulse in exposing it than my
love and zeal for the service of God and of the king. The latter will deign to determine
what may be most to his royal pleasure. Madrid, April 12, 1768.
Doctor Don Simon de Anda y Salazar
Your Excellency, Dear sir and master:
I remit the enclosed extract of the points which, I have considered, require a positive and
speedy remedy in the Filipinas Islands, so that your Excellency can more easily
understand their condition in the toilsome labor of examining the representations which I
made at the time upon the other points, from Manila.
Your Excellency may be assured that I have no private interest in the matter, for
everything is for the king, my master. It is to be noted that, although this appears to be
hostile to the religious estate, it is not so, nor have I any such spirit [of hostility]. I assure
you that, if these recommendations are carried out (if your Excellency shall deem that
best) the religious communities will thank you heartily, although at the beginning, and at
first sight, they may show some anger.
May God preserve your Excellency many years, as I desire. Madrid, April 13, 1768.
Your Excellency, your humble servant kisses the hands of your Excellency.
Doctor Don Simon de Anda Y Salazar
[Addressed: “His Excellency Bailio Frey Don Julian de Arriaga.”42
To the text of this document we add most of the annotations thereon made by Dr. T. H. Pardo de
Tavera, as found in his publication of this document (Memoria de Anda y Salazar, Manila, 1899); these are
especially interesting, as coming from the pen of a native Filipino who is a scholar, a liberal, and an
enlightened patriot. These notes—either translated in full, or condensed into a summary, citing his exact
language whenever possible—are credited to him, stating the note-number and page where they are
found. ↑
From the date of the foundation of the College of Santo Tomás, there was strife between it and the
Jesuit college of San José. In 1648, the Dominicans triumphed for the time being, and the Jesuits were
forbidden by the royal Audiencia to grant degrees in their university. That decision was reversed in Spain
by a royal decree of March 12, 1653. San José was closed when the Jesuits were expelled. (Pardo de
Tavera, pp. 43, 44, note 1.) ↑](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/38985-250409103154-7d135fa6/85/Zebrafish-neurobehavioral-protocols-1st-Edition-Jonathan-M-Cachat-40-320.jpg)
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It is to be remembered that Anda wrote this memorial at Madrid, where he was occupying a seat in
the Council of Castilla. ↑
“The idea of secularizing the university of Manila, suggested by Anda y Salazar, was contemplated a
century later by Señor Moret, minister for the colonies [de Ultramar], and decreed by the regent of the
kingdom on November 6, 1870. The college of San Juan de Letran was also secularized by the same
decree; but in Filipinas orders of that sort were not executed. For the friars upset the whole matter,
threatening the ruin of the colony if the decree were carried out, raising protests and petitions—in short,
causing the bishops and the authorities to range themselves on their side, in order to present to the
government at Madrid the question from the point of view which suited the interests of the Dominican
order. The execution of the regent’s decree was suspended, writings were sent to Madrid in favor of the
friars, and, as always, they gained their point, and continued to be owners and masters of the university
and of the college of San Juan de Letran.” (Pardo de Tavera, note 6, pp. 50, 51.) ↑
“The friars have always been considered as poor and needy by the government of España, and in that
notion—without stopping to consider that their ownership of land was continually extending further in
Filipinas, and that through various schemes they had created for themselves a secure income in the country
—the Spanish monarchs by various provisions (most of them despatched at the instigation of the friars)
have ordained that their needs be supplied with wine, oil, various contributions, and cash donations, under
the most flimsy pretexts.” (Pardo de Tavera, note 7, p. 51.) ↑
“At the pleasure of the king, on account of the lack of clerics at the beginning.” ↑
“In effect, it can be said the friars trained clerics in order afterward to employ the latter in their own
service; for under the name of coadjutors each cura kept in his convent one or two clerics, according to the
necessities of the parish, who served him as if they were slaves, and who suffered every sort of humiliation
and annoyance. It was not only in those times [of Anda] that the situation of the Filipino cleric was so
melancholy and abject; but, in the midst of the increasing prosperity of the friars and their curates, with
equal pace increased also the wretchedness of their coadjutors and the intolerable misery of their
existence. In order to justify their conduct toward the Filipino clerics, the friars resorted to the pretext of
their unfitness; but not only is this argument calumnious, but, even if it were accepted as sound, it does not
justify the bad treatment which they give the cleric, and would demonstrate, besides, that the education
which he receives from the friars is incomplete and defective.” (He cites Archbishop Santa Justa as
rebuking the regulars for thus calumniating the clerics, saying, among other things, “Is it not notorious to
every one of us here that the spiritual administration all devolves upon the coadjutor cleric, the father
minister reserving to himself only the charge of collecting in his own house, without leaving it, the
parochial dues. How can they deny this, when it is so public? If the clerics are incapable, how can the
ministers in conscience allow and entrust to them the spiritual administration of their villages? If that be
not so, how dare they discredit the clerics with the strange, not to say unjust, censure of their being unfit
and incompetent?”) “In these later times, the friars, since they could no longer rail against the clerics in
that fashion—for they do not, at least so much now, insist on their old accusation of unfitness, because the
Filipino clerics have proved that they include men of as great learning and virtue as the friars, and even
more—resorted to a political reason, making the Spanish government believe that the Filipino clerics were
every one filibusters. This weapon was of good results for the cause of the friars, but fatal for the Filipino](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/38985-250409103154-7d135fa6/85/Zebrafish-neurobehavioral-protocols-1st-Edition-Jonathan-M-Cachat-42-320.jpg)
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clergy, who found themselves horribly trampled upon in 1870, on occasion of the famous rebellion of the
Cavite Arsenal; for three of their most distinguished and revered members, Fathers Burgos, Zamora, and
Gomez, were executed under the calumnious accusation of being leaders of the rebellion, and a great
number of other distinguished Filipino priests were sent to the military posts or into exile. Public opinion
flung back upon the friars the terrible responsibility of sentences so iniquitous; but since then the new and
safe weapon of ‘filibusterism’ has been used more and more against the Filipino clerics.” (Pardo de
Tavera, note 8, pp. 52, 53.) ↑
“The contribution of wine and oil had been granted (as is stated in ley 7, tit. iii, book i of the
Recopilación de Indias) to certain poor monasteries, so that they could illuminate the blessed sacrament
and celebrate the holy sacrifice of the mass. It was likewise ordained that such contribution should be
furnished in the articles themselves, both oil and wine, and not in money or bullion. This contribution was
to be given to the conventual religious and not to the ministers of doctrinas, that is, to the curas (ley 9).
The escort of soldiers which was furnished to the missionaries was granted to them by a royal decree of
July 23, 1744, the text of which I have not been able to find. According to Diaz Arenas (Memorias
históricas), the royal decree of May 13, 1579, granted to each cura in a doctrina the sum of 50,000
maravedís, and half as much to the sacristans. Afterward, by a royal decree of October 31, 1596, the said
stipend of missionary religious was fixed at $100 and 100 fanegas of palay. On March 4, 1696, August 14,
1700, January 19, 1704, and July 14, 1713, the king had ordered the viceroys of his colonial possessions to
send him a report in regard to the religious who were really in need of the contribution of wine, wax, and
oil, in order that he might cease giving aid to those who had no need of it, ‘or that the half or the third part
might be deducted from their allowance, in proportion to the poverty of each one.’ This is seen in the royal
decree of September 22, 1720, in which the king insists that this information should be sent to him; but he
could not obtain it, in spite of repeated orders.” [Other attempts were made to secure such information,
through the century, but without success.] (Pardo de Tavera, note 9, pp. 54–56.) ↑
“The book of laws;” there is also an allusion to the generally adopted legal code or collection of laws,
known as Corpus juris—literally, “body of law.” The main reference in Anda’s phrase is to the
Recopilación de Indias, which provides for the collection of tithes in the Spanish colonies. ↑
“It is an exceedingly bad example.” ↑
Pardo de Tavera cites (note 11, pp. 56–58) a royal decree dated April 27, 1704, charging the governor
(then Zabalburu) and Audiencia to restrain the friars from levying unjust exactions on the Indians. This
decree was occasioned by the complaints on this score made (in 1702) by Archbishop Camacho; in it are
enumerated the following acts of such injustice: “Besides the stipends which are paid to them from the
royal treasury, they oblige every Indian in their districts to render them service in all their domestic
necessities, and to furnish them with four fowls every day in each mission, and with fish, fuel, and
everything else that the land (and even the water) produces. At the same time they collect from the Indians
excessive fees, without observing the tariffs; for from an Indian whose property is worth four hundred
pesos (which is the value usually of that belonging to the wealthier natives) they exact for a burial one
hundred or two hundred, besides what they afterward receive for the funeral honors [i.e., ceremonies for
the welfare of departed souls]; and twelve pesos for the offering for [wearing] the cope [del habito de la
religión], or, if the natives are very poor, six or eight pesos, the religious making it necessary to the burial](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/38985-250409103154-7d135fa6/85/Zebrafish-neurobehavioral-protocols-1st-Edition-Jonathan-M-Cachat-43-320.jpg)
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that he shall wear the cope; and when they lack means to pay for these, they serve the religious like slaves
until they have earned what they need to pay these impositions. As for the marriages, the religious receive
thirteen pesos for what they call the altar fee, and thirteen reals for the cross, and eight for the offering for
the mass, and four for the veiling; even when they are very poor, the religious exact from them at least six
or eight pesos as a requisite [for the marriage]. The Indians are, for a long time, living in illicit intercourse,
because they have not the means to pay [these exactions]. In the baptisms they have introduced another tax
after the offering; the rich Indian must pay up to twelve pesos for the silver cross, and the poor one pays,
as such, for the wooden cross. Besides this, they also receive three reals every year from each Indian for
the feast of the patron saint of the village, honors for the dead, and wax for the monument; and, added to
this, one or two reals when they confess the Indians at the Lenten season—without giving any care or
attention to their instruction, or to the greater service of the churches in their charge. They are deficient in
almost all which belongs to their obligations as missionary curas, excepting the religious of the Order of
Preachers and those of the Society, who treat the natives more kindly and instruct them better.” Cf. the
“tariff of fees” drawn up by Camacho (VOL. XLII, pp. 56–64). ↑
“The friars, in studying the Filipino languages, continually compared them with the Latin and the
Castilian, to the grammar and genius of which they molded, whenever they could, those of the new
language which they were learning. As a result, the grammars of the Filipino languages which they soon
made created an artificial language, very different from that actually spoken by the islanders. Educated
