Politicization of Humanitarian Aid in Zimbabwe: A case study of Epworth's Domboramwari and Chiremba wards

BINDURA UNIVERSITY OF SCIENCE EDUCATION
Name: Doreen Kamwendo
Registration Number: B1027905
Programme: Master of Science in International Relations
(MIR)
Year: 2012
Politicization of Humanitarian Aid in Zimbabwe: A case
study of Epworth District.
1

RESEARCH PROPOSAL
1.1 Background of the Study
The face of the African continent has been characterised by numerous social, economic and
political challenges which have put it on the spotlight for humanitarian intervention from the
international community. Whiteside (2002) postulates that humanitarian assistance has come
in the continent as a panacea so that the standards of living for the ordinary African improve.
Below is a description of the social, economic and political realities in Africa that have
necessitated the need for humanitarian intervention:
1.1.1 Social Realities
Whiteside (2002) points out that HIV and AIDS is the major threat to development, economic
growth and poverty alleviation in Sub Saharan Africa. In addition to the HIV and AIDS
pandemic, the scourge of disease has also ravaged the continent with three million people
reported to have died in 2001 making it the world’s 4th
biggest cause of death after heart
disease, stroke and acute lower respiratory infection. Over 70% of the world’s forty million
people living with HIV/ AIDS are in Africa. Economic theorists predict that HIV/ AIDS
reduce labour supplies and productivity, reduces exports and increases imports. In light of
this, the pandemic has already reduced average national economic growth rates by 2 – 4% a
year across Africa which increases poverty in the continent that is already impoverished
(Dixon 2002). According to SAfAIDS (2012), in 2011, indications were that 34% of all
people living with HIV in the world lived in the Southern African Development Community
(SADC) region. While HIV prevalence has either stabilised or began to decrease in all 15
SADC countries in recent years, the reality is that the region is still home to the highest HIV
prevalence rates in the world.
Furthermore, another epidemic that has made Africa a cause of concern for humanitarian
assistance is malaria. This is because the vast majority of malaria deaths occur in Africa,
south of the Sahara where it presents major obstacles to social and economic development.
According to the WHO Factsheet (2010), Malaria has been estimated to cost Africa more
than USD12 Billion every year in lost Gross Domestic Product (G.D.P). There are at least
three hundred million acute cases of malaria each year globally resulting in more than a
million deaths. Around 90% of these deaths occur in Africa mostly in young children.
2

Malaria is Africa’s leading cause of under-five mortality 20% and constitutes 10% of the
continent overall disease burden. It also accounts for 40% of public health expenditure, 30 –
50% of inpatient admissions and up to 50% of outpatient visits in areas with high malaria
transmissions. Malaria has a direct impact on Africa’s human resources not only in loss of
life but also in lost productivity due to illness and premature death. It also hampers children’s
schooling and social development through both absenteeism and permanent neurological and
other damage associated with severe episodes of the disease. (WHO Factsheet 2010).
Furthermore, the continent is also plagued with natural disasters such as droughts. Stromberg
(2007) notes that between 1980 and 2004, two million people were said to have been killed
and five billion people cumulatively affected by around 7 000 natural disasters. Natural
disasters such as droughts in the African continent lead to starvation taking into consideration
that most of the countries in this region rely on agriculture. For instance, in a country such as
Zimbabwe that is heavily dependent on rain fed crops, the 1982, 1992, 2002 and 2012
droughts brought a lot of hunger and starvation that called for the international community to
give humanitarian aid so as to ensure that lives were not lost. In light of this social context for
Zimbabwe and Africa at large, it is evident that at every given point in time, there has been a
need for humanitarian intervention.
1.1.2 Economic Realities
African countries’ economies have performed badly over the years mainly steaming from a
colonial legacy where natural resources were syphoned so as to enrich countries in the
developed world. Economic growth has been slow or even none existent and poverty remains
widespread. As a reflection and consequence of Africa’s poor economic performance; exports
have stagnated, savings and investment have declined and labour productivity growth have
made it to remain behind other developing regions. Below is a summary of the annual growth
rates of real per capita from the World Bank (1995):
1972 -1978 1978 - 1985 1986 - 1989 1990 - 1992
Sub Saharan
Africa
2.67% 0.65% 0.79% 0.62%
South Asia 1.88% 2.38% 3.09% 2.26%
East Asia and
Pacific
4.41% 2.05% 5.70% 4.75%
3

Latin America
and Caribbean
2.33% -1.09% 0.54% 0.87%
Middle East and
North Africa
2.40% -0.85% -1.80% 2.24%
In light of these findings, Africa’s prospects for economic growth and development still
remain poor.
Kritzinger et al (1992) argue that the fragmentation of African economies is the reason
behind the slow economic growth. They argue that for instance in sub Saharan Africa, there
are forty – seven small countries with an average GDP of USD4 Billion and a combined GDP
equal to that of Belgium or 50% of the GDP of Spain. In addition to this, Africa attracts less
than 2% of the global Foreign Direct Investment (FDI). An example is that in 2003, 16
countries achieved an average economic growth rate of 3% and 18 countries more than 5%.
This therefore means that with the per capita growth rate being between 0 – 2 % per annum,
there is limited progress in poverty eradication and achievement of many of the Millennium
Development Goals (MDGs) seems to be elusive.
Mbaku (2007) points out that, Africa is the poorest region of the world and the only one with
very poor prospects for the future. One of the most important contributors to this state of
affairs in Africa is corruption. (Mbaku 2007). African countries cannot bear the costs of
corruption which impedes development and minimises the ability of governments to reduce
poverty. Corruption hinders political and economic development in Africa with reported
cases of aid related corruption which include: Mobutu’s Zaire, Chiluba’s Zambia, Muluzi’s
Malawi, Equatorial Guinea, South Africa and Kenya among other African countries.
(Wafawarova 2013). If African societies do not find ways to deal with it effectively the
continent will continue to suffer from high rates of poverty and deprivation.
In addition, another economic reality for the continent is that of the backlash of Structural
Adjustment Programmes (SAPs). These economic reforms which were introduced by the
World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) led to the inflation of poverty,
decreased the countries capability to develop strong diversified economies, increased
exploitation of workers through deregulation accompanied by environmental degradation.
((Kawewe et al 2000). Countries such as Mozambique, Zambia and Zimbabwe among others
4

due to SAPs devalued the currency, cut government social service delivery and prices
increased. This led to the deterioration of social services such as health and education. In
addition to this, SAPs forced many African nations into the global market place before they
were economically and socially stable and ready and were told to concentrate on similar cash
crops and commodities as others; the situation resembles a large scale price war. All this led
to a spiralling race to the bottom generating social unrest. The destitution resulting from
structural adjustment policies also increased food insecurity by eroding the purchasing power
of large sections of the population. (Chattopadhyaya 2000). In this regard, at any given point
in time, the economic realities of Africa have been calling for humanitarian assistance from
the international community.
1.1.3 Political Realities
Young (1986) argues that the character of the contemporary African countries have been
determined by the colonial origins where Africa lost power to decide its own destiny and
where it lost power of manoeuvrability in bargaining. Some patterns of the continent’s
behaviour and structure that arose out of the character of the colonial state and the ways in
which the post-colonial state adapted to its colonial legacy contribute towards an
understanding of the dimensions of the present crisis. In addition to this, the colonial state
legacy then decanted into a patrimonial autocracy which decayed into crisis by the 1980s,
bringing external and internal pressures for economic and political state reconfiguration. The
serious erosion of the stateness of many African polities by the 1990s limited the scope for
effective reform and opened the door for a complex web of novel civil conflicts and there was
also a renewed saliency of informal politics, as local societies adapted to diminished state
presence and service provision. Young (1986) postulates that up to today, Africa is still
fighting for the same things from their colonial legacy such as restoration of collective human
dignity, the pursuit of equality, socio-economic justice, democracy and
economic/technological advancement.
Of the many factors impeding constitutional democracy in Africa, none appears more
significant than the upsurge of political violence which is also closely linked to the denial of
fundamental human rights of the people by chosen governments. In Zimbabwe for instance,
political violence is rooted in long term structural political – economic legacies of colonial
rule combined with legacies of African nationalist politics. This was mainly exacerbated by
the formation of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) in September 1999 as it was a
5

formidable challenge to a one party state that had been heavily dominated by the Zimbabwe
African National Union Patriotic Front (ZANU PF). The MDC brought a state of panic
within the ruling party which resulted in ruthless efforts through political violence and terror
to destroy the opposition. Political violence and subsequently human rights abuses increased
after the 2000 constitutional rejection; which led to a big wave of political violence on the
opposition and white farmers who were purported to be MDC sponsors. Abuse of human
rights and political violence made Zimbabwe a pariah state which was boycotted by the
international community and it was also subjected to economic sanctions. (Mlambo et al
2010). This then led to the rise of Non – Governmental Organizations (NGOs) which were
complementing government efforts in providing social and economic safety nets. What is
interesting is that though NGOs’ work is meant to complement government efforts, there
have been insinuations that this humanitarian aid is politicized. This is brought about by the
fact that most NGOs source of funding come from Western countries such as United States
of America (USA), Britain, France, Sweden, Denmark and Germany among others. In the
1960s over $ 1 trillion in development and humanitarian related aid has been transferred from
rich countries to Africa. Regardless of these huge amounts being transferred, Africa’s growth
rates are at an average of 5% which is still short of the 70% it needs to be sustained to make
substantial progress into poverty reduction and economic growth. This has led many African
economists such as Moyo (2010) to note that the continuous inflow of aid in Africa is the
biggest “humanitarian disaster” because the standard of living for these people has not
improved. In light of all this, it is evident that at any given time Africa has been calling for
humanitarian intervention.
1.2 Epworth Profile
Epworth is a bustling suburb located about twelve kilometres out of Harare city centre.
Epworth Mission was established by the Rev. Shimmin more than a century ago, 1890 as a
Methodist Mission Station. Epworth then and as today is divided into 8 wards namely
Chiremba also known as Muguta, Makomo, Domboramwari, Jacha known as Muguta
Extension or Matanga, Chinamano Extension also referred to as Maseko, Overspill, Magada
and Chizangu which include Zinyengere and Chinamano. Though there are eight wards in
Epworth their boundaries do not coincide with their names. In addition, community members
are less familiar with the ward boundaries and yet they are comfortable with the names.
6

A large influx of people occurred during the late 1970s and early 1980s with the population
being 20,000 in 1980 and 35,000 in 1987. The Methodist Church could not control the influx
of people, and therefore transferred ownership of the farm to the Ministry of Local
Government in 1983. By 2002 the population was 113,8841
. Currently, the total population of
Epworth district is at 123 250. Epworth had not been planned as an urban residential area,
and therefore this rapid increase in population was occurring on land without any water
supply and sanitation facilities. Epworth became the only informal settlement to have been
tolerated by the Zimbabwean Government in the post-independence period because of the
long history of settlement by some of the residents2
. The government decided to upgrade
rather than demolish the informal settlement. Since most residents of Epworth had settled in
the area spontaneously, public utilities such as water, sewage and electricity were lacking
before government intervention. A Local Board formed in 1986 under the Urban Councils
Act, and whose members are elected by the community, is responsible for managing the area
including the collection of rates and other levies3
. The suburb is poor and due to the harsh
economic times that the country has been passing through for the past decade, there has been
need for humanitarian assistance so as to improve livelihoods of this community4
.
1.3 Statement of the Problem
This study seeks to investigate if there are specific conditions to humanitarian aid in the
context of Zimbabwe. The study will also examine how this is received at a national level in
order to discuss politicization of humanitarian aid in the context of Epworth district.
1.4 Research Objectives
The research seeks to:
 Assess the different types of conditions of humanitarian aid.
 Examine the motives of politicizing humanitarian aid in Epworth community
1
Central Statistics Office of Zimbabwe, 2003. Demographic and Healthy Survey, Government Printer, Harare, Zimbabwe.
2
Butcher, 1993 C. Butcher, Low income housing. In: L. Zinyama, Editor, Harare—The Growth and Problems of the City, University of
Zimbabwe Publications, Harare, Zimbabwe (1993).
3
Gaidzanwa, P., 2003. Attitudes and practices towards water supply and sanitation facilities: the case study of the Epworth upgrading
programme. M.Sc. thesis (unpublished), University of Zimbabwe.
4
Relief Work continues (accessed 02/11/2008)
7

 Analyse the implications of both the external and internal factors of politicization of
humanitarian aid on the Epworth community.
 Assess the consequences the conditions are likely to have for long term
implementation of humanitarian aid in Epworth district.
1.5 Research Questions
1. What are the different types of conditions of humanitarian aid?
2. What are the motives around politicizing humanitarian aid in Epworth community
3. What are the internal and external factors that influence politicization of humanitarian
aid in Epworth community?
4. How is the Epworth community affected by the implications of the external and
internal factors of politicization of humanitarian aid?
5. How has government responded to the consequences the conditions are likely to have
for long term implementation of humanitarian aid in Epworth district?
1.6 Significance of the Study
At a personal level, the significance of this study is partial fulfilment of Master of Science in
International Relations. At a community level, this study will assist the community to
understand the dynamics that exist in the administration of humanitarian aid. The community
will also gain best practices from the two places that will be case studies under this research
topic. In addition, the study will inform national policy direction with regards to humanitarian
work and intervention in communities. Government will be informed on issues to do with
attitude and perception over humanitarian assistance in Zimbabwe.
1.7 Delimitation of the Study
The research will be confined in two wards Chiremba and Domboramwari focusing on the
period 2008 – 2012. This has been necessitated by the fact that the researcher has already
found respondents who are willing to participate in this research study. To add on, due to the
upcoming harmonized elections the country is due to have, Epworth is a political hotspot so
the researcher thought it best to do the research where she has contacts so as to avoid the
bureaucracy as well as the tensions that usually occur during an election period.
8

1.6. Limitations of the Study
The researcher might have the following limitations:
1. Self-exonerating positions from key informant interviewees such as representatives of
political parties and International Non – Governmental Organization INGOs and NGO
representatives. The researcher have gone around this by first debriefing the key
informants that this is an academic research such that their honest responses are critical
in removing bias in the study.
2. Data from the two wards of the district cannot be generalized to the rest of the other
eight wards of the district as contexts and realities might be different. The researcher
made use of desk research for the other wards so as to add more data so as to make the
results more representative of all the wards.
1.7 Definition of Key Terms
2. Humanitarian Aid – material or logistical assistance provided for humanitarian
purposes, typically in response to humanitarian crises including natural disaster and
man-made disaster.
3. Politicization – bringing political character or flavour into an issue
4. INGOs -private international organizations that pursue activities to relieve suffering,
promote the interests of the poor, protect the environment, provide basic social
services, or undertake community development with outposts around the world to deal
with specific issues in many countries.
5. NGOs - private organizations that pursue activities to relieve suffering, promote the
interests of the poor, protect the environment, provide basic social services, or
undertake community development.
1.8 Literature Review
Several studies have been done of the politicization of aid in developing countries. Volberg
(2003) looked at the politicization of humanitarian aid and its effects on principles of
humanity, impartiality and neutrality. He went on to point out that humanitarian assistance
which once covered a very narrow set of basic relief activities carried out by a small group of
relatively independent actors has expanded significantly to a much more complex
9

rehabilitating work. In this light, there are more players in the provision of aid which leads to
aid becoming a political activity thereby entailing that more scrutiny is given on its provision.
Volberg ultimately examines the difficult realities in heterogenic humanitarian environment
by addressing all the complex legal and political issues surrounding an emergency, including
the impact of external actors like donors, host governments and armed forces. Lensink et al
(2001), in their study “are there negative returns to aid” revealed that the re – allocation of the
existing aid flows to poor countries with sound management would lift 18 million more
people per year out of poverty. They base their argument on Collier and Dollar (1999) who
postulate that aid becomes more effective when it is given to countries with sound policies
and that aid above a certain level of inflows starts to have negative effects on growth. The
study overall examined whether empirical evidence supports the notion of negative effects of
high aid inflows. Munyanyi R (2005) in her thesis, “The political economy of food aid: a case
of Zimbabwe” investigated whether political decisions influenced the manner in which food
aid was distributed in Zimbabwe. Her study also sought to identify whether politics played a
role in the distribution of food aid in the Grain Marketing Board (GMB) food aid programme
in Zimbabwe. It also sought to provide general findings and recommendations for policy
makers, governmental and non – governmental organizations dealing with the food security
issues in Zimbabwe. In addition to this, a book by Moyo D (2010), “Dead Aid: Why aid is
not working and how there is a better way for Africa” she notes that aid has helped make the
poor poorer and growth slower. SKB Asante (1985) had also asserted that the limited
evidence that is available suggests that the forms in which foreign resources have been
extended to Africa over the past 25years insofar as they are concerned with economic
development are to a great extend counterproductive. In this light, these authors call for
African countries not to be dependent but rather to make use of South to South cooperation
which usually has a win - win situation. In light of all this literature review, my research
seeks to cover the gaps in relation to the specific conditions that are attached to humanitarian
aid. My research will also examine how these are perceived at a national level so as to discuss
the politicization of humanitarian aid.
1.9 Methodology
The research will make use of case study approach using interviews, document studies, Focus
Group Discussions (FGDs) and observations. A sample size will be established which will be
representative of the entire population. Interviews will be for key informants coupled with
10