Filipinos distinguish perfectly this conventional language of the friars; and the latter in their turn make the
charge, when they have noticed one of these observers, that the Indians when talking among themselves
employ a different language from that which they use in conversations with the cura. The reverend father
Fray Ramón Martinez Vigil (now bishop of Oviedo) has not failed to notice this difference; but in
undertaking to explain it he falls into an error that is excusable if one considers his religious calling, which
cannot admit that when there is a blunder the mistake is on the priest’s side. Speaking, then, as a priest,
and doubly superior to the Indian by being a Spaniard besides, he confidently says: ‘All who have
observed their familiar conversations (of the Indians) are agreed in affirming that they entirely lay aside
the rules of grammar, in order to make their conversation more rapid and short—speaking among
themselves a Tagálog quite different from what they use when they address the Spanish priest or any other
European who understands their language.’ (Revista de Filipinas, t. ii, 1877, p. 35.) Every one who
understands Tagálog has endured mortal torments thousands of times while hearing from the pulpit the
sermons which a great number of religious utter in that conventional language. At present, however, the
sermons that are preached are, as a rule, written in the old style, for the occasion, and then revised and
corrected by coadjutors, or by citizens versed [in the native language], who shape and polish the discourse
properly.” (Pardo de Tavera, note 12, pp. 58, 59.) ↑
An interesting sketch of the controversy in Filipinas over the episcopal visitation of the regular curas
is given by Pardo de Tavera in his note 13, pp. 59–68. The strife began even with the first bishop,
Domingo de Salazar, and continued for some three centuries; for as late as 1865 the archbishop of Manila
and two of his suffragan bishops joined in sending to the Spanish government complaints against the friars
of substantially the same tenor as those made earlier by Salazar, Camacho, and Santa Justa. Papal and
royal decrees were issued at intervals, insisting on the right of episcopal visitation; but in most cases these
were practically nullified by the influence or opposition of the friars, and the inadequate supply of secular](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/38985-250409103154-7d135fa6/85/Zebrafish-neurobehavioral-protocols-1st-Edition-Jonathan-M-Cachat-44-320.jpg)
Zebrafish neurobehavioral protocols 1st Edition Jonathan M. Cachat
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- 5. Zebrafish neurobehavioral protocols 1st Edition Jonathan M. Cachat Digital Instant Download Author(s): Jonathan M. Cachat, Peter R. Canavello (auth.), Allan V. Kalueff, Jonathan M. Cachat (eds.) ISBN(s): 9781607619536, 1607619539 Edition: 1 File Details: PDF, 5.50 MB Year: 2011 Language: english
- 6. NEUROMETHODS Series Editor Wolfgang Walz University of Saskatchewan Saskatoon, SK, Canada For other titles published in this series, go to www.springer.com/series/7657
- 8. Zebrafish Neurobehavioral Protocols Edited by Allan V. Kalueff Department of Pharmacology and NeuroscienceProgram, TulaneUniversity,NewOrleans,LA,USA Jonathan M. Cachat Department of Pharmacology and NeuroscienceProgram, TulaneUniversity,NewOrleans,LA,USA
- 9. Editors Allan V. Kalueff, Ph.D Department of Pharmacology and Neuroscience Program Tulane University New Orleans, LA 70112, USA avkalueff @gmail.com Dr. Jonathan M. Cachat Department of Pharmacology and Neuroscience Program Tulane University New Orleans, LA 70112, USA cachatj@gmail.com ISSN 0893-2336 e-ISSN 1940-6045 ISBN 978-1-60761-952-9 e-ISBN 978-1-60761-953-6 DOI 10.1007/978-1-60761-953-6 Springer New York Dordrecht Heidelberg London Library of Congress Control Number: 2010937635 © Springer Science+Business Media, LLC 2011 All rights reserved. This work may not be translated or copied in whole or in part without the written permission of the publisher (Humana Press, c/o Springer Science+Business Media, LLC, 233 Spring Street, New York, NY 10013, USA), except for brief excerpts in connection with reviews or scholarly analysis. Use in connection with any form of information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed is forbidden. The use in this publication of trade names, trademarks, service marks, and similar terms, even if they are not identified as such, is not to be taken as an expression of opinion as to whether or not they are subject to proprietary rights. While the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of going to press, neither the authors nor the editors nor the publisher can accept any legal responsibility for any errors or omissions that may be made. The publisher makes no warranty, express or implied, with respect to the material contained herein. Printed on acid-free paper Humana Press is part of Springer Science+Business Media (www.springer.com)
- 10. Preface to the Series Under the guidance of its founders Alan Boulton and Glen Baker, the Neurometh- ods series by Humana Press has been very successful since the first volume appeared in 1985. In about 17 years, 37 volumes have been published. In 2006, Springer Science + Business Media made a renewed commitment to this series. The new program will focus on methods that are either unique to the nervous system and excitable cells or which need special consideration to be applied to the neurosciences. The program will strike a balance between recent and exciting developments like those concerning new animal models of disease, imaging, in vivo methods, and more established techniques. These include immunocytochemistry and electrophysiological technologies. New trainees in neurosciences still need a sound footing in these older methods in order to apply a crit- ical approach to their results. The careful application of methods is probably the most important step in the process of scientific inquiry. In the past, new methodologies led the way in developing new disciplines in the biological and medical sciences. For exam- ple, Physiology emerged out of Anatomy in the nineteenth century by harnessing new methods based on the newly discovered phenomenon of electricity. Nowadays, the rela- tionships between disciplines and methods are more complex. Methods are now widely shared between disciplines and research areas. New developments in electronic publishing also make it possible for scientists to download chapters or protocols selectively within a very short time of encountering them. This new approach has been taken into account in the design of individual volumes and chapters in this series. Wolfgang Walz v
- 12. Preface The use of zebrafish (Danio rerio) in neurobehavioral research has dramatically increased over the past decades. This has led to the development of novel behavioral assays to quan- tify a variety of behaviors seen in larval and adult zebrafish. There has also been an increas- ing trend toward the use of automated video-tracking software to analyze the behaviors observed in these assays. The ability to correlate behavioral patterns with physiological endpoints on an individual is another advantage of using zebrafish in neurobehavioral research. As such, zebrafish are rapidly emerging as a promising, high-throughput animal model for biomedical research. The present book is written by the leading experts in zebrafish research, many of which are active members of the Zebrafish Neuroscience Research Consortium (ZNRC). This volume is composed of protocols detailing three major research areas, including (1) the use and interpretation of video-aided quantification of zebrafish behaviors, (2) descrip- tions of novel assays commonly used to quantify emotionality, as well as learning, mem- ory, and social behaviors in zebrafish, and (3) the quantification of circulating cortisol levels and the subsequent correlation to anxiety-like behaviors in zebrafish. This book will serve as a useful practical complement to another book of this series, Zebrafish Models in Neurobehavioral Research (Vol. 52), which covers scientific/theoretical problems and neurobiological principles of zebrafish behavior. The first chapter of the present book describes the principles of video-tracking in zebrafish research, making note of the advantages of video analysis. These include the abil- ity to obtain an increased number of behavioral endpoints, many of which are not quan- tifiable using traditional observation techniques, as well as improved precision when quan- tifying certain zebrafish behaviors that are otherwise highly subjective. In line with this, Chapter 2 presents a novel approach to analyze data produced with automated behavioral recording. Termed the “videogram”, this single image forms a density map of zebrafish activity in a video sequence, serving as a direct, repeatable, and unbiased measure of animal activity. Chapter 3 explains how automated video-tracking technologies can be connected with a behavioral assay in larval zebrafish. Focusing on the quantification of avoidance behaviors in larva, this protocol describes two assays, the “bouncing-ball assay” and the “two-fish assay”, which measure responses to a threatening stimulus as well as avoidance behavior, respectively. The following chapters of this book describe more specific behavioral paradigms to examine the wider behavioral repertoire of zebrafish. This includes Chapter 4’s quantifica- tion of zebrafish responses to chemical alarm cues or substances that indicate the presence of predation risk. Several assays of zebrafish learning and memory are summarized in the subsequent chapters, including a modified T-maze test of the acquisition and extinction of reward-visual stimulus association, simple conditioned place preference assays for assessing the reinforcing properties of drugs of abuse, as well as a method for studying conditioning olfactory behaviors in adult zebrafish. Additionally, Chapter 8 provides a detailed proto- vii
- 13. viii Preface col for a light/dark plus maze novel environment test, which measures thigmotaxis and scototaxis in order to assess anxiety-like behaviors in zebrafish. Chapters 9 and 10 are logically interconnected and describe assays of zebrafish social behavior. The first contribution describes methods for simple, fast, and accurate assessment of drug-induced effects on social and motor behaviors in zebrafish. Such behavioral paradigms may be particularly useful in conjunction with high-throughput drug screen- ing. The second protocol outlines an assay for identification, characterization, and quan- tification of agonistic behaviors in zebrafish, which can be used to assess the effects of pharmacological and genetic manipulations in this species. Chapter 11 provides a protocol for determining circulating cortisol levels in zebrafish. Such physiological quantification is highly applicable to behavioral studies of fear and anxiety-like responses in zebrafish, as the zebrafish acute stress response is analogous to that of humans, resulting in increased production and secretion of cortisol into the blood. Chapters 12 and 13 provide some further protocols that can be used to phenotype zebrafish behavior in novelty tests. The first protocol explains how to analyze an interesting behavioral pattern recently observed in zebrafish – their natural tendency to form preferred safe zones, or “homebases”. The second assay parallels Chapter 8 and is based on the fish’s inherent tendency of scototaxis (dark preference). This chapter illustrates, using two variations of the light/dark box test, how this simple paradigm can be used to assess zebrafish behavior evoked by anxiogenic or anxiolytic drug administration. While most drugs are administered to zebrafish by immersion of a fish into a drug solution, Chapter 14 discusses an alternative method of drug administration, which utilizes intraperitoneal injection to treat zebrafish with a pharmacological agent. This protocol is especially useful for those working with drugs that may not be conducive for immersion, such as insoluble or highly toxic compounds. The previous chapters are further complemented by Chapter 15, which instructs the reader on how to employ Maximum Predictive Value (MPV) to determine how sensitive a particular model is to various pharmacological manipulations. As a particular example, this chapter outlines how to utilize this measure to validate behavioral endpoints in the novel tank test when assessing anxiety-like behavior. The final Chapter 16 presents a highly innovative approach to zebrafish behavior based on three-dimensional reconstructions of zebrafish swim traces to better understand their behavior. This protocol logically summarizes other chapters in this volume, providing a methodology for using video-tracking technology to more comprehensively characterize zebrafish behavior. This contribution will be especially useful for analyzing automated endpoints for drug- and class-specific zebrafish phenotypes in parallel. Overall, as the reader will learn from this book, zebrafish offer an excellent opportunity to perform steadfast scientific investigations in a robust and high-throughput manner. All this remarkably separates the zebrafish from other classical laboratory animals. Moreover, the relative ease at which zebrafish can be housed, reproduced, and handled has prompted their introduction into teaching laboratories. Given the value of zebrafish in the research and teaching laboratories, we hope that this book will be accessible to a wide range of expertise. The Editors acknowledge the important role of ZNRC in promoting zebrafish research, including many protocols described here by active participating laboratories. The present compilation of neurobehavioral protocols is particularly timely, as it provides the first practical introduction to the exciting field of zebrafish behavioral research. Perhaps
- 14. Preface ix even more importantly, all assays described herein can be performed, creatively modified, further improved, and combined in almost limitless ways, again epitomizing the growing potential of zebrafish in modern scientific inquiry. Allan V. Kalueff Jonathan M. Cachat
- 16. Contents Preface to the Series . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . v Preface . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . vii Contributors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xi 1. Video-Aided Analysis of Zebrafish Locomotion and Anxiety-Related Behavioral Responses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 Jonathan M. Cachat, Peter R. Canavello, Salem I. Elkhayat, Brett K. Bartels, Peter C. Hart, Marco F. Elegante, Esther C. Beeson, Autumn L. Laffoon, Whitlee A.M. Haymore, David H. Tien, Anna K. Tien, Sopan Mohnot, and Allan V. Kalueff 2. Videograms: A Method for Repeatable Unbiased Quantitative Behavioral Analysis Without Scoring or Tracking . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15 Russell C. Wyeth, Oliver R. Braubach, Alan Fine, and Roger P. Croll 3. Automated Imaging of Avoidance Behavior in Larval Zebrafish . . . . . . . . . 35 Ruth M. Colwill and Robbert Creton 4. Quantifying Anti-predator Responses to Chemical Alarm Cues . . . . . . . . . . 49 Brian D. Wisenden 5. Modified Associative Learning T-Maze Test for Zebrafish (Danio rerio) and Other Small Teleost Fish . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 61 Georgianna G. Gould 6. Zebrafish Conditioned Place Preference Models of Drug Reinforcement and Relapse to Drug Seeking . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 75 Amit Parmar, Miral Parmar, and Caroline H. Brennan 7. A Simple and Effective Method to Condition Olfactory Behaviors in Groups of Zebrafish . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 85 Oliver R. Braubach, Russell C. Wyeth, Andrew Murray, Alan Fine, and Roger P. Croll 8. Aquatic Light/Dark Plus Maze Novel Environment for Assessing Anxious Versus Exploratory Behavior in Zebrafish (Danio rerio) and Other Small Teleost Fish . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 99 Georgianna G. Gould 9. A Novel Test Battery to Assess Drug-Induced Changes in Zebrafish Social Behavior . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 109 David J. Echevarria, Christine Buske, Christina N. Toms, and David J. Jouandot xi
- 17. xii Contents 10. Measuring Agonistic Behavior in Zebrafish . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 125 Henning Schneider 11. Measuring Endocrine (Cortisol) Responses of Zebrafish to Stress . . . . . . . . 135 Peter R. Canavello, Jonathan M. Cachat, Esther C. Beeson, Autumn L. Laffoon, Chelsea Grimes, Whitlee A.M. Haymore, Marco F. Elegante, Brett K. Bartels, Peter C. Hart, Salem I. Elkhayat, David H. Tien, Sopan Mohnot, Hakima Amri, and Allan V. Kalueff 12. Phenotyping of Zebrafish Homebase Behaviors in Novelty-Based Tests . . . . . 143 Adam Stewart, Jonathan M. Cachat, Keith Wong, Nadine Wu, Leah Grossman, Christopher Suciu, Jason Goodspeed, Marco F. Elegante, Brett K. Bartels, Salem I. Elkhayat, David H. Tien, Siddharth Gaikwad, Ferdous Kadri, Kyung Min Chung, Julia Tan, Ashley Denmark, Thomas Gilder, John DiLeo, Katie Chang, Kevin Frank, Eli Utterback, Patrick Viviano, and Allan V. Kalueff 13. Neurophenotyping of Adult Zebrafish Using the Light/Dark Box Paradigm . . . 157 Adam Stewart, Caio Maximino, Thiago Marques de Brito, Anderson Manoel Herculano, Amauri Gouveia Jr., Silvio Morato, Jonathan M. Cachat, Siddharth Gaikwad, Marco F. Elegante, Peter C. Hart, and Allan V. Kalueff 14. Intraperitoneal Injection as a Method of Psychotropic Drug Delivery in Adult Zebrafish . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 169 Adam Stewart, Jonathan M. Cachat, Christopher Suciu, Peter C. Hart, Siddharth Gaikwad, Eli Utterback, John DiLeo, and Allan V. Kalueff 15. Assessing the Maximum Predictive Validity for Neuropharmacological Anxiety Screening Assays Using Zebrafish . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 181 Amanda Linker, Adam Stewart, Siddharth Gaikwad, Jonathan M. Cachat, Marco F. Elegante, Allan V. Kalueff, and Jason E. Warnick 16. Deconstructing Adult Zebrafish Behavior with Swim Trace Visualizations . . . . 191 Jonathan M. Cachat, Adam Stewart, Eli Utterback, Evan Kyzar, Peter C. Hart, Dillon Carlos, Siddharth Gaikwad, Molly Hook, Kathryn Rhymes, and Allan V. Kalueff Index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 203
- 18. Contributors HAKIMA AMRI • Stress Physiology and Research Center (SPaRC), Department of Physiol- ogy and Biophysics, Georgetown University Medical School, Washington, DC, USA BRETT K. BARTELS • Department of Pharmacology and Neuroscience Program, Tulane University Medical School, New Orleans, LA, USA ESTHER C. BEESON • Department of Pharmacology and Neuroscience Program, Tulane University Medical School, New Orleans, LA, USA OLIVER R. BRAUBACH • Department of Physiology & Biophysics, Dalhousie University, Halifax, NS, Canada CAROLINE H. BRENNAN • Biological and Experimental Psychology Group, School of Biological and Chemical Sciences, Queen Mary University of London, London, UK CHRISTINE BUSKE • Department of Cell and Systems Biology, The University of Toronto, Toronto, Canada JONATHAN M. CACHAT • Department of Pharmacology and Neuroscience Program, Tulane University Medical School, New Orleans, LA, USA DILLON CARLOS • Neuroscience Program, Tulane University Medical School, Tulane University, New Orleans, USA PETER R. CANAVELLO • Department of Pharmacology and Neuroscience Program, Tulane University Medical School, New Orleans, LA, USA KATIE CHANG • Department of Pharmacology and Neuroscience Program, Tulane University Medical School, New Orleans, LA, USA KYUNG MIN CHUNG • Department of Pharmacology and Neuroscience Program, Tulane University Medical School, New Orleans, LA, USA RUTH M. COLWILL • Psychology Department, Brown University, Providence, RI, USA ROBBERT CRETON • Department of Molecular Biology, Cell Biology and Biochemistry, Brown University, Providence, RI, USA ROGER P. CROLL • Department of Physiology & Biophysics, Dalhousie University, Halifax, NS, Canada ASHLEY DENMARK • Department of Pharmacology and Neuroscience Program, Tulane University Medical School, New Orleans, LA, USA JOHN DILEO • Department of Pharmacology and Neuroscience Program, Tulane Univer- sity Medical School, New Orleans, LA, USA DAVID J. ECHEVARRIA • Department of Psychology, The University of Southern Mississippi, Hattiesburg, MS, USA MARCO F. ELEGANTE • Department of Pharmacology and Neuroscience Program, Tulane University Medical School, New Orleans, LA, USA SALEM I. ELKHAYAT • Department of Pharmacology and Neuroscience Program, Tulane University Medical School, New Orleans, LA, USA ALAN FINE • Department of Physiology & Biophysics, Dalhousie University, Halifax, NS, Canada KEVIN FRANK • Department of Pharmacology and Neuroscience Program, Tulane Uni- versity Medical School, New Orleans, LA, USA xiii
- 19. xiv Contributors SIDDHARTH GAIKWAD • Department of Pharmacology and Neuroscience Program, Tulane University Medical School, New Orleans, LA, USA THOMAS GILDER • Department of Pharmacology and Neuroscience Program, Tulane University Medical School, New Orleans, LA, USA JASON GOODSPEED • Department of Pharmacology and Neuroscience Program, Tulane University Medical School, New Orleans, LA, USA GEORGIANNA G. GOULD • Department of Physiology, University of Texas Health Science Center at San Antonio, San Antonio, TX, USA AMAURI GOUVEIA JR. • Behaviour Theory and Research Nucleus, Universidade Federal do Pará, 66075-110, Belem, Brazil CHELSEA GRIMES • Department of Pharmacology and Neuroscience Program, Tulane University Medical School, New Orleans, LA, USA LEAH GROSSMAN • Department of Pharmacology and Neuroscience Program, Tulane University Medical School, New Orleans, LA, USA PETER C. HART • Department of Pharmacology and Neuroscience Program, Tulane University Medical School, New Orleans, LA, USA WHITLEE A.M. HAYMORE • Department of Pharmacology and Neuroscience Program, Tulane University Medical School, New Orleans, LA, USA ANDERSON MANOEL HERCULANO • Institute of Biological Sciences, Universidade Federal do Pará, Belém, PA, Brazil MOLLY HOOK • Department of Pharmacology and Neuroscience Program, Zebrafish Neuroscience Research Consortium (ZNRC), Tulane University Medical School, New Orleans, LA, USA DAVID J. JOUANDOT • Department of Psychology, The University of Southern Mississippi, Hattiesburg, MS, USA FERDOUS KADRI • Department of Pharmacology and Neuroscience Program, Tulane University Medical School, New Orleans, LA, USA ALLAN V. KALUEFF • Department of Pharmacology and Neuroscience Program, Tulane University Medical School, New Orleans, LA 70112, USA EVAN KYZAR • Neuroscience Program, Tulane University Medical School, Tulane Univer- sity, New Orleans, USA AUTUMN L. LAFFOON • Department of Behavioral Sciences, Arkansas Tech University, Russellville, AR, USA AMANDA LINKER • Department of Behavioral Sciences, Arkansas Tech University, Russel- lville, AR, USA THIAGO MARQUES DE BRITO • Department of Psychology and Education, Universidade de São Paulo, Ribeirão Preto SP, Brazil CAIO MAXIMINO • Institute of Biological Sciences, Universidade Federal do Pará, Belém, PA, Brazil SOPAN MOHNOT • Department of Pharmacology and Neuroscience Program, Tulane University Medical School, New Orleans, LA, USA SILVIO MORATO • Department of Psychology and Education, Universidade de São Paulo, Ribeirão Preto SP, Brazil ANDREW MURRAY • Department of Physiology and Biophysics, Dalhousie University, Halifax, NS, Canada AMIT PARMAR • Biological and Experimental Psychology Group, School of Biological and Chemical Sciences, Queen Mary University of London, London, UK
- 20. Contributors xv MIRAL PARMAR • Biological and Experimental Psychology Group, School of Biological and Chemical Sciences, Queen Mary University of London, London, UK KATHRYN RHYMES • Department of Pharmacology and Neuroscience Program, Zebrafish Neuroscience Research Consortium (ZNRC), Tulane University Medical School, New Orleans, LA, USA HENNING SCHNEIDER • DePauw University, Department of Biology, Greencastle, IN, USA ADAM STEWART • Department of Pharmacology and Neuroscience Program, Zebrafish Neuroscience Research Consortium (ZNRC), Tulane University Medical School, New Orleans, LA, USA CHRISTOPHER SUCIU • Department of Pharmacology and Neuroscience Program, Tulane University Medical School, New Orleans, LA, USA JULIA TAN • Department of Pharmacology and Neuroscience Program, Tulane University Medical School, New Orleans, LA, USA DAVID H. TIEN • Department of Pharmacology and Neuroscience Program, Tulane University Medical School, New Orleans, LA, USA ANNA K. TIEN • Department of Pharmacology and Neuroscience Program, Tulane University Medical School, New Orleans, LA, USA CHRISTINA N. TOMS • Department of Psychology, The University of Southern Mississippi, Hattiesburg, MS, USA ELI UTTERBACK • Department of Pharmacology and Neuroscience Program, Tulane University Medical School, New Orleans, LA, USA PATRICK VIVIANO • Department of Pharmacology and Neuroscience Program, Tulane University Medical School, New Orleans, LA, USA JASON E. WARNICK • Department of Behavioral Sciences, Arkansas Tech University, Russellville, AR, USA BRIAN D. WISENDEN • Biosciences Department, Minnesota State University Moorhead, Moorhead, MN, USA KEITH WONG • Department of Pharmacology and Neuroscience Program, Tulane Uni- versity Medical School, New Orleans, LA, USA NADINE WU • Department of Pharmacology and Neuroscience Program, Tulane Univer- sity Medical School, New Orleans, LA, USA RUSSELL C. WYETH • Department of Biology, St. Francis Xavier University, Antigonish, NS, Canada