FGDs, document studies and observation by the researcher depending on the technique that
will be appropriate taking into consideration the political atmosphere at the time.
1.10 Theoretical Framework
The research shall mainly use the Dependency Theories complemented by Liberalism and
Realism so as to ascertain the research problem.
2.0 Assumptions
The success of this project hinges on the following assumptions:
a). There is politicization of humanitarian aid within the chosen research area and that the
community is ready to talk about it.
b). The researcher is able to get hold of the key informants who will in turn give accurate
information in relation to the research.
c). Respondents will be willing to participate knowing that the research is for academic
purposes only and thereby seeks to contribute to the body of academic knowledge
2.1 Summary
The researcher has covered the background of the study, the research problem, the research
objectives, and the research questions, significance of the study, delimitation of the study,
limitations of the study, definition of key terms, literature review, methodology and
theoretical framework.
2.2 Budget
ITEM/DETAIL FREQUENCY UNIT
COST
TOTAL
COST
RECOMMENDED
SUPPLIER
Desk Research:
Researching on
the internet
30 $ 1.00 $ 100.00 Chuweb Internet
Cafe
Use of
Computer:
Interview
questions and
FGD topics
1 $10.00 $ 10. 00
Chuweb Internet
Café.
Printing interview
questions and
50 $ 1. 00 $ 50.00 Chuweb Internet
Cafe
11

FGD topics
Use of Internet:
Researcher
Natural
Observation
(transport)
- $2.00 $ 100.00 Chuweb Internet
Café.
Total $260.00
2.3 Work plan
ACTIVITY OUTPUTS TIME FRAME
1. Brainstorming
Interview Questions
 Both soft and hard
copies of interview
questions
Beginning of October 2012
2. Establishing contact
with the key
informants
 Contact established Mid of October 2012 –
January 2013
3. Interviews, FGDs and
observation
 Interviews made
 FGDs done
 Observation made
Beginning – End of
November 2012 – March
2013
4. Data compilation  Compilation done Mid April
REFERENCES
1. Dambisa Moyo (2010), Dead Aid: Why aid is not working and how there is a better
way for Africa”. American Foreign Policy: The Journal of the National on American,
Volume 32 (4). New York, Farrar, Straus and Giroux.
12

2. Thorsten Volberg 2003, “The Politicization of humanitarian aid and its effect on the
principles of humanity, impartiality and neutrality.” Grin Publish and Find
Knowledge
3. Central Statistics Office of Zimbabwe, 2003. Demographic and Healthy Survey,
Government Printer, Harare, Zimbabwe.
4. Gaidzanwa, P., 2003. Attitudes and practices towards water supply and sanitation
facilities: the case study of the Epworth upgrading programme. M.Sc. thesis
(unpublished), University of Zimbabwe
5. R. Lensink and H. White (2001) “Are there negative returns to aid”. Journal of
Development Studies, Volume 37 (6).
6. Rachael Mationesa Munyanyi (2005), “the political economy of food aid: A case of
Zimbabwe”. Thesis presented at the Institute of Western Cape.
7. S.K. B Asante (1985), “International assistance and international capitalism:
supportive or counterproductive? In Gwendolyn Carter and Patrick O’Meara (eds).
African Independence: the first twenty five years, Bloomington, Indiana, USA,
Indiana University Press, pages 249 – 265.
8. ADRA Danmark (http://www.adra.dk/HER-ARBEJDER-ADRA-
DANMARK/Zimbabwe), Promoting Sustainable Food production in Epworth and
Kuwadzana
9. Zimbabwe’s Homeless People’s Federation (2009), Epworth Profiling Report, May
2009.
10. SARPN, (2005), New Hope Zimbabwe: Update on Operation Murambatsvina
Epworth. (http://www.sarpn.org/documents/d0001377/index.php). July 2005.
11. Whiteside Alan, (2002). “Poverty and HIV and AIDS in Africa”. Third World
Quarterly Volume 23 (2).
12. Dixon Simon, (2002). “The Impact of HIV and AIDS on Africa’s economic
development”. BMJ, http//dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmj.
13. https://apps.who.int/inf - fs/en/1InformationSheet 03.pdf.
13

14. Stromberg David, (2007). “Natural Disasters, Economic Development and
Humanitarian Aid”. The Journal of Economic Perspectives, Volume 21 (3). American
Economic Association, pg 199 – 222.
15. Kritzinger van Nierkerk, Lelotte, Moreira Emmanuel Pinto, (1992). “Regional
Integration in Southern Africa: Overview of the Recent Developments”. The World
Bank, Africa Region.
16. Mbaku Mukum John, (2007). “Corruption in Africa: Causes, Consequences and
Clean Ups”. Rowman and Littlefield Publisher Inc. United Kingdom.
17. Wafawarova Reason (2013). “Aid Fuelling inept governance and corruption”.
www.herald.co.zw
18. Kawewe M Saliwe, Debie Robert, (2000). “The impact of ESAPs on women and
children: Implications for Social Welfare in Zimbabwe”. Journal of Sociology and
Social Welfare, Volume XXVII (4).
19. Chattopadhyaya Rupak, (2000). “Zimbabwe: Structural Adjustment, destitution and
food insecurity”. Review of African Political Economy, Volume 27 (84), pg 307 –
316.
20. Young Crawford, (1986). “Africa’s colonial legacy: Strategies for African
Development”. A study for the Committee on African Development Strategies.
Council of Foreign Relations. California.
21. Ntalaja Nzongola Georges (2004). “Citizenship, Political Violence and
Democratization in Africa”. Global Governance: A Review of Multilateralism and
International Organizations. Volume 10 (4), pg 403 – 409.
22. LeBas Adrienne, (2006). “Polarization as Craft: Party Formulation and State
Violence in Zimbabwe”. Comparative Politics, Volume 38 (4), pg 419 – 438, New
York.
23. Ferguson James, (2006). “Global Shadows: Africa in the Neoliberal World Order”.
Duke University Press, USA.
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
To begin with my sincere gratitude goes to Bindura University of Science Education (BUSE)
for giving me the opportunity to study for my Masters in International Relations. My
15

gratitude also goes to my supervisor, Mr David Makwerere who worked closely with me to
come up with this research paper. I learnt a lot from his wisdom and sobriety during the
course of writing this paper. I would also want to appreciate my husband Pastor Samson
Kamwendo and my daughter Fiel Ruvarashe who supported and encouraged me to produce
this paper. Last but not least I would like to thank the Almighty God who provided for all that
I needed during the process of coming up with this research paper. I dedicate this thesis to all
the men and women I came across in Epworth’s Domboramwari and Chiremba wards who
are making strides towards making a better life for them and their children.
ABSTRACT
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CHAPTER ONE
1.1 Background to the Study
The face of the African continent has been characterised by numerous social, economic and
political challenges which have put it on the spotlight for humanitarian intervention from the
international community. Whiteside (2002) postulates that humanitarian assistance has come
in the continent as a panacea so that the standards of living for the ordinary African improve.
17

Below is a description of the social, economic and political realities in Africa that have
necessitated the need for humanitarian intervention:
1.1.1 Social Realities
Whiteside (2002) points out that HIV and AIDS is the major threat to development, economic
growth and poverty alleviation in Sub Saharan Africa. In addition to the HIV and AIDS
pandemic, the scourge of disease has also ravaged the continent with three million people
reported to have died in 2001 making it the world’s 4th
biggest cause of death after heart
disease, stroke and acute lower respiratory infection. Over 70% of the world’s forty million
people living with HIV/ AIDS are in Africa. Economic theorists predict that HIV/ AIDS
reduce labour supplies and productivity, reduces exports and increases imports. In light of
this, the pandemic has already reduced average national economic growth rates by 2 – 4% a
year across Africa which increases poverty in the continent that is already impoverished
(Dixon 2002). According to SAfAIDS (2012), in 2011, indications were that 34% of all
people living with HIV in the world lived in the Southern African Development Community
(SADC) region. While HIV prevalence has either stabilised or began to decrease in all 15
SADC countries in recent years, the reality is that the region is still home to the highest HIV
prevalence rates in the world.
Furthermore, another epidemic that has made Africa a cause of concern for humanitarian
assistance is malaria. This is because the vast majority of malaria deaths occur in Africa,
south of the Sahara where it presents major obstacles to social and economic development.
According to the WHO Factsheet (2010), Malaria has been estimated to cost Africa more
than USD12 Billion every year in lost Gross Domestic Product (G.D.P). There are at least
three hundred million acute cases of malaria each year globally resulting in more than a
million deaths. Around 90% of these deaths occur in Africa mostly in young children.
Malaria is Africa’s leading cause of under-five mortality 20% and constitutes 10% of the
continent overall disease burden. It also accounts for 40% of public health expenditure, 30 –
50% of inpatient admissions and up to 50% of outpatient visits in areas with high malaria
transmissions. Malaria has a direct impact on Africa’s human resources not only in loss of
life but also in lost productivity due to illness and premature death. It also hampers children’s
schooling and social development through both absenteeism and permanent neurological and
other damage associated with severe episodes of the disease. (WHO Factsheet 2010).
18

Furthermore, the continent is also plagued with natural disasters such as droughts. Stromberg
(2007) notes that between 1980 and 2004, two million people were said to have been killed
and five billion people cumulatively affected by around 7 000 natural disasters. Natural
disasters such as droughts in the African continent lead to starvation taking into consideration
that most of the countries in this region rely on agriculture. For instance, in a country such as
Zimbabwe that is heavily dependent on rain fed crops, the 1982, 1992, 2002 and 2012
droughts brought a lot of hunger and starvation that called for the international community to
give humanitarian aid so as to ensure that lives were not lost. In light of this social context for
Zimbabwe and Africa at large, it is evident that at every given point in time, there has been a
need for humanitarian intervention.
1.1.2 Economic Realities
African countries’ economies have performed badly over the years mainly steaming from a
colonial legacy where natural resources were syphoned so as to enrich countries in the
developed world. Economic growth has been slow or even none existent and poverty remains
widespread. As a reflection and consequence of Africa’s poor economic performance; exports
have stagnated, savings and investment have declined and labour productivity growth have
made it to remain behind other developing regions. Below is a summary of the annual growth
rates of real per capita from the World Bank (1995):
1972 -1978 1978 - 1985 1986 - 1989 1990 - 1992
Sub Saharan
Africa
2.67% 0.65% 0.79% 0.62%
South Asia 1.88% 2.38% 3.09% 2.26%
East Asia and
Pacific
4.41% 2.05% 5.70% 4.75%
Latin America
and Caribbean
2.33% -1.09% 0.54% 0.87%
Middle East and
North Africa
2.40% -0.85% -1.80% 2.24%
In light of these findings, Africa’s prospects for economic growth and development still
remain poor.
19

Kritzinger et al (1992) argue that the fragmentation of African economies is the reason
behind the slow economic growth. They argue that for instance in sub Saharan Africa, there
are forty – seven small countries with an average GDP of USD4 Billion and a combined GDP
equal to that of Belgium or 50% of the GDP of Spain. In addition to this, Africa attracts less
than 2% of the global Foreign Direct Investment (FDI). An example is that in 2003, 16
countries achieved an average economic growth rate of 3% and 18 countries more than 5%.
This therefore means that with the per capita growth rate being between 0 – 2 % per annum,
there is limited progress in poverty eradication and achievement of many of the Millennium
Development Goals (MDGs) seems to be elusive.
Mbaku (2007) points out that, Africa is the poorest region of the world and the only one with
very poor prospects for the future. One of the most important contributors to this state of
affairs in Africa is corruption. (Mbaku 2007). African countries cannot bear the costs of
corruption which impedes development and minimises the ability of governments to reduce
poverty. Corruption hinders political and economic development in Africa with reported
cases of aid related corruption which include: Mobutu’s Zaire, Chiluba’s Zambia, Muluzi’s
Malawi, Equatorial Guinea, South Africa and Kenya among other African countries.
(Wafawarova 2013). If African societies do not find ways to deal with it effectively the
continent will continue to suffer from high rates of poverty and deprivation.
In addition, another economic reality for the continent is that of the backlash of Structural
Adjustment Programmes (SAPs). These economic reforms which were introduced by the
World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) led to the inflation of poverty,
decreased the countries capability to develop strong diversified economies, increased
exploitation of workers through deregulation accompanied by environmental degradation.
((Kawewe et al 2000). Countries such as Mozambique, Zambia and Zimbabwe among others
due to SAPs devalued the currency, cut government social service delivery and prices
increased. This led to the deterioration of social services such as health and education. In
addition to this, SAPs forced many African nations into the global market place before they
were economically and socially stable and ready and were told to concentrate on similar cash
crops and commodities as others; the situation resembles a large scale price war. All this led
to a spiralling race to the bottom generating social unrest. The destitution resulting from
structural adjustment policies also increased food insecurity by eroding the purchasing power
of large sections of the population. (Chattopadhyaya 2000). In this regard, at any given point
20

in time, the economic realities of Africa have been calling for humanitarian assistance from
the international community.
1.1.3 Political Realities
Young (1986) argues that the character of the contemporary African countries have been
determined by the colonial origins where Africa lost power to decide its own destiny and
where it lost power of manoeuvrability in bargaining. Some patterns of the continent’s
behaviour and structure that arose out of the character of the colonial state and the ways in
which the post-colonial state adapted to its colonial legacy contribute towards an
understanding of the dimensions of the present crisis. In addition to this, the colonial state
legacy then decanted into a patrimonial autocracy which decayed into crisis by the 1980s,
bringing external and internal pressures for economic and political state reconfiguration. The
serious erosion of the stateness of many African polities by the 1990s limited the scope for
effective reform and opened the door for a complex web of novel civil conflicts and there was
also a renewed saliency of informal politics, as local societies adapted to diminished state
presence and service provision. Young (1986) postulates that up to today, Africa is still
fighting for the same things from their colonial legacy such as restoration of collective human
dignity, the pursuit of equality, socio-economic justice, democracy and
economic/technological advancement.
Of the many factors impeding constitutional democracy in Africa, none appears more
significant than the upsurge of political violence which is also closely linked to the denial of
fundamental human rights of the people by chosen governments. In Zimbabwe for instance,
political violence is rooted in long term structural political – economic legacies of colonial
rule combined with legacies of African nationalist politics. This was mainly exacerbated by
the formation of the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) in September 1999 as it was a
formidable challenge to a one party state that had been heavily dominated by the Zimbabwe
African National Union Patriotic Front (ZANU PF). The MDC brought a state of panic
within the ruling party which resulted in ruthless efforts through political violence and terror
to destroy the opposition. Political violence and subsequently human rights abuses increased
after the 2000 constitutional rejection; which led to a big wave of political violence on the
opposition and white farmers who were purported to be MDC sponsors. Abuse of human
rights and political violence made Zimbabwe a pariah state which was boycotted by the
international community and it was also subjected to economic sanctions. (Mlambo et al
21

2010). This then led to the rise of Non – Governmental Organizations (NGOs) which were
complementing government efforts in providing social and economic safety nets. What is
interesting is that though NGOs’ work is meant to complement government efforts, there
have been insinuations that this humanitarian aid is politicized. This is brought about by the
fact that most NGOs source of funding come from Western countries such as United States
of America (USA), Britain, France, Sweden, Denmark and Germany among others. In the
1960s over $ 1 trillion in development and humanitarian related aid has been transferred from
rich countries to Africa. Regardless of these huge amounts being transferred, Africa’s growth
rates are at an average of 5% which is still short of the 70% it needs to be sustained to make
substantial progress into poverty reduction and economic growth. This has led many African
economists such as Moyo (2010) to note that the continuous inflow of aid in Africa is the
biggest “humanitarian disaster” because the standard of living for these people has not
improved. In light of all this, it is evident that at any given time Africa has been calling for
humanitarian intervention.
1.2 Epworth Profile
Epworth is a bustling suburb located about twelve kilometres out of Harare city centre.
Epworth Mission was established by the Rev. Shimmin more than a century ago, 1890 as a
Methodist Mission Station. Epworth then and as today is divided into 8 wards namely
Chiremba also known as Muguta, Makomo, Domboramwari, Jacha known as Muguta
Extension or Matanga, Chinamano Extension also referred to as Maseko, Overspill, Magada
and Chizangu which include Zinyengere and Chinamano. Though there are eight wards in
Epworth their boundaries do not coincide with their names. In addition, community members
are less familiar with the ward boundaries and yet they are comfortable with the names.
A large influx of people occurred during the late 1970s and early 1980s with the population
being 20,000 in 1980 and 35,000 in 1987. The Methodist Church could not control the influx
of people, and therefore transferred ownership of the farm to the Ministry of Local
Government in 1983. By 2002 the population was 113,8845
. Currently, the total population of
Epworth district is at 161 840. Epworth had not been planned as an urban residential area,
and therefore this rapid increase in population was occurring on land without any water
supply and sanitation facilities. Epworth became the only informal settlement to have been
tolerated by the Zimbabwean Government in the post-independence period because of the
5
Central Statistics Office of Zimbabwe, 2003. Demographic and Healthy Survey, Government Printer, Harare, Zimbabwe.
22

long history of settlement by some of the residents6
. The government decided to upgrade
rather than demolish the informal settlement. Since most residents of Epworth had settled in
the area spontaneously, public utilities such as water, sewage and electricity were lacking
before government intervention. A Local Board formed in 1986 under the Urban Councils
Act, and whose members are elected by the community, is responsible for managing the area
including the collection of rates and other levies7
. The suburb is poor and due to the harsh
economic times that the country has been passing through for the past decade, there has been
need for humanitarian assistance so as to improve livelihoods of this community8
.
1.3 Statement of the Problem
This study seeks to investigate if there are specific conditions to humanitarian aid in the
context of Zimbabwe. The study will also examine how this is received at a national level in
order to discuss politicization of humanitarian aid in the context of Epworth district.
1.4 Research Objectives
The research seeks to:
 Assess the different types of conditions of humanitarian aid.
 Examine the motives of politicizing humanitarian aid in Epworth community
 Analyse the implications of both the external and internal factors of politicization of
humanitarian aid on the Epworth community.
 Assess the consequences the conditions are likely to have for long term
implementation of humanitarian aid in Epworth district.
1.5 Research Questions
1. What are the different types of conditions of humanitarian aid?
2. What are the motives around politicizing humanitarian aid in Epworth community
6
Butcher, 1993 C. Butcher, Low income housing. In: L. Zinyama, Editor, Harare—The Growth and Problems of the City, University of
Zimbabwe Publications, Harare, Zimbabwe (1993).
7
Gaidzanwa, P., 2003. Attitudes and practices towards water supply and sanitation facilities: the case study of the Epworth upgrading
programme. M.Sc. thesis (unpublished), University of Zimbabwe.
8
Relief Work continues [2](accessed 02/11/2008)
23

3. What are the internal and external factors that influence politicization of humanitarian
aid in Epworth community?
4. How is the Epworth community affected by the implications of the external and
internal factors of politicization of humanitarian aid?
5. How has government responded to the consequences the conditions are likely to have
for long term implementation of humanitarian aid in Epworth district?
1.6 Significance of the Study
At a personal level, the significance of this study is partial fulfilment of Master of Science in
International Relations. At a community level, this study will assist the community to
understand the dynamics that exist in the administration of humanitarian aid. The community
will also gain best practices from the two places that will be case studies under this research
topic. In addition, the study will inform national policy direction with regards to humanitarian
work and intervention in communities. Government will be informed on issues to do with
attitude and perception over humanitarian assistance in Zimbabwe.
1.7 Delimitation of the Study
The research will be confined in two wards Chiremba and Domboramwari focusing on the
period 2008 – 2012. This has been necessitated by the fact that the researcher has already
found respondents who are willing to participate in this research study. To add on, due to the
upcoming harmonized elections the country is due to have, Epworth is a political hotspot so
the researcher thought it best to do the research where she has contacts so as to avoid the
bureaucracy as well as the tensions that usually occur during an election period.
1.8. Limitations of the Study
The researcher might have the following limitations:
1. Self-exonerating positions from key informant interviewees such as representatives of
political parties and International Non – Governmental Organization INGOs and
NGO representatives. The researcher have gone around this by first debriefing the key
informants that this is an academic research such that their honest responses are
critical in removing bias in the study.
24

2. Data from the two wards of the district cannot be generalized to the rest of the other
eight wards of the district as contexts and realities might be different. The researcher
made use of desk research for the other wards so as to add more data so as to make
the results more representative of all the wards.
1.9 Definition of Key Terms
1. Humanitarian Aid – material or logistical assistance provided for humanitarian
purposes, typically in response to humanitarian crises including natural disaster and
man-made disaster.
2. Politicization – bringing political character or flavour into an issue
3. INGOs -private international organizations that pursue activities to relieve suffering,
promote the interests of the poor, protect the environment, provide basic social
services, or undertake community development with outposts around the world to deal
with specific issues in many countries.
4. NGOs - private organizations that pursue activities to relieve suffering, promote the
interests of the poor, protect the environment, provide basic social services, or
undertake community development.
2.0 Literature Review
Several studies have been done of the politicization of aid in developing countries. Volberg
(2003) looked at the politicization of humanitarian aid and its effects on principles of
humanity, impartiality and neutrality. He went on to point out that humanitarian assistance
aid becoming a political activity thereby entailing that more scrutiny is given on its provision.
Volberg ultimately examines the difficult realities in heterogenic humanitarian environment
by addressing all the complex legal and political issues surrounding an emergency, including
the impact of external actors like donors, host governments and armed forces. Lensink et al
(2001), in their study “are there negative returns to aid” revealed that the re – allocation of the
existing aid flows to poor countries with sound management would lift 18 million more
people per year out of poverty. They base their argument on Collier and Dollar (1999) who
25

postulate that aid becomes more effective when it is given to countries with sound policies
and that aid above a certain level of inflows starts to have negative effects on growth. The
study overall examined whether empirical evidence supports the notion of negative effects of
high aid inflows. Munyanyi R (2005) in her thesis, “The political economy of food aid: a case
of Zimbabwe” investigated whether political decisions influenced the manner in which food
aid was distributed in Zimbabwe. Her study also sought to identify whether politics played a
role in the distribution of food aid in the Grain Marketing Board (GMB) food aid programme
in Zimbabwe. It also sought to provide general findings and recommendations for policy
issues in Zimbabwe. In addition to this, a book by Moyo D (2010), “Dead Aid: Why aid is
not working and how there is a better way for Africa” she notes that aid has helped make the
poor poorer and growth slower. SKB Asante (1985) had also asserted that the limited
evidence that is available suggests that the forms in which foreign resources have been
extended to Africa over the past 25years insofar as they are concerned with economic
development are to a great extend counterproductive. In this light, these authors call for
African countries not to be dependent but rather to make use of South to South cooperation
which usually has a win - win situation. In light of all this literature review, my research
seeks to cover the gaps in relation to the specific conditions that are attached to humanitarian
aid. My research will also examine how these are perceived at a national level so as to discuss
the politicization of humanitarian aid.
2.1 Methodology
The research will make use of case study approach using interviews, document studies, Focus
Group Discussions (FGDs) and observations. A sample size will be established which will be
representative of the entire population. Interviews will be for key informants coupled with
FGDs, document studies and observation by the researcher depending on the technique that
will be appropriate taking into consideration the political atmosphere at the time.
2.2 Theoretical Framework
The research shall mainly use the Dependency Theories complemented by Liberalism and
Realism so as to ascertain the research problem.
2.3 Assumptions
The success of this project hinges on the following assumptions:
26

a). There is politicization of humanitarian aid within the chosen research area and that the
community is ready to talk about it.
b). The researcher is able to get hold of the key informants who will in turn give accurate
information in relation to the research.
c). Respondents will be willing to participate knowing that the research is for academic
purposes only and thereby seeks to contribute to the body of academic knowledge
2.4 Summary
The researcher has covered the background of the study, the research problem, the research
objectives, and the research questions, significance of the study, delimitation of the study,
limitations of the study, definition of key terms, literature review, methodology and
theoretical framework.
CHAPTER TWO: LITERATURE REVIEW
2.1 Introduction
In this section, the focus is on the conceptual framework that looks at what humanitarian aid
is and the different forms it comes in. This section will also discuss the theoretical framework
underpinning this study and these are Realism and the Dependency Theories. Under the
theoretical framework, the researcher will tackle what each theory is and its basic
assumptions. There will also be a discussion of empirical review where the researcher will
look at what other scholars and researchers have done in relation to humanitarian aid globally
so as to identify research gaps which this particular study of investigating politicization of
humanitarian aid in Epworth’s Domboramwari and Chiremba communities can then fill.
There will also be a summary of all that would have been covered in this chapter at the end.
2.2 Conceptual Framework
Humanitarian aid or emergency aid has been defined by Duffield (2007) as rapid assistance
given to people in immediate distress by individuals, organizations or governments to relief
27

suffering during and after man made emergencies like wars and natural disasters. It is
designed to save lives, alleviate suffering and maintain and protect human dignity during and
in the aftermath of emergencies. There are certain characteristics that mark it out from other
forms of foreign assistance and development aid that are; it is intended to be governed by the
principles of humanity, neutrality, impartiality and independence and that it is intended to be
short term in nature and provide for activities in the immediate aftermath of a disaster. It
should be noted that in practice it is often difficult to say where “during and in the immediate
aftermath of emergencies” ends and other types of assistance begin especially in situations of
prolonged vulnerability.9
In addition to this, humanitarian aid can be distinguished from
development aid by it being focused on relieving suffering caused by natural disaster or
conflict rather than removing the root causes of poverty or vulnerability.
Furthermore, traditional responses to humanitarian crisis and the easiest to categorise as such
are those that fall under the aegis of “emergency response” which encompass material relief
assistance and services such as water, medicines and shelter. In addition under emergency
response there is also emergency food aid which entails short term distribution and at times
supplementary feeding programmes for children so as to reduce child mortality rates and
morbidity. Humanitarian aid can also include reconstruction and rehabilitation which entail
repairing pre – existing infrastructure as opposed to longer term activities designed to
improve the level of infrastructure. To add on, humanitarian aid can be also disaster
prevention and preparedness which means that states will have knowledge on early warning
systems, contingency stocks and planning. According to the Organization of Economic
Cooperation and Development (OECD) Development Assistance Committee (DAC)
reporting criteria, humanitarian aid has very clear cut of points for example, disaster
preparedness excludes longer term work such as prevention of floods or conflicts. In addition,
reconstruction and relief and rehabilitation include repairing pre – existing infrastructure but
excludes longer term activities designed to improve the level of infrastructure.10
Minear (2002) points out that humanitarian aid can be distinguished from humanitarian
intervention which involves armed forces protecting non – combatants from violent conflicts
or genocide by state supported actors. He further notes that it is critical to distinguish the two
9
Global Assistance: A Development Initiative (www.globalassistance.org/data-guides/humanitarian-aid-net).
10
Ibid.
28

because though they are under the banner of “humanitarianism” they are not the same. In
addition, for the purposes of this study it is important to also bring out that international
humanitarian response to natural disaster or complex emergency is coordinated by the United
Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) acting on the basis of
the UN General Assembly Resolution 46/182. This is because as humanitarian aid will be
administered, OCHA provides principles and parameters for operation.
Perrin (1998) argues that humanitarian aid can take very different forms and these are;
complex rehabilitation programmes, relief operations for people whose lives are directly
threatened, operations combining immediate relief work and medium term rehabilitation,
operations for the purpose of preventing violations of humanitarian and human rights law and
limited one time operation in some cases. The term complex emergency was coined in
Mozambique in the latter half of the 1980s and its usage was necessitated by the need for
international aid agencies to acknowledge that the ‘emergency aid’ or humanitarian
assistance needs were being generated by armed conflict as well as by periodic ‘natural
disaster’ events, such as cyclones and droughts. It is also a way of differentiating those
situations where armed conflict and political instability are the principal causes of
humanitarian needs from those where natural hazards are the principal cause of such needs.
In such instances, there is need for humanitarian aid to take the form of complex long term
rehabilitation programmes which are not adhoc but rather planned as well coordinated so as
to alleviate suffering and distress to the beneficiaries. A good example of this is that of the
work that the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) is doing in Afghanistan
where it assists five hospitals, the aim being to improve the quality of surgical treatment of
water causalities and to provide regular supplies of medicines and medical related services. In
addition to this, there are also food production programmes meant to ensure that there is food
security through community initiatives and ownership.
To add on, another form of humanitarian aid is that there are relief operations for people
whose lives are directly threatened.11
Some cases that can be pointed to are that of Somalia
and Albania; where the former was given about 12 000 tons of food aid to the people who
were directly affected by the 1992 Somali crisis. This was done so as to save lives, alleviate
suffering and maintain human dignity. The latter is given chlorine by humanitarian agencies
so as to improve its water quality during its summer months. The rationale behind this form
11
ibid
29

of aid is to ensure that people who are directly affected by a natural or man-made crisis are
not overwhelmed.
Furthermore, humanitarian aid can be in the form of operations that combine immediate relief
work and medium term rehabilitation. An example is that of the Swiss Development
Cooperation (SDC) programme in Kosovo. It is imperative to note that there have been
severe long term ethnic tensions between Kosovo’s Albanian and Serb populations and this
has left the state ethically divided resulting in inter – ethnic violence. The SDC programme
began with its participation in the OSCE verification mission and during the 1998 – 1999
armed conflict the SDC set up intensive humanitarian aid programmes. Since 2008 the
humanitarian aid programmes and actions to assist the return of persons displaced by the war
which was immediate relief work was soon complemented by reconstruction assistance
measures and also by projects to foster livelihoods which is medium term rehabilitation. The
need for combining the two stems from the argument that humanitarian aid agencies have
been criticised for what is known as a “knee jerk” reaction to aid which simply means that
they give aid emotionally without having analysed the root causes. In essence they
disempower communities since they do not focus on preparing communities to prevent and
deal with disasters and conflict situations before they strike, rather they rely mainly on short-
term emergency relief. (Lawrence, 2009)12
.
To add on, humanitarian aid can also take the form of operations for the purpose of
preventing violations of humanitarian and human rights law. Prevention work will be all the
more effective if the humanitarian aid agencies are present on an on - going basis, as is the
case with aid operations. This presence constitutes a mode of protection for the victims and
thus helps lessen violence in conflicts. The following excerpt from a weekly bulletin of
ICRC-related news, serves as an illustration: “After territories previously controlled by Fikret
Abdic were taken over by Bosnian troops from Bihac on 7 August more than 20,000 Muslims
fled Velika Kladusa heading for Vojnic in Croatia. They are clustered along seven kilometres
of road and are surviving thanks to an ICRC emergency operation”. In this regard, assistance
and protection are closely linked although it is difficult to define the overall impact of the
former on the latter, there is no doubt that the very act of furnishing assistance contributes
directly to the beneficiaries’ protection and that it thereby helps reduce violence.13
12
Penny Lawrence (2009) – International Director of Oxfam
13
ICRC, 1996, Annual Report, page 56 - 57
30