- 21. Exploring the Variety of Random Documents with Different Content
- 22. provinces, in which the president, Audiencia, and other ministers do not command, but only the religious father. The king is named as such, and is called upon as king, only in order that he may pay the stipends; beyond that his royal name is abhorred and persecuted. It causes horror to see a religious, paid and maintained by his Majesty, with the character of apostolic missionary, no sooner arrived at Manila from these kingdoms than he immediately publishes and defends the assertion that the king is not master of the islands, but only they who have conquered them; that the Indian ought not to pay tribute; and that no bull [i.e., of the Crusade] is needed. It is for this very reason that there are so many difficulties in collecting the tribute, and that the bull is not purchased excepting in Manila and its environs. With these opinions, and their extolling, some the pontifical grants to their girdle, others those of the scapulary of Carmel,16 and others their exercises, they obtain vast contributions which they call alms; and the king is left with the bulls, for the religious assert and proclaim that they are not necessary. In regard to jurisdiction, it is a well-known fact that no gobernadorcillo of Indians carries out any mandate of the president, Audiencia, or alcalde without the permission of the religious father—under penalty of one hundred lashes, which are given to him instantly if he obeys the royal magistrates and justices. With these and other pernicious ideas in which the fathers abound, they surprise the poor Indian, strike him with terror, and make him believe that they are all-powerful, can do everything, and that the authority of the king is worth nothing. Thus the king becomes, like the bishops, a monarch in partibus, in name alone, and only in order to maintain certain persons who style themselves apostolic missionaries. A few days after I had arrived at Manila, the archbishop-governor [i.e., Rojo] despatched an order to the province of Pampanga; it fell into the hands of a father, and he tore it to bits with great calmness, the archbishop overlooking that act of disrespect. Hence, even in case that one obey any mandate of the royal jurisdiction, so many are the obstacles and difficulties that the fathers find for its execution, that they absolutely do not have any other endeavor or desire than to cause the Indian not to recognize any other sovereign than themselves. The worst is, that this idea has existed since the conquest of the two Americas, whence it passed to Filipinas, with the utter detriment and ruin of king, state, and religion. Hence the king is called king, and the president, Audiencia, and alcaldes by their own names; but, in reality, the fathers exercise these functions.17 Remedy for this evil
- 23. To order with the utmost strictness that the regulars restrain themselves within their limits as parish priests, under penalty of expulsion if they meddle with or embarrass the royal jurisdiction. EIGHTH ABUSE From these so pernicious ideas fixed in the minds of the Indians, is born the monstrous result that a baptism, burial, or marriage costs them twelve, twenty, or more pesos, if the father asks it—and this is with all caprice, and no resistance or appeal can be made. But when it comes to demanding the tribute, although it is not more than one peso and two reals a year for the whole tribute, and five reals for the half-tribute, there are a thousand difficulties, and various stratagems are used, such as going to the mountains to hide, or feigning that they cannot pay; and, in such a case, they always have the father on their side against the king and the alcalde, on this point. Remedy for this evil To order that the fathers shall not meddle in worldly affairs, especially in the royal jurisdiction; that they shall not engage in trade;18 to establish collection of the tithes; and to compel them to observe very moderate tariffs [of parish fees]—under penalty of expulsion obliging them to undo the evil that they have wrought. NINTH ABUSE It is an abuse that the king pays the expenses of the voyage and support of the fathers in Filipinas, under title of apostolic missionaries, and they go there to become merchants and business men, to the harm of the poor Spaniards and of the Indian, besides their abandonment of the spiritual ministry which is in their charge. In the environs of Manila—with the exception of the Franciscans, who have nothing, and of the Condesa de Lizárraga, who has a small estate—the religious orders possess the following estates: the Dominicans, Lolomboy, Panay, Navotas, Great Malabon, and Biñan; the calced Augustinians, Malinta and Pasay; the discalced Augustinians, San Pedro Tunasan, San Nicolás, Imus, and Tunasancillo; the Jesuits, Mayjaligue, Masilog,
- 24. Nagtajan, Nagsubig, Mariquina, Indan, Silan, Marigondon, Payatas, and San Pedro Macati (where they have their earthenware factory, from which they make annually thirty thousand pesos fuertes net profit). These are the ones which I now have in mind, although they have other estates in the provinces, of which I can give no exact account. But indeed I know, because I have seen it, that the Indians who cultivate those lands come to be virtually slaves, by which means the orders have aggrandized themselves, with their trade in sugar, cattle and horses, and rice. Although this last is the bread of all, that bread rises in price to such a degree that it can rise no further—to which is added the great export of these products to China and the coasts of Coromandel and Malabar.19 Remedy for this evil To command, under penalty of expulsion, that they do not trade, as it is contrary to law; and, in respect to estates, they ought to sell them, even though they are the just owners, since such business is inconsistent with their ministry. It is certain that, by public report, if they had to show their titles to those lands it would be found that many, if not all of them, had been usurped from the Indians. On this account, without doubt, in regard to this point there was much talk in the time of Governor Arand[i]a. But nothing was gained in favor of the Indians, from whom, let the fathers allege what they please, the endowment of land which the law orders cannot be taken. TENTH ABUSE In the extreme parts of the mountains of the provinces of Pampanga, Pangasinan, Ilocos, and others, the regulars possess missions which they call active [vivas] missions. There has been a mission for forty, fifty, or sixty years, without paying tribute or acknowledging the king. If any alcalde has tried to visit them, they have had superabundance of witnesses and testimonies for their right to conduct it;20 this means that the king supports the missionary, and escorts who guard him. This is a monstrosity; for if he wishes to know the condition and results of the mission the matter is reduced to a lawsuit, until the alcalde is ruined. In reality such missions are advance-posts or custom-houses toward the mountains of the heathen, whence the latter bring down to them their gold, cacao, wax, and other products. This is what employs and occupies the religious father. There are well-founded opinions which assert that the inhabitants of the mountains are not reduced to subjection because of the bad treatment which they know is given them in the missions—where from their foundation there has not been nor is there any Spaniard save the father. It follows from this that, where the father is, there is no lack for vexations against the Indians. Consequently, for the same, and even a
- 25. stronger reason, the rigor of the decree and laws, and the censure of Fray Gaspar de San Agustin, which are cited in the following abuse, ought to include the regulars. Remedy for this evil To prohibit them from engaging in this trading, under penalty of expulsion; and under the same penalty, that they shall not hinder the Indians from going to Manila to sell these and other products which they have, and much less hinder the Spaniards from going to the provinces to buy them, to reside there, and to marry in them, if they wish. To order that the missions be visited, without hindrance, by the bishops in regard to spiritual matters, and by the government; and that, at the proper time, they must pay the tribute in accordance with the laws. ELEVENTH ABUSE It is an abuse that the fathers have in every way defended and protected, from the time of the conquest, the Chinese idolaters, apostates, traitors, and sodomites, without any benefit to the community,21 but with considerable harm in spiritual and temporal affairs; and that they have persecuted the poor Spaniard with so great rancor and eagerness. For it is seen that if any Spaniard goes, on account of misfortune, to the provinces to gain his livelihood, the father immediately orders him to leave, even if he does not lash him, etc.22 This is the reason why, after so long a time, there is no other settlement of Spaniards than that of Manila; for in the provinces rarely or never does one see a Spaniard. And, pursuing the same reasoning, after the lapse of so many years we are as strange to the Indians as in the beginning, and even more so, as one can see in the history of the conquest compared with what we all saw during the war. I venerate, as I ought, the justness of the laws, (xxi and xxii, book vi, título iii, and law i, book vii, título iv, of the Recopilación) which prohibit, in the words of the laws, “Spaniards, negroes, mulattoes, or mestizos from living in the villages of the Indians, for it has been found that some of the first are restless fellows, of evil life, robbers, gamblers, and vicious and abandoned people.” However, conceding for the present whatever crimes and stigmas these laws impute to the Spaniards, I declare and affirm that, with that ban, the regulars have committed more havoc in America and Filipinas than all the locusts together. These (the laws) the regulars order posted in the tribunal houses of the villages, and obey them with such rigor that if the laws concerning the
- 26. missionaries were observed in the same way there would be no Christianity equal to that of those countries. Let the evil Spaniard be punished; that is but justice: but the good man cannot and ought not to be punished. The fact is that by means of the said laws the father puts all [the Spaniards] on the same footing, and persecutes and punishes all without distinction until he drives them out of the country. In this way, he is left alone in the village, and without witnesses for what only God knows, and the intelligent Catholics weep; and the Indian grows more alien every day, and becomes hostile to the Spaniard through the instruction which he receives from the father. If the Spaniard is very bad, let him be punished by all means. But, if this is proper, why do they not only not ask the same in regard to the Chinese (who without comparison is worse), but defend, protect, and aid him, on account of trade and whatever else offers? The Spaniard may be a robber, gambler, and vicious; but he is not an idolater, an apostate, or a traitor, a sodomite, and the father of all deceit, as is the Chinese. Nevertheless, the father keeps still about all this and shelters it, and reserves his hootings only for the poor Spaniard, who many times shames the father missionary himself by the regularity of his conduct. What consolation can there be for the Spaniard, prohibited so rigorously from entering the domains of his king, when he sees that the Chinese are not only not hindered from such entrance, but also that they are encouraged; and that they rove about, and come and go, with more freedom than in their own country?23 Is it possible that we must see laws so harsh against the people of our own nation, and yet, that although the Chinese are foreigners and so perverse in all ways, they have merited a special título in the Recopilación and in article 18, book vi, for their defense, trade, and increase in Manila and the provinces? Fray Gaspar de San Agustin speaks as follows in his history of the conquest of Filipinas, book ii, folio 373 and verso, when speaking of the Chinese: “They are a race blinded by greed, and self-interest, and when these intervene friendship or relationship counts for nothing; for the son delights more in deceiving his father than the foreigner.” He continues, and after noting that they are atheists, and that only by a miracle will it be seen that any of them is a good Christian, he concludes as follows: “finally, they are a nation who hope for no other blessings than those of this world, nor other glory than temporal goods; and they worship no other God than the metals of silver and gold, and keep faith with Money alone.”