Lastly, another form of humanitarian aid is when it is limited to a one time operation or adhoc
humanitarian assistance. According to UNICEF, hunger is a silent killer and a person dies of
hunger every 3.6 seconds and that victim is often a child under the age of 5. Hunger can
strike both suddenly, in the case of swift-moving disasters, or slowly, such as withered crops
and barren soils following long uninterrupted droughts. Climate change, in fact, is one of the
great emerging trends in humanitarian aid. Oftentimes, aid to areas affected by famine comes
in the form of direct supplies, led by quick-response organizations such as UNICEF, Oxfam
the World Food Programme and the International Red Cross. In addition there is also adhoc
humanitarian aid done by Sustainable Harvest International which has partnered with more
than 2,000 families and helped plant almost 3 million trees in Belize, Honduras, Panama and
Nicaragua while overseeing the conversion of almost 14,000 acres for diversified land use,
primarily for farming purposes. (O’Connor 2010). It is against this background that
humanitarian aid should be conceptualised for the purposes of this study.
2.3. Theoretical Framework
For the purposes of this study, two theories Realism and Dependency will be used to explain
the politicization of humanitarian aid in Domboramwari and Chiremba wards in Epworth
district. Realism is an international relations theory that seeks to explain how states are in a
constant pursuit of power thereby furthering their self-interests. In addition to this, Realism
has been defined also as a descriptive paradigm and methodological framework aimed at
describing, explaining and eventually predicting events in the international relations domain.
(Robertson, 2004). Among the founding fathers of political realism is Thucydides who wrote
on the History of the Peloponnosian War and the Melian dialogue. Thucydides held the view
that a relationship of states in the international system is based on might rather than right. In
addition, another leading theorist of realism is Niccolo Machiavelli who held that the sole
aim of a politician was to seek power, regardless of religious or ethical considerations. In
addition to this, Thomas Hobbes is also one of the founding fathers of realism who argues
that human nature is not inherently benevolent but is selfish and endeavours to pursue self-
interests.14
There are four basic assumptions that govern realism as a theory and the first one is that
states are the most important actors. In this light, the state is over and above the individuals
within that state. In relation to the provision of humanitarian aid, it is critical to contextualise
and to realise that each state is in pursuit of personal gain and its actions on the international
14
Robertson David, (2004). “The Routledge Dictionary of Politics”. Routledge. Page 420.
31

arena depend on it individual interests. In this regard, when humanitarian aid is being
administered in a recipient nation, it should be borne in mind that it becomes a highly
political activity mainly because the political considerations of the donor government will
supersede the needs and the aspirations of the people and the government which will receive
this aid. (Curtis, 2001). This then serves to show that humanitarian aid is seldom given from
motives of pure altruism but that it may be given with the intention of serving the whims of
the giving state.
Secondly, another assumption governing realism is that all states within the international
system are unitary and rational actors which entails that states pursue self-interests and that
they amass material wealth so that they can be in a position to threaten those that do not have.
Neo – realists such as Kenneth Waltz (1979) argue that states pursue national interests mainly
because in the international arena there are constantly fearful and suspicious of the other. In
light of this, relating it to humanitarian aid, one can tell that NGOs and international aid
organizations can fall victims to individualistic behaviour and self-interests of powerful states
and they too end up being selective in their choice of crisis in order to secure public interest
and support which makes them deviate from being impartial, neutral and independent.
Furthermore, another assumption under realism is that the primary concern of all states is
survival. This stems from the general belief that the international system in anarchical such
that the law of the jungle operates. In this light, power becomes central in understanding the
relations among states. Cogniscent of this, pursuit of power makes states to build up their
arsenal, boost up their economies, develop science and society and in doing all this; the
stronger the state, the less vulnerable it is on the international system.15
It is against this
background that the stronger states will use their power be it economic or political to
determine what happens in the international system. In addition to this, they use their power
to coerce, smaller and weaker states into complying. In relation to humanitarian aid Atmar
(2001) sums it up by saying, “politicization of humanitarian aid is the pursuit of domestic and
foreign policies of donor states by humanitarian means”. Interesting to note is that the
stronger states use their power to further their domestic and foreign policies in the weaker
nations through humanitarianism as a convenient avenue.
In addition another key assumption in realism is that the international system is anarchic and
this is exacerbated by the fact that there is no single actor that can regulate and dictate what
15
Ibid
32

states can and cannot do. This means that states are almost always in constant antagonism
with each other. However, realism also points out that states come to a point where they
relate with each other on their own without having an authority or actor telling them to do so.
In such instances there is cooperation within states for a common good, an example that can
be drawn is how in humanitarian aid is that of OCHA which brings together the right tools
and people to save lives. OCHA manages humanitarian funding contributions more than 140
Member States rely on it to help manage humanitarian donations, coordinating appeals and
common plans to ensure the greatest impact possible. In 2010 OCHA coordinated US$ 11
billion worth of humanitarian programming in response to 19 crises in 32 countries affecting
71 million people.16
In light of this, in many donor countries, there has been an important
redefinition of national self-interest which is no longer narrowly defined in terms of
immediate commercial interests and security threats but in terms of good international
citizenship. As a result, it has facilitated a more interventionist and integrated approach to
humanitarianism in many recipient countries.
From the onset, it is prudent to note that, it is a mistake to assume that there is only one
unified theory of dependency. This is because dependency theory is viewed as a possible way
of explaining the persistent poverty of poorer countries. According to Marxist theorists, they
view persistent poverty as a consequence of capitalist exploitation. To the world system
approach by Wallerstein, poverty is a direct consequence of the evolution of the international
political economy into a fairly rigid division of labour which favoured the rich and penalized
the poor. (Ferraro, 1997). Sunkel (1969) defines dependency as an explanation of the
economic development of a state in terms of the external influences which can be political,
economic or cultural on national development policies. In addition, dependency is also seen
as a historical condition which shapes a certain structure of the world’s economy such that it
favours some countries to the detriment of others and limits the development possibilities of
the subordinate economies. Dos Santos (1971) views dependency as a situation in which the
economy of a certain group of countries is conditioned by the development and expansion of
another economy to which their own is subjected.
Furthermore, dependency characterises the international system as comprised of two sets of
states variously described as dominant/dependent, centre/periphery or metropolitan/satellite.
The dominant states are the advanced industrial nations in the Organization of Economic
Cooperation and Development (OECD) whilst the dependent states are those which have low
16
www.un.org
33

per capita GNPs and which heavily rely on the export of a single commodity for foreign
exchange earnings. In this light, the definitions of dependency indicate that the relations
between dominant and dependent states are dynamic because the interactions between the
two sets of states tend to not only reinforce but also intensify unequal patterns. To sum up,
dependency theory attempts to explain the present underdeveloped state of many nations in
the world by examining the patterns of interactions among nations and by arguing that
inequality among nations is an intrinsic part of those interactions. Adding on, historical
research demonstrates that contemporary underdevelopment is in large part the historical
product of past and continuing economic and other relations between the satellite
underdeveloped and the now developed metropolitan countries. These relations are an
essential part of the capitalist system on the world scale as a whole. (Frank, 1972).17
To add on, according to this view, the capitalist system is seen to have enforced a rigid
international division of labour which is responsible for the underdevelopment of many areas
of the world. This is because at the centre there are skilled workers whilst in the periphery
there are unskilled workers. Cogniscent of this, the economies of the dependent states are
oriented toward the outside but the allocation of these resources is determined by the
economic interests of the dominant states and not by the interests of the dependent states. In
light of this underdevelopment is a negative condition which offers no possibility of sustained
and autonomous economic activity in dependent states. In addition, the central characteristic
of the global economy is the persistence of poverty throughout the modern period in virtually
the same areas of the world, regardless of what state was in control. (Ferraro, 1997).
Dependency theory has several assumptions central to it being that the more developed
countries are responsible for impoverishing of the low developed countries so capitalism is
seen as being responsible for breaking the development of these countries. This is because the
dependent states supply cheap labour, minerals, and agricultural commodities and also serve
as repositories of surplus capital, obsolesant technologies and manufactured goods. In light of
this, in any relationship where one party is dependent and the other is stronger there is
generation of a degree of control or influence. Relating this to humanitarian aid, it may be
used to control the dependent state by the dominant state. It can also create a relationship of
unreciprocated reliance where the dominant state or donor can cut off the provision of aid
17
Andre Gunder Frank, “The Development of Underdevelopment” in James D, Cockcroft, Andre Gunder Frank and Dale Johnson eds,
Dependence and Underdevelopment. Garden City, New York. Anchor Books.
34

with little or no costs whilst the recipient on the other hand incurs considerable costs which
may entail having to look for other sources of livelihood. (Nyatoro, 2012).
Coupled with this, another assumption of the dependency theory is that wealthy nations
perpetuate the state of dependency through various tactics which can be through the use of
media, sport, culture, economics, and politics among other means. Cogniscent of this, when
one considers how rich countries have provided the poor countries with aid one realizes that
foreign aid be it humanitarian or developmental is never free it always has strings attached
which creates a debt trap to the developing countries. Due to the debt trap, dependency
theorists’ argue that external forces are of singular importance to the economic activities
within the dependent states. This is because they end up dictating indirectly how the state
should be governed thereby furthering their own foreign and domestic policies within the
weaker state.18
Another assumption of is that wealthy nations actively counter attempts by dependent nations
to resist their influences by means of economic sanctions and/or the use of military force.
This brings to light that economic and political power are heavily concentrated and
centralised in the industrialised countries such that governments will take whatever steps
necessary to protect private economic interests. Relating this to the provision of humanitarian
aid in less developed countries such as Zimbabwe, there is a tendency of then heavily relying
on the wealthy nation thus creating a special umbilical cord that ties it to it. In such instances,
there will be heavy reliance of what the dominant state can offer thereby robbing this
dependent state on self – sustenance and self – sufficiency. Harvey et al (2005) rejects this
view as he argues that there is little evidence that humanitarian aid undermines initiative or
that its delivery is reliable for people to depend on it.
Furthermore, according to Caporaso (1980), a central proposition of the dependency theory is
that the peripheral countries are poor not because they lagged behind but because they are
coercively integrated into the European economic system only as producers of raw materials
and or to serve as repositories of cheap labour and were denied the opportunity to market
their resources in any way that competed with the dominant states. In other words, the
poverty of the countries in the periphery is not because they are not integrated into the world
system, or not 'fully' integrated as is often argued by free market economists, but because
of how they are integrated into the system. A paradox is brought out where although both the
18
Ibid
35

first and third-world countries are benefitting, the poorer side is being locked into a
detrimental economic position. The poor economies rely on the rich for the little work that is
available to them, yet this causes a barrier from the nation growing independently. In a future
perspective, such nations have no opportunity to improve their quality of life.
Dependency theorists argue that the diversion of resources over time is maintained not only
by the power of the dominant states but also through the power of the elites in the dependent
states. These elites maintain dependent relationships because of their own private interests
that coincide with the interests of the dominant state. In light of this, dependency is
perpetuated because of a few who are the elite who have the same interests with the dominant
states. In the provision of humanitarian aid which in most cases is supposed to be short term,
it could be that the people receiving it be it governments, individuals or NGOs have created
dependency in Africa in general because they have made it a long term fact of life. This is
because they benefit from the continued state on dependency as it entails societies that have
people who have lost their capacity to think for themselves and thus have relinquished control
over their own economic, social and political governance. (Brautigam et al, 1999).
To add on, dependency theory assume that under development is a stage but a process
through which countries reach to development. They add on to argue that underdevelopment
is a condition fundamentally different from undevelopment. Underdevelopment refers to a
situation in which resources are being actively used but in a way which benefits dominant
states and not the poorer countries in which the resources are found. Undevelopment means
that it is a condition where resources are not being used. Furthermore, underdeveloped
countries are not merely primitive versions of developed countries, but have unique features
and structures of their own; and, importantly, are in the situation of being the weaker
members in a world market economy. In light of this, they should not be prescribed to follow
the modernization path mainly because their realities and context and conditions are different
from the time that Europe underwent the stages of development. It is against this background
that under developed countries actually requires genuine support in order for them to fully
realise their full potential. (Ferraro, 1997).
Proponents of the dependency theory such as Walter Rodney are of the view that in order for
the peripheral countries to have economic growth and development, there is need for them to
detach themselves from the dominant countries so that they make it. They call for South to
36

South cooperation which will entail equal power relations as well as states that understand
each other in terms of history and contextual realities. Moreover, they cite successful
examples of delinking with Tanzania’s Ujamaa and the China’s Great Leap Forward. If this is
to be put in the context of provision of humanitarian aid especially to poor resource contexts
such as that of Zimbabwe, there is need for government to make efforts to ensure that the
needs of its people are met such that if there is to be any assistance, it comes from
cooperation with likeminded institutions that understand Zimbabwe’s situation such as the
African Union (AU) and the Southern African Development Community (SADC). This will
ensure that as Zimbabwe integrates into the region, it does so with concerted efforts by other
African players as well. (Nyatoro, 2012).
2.4 Empirical Review.
This section focuses on the studies that have been done around the world in relation to
humanitarian and it will also bring to light research gaps which the study investigating
politicization of humanitarian aid in Zimbabwe will bridge. Cogniscence of this, it is critical
to note that several studies have been done on the politicization of humanitarian aid in
developing countries. Volberg (2003) looked at the politicization of humanitarian aid and its
effects on principles of humanity, impartiality and neutrality. He went on to point out that
humanitarian assistance which once covered a very narrow set of basic relief activities carried
out by a small group of relatively independent actors has expanded significantly to a much
more complex rehabilitating work. In this light, there are more players in the provision of aid
which leads to aid becoming a political activity thereby entailing that more scrutiny is given
on its provision. Volberg ultimately examines the difficult realities in heterogenic
humanitarian environment by addressing all the complex legal and political issues
surrounding an emergency, including the impact of external actors like donors, host
governments and armed forces. In light of this, the gap which the researcher investigating the
politicization of humanitarian aid in the case of Epworth’s Domboramwari and Chiremba
communities is that if the provision of humanitarian aid has become a political activity, what
are the motives behind its politicization so that answers to that question will assist
government as it engages on a policy level with the donor countries so that the humanitarian
aid that comes to Zimbabwe’s communities have pure motives of upholding humanity,
impartiality and neutrality.
37

In addition to this, Lensink et al (2001), in their study “are there negative returns to aid”
revealed that the re – allocation of the existing aid flows to poor countries with sound
management would lift 18 million more people per year out of poverty. They base their
argument on Collier and Dollar (1999) who postulate that aid becomes more effective when it
is given to countries with sound policies and that aid above a certain level of inflows starts to
have negative effects on growth. The study overall examined whether empirical evidence
supports the notion of negative effects of high aid inflows. To add on a similar arguments by
Moyo D (2010), in “Dead Aid: Why aid is not working and how there is a better way for
Africa” she notes that aid has helped make the poor poorer and growth slower. SKB Asante
(1985) also asserted that the limited evidence that is available suggests that the forms in
which foreign resources have been extended to Africa over the past 25years insofar as they
are concerned with economic development are to a great extend counterproductive. In this
light, these authors call for African countries not to be dependent but rather to make use of
South to South cooperation which usually has a win - win situation. In light of these
arguments put forward by these scholars, it is evident that aid in whatever forms it is coming
in, has not improved the economic and political situations of the recipient countries. In actual
fact, it has excluded communities in planning and delivering services which has pushed
recipients into a dependent state and also negatively impacted on community confidence to
further develop and enhance their capacities thus their interventions lack sustainability. In
light of this, the researcher investigating the politicization of humanitarian aid, noticed a gap
that though scholars have discussed how humanitarian aid has brought with it negative
retains, they have excluded the aspect of analysing the implications of external and internal
factors of politicization of humanitarian aid in relation to policy development for recipient
governments. The study on investigating politicization of humanitarian aid will analyse the
implications of the perception of humanitarian aid externally and internally and how these
affect humanitarian work in Zimbabwe. An interrogation of these perceptions will determine
how the state will interact together with the other actors in provision of humanitarian aid in
communities so that there is no suspicion and there is harmony as they work together in
improving lives and providing human dignity.
Furthermore, Bavard (1986), in his study which focuses on the failure of the United States of
America (USA)’s humanitarian aid to achieve its goals was initiated so as to examine its
Food for Peace19
programme. Although this alleviates hunger in the short term, the
19
The Food For Peace Programme saw the USA giving over two billion worth of surplus agricultural commodities a year to the Third
World Countries.
38