- 27. This is the character of the Chinese, according to the above-cited author.24 And, granted that it was a very inadequate statement, it is necessary to remark that both he and the rest of his order, and the others, with no difference, have favored and protected such atheists and persecuted the Spaniards. The proof is ad oculum [i.e., ocular], until the destruction during the war; for Manila and the provinces were inundated by Chinese, married and protected by the fathers, but there was not, nor is there a Spaniard [in the provinces]. This was because they did not find themselves persecuted by those same fathers; therefore the Chinese, according to the same historian, reached in time past the number of four hundred thousand. The most remarkable thing is, that the fathers administered to them in spiritual matters with as great serenity as if they were fathers of the deserts,25 and yet Fray Gaspar confesses that they are atheists. We cannot pass in silence the fact that after the war the Chinese religious26 refused to confess the Chinese, for they said that they knew that their fellow-countrymen were idolaters. However, the Spanish religious found a moral rule by which to proceed without any innovation, as they proceed in their own administration; and in this way they have administered the Christian churches in those regions. Consequently, he who says the contrary deceives, and falsifies the truth in regard to certain facts which are public, and which all those of us who have been in those regions have seen. In confirmation of the above, see the same historian, book iii, folio 426, in which, treating of the arrival of Governor Santiago de Vera, he says: “He brought very strict orders from his Majesty27 to correct the great excesses which had come to his royal notice, and which had been committed by the encomenderos of the Indians—who, losing shame before God and the world, had descended to such dishonorable acts (perhaps for lack of punishment in the first encomenderos), which transgressed their obligation.” Leaving aside the truth of so great excesses and of the medium by which they came to his royal notice (which if investigated thoroughly must have been, without doubt, through the fathers themselves) it is a fact that a decree was despatched at Lisboa, March 27, 1583, in favor of the Indians, and against the excesses of the encomenderos. The above-mentioned historian continues, and says that the governor deprived Bartolomé de Ledesma, encomendero of Abuyo, of his encomienda, as also others whom he found more guilty in similar crimes—whose names he omits, as it is not his intention to reveal or point out other persons who at present behave as they should; but he will not neglect to give the royal decree. In fact he gives the decree literally, and in truth the crimes of the encomenderos are so atrocious that they become incredible. But granting their certainty, because the decree so says, one must wonder that the father inserts it so exactly after he has just said that he omits those excesses because it is not his intention to describe them. That being a manifest contradiction, proves that the mind of the fathers has always been, and will
- 28. always be, to defame and make odious the Spaniard to the Indian, the council, and the king, in order that the fathers may be masters of everything, without opposition or witnesses. The same historian concludes the matter on folio 427, with the following words: “But Doctor Santiago Vera made such judicious arrangements in regard to the evil doing of the encomenderos, that, from the time of his government, that matter began to take better shape, and through the Infinite Pity is at present in better condition.”28 This condition of affairs is what the fathers wish, for it has been many years since there has been any encomendero or Spaniard in the provinces. That has been their sole desire, and, having obtained it, he openly avows that the matter is at present in a better condition through the Divine Pity, because they are alone, absolute, and without rival. But how could this fail to happen thus, if laws xxiii and xxiv of the same título and book only permit the Spaniard, even though he goes as a merchant, to remain in the villages of the Indians for three days; and if he exceeds that time, it must be with the penalty of fifty pesos of gold-dust for each day? It is to be noted here that the father is so exact in the observance of these laws that it can be said that he keeps others; and although he does not exact the fifty pesos because most of the Spaniards require the money for their food, what does it matter if he orders them to be lashed and imprisoned? Let this point be taken in the sense which is desired [by the fathers], and let the Spaniard be considered most perverse; yet he is better than the best Chinese. Is it possible that so many privileges are conceded to the Chinese, that he is to live, marry, and trade freely in Manila and the provinces, and so great harshness must be exercised against the poor Spaniard? Is it possible that the latter can deserve so little that he is not indeed equal to the Chinese?29 The condition of this matter reduces itself to a few points. First, that if, by scandals and evil example to the Indians, the Spaniards have to leave the villages, one ought to begin with the father. This is so notorious a fact that all who have been in América and Filipinas will testify to that effect in the official letters of the Council. Second, in respect to the arguments which are alleged against the Spaniard, they are not what they seem, and one must subtract three-fourths of them; while it must be assumed as a well-known fact that, as they are his declared enemy, and all the regulars are pledged against the Spaniard, they have not hesitated to find witnesses and raise up false testimonies, in order to attain their plans. This idea is so generally practiced and current, that would to God there were no memory of it.
- 29. All these complaints and outcries are reduced to the fact that if the Spaniard is solicitous for women, to oblige him to marry an Indian woman is of infinite advantage to him; and, if he is vicious by another extreme, to punish him. If this remedy does not please the religious (and immediately it does not suit them) why, just as they are irritated against the poor Spaniard, do they not cry out in the same manner against the Chinese, who is so perverse, but defend him in whatever arises? Why do they not cry out against the negro, mulatto, and mestizo who are such consummate rogues, but discharge all their spite upon the Castila? The explanation of this mystery consists in the fact that the Spaniard treats the father with the urbanity that is used toward ecclesiastics in España; but he is not imposed upon by the kind of servitude which the former desires, and at the same time he is a witness of what occurs in the provinces that is not right, and which the fathers do not wish him to know. On the contrary, the Chinese, under pretense that they allow to him his liberty, keeps still, dissimulates, makes presents, and blindly submits to whatever is ordered of him. Third, although we grant, as is right, the justice of the above-expressed laws in the time and the sense in which they were made, yet, as they are generally put in force against every Spaniard good or bad, it follows: first, that they punish the innocent; second, they prevent the settlement by Spaniards in the provinces, although it is so necessary; and, third, they hinder our union and friendship with the Indians, and consequently, marriages. And, supposing that the Indian women do not desire anything else, and that a Spaniard thus married has all the kindred of his wife favorable to him, I desire to know, according to good policy, whether there is any other remedy more rational and suitable than this, for the conservation of those domains? This is what law viii, título i, book vi, provides. There are two alternatives: it is either advantageous for the nation to preserve them, or not. If the latter, let the Spaniards come, and let them be abandoned at once. If the former, there is no other means better than that of union between the two nations. And, besides the fact that this is the universal practice throughout the world, it is unnecessary to say anything more about the matter; for, let the regulars say what they will, they will not deny that if the Castilian language had not been precluded from the beginning, and had the Spaniards married the Indian women—which was the method of giving them good treatment, according to the laws—there would be little or nothing to conquer in the two Américas and Filipinas. Consequently, it seems indispensable to abrogate the above- cited laws, or to moderate them somewhat in favor of the nation, restraining the license of the fathers. That is quite in accordance with law xxiv, título i, book vi, which permits the Spaniard to trade freely with the Indians. That cannot be done if he is to be driven from the villages in three days’ time.