programme disrupts local agricultural markets and makes it harder for the poor countries to
feed themselves in the long run. Bavard further argues that, in the 1950s and 1960s, massive
wheat given to India disrupted that country’s agricultural market and helped bankrupt
thousands of Indian farmers. In addition to this, food aid in Tanzania discouraged people
from feeding themselves and that has had a crippling effect on the development it seeks to
encourage. In the Democratic republic of Congo (DRC), the food for work donations were
sold actually taken and sold to a small arms factory in Italy. In addition to this, the study also
shows that in Ethiopia in 1984, the food aid that was given by the USA was sold to buy more
Soviet weaponry. Mauritius also insisted on receiving only the highest quality rice which it
would later on use in hotels catering for foreign tourists. Cape Verde is said to have used its
emergency relief aid to export it to other countries. In light of this study by Bavard (1986),
humanitarian aid given to most of these countries did not save lives and it was used for
politicized by the recipient governments to further domestic and foreign needs so as to remain
in power. It is also from this study that the researcher investigating the politicization of
humanitarian aid in Epworth’s Domboramwari and Chiremba communities seek to examine
the motives of politicizing humanitarian aid in Epworth community. This comes against the
realization that by understanding the motives behind politicization of humanitarian aid, policy
makers are able to come up with laws that ensure that humanitarian work becomes a neutral
and impartial field so that it empowers communities and responds to their basic needs for
survival. It will also ensure that those countries, individuals or NGOs that provide
humanitarian aid in recipient countries also come up with accountability structures and
systems so that the humanitarian aid is used for its intended purposes and it reaches to the
grassroots that are genuinely in need.
A thesis by Lotspeich (2007)20
focuses on two types of humanitarian aid; government based
and religious based in the area of education in Valparaiso in Chile. The study sought to see
which type of humanitarian aid is more effective in the fight to eradicate extreme poverty.
The study reviewed humanitarian aid programmes in Casa Acogida Rayen, a house run by
Hogar de Cristo (HDC) in Valparaiso Chile and the English Open Doors Programme (EODP)
by the Ministry of Education. The former is a religious based programme based and the latter
is government based and the purpose of the research was to compare the two types of the
programmes. The points of comparison between the two programmes included the history,
objectives, budget, organization, resources and teachers. The study revealed that the EODP
20
A thesis entitled, “Humanitarian Aid: A Comparative Study” submitted to the Miami University Honours Programme in partial fulfilment
for the University Honours with Distinction by Felisha Lotspeich, 2007, Oxford, Ohio.
39

and the HDC have different goals yet they are all critical in that they both serve
underprivileged populations though the HDC serves them in a more holistic and immediate
way. From this study one can tell that the HDC which is a religious based institution provides
holistic and comprehensive humanitarian aid than the government based aid maybe because
for the government based it will be working under a low budget whilst with the other one,
several international donor agencies can donate thus making it more responsive to the needs
of the people. The research investigating politicization of humanitarian aid in Epworth’s
Domboramwari and Chiremba will also take into account the various actors in the provision
of humanitarian aid so as to bring out how each actor facilitates the politicization of aid. This
will assist government as well as other actors in the provision of humanitarian aid to know
their different yet complementary roles so that they are able to work together in improving
livelihoods and empowering communities that will have been affected by a natural or man-
made disaster.
Furthermore, Smit (2002) undertook a study which was commissioned by the Netherlands
government in 1997 on humanitarian aid in conflict situations looking at the dilemmas
confronting donors and implementing agencies when executing humanitarian programmes
and projects. The findings for this research were published in October 1998 and it was
revealed that the Netherlands government advocated for more flexible, wide ranging and
integrated approach to humanitarian aid to include elements of structural rehabilitation as
well as conflict prevention, reconciliation and reconstruction. This was against the
background that the restrictive interpretation of humanitarian aid makes it difficult for
governments and other actors to execute provision of humanitarian aid. The Netherlands
Parliament also argued that post conflict areas such as Kosovo and Rwanda where they were
providing traditional humanitarian aid, there was need to transfer humanitarian aid budget
from others so as to also aim at more structural forms of cooperation. From the study, the
Netherlands government argued that humanitarian aid should not be limited to a set of basic
needs aimed at mere physical survival of beneficiaries but there is need to transition from
emergency aid to a more structured form of development cooperation. It is interesting to note
that, though the call by the Netherlands government is noble to broaden humanitarian aid to
include elements of structural rehabilitation among others, one from a realist perspective, the
issue of “real politiks’ comes to play. In light of this, a gap that has been identified that the
research investigating politicization of humanitarian aid in Epworth district will be to look at
the possible types of conditions of that this humanitarian aid is coming with. This is from the
40

realization that aid is seldom given for purely altruistic reasons. In addition to assessing the
different types of conditions, the research will also bring to light the consequences these
conditions are likely to have for long term implementation of humanitarian aid in Epworth
district. This will also benefit recipient governments in the long term as they will be receiving
this comprehensive humanitarian assistance. They will be able to assess whether they agree to
the conditions such that the accept the humanitarian aid or they do not. It will also assist
decision making on the long term implementation of humanitarian aid in vulnerable
communities in Zimbabwe.
Moreover, Alex (2011) in her study on the role of humanitarian and development aid in the
economy of war she sought to explain why developmental and humanitarian aid can impact
negatively on conflicts. Her argument is that humanitarian aid can be used indirectly as an
instrument of war; it can also be indirectly integrated into the dynamics of conflict thereby
exacerbating the underlying causes of conflict increasing the level of insecurity. In her study
she cites that in the Rwandan genocide of 1994, the principles of neutrality and impartiality
made it impossible for relief workers to make any judgement or disregard legal and moral
equality between victims and perpetrators. Thus they ended up assisting victims and
perpetrators alike thereby perpetuating the conflict. In Afghanistan, during the occupation of
the Soviet in it, humanitarian assistance programmes became integrated into the Cold War
context. The Super power rivalry made it very difficult for humanitarian aid agencies to work
legitimately in Mujahidiri controlled areas. In 1988, NGOs were forced through the principle
of providing assistance to both sides of conflict (impartiality and neutrality) fuelled the
conflict because the Afghan refugee camps based in Pakistan served to legitimize the
resistance movement. It also provided a safe haven for Mujahidin and they regrouped, and
recuperated with their families. In this regard, humanitarian aid can be seen as a fueler of
conflicts as in the Rwandan and the Afghanistan case studies. However, a research gap that
the research investigating the politicization of humanitarian aid in Epworth’s Domboramwari
and Chiremba communities has identified and will fill is that after having identified that
humanitarian aid can impact negatively on conflict situations.
In addition to this a similar example is a study done by Perrin (1998), which focused on the
effects of humanitarian aid on violence in conflicts. He noted that humanitarian aid can help
increase violence in conflicts especially if the reources are to be diverted, the beficiaries of
the humanitarian aid become targets of arms groups trying to get their hands on relief
41

supplies. The cases highlighted include how in the DRC, food for work programme donations
were sold to buy a small arms factory from Italy. The Zimbabwean case study of Epworth is
unique in that there is no open conflict as it was with the Rwandan and Afghanistan cases. It
would be interesting to examine how the same dynamics of negative impact to conflicts will
also be seen in the Epworth case study and how the results will differ as Epworth is not an
open conflict zone as has been indicated below.
In addition to this, a research by Stoddard et al (2009)21
provides the global incident data for
the last three years identifying new trends and highlights issues in the three most violent
contexts for aid workers at present which are Sudan (Darfur), Afghanistan and Somalia. The
results from this study show that the number of attacks in which aid workers were killed,
kidnapped or injured has risen significantly since 1997 with a particular sharp increase over
the past three years. The study also revealed that three quarters of aid worker attacks over the
past three years took place in six countries all with on- going armed conflicts such as Sudan,
Afghanistan, Somalia, Sri Lanka, Chad, Iraq and Pakistan. In Sudan (Darfur) in 2006 – 2008,
the annual average attack rate was 27/10 000, in Somalia in 2008, it was 40, 9/1 000 and in
Afghanistan, the increasing number of incidents and victims suggest rates likewise higher for
an average. In light of this research, one can deduce that humanitarian work in insecure
environments poses a major threat to the humanitarian aid workers who become victims of
the on – going conflicts. In view of this study, the research investigating the politicization of
humanitarian aid in Epworth is seeing an opportunity to complement this research on aid
workers in insecure environments by focusing on the different types of conditions that exist
in the humanitarian aid that is provided to Domboramwari and Chiremba communities. The
research will also examine the motives behind the provision of humanitarian. The research
shall also assess the implications of the internal and external perceptions of this politicized
aim with the aim of interrogating the consequences to future implementation of humanitarian
aid in Zimbabwe.
To add on, Munyanyi R (2005) in her thesis, “The political economy of food aid: a case of
Zimbabwe” investigated whether political decisions influenced the manner in which food aid
was distributed in Zimbabwe. Her study also sought to identify whether politics played a role
in the distribution of food aid in the Grain Marketing Board (GMB) food aid programme in
Zimbabwe. It also sought to provide general findings and recommendations for policy
21
Humanitarian Policy Group Brief 34, April 2009; providing aid in insecure environments: trends in violence against aid workers and the
operational response. Abby Stoddard, Adele Harmer and Victoria DiDomenics, United Kingdom.
42

issues in Zimbabwe. In view of the study above, a research gap that has been identified is that
Munyanyi’ s focus in her thesis was the actors in the distribution of food aid so as the give
recommendations to policy makers. The research investigating the politicization of
humanitarian aid will dwell more on the issue of conditionalities attached to aid and how
these have created a perception by state actors such that this affected future implementation
of humanitarian aid in Zimbabwe. Coupled with this, the research will also assess the how the
communities Domboramwari and Chiremba are affected by the politicization of humanitarian
aid in their communities. In this regard, this research will bring to light the societal as well as
the political dimensions governing humanitarian aid work in Zimbabwe.
Furthermore, Paul Harvey (2007)22
in his study on tackling corruption in humanitarian aid, he
notes that corruption allegations have until recently hit the news headlines and this has
brought a lot of attention of the challenges of relief management and governance. The cases
he studied include Somalia, Liberia and Ethiopia. In Somalia, a UN monitoring group report
made assertions about corruption diversion of food aid. In addition to this, in Liberia, World
Vision uncovered substantial corruption in food aid operations. Coupled with this, the British
Broadcasting Cooperation (BBC) report highlighted corruption in aid operations in Ethiopia
in the 1980s. The findings from this study assisted Transparency International to develop a
Handbook of Good Practices in Preventing Corruption in Humanitarian Operations. Other
cases similar to this of corruption are that of Cape Verde that exported all its emergency relief
aid to other countries.
To add on, a thesis by Coke (2009)23
examines the relationship between food aid and
agricultural production in Sub Saharan Africa where most of the world’s food aid is directed.
From the policy implications for this research it suggests a shift in foreign assistance and an
increase in agricultural development programmes that focus on achieving food security and
food self-sufficiency in developing countries. In light of this research, one can tell that Coke
(2009) is borrowing from the dependency theory that assumes that the poverty of developing
nations is a direct consequence of those that are providing “knee jack” reaction in the form of
food aid. This however is not sustainable as communities may rely heavily on the food aid
which in an instant can cease. In view of this, a research gap that has been identified is that
22
In Anti – Corruption Research Network: Tackling Corruption in Humanitarian aid. (2007).
23
Does Food Aid Influence Agricultural Development in Recipient Countries: A study on the relationship between food aid and agricultural
production in Sub Saharan Africa” Thesis submitted to Georgetown University by Coke Lorraine, L 2009
43

though there is need to shift from humanitarian aid to more “developmental” and self –
empowering initiatives, the research investigating the politicization of humanitarian aid in
Epworth still contends that humanitarian aid is still necessary taking into consideration that
there are states that are in constant open conflict such as Sudan, Somalia and Afghanistan
among others and those that are in latent conflict situations such as Zimbabwe that will
continue to alleviate suffering and distress among its people. In this regard, investigating
politicization of humanitarian aid will ensure that if motives, conditions and perceptions are
addressed there will efficiency and wide acceptance for the beneficiaries of humanitarian aid
in Epworth’s Domboramwari and Chiremba communities.
Olsen et al (2003) in their study24
, sought to bring to light what determines the level of
emergency assistance in any particular given humanitarian crisis. The study proposes a basic
hypothesis that the volume of emergency assistance any humanitarian crisis attracts is
determined by three main factors working either in conjunction or individually. First, it
depends on the intensity of media coverage. Second, it depends on the degree of political
interest, particularly related to security, that donor governments have in a particular region.
Third, the volume of emergency aid depends on the strength of humanitarian NGOs and
international organisations present in a specific country experiencing a humanitarian
emergency. The empirical analysis of a number of emergency situations is carried out based
on material that has never been published before. The study concludes that only occasionally
do the media play a decisive role in influencing donors. Rather, the security interests of
Western donors are important together with the presence and strength of humanitarian
stakeholders, such as NGOs and international organisations lobbying donor governments. In
light of this, one can observe that provision of humanitarian aid is a highly political and
contested area of operation. In view of this, the research investigating the politicization of
humanitarian aid will complement this study by focusing more on the motives behind the aid,
the conditions attached to it as well as an interrogation of the implications of perceptions so
that its provision to the ordinary beneficiaries bring forth fruitful results that will uphold
human worth and human dignity.
24
Humanitarian Crises: What Determines the Level of Emergency Assistance? Media Coverage, Donor Interests and the Aid
Business. Disasters Volume 27, Issue 2, pages 109–126, June 2003.
44

According to a study by Ninno et al (2007) on ‘Food aid, domestic policy and food security:
Contrasting experiences from South Asia and sub-Saharan Africa”, it revealed that food aid,
both for short-term emergency relief and as program it helps address medium-term food
“deficits”, and is often a major component of food security strategies in developing countries.
This study reviews the experience with food aid of four major recipients of food aid namely;
India, Bangladesh, Ethiopia and Zambia regarding food production, trade, markets,
consumption and safety nets, as well as the policy responses to food emergencies. The widely
varying experiences of the country study suggest that food aid that supports building of
production and market enhancing infrastructure, is timed to avoid adverse price effects on
producers and is targeted to food insecure households can play a positive role in enhancing
food security. However, food aid is not the only, or in many cases, the most efficient means of
addressing food insecurity. In many cases private markets can more effectively address
shortfalls in food availability and cash transfers may be a viable alternative to food transfers
in-kind.
In addition to this, a study by palmer et al (1998) on Women, Health and Humanitarian aid in
Conflict brings to the fore that the burden of political conflict on civilian populations has
increased significantly over the last few decades. Increasingly, the provision of resources and
services to these populations is coming under scrutiny. Of major concern is that in conflict
situations and the provision of humanitarian aid in such contexts; there is limited attention to
gender considerations. It is essential to note that in any conflict situation, men and women are
affected differently and as such they have different exposures to situations that affect health
and access to health-care and have differential power to influence decisions regarding the
provision of health services. The study thereby argues that the role of women in planning is
central to the provision of effective, efficient and sensitive health-care to conflict-affected
populations. This comes against a background that most humanitarian aid agencies in most of
the instances provides a “blanket approach” or a one size fits all which in most instances do
not work. In view of this a research gap that has been identified is that there is need to ensure
a holistic approach to the provision of humanitarian aid within communities so that the
humanitarian aid that is given does not become a bone of contention within the same
communities. In this regard, the research investigating the politicization of humanitarian aid
in Epworth will analyse the gender dynamics and at the same time give policy
recommendations that there is need for both men and women to be consulted as they are all
45

supposed to benefit. In as much as a culture of patriarchy has seen to men having advanced
more than women, it is still critical to ensure that both men and women are brought together
so that they interrogate provision of humanitarian aid in their communities. This will create a
sense of respect amongst the two genders as well as create an atmosphere that they all equal
partners in the development agenda.
2.5 Summary
This section had a discussion on the conceptual framework that brought to light what
humanitarian aid is and the different forms it comes in. Furthermore, a theoretical framework
that highlighted realism and the dependency theories revealed the basic assumptions which
are the backbone of this investigation on the politicization of humanitarian aid in Epworth’s
Domboramwari and Chiremba communities. Lastly this section also covered in depth the
various researches that have been done world-wide on humanitarian aid with the aim of
extracting research gaps which this study also seeks to bridge so that when discussing
humanitarian aid there is a wholesome picture.
CHAPTER THREE: RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
3.1 Introduction
46

The overall objective of this study is to investigate if there are specific conditions to
humanitarian aid in the context of Zimbabwe. The study also seeks to examine how this is
received at national level in a bid to discuss politicization of humanitarian aid specifically in
Epworth district. In this regard, this chapter will focus on how the researcher will collect data
in the field thus the chapter is focuses on the qualitative research paradigm, the case study
research design, the tools to be used as well as the ethical considerations the researcher will
be mindful of during data collection and analysis. The chapter is therefore divided into the
following categories; the Qualitative Paradigm, Case Study Research Design, the Grounded
Theory, the Population, Sampling Techniques, Data Collection Instruments and finally
ethical considerations.
3.2 Qualitative Paradigm
According to Strauss and Corbin (1990:17) qualitative paradigm can be defined as “any kind
of research that produces findings not arrived at by means of statistical procedures or other
means of quantification. In addition, qualitative researchers seek illumination, understanding,
and extrapolation to similar situations. Strauss and Corbin (1990) also claim that qualitative
paradigms can be used to better understand any phenomenon about which little is yet known.
They can also be used to gain new perspectives on things about which much is already known
or to gain more in-depth information that may be difficult to convey quantitatively. In light of
this, the researcher chose to use this paradigm in investigating politicization of humanitarian
aid in Epworth’s two districts Chiremba and Domboramwari. Though studies have been done
on politicization of aid in general, through the research paradigm the researcher will have an
in – depth study in an area that has been done before so as to come up with new hypothesis
taking into consideration the changes in paradigms and theories as a result of globalization,
regional integration among other concerns.
To add on, Hoepfl (1997) points out that the qualitative paradigm is appropriate in situations
where one needs to first identify the variables that might later be tested quantitatively, or
where the researcher has determined that quantitative measures cannot adequately describe or
interpret a situation. In this regard, the researchers choose this paradigm so as to bring to light
the variables such as politicization and humanitarian aid so that if thoroughly investigated
and there is a generation of theory, these can later be tested quantitatively. In addition to these
the researcher also saw that in investigating politicization of humanitarian aid, using the
47

quantitative paradigm would not be appropriate in bringing out the illumination, and the
extrapolation that come with a qualitative paradigm.
Lincoln et al (1985) postulates that the qualitative paradigm has the ability to describe a
phenomenon more fully. It has the ability to bring out people’s experiences, people’s realities
and how they interact with each other thereby adding to the phenomena under study. In this
regard, the study in Epworth’s Domboramwari and Chiremba wards will bring to light how
people’s lives and interactions with each other are affected by politicization of humanitarian
aid. It will also help discover meaning of the communities’ interaction with aid and the
interpretation of that meaning will better inform the research study.
Glauser and Strauss (1967) postulates that the primary goal of the qualitative paradigm is to
generate theory rather than to test theory or mere description. In light of this view, theory is
not a perfected product but an ever developing entity. It is against this view point that the
study preferred the qualitative paradigm because in politicization of humanitarian aid in
Epworth’s Domboramwari and Chiremba communities, the researcher will generate theory
making use of the grounded theory. To add on, though the qualitative paradigm can be
emotionally taxing and extraordinarily time consuming; at the same time it has the ability to
yield rich information not obtainable through statistical sampling techniques. Through its
use, the researcher is committing to bearing the burden of discovering and interpreting the
importance of what is observed, establishing a plausible connection between what is observed
and the conclusions drawn in the research report.
3.3 Case Study Research Design
Tellis (1997) defines a Case Study research design as a detailed investigation often with data
collected over a period of time or of phenomena within their context and the aim is to provide
an analysis of the context and processes which illuminate the theoretical issues being studied.
In addition, Case studies tend to be selective, focusing on specific issues that are fundamental
to understanding the system being examined. For the purposes of the research study, the
researcher has decided to focus specifically on investigating if there are specific conditions to
humanitarian aid in the context of Zimbabwe and how this is received at national level.
Case studies are said to have a multi-perspectival analysis meaning that the researcher
considers not just the voice and perspective of the respondents, but also of the relevant groups
of respondents and the interaction between them. (Tellis (1997). In light of this, with the
48

researcher investigating if there are specific conditions to humanitarian aid in Zimbabwe and
how this is received at national level, there is a consideration of various actors which are not
only limited to the beneficiaries of humanitarian aid but also the NGO personnel that
administer that aid as well as local policy makers such as the District Administrators (Das)
and the Councillors.
Charmaz (2006) argues that a case study research design is flexible in that it is able to adapt
to and probe areas of planned but also emergent theory. It is in light of this that the researcher
chose the use of a case study research design because its flexibility allows further probing
and change of theory as more data is collected. For instance, initial document analysis might
have indicated that there is politicization of humanitarian aid in general but as the researcher
continues to collect data on the field using a case study approach there could also be new
themes and theories that arise which the researcher will have to take into cogniscence so that
the research results become holistic and well informed by what is on the ground.
Feagin et al (1999) points out that a case study research design is a triangulated research
strategy which means that there will be the use of multiple sources of data where one
approach is followed by another to increase confidence in the interpretation of data. It is
against this background that the researcher chose to make use of the case study research
design in a quest to investigate politicization of humanitarian aid in Epworth district. This is
because to increase validity and reliability, case study research designs allow for the
researcher to make use of multiple data collection instruments. In this case, the researcher
shall make use of interviews targeting beneficiaries of humanitarian aid, NGO personnel and
local policy makers in Epworth’s Chiremba and Domboramwari wards. In addition FGDs as
well as document studies will be done so that there is triangulation to increase data reliability
and validity. In spite of this triangulation, criticisms that have been levelled against the case
study research design is that there is the issue of generalization which means that results from
the case study cannot be applied to real life situations. However some scholars such as Yin
(1984) dismiss that claim stating that there is a difference between analytic generalization and
statistical generalization meaning that in analytic generalization, previously developed theory
is used as a template against which to compare the empirical results of the case study.
In addition, the case study research design has been chosen by the researcher because it is an
all-encompassing method that covers the logic of the design, data collection techniques and
49

specific approaches to data analysis. Coupled with this, it is an inductive approach which
provides an opportunity to explore issues in depth and in context and that theory development
can occur through the systematic piecing together of detailed evidence to generate theories of
broader interest (Hartley 2000). As the researcher will be investigating the politicization of
humanitarian aid in Epworth’s Chiremba and Domboramwari wards, the use of open ended
questions will allow for in-depth investigations which will bring about a wide range of data
that will be used to understand the context and the phenomena under study.
A criticism that has been levelled against a case study research design is that there is a
tendency for researchers to attempt to answer a question that is too broad or a topic that has
too many objectives for one study. In order to avoid this problem, several authors including
Yin (2003) and Stake (1995) have suggested that placing boundaries on a case can prevent
this explosion from occurring. Suggestions on how to bind a case include; by time and place,
time and activity and by definition and context. Binding the case will ensure that the study
remains reasonable in scope. In this regard, the researcher instead of focusing of
politicization of humanitarian aid in the whole of Zimbabwe, the case study has been given a
boundary to look at Epworth’s two wards out of eight; Domboramwari and Chiremba. The
researcher chooses to focus on these two so that they become a sample representative and at
the same time they ensure that the study remains on track. To add on, the researcher also
delimited her study to focus on politicization from 2008 – 2012 mainly because there are
certain political, economic and social dynamics that occurred during this time period that
could have a bearing on the subject under study.
Stake (1995) classifies case study research design as either explanatory, exploratory,
descriptive, single, holistic multiple, intrinsic, instrumental or collective. Through the study
of politicization of humanitarian aid in Zimbabwe’s Epworth’s two wards Domboramwari
and Chiremba, the researcher will make use of a single case study research design. This has
been necessitated by the fact that with a single case study there will be detailed and in depth
analysis of the case under study. For instance there will be need to interrogate the different
types of conditions of humanitarian aid, the different motives by aid administrators; an
assessment of how the Chiremba and Domboramwari communities are affected by the
internal and external factors of politicization of humanitarian aid and how has government
responded to the consequences that are likely to be there in the long term implementation of
50

humanitarian aid in Epworth district. Criticisms have been levelled that it allows for
researcher’s subjectivity thus the need to make use of multi case studies. Yin (1985) on the
other hand argues that it is inappropriate to assume that the researcher will be biased and will
lack objectivity mainly because he or she will be guided by theoretical approaches and the
need to address a social phenomenon.
3.4 Grounded Theory
Bryant et al (2007) points out that the Grounded Theory comprises of a systematic, inductive
and comparative approach for conducting inquiry for the purpose of constructing theory. It is
designed to encourage researchers’ persistent interaction with data while remaining
constantly involved with their emerging analysis.
Grounded Theory also builds empirical checks into the analytic process and leads a
researcher to examine all possible theoretical explanations for the empirical findings. In
addition to this, using Grounded Theories entail that data collection and analysis proceed
simultaneously and each informs and streamlines the other. In this regard, in this research
where the researcher is focusing on the politicization of humanitarian aid in Epworth the
researcher will simultaneously collect data in the field and at the same time analyse it so that
if there are emerging traits, these can be categorised for further analysis. In addition to this
simultaneous data collection and analysis will ensure that the researcher is able to interrogate
emerging themes and how these may impact on the research topic.
According to Charmaz (2006), the Grounded Theory consists of systematic yet flexible
guidelines for collecting and analysing qualitative data to construct theories grounded in the
data themselves. In this regard, data forms the foundation of the theory and analysis of this
data generates concepts the researcher constructs. Grounded theorists thus construct data
through observations, interactions and materials that they gather about the topic. In light of
this, in this research where there is an investigation of politicization of humanitarian aid in
Epworth’s Chiremba and Domboramwari, the researcher will also gather data through
document study so as to gain an understanding of what occurs in the research setting and how
the research participants’ live their lives. In doing this, the researcher will be in a position to
explain their statements, actions and be in a position to ask what analytical sense this makes
in relation to the research study. In addition, the researcher will make use of interviews and
FGDs so as to understand research participants’ views, feelings, intentions and actions as
51

well as their contexts and structure of their lives as they receive humanitarian aid from NGOs
operational in their community.
To add on, Charmaz (2006) notes that Grounded Theorists study early data and begin to
separate, sort and synthesize data through what she calls qualitative coding. Coding means
attaching labels to segments of data that depict what each segment is about. This coding is
meant to emphasise what is happening in the research field. The researcher investigating the
politicization of humanitarian aid in Epworth will do her interviews and FGDs and if there is
a realization that there are specific patterns the data is taking there will be need to code it.
Coding can be done based on for instance the gender dimensions, age dynamics and
educational qualifications emerging as specific categories and it will be the duty of the
researcher to further interrogate how these shape the research study.
Furthermore, the Grounded Theory highlights the need for a researcher to develop after
memos. Strauss et al (1997) postulates that memos are preliminary notes and in developing
these, the Grounded Theorist is defining ideas that best fit and interpret the data as tentative
analytic categories. These also allow that when inevitable questions arise and gaps in
categories appear, the researcher will seek data that answer these questions and fill the gaps.
In this study investigating the politicization of humanitarian aid, the researcher will make use
of memos so that there is gap filling as well as categorised data which can be easily analysed.
3.5 Population
According to the results of the 2012 census results, the total population of Epworth district is
161 840. (Central Statistical Office, 2012). This is a rapid increase from the 2002 census that
had 114 067 as the total population of Epworth district. Epworth then and as of today is
divided into 8 wards namely Chiremba also known as Muguta, Makomo, Domboramwari,
Jacha known as Muguta Extension or Matanga, Chinamano Extension also referred to as
Maseko, Overspill, Magada and Chizangu which include Zinyengere and Chinamano.
3.6 Sampling Techniques
According to Willey (1995), a common misconception about sampling in qualitative research
is that numbers are unimportant in ensuring the adequacy of a sampling strategy. Yet sample
sizes may be too small to support claims of having achieved either informational redundancy
or theoretical saturation, or too large to permit the deep, case-oriented analysis that is the key
52

to qualitative inquiry. Determining adequate sample size in qualitative research is ultimately
a matter of judgment and experience in evaluating the quality of the information collected
against the uses to which it will be put, the particular research method and purposeful
sampling strategy employed and the research product intended. A sample by definition
corresponds to the larger population on the characteristics of interest. In that case, the
researcher's conclusions from the sample are probably applicable to the entire population.
This type of correspondence between the sample and the larger population is most important
when a researcher wants to know what proportion of the population has a certain
characteristic – like a particular opinion or a demographic feature. (Babbie 2001).
For the purposes of this study, the researcher made use of convenience sampling and
according to Powell (1997), convenience sampling or accidental sampling is a type of non-
probability sampling which involves the sample being drawn from that part of the population
which is close to hand. That is, a sample population selected because it is readily available
and convenient and some members of the population have no chance of being included. In
investigating the politicization of humanitarian aid in Epworth’s Domboramwari and
Chiremba wards, the researcher chose to use convenience sampling which is a non –
probability sampling technique mainly because of time and cost constrains. This is because
unlike probability sampling that is considered more stringent and has a higher chance for
every representative of the population to participate, the researcher thought it prudent to make
use of a method that is inexpensive and a quick way of discerning the research topic.
Scholars such as Boxill et al (1997) critic convenience sampling arguing that relying on
available subjects, however, is extremely risky and comes with many cautions, for example,
this method does not allow the researcher to have any control over the representativeness of
the sample. In addition, the argument is also that, the researcher cannot control how well the
characteristics of the sample (gender, age, race, education) match the characteristics of the
larger population it is intended to represent. Regardless, the researcher chose this type of
sampling because it is a cost effective and a quick way of gathering data in a political hotspot
such as Epworth district.
Furthermore, the researcher also made use of snowball sampling which is similar to
convenience sampling. According to Babbie (2001), snowball sampling is another non –
probability method in which current participants refer or identify other possible respondents.
It is often used when members of a particular population are difficult to find. The researcher
53

in investigating the politicization of humanitarian aid in Epworth’s Domboramwari and
Chiremba wards also made use of snowball sampling mainly after the realization that some
recipients of humanitarian aid were not willing to participate in an academic research. The
researcher thus made use of contacts from Plan International, Caritas, Christian Care and
MSF Zimbabwe so as to get other respondents who would in turn refer the researcher to other
recipients of humanitarian aid in the two wards. The snowball sampling method proved
beneficial to employ also taking into consideration how communities are tense due to the
forth coming harmonised elections to be held by June 2013. In this regard, making use of
snowball sampling gave the researcher access into the Domboramwari and Chiremba wards
easily. To increase reliability and validity of the data obtained through convenience sampling,
the researcher shall keep in mind the following critical aspects; the types of people that were
systematically excluded from the sample; the types of people who were over-represented in
the sample and if the findings have been replicated by different researchers using a variety of
data-collection methods with different samples.
3.7 Data Collection Instruments
For the purposes of this study, the researcher will make use of interviews, Focus Group
Discussions (FGDs) and document study:
3.7.1 Interviews
In depth open ended interviews were used by the researcher so as to assess the different types
of aid the Domboramwari and Chiremba communities receive, analyse if it politicised and
examine how this affects them as community members. Kvale (1996) notes that interviews
seek to describe and the meanings of central themes in the life world of the subjects and the
main task in interviewing is to understand the meaning of what the interviewees say. To add
on interviews are particularly useful in obtaining the story behind respondents lives and
experiences. The researcher chose to use open-ended interviews as they allow the researcher
to probe deeper into the initial responses of the respondent to gain a more detailed answer to
the questions. (Wimmer and Dominick 1997). This is very critical taking into consideration
that issues of politicization of humanitarian aid are highly sensitive such that there is need for
the researcher to probe further so as to get an understanding of how this affects the
Domboramwari and Chiremba communities. In addition, the richness of the data is entirely
dependent on the interviewer as they themselves, judge how much or how little they should
probe. This has led other scholars such as Jensen (1991) to critic the approach as it brings out
54