- 30. Remedy for this evil To abrogate the laws above cited, as being suggested without doubt, by the regulars, and if not, as being dangerous to the state; and to order that the Spaniards can come and go, and freely trade, in the provinces; to proclaim rewards for those who marry Indian women, and to expel the father if he meddles with the Spaniard in what concerns his external conduct, since, if he is evil and commits crimes, there are justices to punish him. TWELFTH ABUSE It is an abuse that, contrary to the command of the laws and so many decrees, the fathers do not permit the Indians to talk Spanish, to which they are greatly inclined, and punish them if they do. This is the surest rule (although very pernicious to the state) of which the fathers have availed themselves, since the time of the conquest, to domineer over the Indians despotically with the king and the Spaniards, to the common prejudice of all.30 From this policy it results that every convent of Manila is a Babel, for, when the fathers assemble in the capital, it frequently occurs that each one brings servants from his province to serve him. And since they follow a system, from which no religious order departs, to speak to each Indian in his own language, it happens that in one convent are found the Tagálog, Pampanga, Pangasinan, Ilocan, Cagayan, Zamboangan, Camarines, Igorot, Ilongot, and Visayan tongues, all in sight of the government, Audiencia, and Spaniards, with total contempt of what is ordered in this regard by his Majesty; and by this very proceeding they boast that we do not understand them, and that they alone command the wretched Indians. Quite the contrary was the rule which the Portuguese followed in India from the beginning of their conquests. Hence one finds that there is no other language in Macao, Canton, Goa, the Malabar Coast, Coromandel, Ceilan, and Batavia, than their own. Surely, if that plan had been followed (as it ought to have been) in the two Américas and in Filipinas, so many hardships would not have been encountered [by the Spaniards] as were seen during the invasion of the English,31 and as will always be seen for this reason; and the king would be master of those domains with as much security as he is of these [in Spain], but, if the contrary be true, they will always be dependent on the will of the ecclesiastics. In proof of this truth, one must not forget what we all witnessed during the war; for with the exception of the provincial of St. Francis, who was most loyal and of great service, and that of the Augustinian Recollects, all the rest were declared enemies—so much so
- 31. that in the most critical time of the undertaking, they asserted that the governor was an insurgent. They held meetings to depose him, contrary to the express laws, and openly encouraged the opposing side.32 All the above is confirmed by what was seen in the same system, namely, that notwithstanding the noble example of the loyalty of the two above-mentioned provincials, some of their subjects gave them much to suffer, and as much more to do, for the party of the king. This proves that neither to his Majesty nor to their superiors do they render submission, because of the absolute lawlessness with which they grow up. Remedy for this evil To command that the laws and decrees which order the Indians to be taught the Spanish language, be observed; and that the father who violates this, as they have done hitherto, be sent to España, which it the greatest punishment; and without doubt they will have care in the matter. THIRTEENTH ABUSE It is an abuse that all the curas oblige the dalagas (so are the girls called) to go to the house of the fathers (the latter, although contrary to law, call it “convent”) to pound the rice. That operation consists in removing the husks with certain mallets, by dint of their labor. If this service and labor—which would have to be done by their servants, or be paid for to the poor, in which case the work would be proper, and of value to them—is neglected, it is under penalty of lashes to the girl who does not render it. It is a shameful thing that these women, all marriageable, have to do so unsuitable and dangerous things, as daily experience affirms.33 They are also obliged to sweep the churches and clear the grass away from the entrances, while in some places the fathers compel the baguntaos (who are the unmarried men) each to carry them a stick of wood every time they go to mass. In others they practice different burdens and vexations, so that the result of these continual acts is, that since these fathers do not content themselves with the generous stipend which they receive from the king, nor with their so abundant extra fees, they still burden the poor Indian in whatever way they please, always conspiring so that he shall have nothing of his own, not recognize or respect any other authority than their own.34 Remedy for this evil
- 32. To order, under penalty of expulsion, the fathers not to meddle with the Indians except in their spiritual ministry; and that their household duties be performed by servants, for which they have much more than enough income. FOURTEENTH ABUSE Consequent upon this notion of theirs is this abuse, that when the gobernadorcillos of the villages (these are the deputies of the alcaldes) who exercise the royal jurisdiction, go to see the father, they have to leave their staffs or rods of justice at the entrance; for the fathers do not permit even tokens of the royal authority in their presence. The fathers compel those officials to accompany them quite to the sacristy, and, when they return to their house, make them serve them at table, and never allow them to sit down or to keep their hats on; and they address those officials by tu [i.e., “thou”] as they do servants. Let one estimate what they will do with the other Indians. Remedy for this evil To order that, when the gobernadorcillos go to see the father, they be compelled to go into his house with their badges of justice, under penalty of [the father’s] expulsion if they are forbidden to do so; for, representing as they do the king, the father must treat them with suitable decorum, and must give them a seat, and under no pretext be served by them at table. FIFTEENTH ABUSE It is an abuse that, when the provincials go to visit, they make their so magnificent entrances into the villages at the cost of the Indians. That is, just as if they were bishops, the bells are rung for them, and they are accompanied by vast crowds from village to village; and the people go to receive them, and go to expense and make feasts, which only cooperate toward their absolute domination over those natives. Remedy for this evil
- 33. That the regulars be subjected, as is decreed, to visitation by the ordinaries. By so doing, the latter will make use of their right without there being any necessity for visits by the provincials; and when the provincials wish to visit them purely as religious, and not as parish priests, to prohibit the Indians from great public feasts and expenses, under penalty of expulsion, since there is no other remedy. SIXTEENTH ABUSE It is an abuse that after the stipend or sínodo,35 and large fees exacted by the father from a poor Indian in regular form, the Indians generally have to carry the [sick] Indian in a hammock or parilusclas36 to the church in order that the father may administer the sacraments to him. On account of that abuse, and the motion, and the [effect of the] wind, most of them die; and the man’s death is followed by a looting of his house for the burial fees. This is a fine way for the fathers to fulfil their duty and exercise charity. Remedy for this evil To order, under penalty of expulsion, that they fulfil their duty, as every good parish priest should, by administering the sacraments to the poor sick in their own houses; and such grave wrongs against the Indians and his Majesty will cease, by moderating the tariffs, with the establishment of the tithes. SEVENTEENTH ABUSE It is an abuse that, although the provincials are ordered to watch over the reduction of these peoples, so that the Indians, living within sound of the church-bell, may be directed and instructed in a Christian and civilized manner, the latter are today found (except those administered by the Franciscans, who are those most settled in villages) as scattered as they were in the time of their paganism. They have many of the vicious habits of their paganism, and are so stupid in their Christian belief and social life that it causes pity. So grave a wrong is followed by another against the royal treasury, namely that, as they live far away and in the recesses of the mountains, it is impossible for the alcalde to enumerate them for the payment of their tribute, and he is compelled to guide himself by the list or register which the father gives him. In that particular, considerable
- 34. discrepancies have always been noted against his Majesty; for in Filipinas and América, it has been considered as an act of cleverness to defraud the king and persecute the Spaniard, and they never tire of it. Remedy for this evil To decree that the reduction into villages be carried out as is ordered, which can be secured at once if the father so wishes; and if he opposes the order, to expel him. By so doing, the wrongs stated above will be avoided. EIGHTEENTH ABUSE It is an abuse that the alcaldes in the provinces find it necessary to yield to the father in whatever the latter desires (this is always against royal authority) against the Indian and the Spaniard; and, if the alcalde does not thus act, that moment the fathers rise against him and prove, in part or in all, the following charges: “he lives in concubinage, is a drunkard, a thief, and does not observe his duties toward the church,” even though he be an anchorite. For the father causes the Indian to make depositions as he wishes, and if the Indian does otherwise, there are lashes. By this may be understood the doctrine which is taught to those ignorant people, and the condition in which the administration of his Majesty’s justice and authority is. Remedy for this evil To order that the father do not meddle with temporal affairs, under penalty of expulsion. This is certain, for otherwise there will never be peace. [By so doing] the alcalde can administer justice; and, if he should be unjust, the governor and the Audiencia will set the matter right. NINETEENTH ABUSE It is an abuse for some men of the religious estate, who are supported and maintained by his Majesty with the character of apostolic missionaries, to teach the Indians, instead of love for their neighbor, to hate and persecute the Castilas (thus they call us Spaniards).
- 35. This is a practice as old as the conquest, and was seen with horror in the most cruel period of the war; and afterward this proposition was inculcated in a certain pulpit of Manila, to a great gathering of Spaniards and Indians, [saying], “To issue to a man a warrant as alcalde is the same thing as que deleatur de libro vitæ;”37 and in other pulpits were said other things not less scandalous against all the [Spanish] nation. Remedy for this evil To ordain that there be no preaching contrary to the decalogue, under penalty of expulsion, which is justified by so cruel and scandalous an act. Another of the most grievous abuses is, that religious who have served as missionaries in the islands are generally chosen as bishops in those islands. They having been brought up under the conditions already stated, are influenced, even though they might desire to exercise their jurisdiction as ordinary in certain districts conquered centuries ago, most by the abuses and the domination of their respective orders. Consequently, they overlook wrongs, and keep silent, from which results the despotism of the orders over the two powers [i.e., secular and ecclesiastical]. It is true that, even if they should wish to exercise their jurisdiction, the orders will not allow it; for they are so blind and obstinate in their sway and privileges that they are capable of killing any bishop who makes such an attempt. Doctor Fray Domingo de Salazar, first bishop of Manila, began that dispute with the Augustinians, as Fray Gaspar relates in the above-mentioned history. Others have defended the same idea, but, nevertheless, we see that the said fathers and other regulars still maintain their domination in opposition to the bishops—with detriment to both jurisdictions, and perhaps to Christianity, that cannot be exaggerated. There are other abuses against the royal treasury worthy of the most prompt relief, such as that of the storehouses of Manila and Cavité, which cost the king huge sums on account of the lack of system therein. Another abuse is that the post of commander of the Acapulco ship costs his Majesty four thousand pesos. Besides the enormity that such an office should be conferred for only one ship, the further abuse follows that neither the captain nor other officers are of any use, as the commander orders everything at his own caprice; in consequence, either he is superfluous, or they are. Another abuse is that, after so many years in which so much gold has been produced in the islands, this precious metal makes no acknowledgment to its king in Filipinas by paying him the tenth, nor is it weighed in a mint, nor is it by any other expedient made
- 36. useful to his Majesty; for the religious orders, the Indians, the Spaniards, and the mestizos make free use of this trade.
- 37. Map of the river of Cagayan, showing town sites along its banks, 1720(?); drawn by Juan Luis de Acosta [Photographic facsimile from original MS. map in Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla] Another abuse is, that there has been no thought of conquests in the mountains of Pangasinan, Ilocos, and Cagayan, where, according to accurate information by the fathers themselves, there have been more than three hundred thousand tributes. It would be an easy undertaking, according to the reports of the fathers themselves and the mildness of those Indians. On account of the advantage which may result for his Majesty and his vassals there, the following points should be considered: It is known (and I have information in my possession) that there are mines of a special copper, with a mixture of gold, in Ilocos and Catanduanes; and it would be an advantage to open and work them for the casting of artillery and other manufactures. The iron mine of greatest yield was in operation until the time of the war, when the works were burned.38 If they were placed in operation again, there is nothing more to do than to begin the work, and they will make whoever operates them wealthy.
- 38. The post of commissary of the Inquisition ought to be placed in charge of a secular priest, and withdrawn from the regulars, who have always held it and have practiced very many abuses. Trade ought to be placed on another footing than that of the regulation of 1734, as it is impossible to subsist on that basis, for thus the islands will be ruined. After they had suffered a year and a half of war, which was one continual pillage, there remained no other wealth than that which was made safe in the “Filipino;” and that wealth has suffered greatly through the continual losses of the trade since that time, and the excessive rise in prices. A ship ought to sail regularly every year for Manila, to carry secular priests for the object which I have explained, and laymen who are accustomed to the commerce here; for, to speak plainly, those in Manila are not Spaniards, but Chinese, in their customs, usuries, etc. It does not seem out of place to put the shipyard there into good condition for ship- building, and even to create a navy department, like those at Ferrol, Cartagena, and Cádiz.39 The recoinage of the mutilated money of the islands ought to be considered, for the Sangleys have pared and clipped it so much that it is almost half-size. On that account no one wants it, and all desire to get rid of it, with the loss of ten to twelve per cent, which is the usual discount. There is always fraud in that, although the greatest fraud is in the purchases which are made with that money, in which the goods are sold forty per cent dearer, so that the Chinese profits and cheats in everything; for, as he does not carry to his own country other money than that with the milling around the edge, he cheats by forty per cent more in the goods, and the discount does not cost him more than ten or twelve.40 In the management of the royal treasury, and especially in that of the storehouses at Manila, Cavite, and other places; in the contracts and charters for the transportation of provisions from the provinces to the capital; in the care and conservation of arms and ammunition; in the collection of tributes; in the collection of all the royal duties; in the appraisals for the sales of offices; in the auction of the revenues leased and held by monopoly; and finally, in everything of advantage to his Majesty: there are most enormous frauds, which need instant correction by planting deeply the order, system, and method which justice and the laws demand, in order to suppress the thefts which have hitherto enriched the governors, royal officials, and other employees who have made a private patrimony out of what belongs to the king, destroying the royal revenues and ruining the islands generally by their insatiable greed. Consequently, although the country has resources for maintaining superabundantly all the obligations and business of the royal service, his Majesty has expended immense sums in the annual situados sent from Nueva España, without other benefit than that of feeding the avarice of faithless
- 39. ministers, both secular and ecclesiastical—who, although charged with the conservation and prosperity of those islands, abandon them without defense, and in the miserable condition which was made plainly evident in the last war, to our utmost grief, where even the hearts of those most honored and put under obligation by the king were alienated, and they forgot the loyalty and love due to both Majesties.41 For the radical correction of the above ills it is indispensably necessary to frame and send from here clear and full instructions for establishing the just method of procedure that is fitting, conferring on the governor all the authority necessary for its execution, by the means which prudence and the actual condition [presencia, misprinted paciencia] of affairs dictate to him. Finally I direct attention to the undeniable assumption that the Filipinas Islands, on account of the natural wealth of their soil, their advantageous situation for carrying on the commerce of Asia with this Peninsula [i.e., Spain], and still more as being the outpost which defends and insures the peaceful possession of the rich and extensive empire of the two Americas, Northern and Southern, on their Pacific coasts, in which is situated the greater part of their wealth—for all these reasons, they demand in justice, in reason, and in all good policy, that the greatest attention be given to them, without sparing any means or effort that may contribute to the conservation and success of so important a matter. The choice of a zealous governor will contribute especially to erecting the foundations of that great work, but it is necessary to honor him and give him authority, so that he may work to advantage and without the obstacles that have many times frustrated the best and most carefully conceived ideas, by secret information, by tricky and criminal artifices, and in other evil ways. The ideas expressed thus far are quite adequate, if they are carried into execution, and they become more important, on account of the persons by whom they must be carried out, many of whom have reached the end of their usefulness, and belong to different estates, and very opposing interests—the most influential of whom are accustomed to and have grown old in despotism and lack of restraint. In order to remove that despotism from the provinces, to make the city secure, and succeed in obtaining that one “render to God what is of God, and to Cæsar what is of Cæsar,” that governor needs a body of troops suitable to cause respect for the name of the king. This object can be attained only by being carefully followed up by a ruler who is disinterested and zealous for the royal service, it being well understood that such military force ought to be placed on the same footing of pay as that of Nueva España, since otherwise there will be no one who will serve in it.
- 40. 1 2 The king has capable and zealous ministers who can examine the points which are here briefly indicated. They may be certain that what I have set forth is accurate and reliable in all its parts, and that I have had no other motive and impulse in exposing it than my love and zeal for the service of God and of the king. The latter will deign to determine what may be most to his royal pleasure. Madrid, April 12, 1768. Doctor Don Simon de Anda y Salazar Your Excellency, Dear sir and master: I remit the enclosed extract of the points which, I have considered, require a positive and speedy remedy in the Filipinas Islands, so that your Excellency can more easily understand their condition in the toilsome labor of examining the representations which I made at the time upon the other points, from Manila. Your Excellency may be assured that I have no private interest in the matter, for everything is for the king, my master. It is to be noted that, although this appears to be hostile to the religious estate, it is not so, nor have I any such spirit [of hostility]. I assure you that, if these recommendations are carried out (if your Excellency shall deem that best) the religious communities will thank you heartily, although at the beginning, and at first sight, they may show some anger. May God preserve your Excellency many years, as I desire. Madrid, April 13, 1768. Your Excellency, your humble servant kisses the hands of your Excellency. Doctor Don Simon de Anda Y Salazar [Addressed: “His Excellency Bailio Frey Don Julian de Arriaga.”42 To the text of this document we add most of the annotations thereon made by Dr. T. H. Pardo de Tavera, as found in his publication of this document (Memoria de Anda y Salazar, Manila, 1899); these are especially interesting, as coming from the pen of a native Filipino who is a scholar, a liberal, and an enlightened patriot. These notes—either translated in full, or condensed into a summary, citing his exact language whenever possible—are credited to him, stating the note-number and page where they are found. ↑ From the date of the foundation of the College of Santo Tomás, there was strife between it and the Jesuit college of San José. In 1648, the Dominicans triumphed for the time being, and the Jesuits were forbidden by the royal Audiencia to grant degrees in their university. That decision was reversed in Spain by a royal decree of March 12, 1653. San José was closed when the Jesuits were expelled. (Pardo de Tavera, pp. 43, 44, note 1.) ↑
- 41. 3 4 In note 2 (pp. 44–47), Pardo de Tavera gives a sketch of the history of the “secular university” of Manila. The royal decree founding it (dated May 16, 1714) states as its purpose, “that persons born there may have the comfort of being enabled to fit themselves for obtaining the prebends;” accordingly, three chairs were established at Manila, for instruction in canon and civil law and Roman law. The first incumbents (appointed in 1715) were Julian de Velasco, Francisco Fernandez Thoribio, and Manuel de Osio y Ocampo. The institution was opened on June 9, 1718, and included also the chairs of medicine and mathematics, professors for these being appointed by the governor—who, finding that this enterprise was opposed by the religious orders, especially by the Dominicans and Jesuits, ordered that a building for its use should be erected near his palace; but lack of funds stopped this work in 1721. When the chairs became vacant in 1726, a competitive examination was held to fill them, at which only five men with the degree of bachelor of law were present. The lectures were but thinly attended, five or six students only being the usual audience; the royal decree suggested that these be reënforced by students from San José and Santo Tomás, but these colleges discouraged such attendance, and it availed naught. In 1726, the Jesuit Murillo Velarde was appointed to the chair of canon law, and then the Jesuits offered San José college to the new professors (at first, the lectures in the royal foundation had been given in a private house, because the archbishop declined to let them be given in the archiepiscopal seminary); this aroused the jealousy of the Dominicans. Finally a compromise was made between them, by agreeing that in each of the two universities there should be a chair of canon law in charge of a religious, and one of civil law in charge of a layman. The king, learning of this controversy and the ineffectiveness of his foundation, decreed (July 26, 1730) that it should be closed, thus saving to the treasury the annual cost of 2,000 pesos. Pardo de Tavera remarks that the name of “university,” given to it in Manila, does not appear in the royal decree of 1714, which simply established the three chairs mentioned. See also the account of “the college seminary of San Phelipe,” in VOL. XLV of this series, pp. 187–207, and some allusions to it in VOL. XLIV, pp. 145, 178; Velasco and Toribio were imprisoned by Bustamante at one time (VOL. XLIV, pp. 152, 155, 159.) In reality, we must go back to the royal foundation in 1702, which was encroached on by Cardinal Tournon and the abbot Sidoti (1704–07); see San Antonio’s full account of this in VOL. XXVIII, pp. 117–122. Pardo de Tavera gives an outline of this account in his note 3 (pp. 48–50), and adds: “The power of the friars caused the organization of the seminary to be delayed until, toward the end of the past century, thanks to Señor Sancho de Santa Justa y Rufina, the seminary of San Carlos was created; it was installed in the former house of the expelled members of the Society of Jesus.” ↑ “The religious orders in Filipinas have always been accused of opposing culture and the diffusion of human learning among the Filipinos, having assumed, according to their traditional policy, the role of monopolisers of public instruction, in order thus to present themselves as its defenders and partisans, proclaiming themselves the civilizers of the people, and the source and origin of their intellectual progress. In reality, having in their hands the public instruction they so conducted themselves that, as Don Simon says, they organized an instruction of mere ceremony, intended to maintain the Filipinos in a calculated ignorance, and keep them imbued with principles which tended to subject their conscience and reason to the absorptive power of the monastic supremacy.” (Pardo de Tavera, p. 50, note 4.) ↑