subjective perspectives that respondents give so as to please the one who is interviewing.
Regardless of this, interviews continue to play a critical role in research as it gives freedom
for the respondents to answer how they wish and give them a feeling of control in the
interview situation.
3.7.2 Focus Group Discussions (FGDs)
FGDs play an integral role in gauging public opinion and this is because the researcher can
interact with the participants, pose follow-up questions and ask questions that probe more
deeply. In addition, information is obtained not only from what is said but also from non-
verbal responses, such as facial expressions and body language which provides rich detail
over people’s perceptions, attitudes and behaviours. (Neil 2010). In light of this, the
researcher investigating the politicization of humanitarian aid in Epworth’s Domboramwari
and Chiremba wards made use of FGDs so as to ascertain people’s attitudes and perceptions
with regards to the issue of politicization of humanitarian aid. According to Neil (2010),
FGDs are a primary format for qualitative research and this is a type of research that seeks
open-ended thoughts and feelings from consumers, as opposed to quantitative research that
involves numerical-based data collection. In addition, it typically consists of around six to
twelve target market consumer participants engaged in a discussion with a research
moderator. Furthermore, the small group number allows for the research moderator to be able
to handle the group dynamics where there are individuals who tend to dominate whilst others
end up being silenced. In this regard, a good research moderator has to be able to facilitate
discussion ensuring that both introvert and extroverts get an opportunity to input into the
discussion. A challenge that has been linked to the FGDs is that there is a tendency to
generalise findings as sentiments of the group, regardless of this it is critical to note that in
assessing the politicization of humanitarian aid, the researcher took care to bring about a
balanced and honest assessment so that research findings add to the body of knowledge.
3.7.3 Document Study
According to ZeePedia.com, secondary data refer to information gathered by someone other
than the researcher conducting the present study. Secondary data are usually historical,
already assembled, and do not require access to respondents or subjects. Many types of
information about the social and behavioural world have been collected and are available to
the researcher. Some information is in the form of statistical documents (books, reports) that
contain numerical information. Other information is in the form of published compilations
55

available in a library or on computerized records. In either case the researcher can search
through collections of information with a research question and variables in mind, and then
reassemble the information in new ways to address the research question. In the study
investigating the politicization of humanitarian aid in Epworth’s Domboramwari and
Chiremba wards chose to use document study mainly because it allows for longitudinal
analysis and this means that document study is especially well suited to study over a long
period of time. A researcher is able to pick up different periods in the past and try to make
comparisons and figure out the changes that may have occurred over time. The researcher
also adopted the use of document study mainly because they are easy to get hold of and they
are usually of high quality. Documents that are in the form of journals are more reliable such
that the researcher will not be affected by document bias in her investigation of politicization
of humanitarian aid in Epworth’s Domboramwari and Chiremba wards.
3.8 Ethical Considerations
Ethics refers to the correct rules of conduct necessary when carrying out research. We have a
moral responsibility to protect research participants from harm. In this light as the researcher
will be undertaking this study, the following ethical considerations will be taken into account:
1. Informed Consent – Before undertaking the study, the researcher shall outline to the
respondents what the research is all about and then ask for their permission to
participate. In gaining informed consent, the researchers will inform the respondents
the purpose of the study, procedures involved, the length of time they are supposed to
participate, potential or foreseeable benefits and risks in participating so that they
make an informed decision when they eventually decide to participate.
2. Debriefing - the researcher shall take time after the research to learn how subjects
perceived the research and to thank them for participating in the study. In this case,
the researcher will also give respondents time to ask questions relating to the study.
The debriefing session will also be important so that the researcher gives a general
idea of what she was investigating and why.
3. Confidentiality – the researcher shall ensure that the respondents and the data gained
from them are kept anonymous unless they give their full consent. The researcher
will also ensure that no names are used in the research report and findings.
56

4. Withdrawal from the study - From the very beginning, the researcher will inform
respondents that they have the right to stop participating in the study. Even at the end
of the study a respondent has a final opportunity to withdraw the data they have
provided for the research.
3.8 Summary
In this chapter the researcher has covered the qualitative paradigm, the case study research
design, the Grounded Theory, the population, the sampling techniques, the data collection
tools (interviews, FGDs and document study) and ethical considerations.
CHAPTER FOUR: DATA PRESENTATION, ANALYSIS AND DISCUSSION
4.1 Introduction
This chapter looks at the discussion of the research findings during field work in
Domboramwari and Chiremba wards in Epworth district. This section looks at the various
actors in the provision of humanitarian aid in these two wards and their selection criteria for
one to be an eligible beneficiary. The chapter also brings to light the gender and age
dynamics that come about as a result of accessing humanitarian aid for the community
members that are in the two wards. This section also discusses how existing literature links
with the new findings and lastly the researcher attempts to bridge the gaps that were
identified with the existing literature.
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4.2 Main Actors In The Provision Of Humanitarian Aid In Domboramwari And
Chiremba Wards.
Humanitarian aid represents a commitment to support vulnerable host populations that have
experienced a sudden emergency, requiring on going assistance to maintain or improve their
quality of life. (Kopinak, 2013). In this regard, in Epworth’s Domboramwari and Chiremba
wards, there are various actors such as Churches, NGOs and the Councillor that have
committed themselves to providing humanitarian aid so that the standard of living for the
communities is improved. The section below gives a detailed outline of the provision of
humanitarian aid by various actors and the politics that emerge as a result of this:
4.2.1 Churches
The genesis of Epworth district has its roots in the Methodist Church with Reverend Shimmin
establishing it as a Methodist Mission Station in 1890. Though the Methodist Church could
not control the influx of the population and later on in 1983 sold Epworth to the Ministry of
Local Government, it is imperative to note that the role of the church did not diminish in
community development for Epworth district. It should also be noted that because Epworth
district was an unplanned settlement that overwhelmingly increased its population leading it
to be a formally recognised informal settlement in the post-colonial era, there emerged
several challenges that warranted for humanitarian intervention. Churches whether traditional
such as Methodist, Roman Catholic, and Anglican or unconventional such as Beam of Hope
Churches International, Celebration Church among others are also main actors in the
provision of humanitarian aid in Domboramwari and Chiremba wards.
According to respondents that were interviewed25
, they noted that with humanitarian aid from
the church is not politicized mainly because it is distributed by the Priest in most cases if it is
a Catholic Church and if it is a non – conventional Church, other selected Church members
are given the task of distributing it. Recipients are given based on either being a widow, an
Orphan or if a household is unanimously agreed by the Church to be living below the poverty
datum line. In addition the humanitarian aid from the Church may come in the form of bags
of grain, beans and at times tuition fees for Orphans and Vulnerable Children (OVCs). In
addition in a FGD26
that was held in Chiremba, respondents were asked what their definition
25
Males and Females who have stayed in Domboramwari and Chiremba for over thirty years receive aid from their own churches.
26
The FGDs was held in Chiremba to the people who receive humanitarian aid from unconventional churches.
58

of politicization was since they had mentioned that what they receive from the Church is not
politicized. They noted that for them politicization meant they receive humanitarian aid
which they would be asked to do something in return for the individual or group that would
have assisted them. However, with the aid from the Church, they highlighted that they were
not expected to give anything in return. In addition with aid from the Church they were
convinced that the Priest and the Church were giving out of the goodness of their hearts so
that their livelihoods are improved. Furthermore, with the humanitarian aid from the Church
no one who was eligible would be discriminated against such that to the respondents that
were interviewed they hailed what the Church was doing in bring back dignity and worth for
the members of the Domboramwari and Chiremba communities.
4.2.2 NGOS
Non – Governmental Organizations (NGOs) are legally constituted corporations created by
legal people that operate independently from any form of government. The term originated
from the United Nations, and normally refers to organizations that are not a part of a
government and are not conventional for profit businesses. In the cases in which NGOs are
funded totally or partially by governments, the NGO maintains its non-governmental status
by excluding government representatives from membership in the organization. NGOs are
typically non-profit organizations which mean that they are organizations that pursue wider
social aims that have political aspects, but are not openly political organizations such as
political parties27
. Bratton (1990) points out that the role of NGOs is to complement the
development effort of governments, and can help make the development process more
accountable, transparent and participatory. In addition, NGOs do not only "fill in the gaps"
but also act as a response to failures in the public and private sectors.
In Domboramwari and Chiremba wards, various NGOs are operational to provide a wide
array of humanitarian aid. Plan International, Oxfam and the Zimbabwe Development
Community Programmes (ZDCP) are some of the NGOs that have played a critical role in the
provision of water and sanitation in these two communities. To add on, USAID has also been
pivotal in providing buckets and cholera tablets to community members in a bid to ensure
that hygiene is maintained at all times and that there will not be any new cases of cholera
since 2008. Caritas also assisted some displaced individuals after Operation Restore Order in
27
http://www.humanrights.gov/2012/01/12/fact-sheet-non-governmental-organization-ngos-in-the-united-states.
59

2008.28
Furthermore another NGO operational in Domboramwari and Chiremba providing
humanitarian aid is Red Cross International which has been making strides in reducing
poverty in child headed families and households thus they are giving assistance to OVCs.
Medecins Sans Frontiers (MSF) Zimbabwe and organization of doctors has been working in
Domboramwari Polyclinic since 2006 and has 12,000 + registered HIV positive patients in
Epworth, more than 9,000 of whom are on Anti-Retroviral Therapy (ART). In addition
Christian Care has also been complimenting MSF efforts by providing humanitarian
assistance in the form of food and ARVs for those that are on ART.
Respondents were unanimous that with the NGOs, for one to benefit from the humanitarian
aid, they all have set criteria that one has to meet in order to qualify. From the 30 respondents
that were interviewed, 75% were of the opinion that the development of a set criterion for
community members to benefit from this humanitarian aid was a good initiative as it saw to
the most needy being able to be catered for. On the other hand, the 25% were of the opinion
that though having a selection criterion had its advantages; it brought about rigidity and
inflexibility in the system. This came out strongly with the humanitarian aid that Christian
Care, Plan and Red Cross are providing. In the past Christian Care which works with
Domboramwari Clinic with HIV patients used to give everyone on ART food aid, however,
they have changed strategy where if an HIV patient has low body weight they then eligible to
access food aid. This has caused a lot of controversy for those HIV patients whose body
weight have increased and thus been removed on the food aid programme. One female
respondent who has lived all her life in Chiremba who was interviewed brought out bitter
sentiments concerning the new Christian Care strategy. She pointed out the following,
“pamwe vakanzi vatiburitse muchirongwa nekuti isu hatiite zvepolitics, manje isu tingori
hedu varwere”29
. Such sentiments reveal that some of the former beneficiaries of food aid
from Christian Care, link their removal from the programme due to politics. An interview
with a Field Officer from Christian Care30
reveal that the change in strategy was facilitated by
the fact that there was a realization that the number of people who were on the programme
were increasing by the day so there was need to come up with a strategy that would assist
those that were dire need especially those whose body weights were very low. Moreover, the
28
A 23 year old female respondent highlighted the following, “I received help from Caritas after Murambatsvina as a politically displaced
person……”
29
“ Maybe they were told to remove us from the programme because we don’t involve ourselves in politics, we are just sick people” –
translation from sentiments by a 41 year old female respondent
30
Vincent Mupamhadzi, Christian Care Field Officer in Epworth’s Domboramwari.
60

Field Officer highlighted that since the inception of the programme, Christian Care had
explained to the beneficiaries that their intervention would come to an end at some point. It is
imperative to note that issues of dependency and entitlement also come into play; these will
be discussed later on in this chapter.
Another issue that brought a lot of contestation as a result of the set criterion by Plan
International in the provision of food aid for widows and OVCs is that the organization works
with community volunteers to assess if one is truly a widow or an OVC. Critics argue that
though Plan works together with these community volunteers to assess eligibility, the
community volunteers at time politicize the process in that some who are supposed to be
benefitting end up being left out. These community volunteers use their discretion and at
times feed lies to the Project Officer from Plan so that they exclude certain people from
benefiting31
. It also emerged that from the recipients of humanitarian aid from Plan
International they all concur with each other that the Staff is professional when they distribute
the food aid. They also ensure that when people are coming to the community hall to assess
the food aid no one is in party regalia so as to ensure that the communities see that Plan
International is not a political organization that is pushing a political party agenda.
Respondents noted that they do not have to declare their political affiliation in order for them
to qualify or not qualify for food aid from Plan. Moreover, they are not made to feel indebted
to the food aid that they receive mainly because when the programme started they were
debriefed that this was a temporary intervention meant to cushion widows and OVCs. To
date, Plan International has ceased its humanitarian aid work in Epworth district until a time
to be communicated if they are to resume once more.
To add on, the set criterion by Red Cross International has also come under scrutiny by some
recipients of aid in Domboramwari and Chiremba communities in Epworth district. Officers
from Red Cross distribute food aid to the eligible households and they have been commended
for doing it in a professional manner. However, criticisms have been levelled against them
that they only provide for child headed households to reduce poverty whist the two
communities are characterised by a greater proportion of families that are headed by
unemployed family members. In this regard, recipients and other community members are
also of the opinion that both the OVCs and the unemployed household heads should all be
eligible for the food aid as they are all poor and needy. An interview with Farai Chirisa a staff
member with Red Cross revealed that the organization is mainly interested in working with
31
Sentiments from 41 year old Mai Magoso a respondent from Domboramwari who benefits from the programme since she is a widow
61

OVCs mainly because that is their niche so the sentiments being raised by other recipients
and community members though justified do not fit into the mandate of Red Cross
International in Epworth district. He also noted that community members were debriefed and
were given the delimits of Red Cross when it first came in the two communities so they
should keep it in mind that Red Cross is also coming to complement other efforts and
initiatives that are of a humanitarian nature other actors are doing. In terms of whether there
is politicization of humanitarian aid in the two communities, Farai noted that, “there have
always been insinuations that aid is politicised mainly because NGOs are the major players
whose funds come from Europe and the West. Honestly as for me, I do not know, what I just
do is perform my duties of giving the neediest which are the OVCs in Domboramwari and
Chiremba.” 32
4.2.3 The Councillor
Epworth district has six MDC T and one Zanu PF Councillors, whose responsibilities include
making local decisions, encompassing compliance with law such as applicable statutes and
regulations. In addition, Councillors are also supposed to consider the welfare and interests of
the municipality as a whole and to bring to council's attention anything that would promote
the welfare or interests of the municipality.33
In Epworth district some of the Councillors are;
Mrs Joan Mawira from Zanu PF, Fungai Navaia, Richard Tawa, William Mapfumo, Gift July
and Didmus Bonde all from the MDC (T). From the interviews that the researcher conducted,
the Domboramwari Councillor is also said to be a major player in the distribution of
humanitarian aid in the area. Councillor Joana Mawira was elected as a councillor in
Epworth Local Authority, in March 2008. Respondents noted that with the aid that the
Councillor distributes there are several factors that are considered. Firstly, one has to be a
ZANU PF card carrying member in order to be eligible for this aid. In addition to this, the
beneficiaries of this humanitarian aid should be elderly who have lived in Domboramwari for
the greatest part of their lives. In addition, the Councillor has a list of names of people who
are said to be eligible for the support such that if an individual’s name is not there whether
they are a party carrying card member they will be disqualified. According to a 24 year old
male who was interviewed he noted that, “I did not qualify the requirements though I have
32
Interview with Farai Chirisa a Project Officer with Red Cross International working in Epworth district.
33
http://www.municipalaffairs.alberta.ca/am_Roles_and _Responsibilities_of_Municipal_Officials.cfm
62

my party card, this is because the Councillor also has a list of the names of the people who
should get the food aid”. 34
It is interesting to note that some respondents that were interviewed by the researcher
highlighted that what the Councillor distributes does not come from the Council itself but
comes from well-wishers. In light of this, this food aid should be able to benefit all
community members regardless of political affiliation. One respondent had this to say, “No
vanouya nezvinhu vanofanira kupa vega pane kupa Councillor. Councillor anozopa
vaanoziva vatsva muarea havapihwi”.35
In this regard, the researcher observed that the food
aid that is distributed by the Councillor brings in a lot of tension amongst community
members as others who are not from Zanu PF end up being excluded from what is supposed
to be for the whole community. Moreover, sentiments from respondents reveal that the
Councillors’ food aid is distributed by soldiers and war veterans which in itself further bring
to light how humanitarian aid is used for political mileage and gain. Of interest to note is that,
this food aid that is distributed by the Councillor, it is not as consistent as that which comes
from NGOs that give beneficiaries monthly. It was pointed out by some community members
who were interviewed but are not beneficiaries that in most cases, the Councillor’s food aid
appears whenever the country is preparing for elections and this causes a lot of tension and
suspicion as community members can go to extremes of naming and shaming each other in a
bid to outdo the other with the hope of becoming eligible for this food aid.
4.3 Gender And Age Dynamics In Accessing Humanitarian Aid.
During the fieldwork experience, the researcher observed that due to the use of convenience
and snowball sampling techniques, most of the respondents ended up being female. Of the 30
that were interviewed, 17 were female and 13 were males. The researcher also noted that this
is a reflection also of how women and men access humanitarian aid in Domboramwari and
Chiremba communities. Women tended to be more mainly because of the set criteria, others
qualified on the basis of being widows, others qualified as a result of being child headed
households whilst some qualified because they are primary care givers of children living with
HIV.
34
The 24 year old who was interviewed also noted that he has been in the area for 5 years such that maybe because he is new, he was
disqualified from this food aid by the Councillor.
35
No, those that come with food aid should give it out themselves rather than to give the councillor because he ends up giving those he
knows leaving those who are new in the area with nothing. – Translation of what a respondent said during an interview.
63