- 42. 5 6 7 8 9 It is to be remembered that Anda wrote this memorial at Madrid, where he was occupying a seat in the Council of Castilla. ↑ “The idea of secularizing the university of Manila, suggested by Anda y Salazar, was contemplated a century later by Señor Moret, minister for the colonies [de Ultramar], and decreed by the regent of the kingdom on November 6, 1870. The college of San Juan de Letran was also secularized by the same decree; but in Filipinas orders of that sort were not executed. For the friars upset the whole matter, threatening the ruin of the colony if the decree were carried out, raising protests and petitions—in short, causing the bishops and the authorities to range themselves on their side, in order to present to the government at Madrid the question from the point of view which suited the interests of the Dominican order. The execution of the regent’s decree was suspended, writings were sent to Madrid in favor of the friars, and, as always, they gained their point, and continued to be owners and masters of the university and of the college of San Juan de Letran.” (Pardo de Tavera, note 6, pp. 50, 51.) ↑ “The friars have always been considered as poor and needy by the government of España, and in that notion—without stopping to consider that their ownership of land was continually extending further in Filipinas, and that through various schemes they had created for themselves a secure income in the country —the Spanish monarchs by various provisions (most of them despatched at the instigation of the friars) have ordained that their needs be supplied with wine, oil, various contributions, and cash donations, under the most flimsy pretexts.” (Pardo de Tavera, note 7, p. 51.) ↑ “At the pleasure of the king, on account of the lack of clerics at the beginning.” ↑ “In effect, it can be said the friars trained clerics in order afterward to employ the latter in their own service; for under the name of coadjutors each cura kept in his convent one or two clerics, according to the necessities of the parish, who served him as if they were slaves, and who suffered every sort of humiliation and annoyance. It was not only in those times [of Anda] that the situation of the Filipino cleric was so melancholy and abject; but, in the midst of the increasing prosperity of the friars and their curates, with equal pace increased also the wretchedness of their coadjutors and the intolerable misery of their existence. In order to justify their conduct toward the Filipino clerics, the friars resorted to the pretext of their unfitness; but not only is this argument calumnious, but, even if it were accepted as sound, it does not justify the bad treatment which they give the cleric, and would demonstrate, besides, that the education which he receives from the friars is incomplete and defective.” (He cites Archbishop Santa Justa as rebuking the regulars for thus calumniating the clerics, saying, among other things, “Is it not notorious to every one of us here that the spiritual administration all devolves upon the coadjutor cleric, the father minister reserving to himself only the charge of collecting in his own house, without leaving it, the parochial dues. How can they deny this, when it is so public? If the clerics are incapable, how can the ministers in conscience allow and entrust to them the spiritual administration of their villages? If that be not so, how dare they discredit the clerics with the strange, not to say unjust, censure of their being unfit and incompetent?”) “In these later times, the friars, since they could no longer rail against the clerics in that fashion—for they do not, at least so much now, insist on their old accusation of unfitness, because the Filipino clerics have proved that they include men of as great learning and virtue as the friars, and even more—resorted to a political reason, making the Spanish government believe that the Filipino clerics were every one filibusters. This weapon was of good results for the cause of the friars, but fatal for the Filipino
- 43. 10 11 12 13 clergy, who found themselves horribly trampled upon in 1870, on occasion of the famous rebellion of the Cavite Arsenal; for three of their most distinguished and revered members, Fathers Burgos, Zamora, and Gomez, were executed under the calumnious accusation of being leaders of the rebellion, and a great number of other distinguished Filipino priests were sent to the military posts or into exile. Public opinion flung back upon the friars the terrible responsibility of sentences so iniquitous; but since then the new and safe weapon of ‘filibusterism’ has been used more and more against the Filipino clerics.” (Pardo de Tavera, note 8, pp. 52, 53.) ↑ “The contribution of wine and oil had been granted (as is stated in ley 7, tit. iii, book i of the Recopilación de Indias) to certain poor monasteries, so that they could illuminate the blessed sacrament and celebrate the holy sacrifice of the mass. It was likewise ordained that such contribution should be furnished in the articles themselves, both oil and wine, and not in money or bullion. This contribution was to be given to the conventual religious and not to the ministers of doctrinas, that is, to the curas (ley 9). The escort of soldiers which was furnished to the missionaries was granted to them by a royal decree of July 23, 1744, the text of which I have not been able to find. According to Diaz Arenas (Memorias históricas), the royal decree of May 13, 1579, granted to each cura in a doctrina the sum of 50,000 maravedís, and half as much to the sacristans. Afterward, by a royal decree of October 31, 1596, the said stipend of missionary religious was fixed at $100 and 100 fanegas of palay. On March 4, 1696, August 14, 1700, January 19, 1704, and July 14, 1713, the king had ordered the viceroys of his colonial possessions to send him a report in regard to the religious who were really in need of the contribution of wine, wax, and oil, in order that he might cease giving aid to those who had no need of it, ‘or that the half or the third part might be deducted from their allowance, in proportion to the poverty of each one.’ This is seen in the royal decree of September 22, 1720, in which the king insists that this information should be sent to him; but he could not obtain it, in spite of repeated orders.” [Other attempts were made to secure such information, through the century, but without success.] (Pardo de Tavera, note 9, pp. 54–56.) ↑ “The book of laws;” there is also an allusion to the generally adopted legal code or collection of laws, known as Corpus juris—literally, “body of law.” The main reference in Anda’s phrase is to the Recopilación de Indias, which provides for the collection of tithes in the Spanish colonies. ↑ “It is an exceedingly bad example.” ↑ Pardo de Tavera cites (note 11, pp. 56–58) a royal decree dated April 27, 1704, charging the governor (then Zabalburu) and Audiencia to restrain the friars from levying unjust exactions on the Indians. This decree was occasioned by the complaints on this score made (in 1702) by Archbishop Camacho; in it are enumerated the following acts of such injustice: “Besides the stipends which are paid to them from the royal treasury, they oblige every Indian in their districts to render them service in all their domestic necessities, and to furnish them with four fowls every day in each mission, and with fish, fuel, and everything else that the land (and even the water) produces. At the same time they collect from the Indians excessive fees, without observing the tariffs; for from an Indian whose property is worth four hundred pesos (which is the value usually of that belonging to the wealthier natives) they exact for a burial one hundred or two hundred, besides what they afterward receive for the funeral honors [i.e., ceremonies for the welfare of departed souls]; and twelve pesos for the offering for [wearing] the cope [del habito de la religión], or, if the natives are very poor, six or eight pesos, the religious making it necessary to the burial
- 44. 14 15 that he shall wear the cope; and when they lack means to pay for these, they serve the religious like slaves until they have earned what they need to pay these impositions. As for the marriages, the religious receive thirteen pesos for what they call the altar fee, and thirteen reals for the cross, and eight for the offering for the mass, and four for the veiling; even when they are very poor, the religious exact from them at least six or eight pesos as a requisite [for the marriage]. The Indians are, for a long time, living in illicit intercourse, because they have not the means to pay [these exactions]. In the baptisms they have introduced another tax after the offering; the rich Indian must pay up to twelve pesos for the silver cross, and the poor one pays, as such, for the wooden cross. Besides this, they also receive three reals every year from each Indian for the feast of the patron saint of the village, honors for the dead, and wax for the monument; and, added to this, one or two reals when they confess the Indians at the Lenten season—without giving any care or attention to their instruction, or to the greater service of the churches in their charge. They are deficient in almost all which belongs to their obligations as missionary curas, excepting the religious of the Order of Preachers and those of the Society, who treat the natives more kindly and instruct them better.” Cf. the “tariff of fees” drawn up by Camacho (VOL. XLII, pp. 56–64). ↑ “The friars, in studying the Filipino languages, continually compared them with the Latin and the Castilian, to the grammar and genius of which they molded, whenever they could, those of the new language which they were learning. As a result, the grammars of the Filipino languages which they soon made created an artificial language, very different from that actually spoken by the islanders. Educated Filipinos distinguish perfectly this conventional language of the friars; and the latter in their turn make the charge, when they have noticed one of these observers, that the Indians when talking among themselves employ a different language from that which they use in conversations with the cura. The reverend father Fray Ramón Martinez Vigil (now bishop of Oviedo) has not failed to notice this difference; but in undertaking to explain it he falls into an error that is excusable if one considers his religious calling, which cannot admit that when there is a blunder the mistake is on the priest’s side. Speaking, then, as a priest, and doubly superior to the Indian by being a Spaniard besides, he confidently says: ‘All who have observed their familiar conversations (of the Indians) are agreed in affirming that they entirely lay aside the rules of grammar, in order to make their conversation more rapid and short—speaking among themselves a Tagálog quite different from what they use when they address the Spanish priest or any other European who understands their language.’ (Revista de Filipinas, t. ii, 1877, p. 35.) Every one who understands Tagálog has endured mortal torments thousands of times while hearing from the pulpit the sermons which a great number of religious utter in that conventional language. At present, however, the sermons that are preached are, as a rule, written in the old style, for the occasion, and then revised and corrected by coadjutors, or by citizens versed [in the native language], who shape and polish the discourse properly.” (Pardo de Tavera, note 12, pp. 58, 59.) ↑ An interesting sketch of the controversy in Filipinas over the episcopal visitation of the regular curas is given by Pardo de Tavera in his note 13, pp. 59–68. The strife began even with the first bishop, Domingo de Salazar, and continued for some three centuries; for as late as 1865 the archbishop of Manila and two of his suffragan bishops joined in sending to the Spanish government complaints against the friars of substantially the same tenor as those made earlier by Salazar, Camacho, and Santa Justa. Papal and royal decrees were issued at intervals, insisting on the right of episcopal visitation; but in most cases these were practically nullified by the influence or opposition of the friars, and the inadequate supply of secular
- 45. 16 17 18 19 20 priests. The friars several times threatened to abandon their curacies (and actually did so, on some occasions); and they claimed exemption from visitation on various grounds—claiming a privilege granted to them by Pope Pius V (which, however, was afterward annulled by Clement XI), the right to obey only the superiors of their respective orders, and the lack of any obligation on them to serve the curacies, which they claimed to be only a work of supererogation. ↑ “Apart from the religious fiestas and the surplice-fees, Filipinas pays to monasticism another tribute of incalculable amount for straps, rosaries, scapulars, girdles, and other objects rivaling one another in similarly miraculous qualities—which are issued for cash, and at a fixed price, which yields no less than a thousand per cent on the capital invested.” Instances of this are given; “a worn pair of trousers, which the students from whom it is asked give gratis, is transformed into hundreds of scapulars, and each scapular costs two and one-half reals fuertes, or perhaps thirty-one hundredths of a peso.” “Thousands, even hundreds of thousands, of hard dollars are paid as a tax by Filipinas on this account to the monastic coffers; and if Jesus Christ drove out the traders from the temple, in the country of miracles those persons are chastised who refuse to obtain the goods from the temple.” (Marcelo H. del Pilar, cited by Pardo de Tavera in note 14, pp. 68, 69.) ↑ Pardo de Tavera here cites in full (note 16, pp. 69–76) a letter from Governor Corcuera to the king complaining of the conduct of the friars. (This letter appears in VOL. XXVI of our series, pp. 116–125.) ↑ “Some have believed that Anda y Salazar, whom they consider resentful against the religious orders in Filipinas, accumulated against them, in this memorial, accusations which he alone maintained; but in the preceding notes we have demonstrated that the charges which that upright magistrate made against them were not unfounded, nor much less were they recent. In regard to the commerce to which, according to him, the religious devoted themselves, it was a certain fact, scandalous and of long standing—with the aggravating circumstance that they continued to trade in opposition to the commands of the sovereign.” A decree dated February 2, 1730 is here cited which shows this plainly, accusing both seculars and religious of trafficking openly and scandalously, and using their sacred character as a cloak for this and for extensive smuggling; and ordering the archbishop and bishops, and the provincials of the orders, to restrain and punish those of their subjects who thus offend, and the president and Audiencia to proceed against the ecclesiastical authorities if the latter fail to do their duty. (Pardo de Tavera, note 17, pp. 76– 78.) ↑ “The economic ideas of Señor Anda were as erroneous as were those among the generality of the Spaniards in that period. The commerce of exportation was for them a wrong and a heinous act, with which they reproached him who did it; nor would they admit that he who sells his products has a right to carry them where he can obtain the highest price.” (Pardo de Tavera, note 18, p. 78.) ↑ “It is now the general opinion that the religious orders cannot prove their right of ownership of all the income-producing properties which they hold in both town and country. It cannot be doubted that under the regime of government established by the United States this important question of ownership will be cleared up.” The writer here relates the controversy of Auditor Sierra with the religious orders over this question in the time of Archbishop Camacho; finally the governor intervened with his authority, terminating the dispute by declaring that the new visitor, Auditor Ozaeta, would accept as valid the titles to property presented by the friars. (Pardo de Tavera, note 19, pp. 78–80.) ↑
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