Coupled with this, in terms of the age dynamics, the researcher noted that the elderly in
Epworth district tend to qualify to access humanitarian aid from various actors due to old age.
The youth on the other hand (18 – 35)36
benefit less ad their role is to collect either food aid,
health care facilities among other benefits on behalf of the elderly. Moreover, these young
people are also disqualified many a times from benefiting mainly because of the time frame
they will have spent living in Domboramwari and Chiremba communities. In addition, from
some of the young people who were respondents in the study, they revealed that they are not
interested in receiving humanitarian aid because they are able to earn a living for themselves.
The only reason why they are staying in Epworth is because they were displaced from their
homes during Operation Restore Order in 2008. In addition, some noted that they do not want
to be beneficiaries of humanitarian aid mainly because it tends to create unnecessary tensions
with other community members as there will be labelling based on political lines. During
FGDs in Chiremba, some young men highlighted that they have been in the area for the past
3 years and they have never accessed humanitarian aid. They noted that it is better for them to
earn a living rather than to get aid which brings about a lot of tension and controversy. “It’s
better if I sweat to put food on my table rather than to depend on what these people give
communities, tinofira mahara varume” were the sentiments of one of the young man who
participated in the FGDs.
4.4 How Existing Literature Links With New Findings.
Existing literature has spoken in length about the politicization of humanitarian aid in
developing countries in general. Volberg (2003) looked at the politicization of humanitarian
aid and its effects on principles of humanity, impartiality and neutrality. Interestingly from
Volberg (2003) study, humanitarian aid is supposed to be given so as to ensure that there is
respect of human worth and human dignity. In the same vein, the research investigating the
politicization of humanitarian aid in Domboramwari and Chiremba wards reaffirms the same
principles that Volberg (2003) spoke about. He went on to point out that humanitarian aid
aid becoming a political activity thereby entailing more scrutiny on its provision. In this light,
the researcher notes that the other actors that are coming in to provide humanitarian aid bring
in the aspect of politicization. For example, in the case of Domboramwari where the ZANU
36
Definition of the youth according to the African Youth Charter
64

PF Councillor is taking the role of providing aid to the community, the use of partisanship as
eligibility criteria politicizes the process of upholding humanity, neutrality and impartiality.
Instead the communities end up being divided along party lines thus bringing in more harm37
than good in community development.
In addition, Munyanyi R (2005) in her thesis, “The political economy of food aid: a case of
Zimbabwe” which sought to bring out whether political decisions influenced the manner in
which food aid was distributed in Zimbabwe revealed that the targeting and beneficiary
selection criteria lacked transparency. In the same light, in the investigation of politicization
of humanitarian aid in Domboramwari and Chiremba wards, there was a general perception
by the interviewees that the selection criteria especially that one used by the Councillor is
questionable. Below is a graph that shows the general perceptions of interviews in relation to
the set criteria in regards to the various actors in Domboramwari and Chiremba communities:
Figure 1: Interviewees perceptions on the transparency of humanitarian aid actors in Domboramwari and Chiremba
0%
20%
40%
60%
80%
100%
Churches Councillor
Transparent
Not Transparent
3-D Column 3
Furthermore, Moyo D (2010) in her book “Dead Aid: Why aid is not working and how there
is a better way for Africa” she notes that aid has helped make the poor poorer and growth
slower. The researcher in her investigation on the politicization of humanitarian aid in
Chiremba and Domboramwari communities noted issues of dependency and entitlement
which she highlighted above. It is critical to realise that sentiments by Moyo (2010) are to a
greater extent correct that aid has made the poor poorer. This is because the researcher
observed during field work that there are some beneficiaries who feel entitled to receive
37
The Do No Harm Project was established in the 1990s by a number of INGOs working in conflict areas so as to learn how their assistance
interacts with conflicts. This comes against the background that assistance often given in conflict situations can be misused by people to
pursue political and military advantage thus disfranchising the community.
65

humanitarian aid though in its true sense it is supposed to be temporary so as to meet a
specific need to avoid morbidity and mortality. In this light, these beneficiaries not only feel
entitled but they end up being depend on this humanitarian aid such that when actors
providing this aid wean them off, they do not easily accept. This brings to light that the other
challenge associated with provision of humanitarian aid is that recipients end up being
dependent such that weaning them off will be seen as an injustice and total disregard of
human rights. This therefore calls for all actors in the provision of humanitarian aid to ensure
that beneficiaries see their assistance as temporal such that it should not disregard their own
community initiatives to empower themselves economically so that they remove themselves
from poverty and hunger. On the other hand, Harvey et al (2005), argue that there is little
evidence that relief undermines initiative or that its delivery is reliable enough for people to
depend on it. They go on to point out that, recipients of aid are far from passive recipients but
they remain engaged in a wide variety of activities of which aid only forms a part of it. In this
regard, they dismiss that aid dependency is bad, to them it is also another livelihood
alternative that should continue to be given so as to improve livelihoods of needy
communities.
In addition, according to Waltz K (1979), a neo – realist, he argues that, aid is seldom given
from motives of pure altruism; it may be given with the intention of influencing the political
process of the receiving nation. This is because each state is in pursuit of personal gain and its
actions on the international arena depend on its individual interests. Consequently, NGOs can
fall victims to individualistic behaviour of powerful states and they too end up being selective
on their choice of crisis in order to secure public interest and support which makes them
deviate from being impartial, neutral and independent. This proved true to some extent, when
the researcher was investigating the politicization of humanitarian aid in Domboramwari and
Chiremba communities. This can be evidenced maybe from how Christian Care has shifted
strategy over beneficiary selection criteria. Since being operational in Epworth, Christian
Care has always provided food aid for those that are on ART but recently have changed
strategy to say only those whose body weight is low are eligible as beneficiaries. This raises
suspicions maybe because their back donor has new conditions for the humanitarian
assistance they have been providing at Domboramwari clinic. It could also be a change in the
Foreign policy of the back donor since from a Realist perspective, power is central in
understanding the relations among states. Pursuit of power makes states to build up their
66

personal arsenal, boost up their economies because the stronger the state, the less vulnerable
it is in the international arena. (Waltz K 2004).
4.5 Bridging Of Gaps That Were Identified In Existing Literature.
The researcher observed that though numerous literatures is there on politicization of
humanitarian aid some gaps that are there have to do with issues of specific conditions that
are attached to humanitarian aid and how these are perceived at national level. It is interesting
to note that, there are external and internal conditions to humanitarian aid in Zimbabwe.
Externally, the funding countries give specific conditions as a result of their Foreign Policy
which they will be pursuing at that particular instance and a case to point to is of ZIDERA38
.
In light of this, whenever NGOs then bring in humanitarian aid in a country, there is that
usual suspicion by the recipient government that this assistance is not altruistic but is rather
shrouded by controversy and politicization. This thereby makes it difficult for NGO operation
as they will always be under government scrutiny so as to ensure that they stick to their
mandate of reaching to the very needy and vulnerable in communities. Internally, there is also
politicization of humanitarian aid especially if the NGO or well-wisher does not want to have
a physical presence within a community and thus opts to give political actors to be custodians
of that humanitarian aid. In such a scenario, political players make use of the humanitarian
aid to gain political mileage and to campaign for the next electoral period. This tends to
divide communities as they beneficiaries are selected based on who they support politically.
It increases tensions and it breeds violence against communities since some will feel obliged
to “sell” others who might not eligible to benefit.
Coupled with this, the researcher noted that at national level already there are perceptions that
support the view that humanitarian aid that comes within the country has “strings” or
conditions attached to it which at times might not be necessarily true. This can be seen from
the humanitarian aid that comes through the Church in Domboramwari and Chiremba
communities which seeks to improve the lives of the people within the community. If
perceptions that support that humanitarian aid has strings attached to it are perpetuated at
national level, that means that Zimbabwe will be at logger heads most of the time with any
38
Zimbabwe defaulted on its obligations to multilateral and bilateral lenders by the middle of 1999, and those who were owed money
who did not see prospects of being re-paid took measures to limit their risk or their exposure. And one of those was a decision by
executive directors and governors of multilateral institutions not to extend further facilities to a non-paying debt. That was the origins of
ZIDERA (Zimbabwe Democracy and Economic Recovery Act).
67

player that wants to assist its people. It will make it difficult for humanitarian workers to
want to be stationed in Zimbabwe because it goes beyond suspicion to how there are laws and
regulations that seeks to stifle their work such as the NGO Bill and the Statutory Instrument
4/ 2013 that was enacted by the Minister of Youth, Development, Indigenization and
Economic Empowerment (YDIEE). In addition to this, if such notions and perceptions of
humanitarian aid with conditionalities continue to be insinuated, NGOs will not be in a
position to also play their role of being a watch dog of government. This is because if they
play that role, they will be labelled as pushing a Western political agenda. It thus ensures that
the NGOs voices are silenced when it comes to provision of humanitarian aid in
Domboramwari and Chiremba communities.
Furthermore, of interest to also note is that during the investigation of politicization of aid in
Domboramwari and Chiremba communities, respondents tended not to associate
humanitarian aid with strings attached or motives especially if it was coming from NGOs. It
seems most literature on politicization of aid focus on the politicization at a higher or a
national level. To the grassroots, as long as they are getting assistance in the form of food aid,
health related services among others, then that organization is in their best interest. To add
on, the recipients of humanitarian aid did not feel indebted to the people or the organizations
that are providing them with aid because they know that this is relief that is temporary that is
supposed to help them look for other sustainable livelihood options. In addition to this, NGO
personnel that were interviewed also revealed that to them there was no politicization of the
humanitarian aid they were giving, these they based on the fact that they had set criteria
which does not discriminate anyone based on their political affiliation. According to these
NGO personnel, politicization can only be felt when they are being labelled as agents of the
West by those who would not have benefitted from their support and assistance. This they
attribute to how there is a general perception that if one is working for an NGO then
automatically they are from the opposition and their imperialist agents. In this light, there is
need for government to change its attitude and perception of these NGOs especially those that
are providing humanitarian aid mainly because at grassroots level, recipients do not even
comprehend what politicization is, all they are interested in is a better source of livelihood for
them and their families. There is also need for government to dissociate itself with suspected
donor countries who have strings or conditions they are not in favour so that they allow those
they perceive to be purely altruistic and providing humanitarian aid for the greater good of
the people of Zimbabwe.
68

4.6 Summary
This chapter focused on the research findings during the field work experience, it also looked
at the main actors in the provision of humanitarian aid in Domboramwari and Chiremba
communities and their selection criteria. There was also a discussion of the gender and age
dynamics when accessing humanitarian aid. Lastly the researcher linked existing literature
with the new findings and also bridged the gaps that were identified in existing literature.
CHAPTER FIVE: SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS
5.1 Introduction
This chapter will first give a summary of the whole research project including the constrains
the researcher faced. In addition to this, conclusions and recommendations will be discussed
so that policy makers, NGOs and other humanitarian aid actors get insight over how they
politicization of humanitarian aid affects not only the lives of the beneficiaries but also the
actors themselves as there will be constant antagonism.
5.2 Summary of the research project
5.3 Conclusions
5.4 Recommendations
69

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_Officials.cfm
APPENDICES
BINDURA UNIVERSITY OF SCIENCE EDUCATION (BUSE)
Politicization of Humanitarian Aid in Zimbabwe
Interview Guide for NGO personnel
Purpose: I am a student of Bindura University of Science Education (BUSE) carrying out a
study on the politicization of humanitarian aid in Epworth district. This research is mainly for
academic purposes and will not be used elsewhere but for partial fulfilment of the award of
degree of Master of Science in International Relations at BUSE. Your response towards this
76

has great contribution towards the report and therefore I will be grateful for your cooperation.
Kindly respond to the following below:
Section One
1. Name of Key Informant # 1
2. What is your gender? (tick where
appropriate)
Male Female
3. How old are you?
4. How long have you been in
humanitarian work in Epworth
District? (tick where appropriate)
Less than 1 year
1 – 5years
6 – 10years
11 -15years
More than 15 years
5. What is your understanding of
humanitarian aid?
6. How do you decide whether or not
you should provide aid to
communities such as Epworth?
7. Do you have set criteria for giving out
this aid? (Yes/No). Please explain
your response
8. What motivates your organization to
give humanitarian aid to this
community? Please explain.
9. What is the role of government in the
provision of humanitarian aid in
communities such as Epworth
District?
10. In your work distributing
humanitarian aid in this community,
have you ever faced a challenge of a
political nature? If yes/no explain
further.
11. Are there situations where you feel
that your work as a humanitarian
organization is politicised? If yes/no
kindly elaborate further.
12. How does this impact on your
working environment as a
humanitarian oriented organization?
Thank you for participating in this research study
77

Appendix 2: Questionnaire for recipients of aid
Section One
1. Name of Aid Recipient # 1
appropriate)
Male Female
3. How old are you?
4. How long have you been staying in
Epworth district?
5. Do you receive any form of aid in
your community? If yes explain
further.
6. Is there a set criterion in order for you
to qualify for such assistance/ aid? If
so please explain.
7. Who distributes this and how is it
done?
8. Have you ever felt indebted to the
people that provide you with this aid?
78

9. In your interaction receiving aid, are
there moments where you felt that
you were treated unfairly? If yes/no
kindly explain further.
10. In your own opinion do you think that
the people who are providing you
with aid qualified to do so? If yes/no
explain.
11. As you benefit from receiving this aid
are there instances where you faced
challenges of a political nature? If
yes/ no kindly elaborate
12. Are there instances where other
community members also feel that
they are entitled to benefit from this
aid that does not? If yes/ no kindly
explain further.
13. What does that make the atmosphere
to be like? Kindly explain further
14. Do you think that the aid that you
receive is at times politicized? Kindly
explain your answer.
79

Appendix 3: Interview Guide for Political Actors (District Administrator and
Local Councillors).
Purpose: I am a student of Bindura University of Science Education (BUSE) carrying out a
study on the politicization of humanitarian aid in Epworth district. This research is mainly for
academic purposes and will not be used elsewhere but for partial fulfilment of the award of
degree of Master of Science in International Relations at BUSE. Your response towards this
has great contribution towards the report and therefore I will be grateful for your cooperation.
Kindly fill in below/ Respond to the following below:
Section One
1. Name of Aid Recipient # 1
appropriate)
Male Female
3. How old are you?
4. Political Affiliation
5. How long have you been staying in
Epworth district?
6. Are you aware of any distribution of
humanitarian aid within your
community? Kindly explain your
answer.
7. Who distributes this and how is it
done?
8. Do you think that there is a set of
80

criteria one should satisfy to qualify
for such assistance/ aid? If so please
explain.
9. In your honest opinion do you think
that there are conditions attached to
this aid that is given? If yes/ no kindly
elaborate your answer.
10. In response to the above question,
what are the possible implications of
this to the community members
themselves, the NGO personnel and
the government at large? Kindly
elaborate your answer.
11. Are there instances where challenges
of a political nature are experienced
when people are receiving this aid?
Kindly explain further
12. Considering that you are a policy
maker, do you at times think that
humanitarian aid is at times
politicized?
13. If yes what do you think should be
done to ensure that it isn’t?
14. With regards to the provision of
humanitarian aid to communities
what are your recommendations to
government, NGO personnel,
political players and the community
members themselves
81

Politicization of Humanitarian Aid in Zimbabwe: A case study of Epworth's Domboramwari and Chiremba wards

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Politicization of Humanitarian Aid in Zimbabwe: A case study of Epworth's Domboramwari and Chiremba wards