Critical discourse analysis

18 Critical Discourse Analysis
TEUN A. VAN DIJK
0 Introduction: What Is Critical Discourse Analysis?
Critical discourse analysis (CDA) is a type of discourse analytical research that prim-
arily studies the way social power abuse, dominance, and inequality are enacted,
reproduced, and resisted by text and talk in the social and political context. With
such dissident research, critical discourse analysts take explicit position, and thus
want to understand, expose, and ultimately resist social inequality.
Some of the tenets of CDA can already be found in the critical theory of the
Frankfurt School before the Second World War (Agger 1992b; Rasmussen 1996). Its
current focus on language and discourse was initiated with the "critical linguistics"
that emerged (mostly in the UK and Australia) at the end of the 1970s (Fowler et al.
1979; see also Mey 1985). CDA has also counterparts in "critical" developments in
sociolinguistics, psychology, and the social sciences, some already dating back to the
early 1970s (Birnbaum 1971; Calhoun 1995; Fay 1987; Fox and Prilleltensky 1997;
Hymes 1972; Ibanez and Iniguez 1997; Singh 1996; Thomas 1993; Turkel 1996; Wodak
1996). As is the case in these neighboring disciplines, CDA may be seen as a reaction
against the dominant formal (often "asocial" or "uncritical") paradigms of the 1960s
and 1970s.
CDA is not so much a direction, school, or specialization next to the many other
"approaches" in discourse studies. Rather, it aims to offer a different "mode" or
"perspective" of theorizing, analysis, and application throughout the whole field. We
may find a more or less critical perspective in such diverse areas as pragmatics,
conversation analysis, narrative analysis, rhetoric, stylistics, sociolinguistics, ethno-
graphy, or media analysis, among others.
Crucial for critical discourse analysts is the explicit awareness of their role in soci-
ety. Continuing a tradition that rejects the possibility of a "value-free" science, they
argue that science, and especially scholarly discourse, are inherently part of and
influenced by social structure, and produced in social interaction. Instead of denying
or ignoring such a relation between scholarship and society, they plead that such
relations be studied and accounted for in their own right, and that scholarly practices

Critical Discourse Analysis 353
be based on such insights. Theory formation, description, and explanation, also in
discourse analysis, are sociopolitically "situated," whether we like it or not. Reflec-
tion on the role of scholars in society and the polity thus becomes an inherent part
of the discourse analytical enterprise. This may mean, among other things, that dis-
course analysts conduct research in solidarity and cooperation with dominated groups.
Critical research on discourse needs to satisfy a number of requirements in order to
effectively realize its aims:
• As is often the case for more marginal research traditions, CDA research has to be
"better" than other research in order to be accepted.
• It focuses primarily on , social problems and political issues, rather than on current
paradigms and fashions.
• Empirically adequate critical analysis of social problems is usually multidisciplinary.
• Rather than merely describe discourse structures, it tries to explain them in terms of
properties of social interaction and especially social structure.
• More specifically, CDA focuses on the ways discourse structures enact, confirm,
legitimate, reproduce, or challenge relations of power and dominance in society.
Fairclough and Wodak (1997: 271-80) summarize the main tenets of CDA as follows:
1. CDA addresses social problems
2. Power relations are discursive
3. Discourse constitutes society and culture
4. Discourse does ideological work
5. Discourse is historical
6. The link between text and society is mediated
7. Discourse analysis is interpretative and explanatory
8. Discourse is a form of social action.
Whereas some of these tenets have also been discussed above, others need a more
systematic theoretical analysis, of which we shall present some fragments here as a
more or less general basis for the main principles of CDA (for details about these
aims of critical discourse and language studies, see, e.g., Caldas-Coulthard and
Coulthard 1996; Fairclough 1992a, 1995a; Fairclough and Wodak 1997; Fowler et al.
1979; van Dijk 1993b).
1 Conceptual and Theoretical Frameworks
Since CDA is not a specific direction of research, it does not have a unitary theoretical
framework. Within the aims mentioned above, there are many types of CDA, and
these may be theoretically and analytically quite diverse. Critical analysis of conversa-
tion is very different from an analysis of news reports in the press or of lessons and
teaching at school. Yet, given the common perspective and the general aims of CDA,
we may also find overall conceptual and theoretical frameworks that are closely
related. As suggested, most kinds of CDA will ask questions about the way specific

354 Teun A. van Dijk
discourse structures are deployed in the reproduction of social dominance, whether
they are part of a conversation or a news report or other genres and contexts. Thus,
the typical vocabulary of many scholars in CDA will feature such notions as "power,"
"dominance," "hegemony," "ideology," "class," "gender," "race," "discrimination,"
"interests," "reproduction," "institutions," "social structure," and "social order," be-
sides the more familiar discourse analytical notions.'
In this section, I focus on a number of basic concepts themselves, and thus devise a
theoretical framework that critically relates discourse, cognition, and society.
1.1 Macro vs. micro
Language use, discourse, verbal interaction, and communication belong to the micro-
level of the social order. Power, dominance, and inequality between social groups are
typically terms that belong to a macrolevel of analysis. This means that CDA has to
theoretically bridge the well-known "gap" between micro and macro approaches, which
is of course a distinction that is a sociological construct in its own right (Alexander
et al. 1987; Knorr-Cetina and Cicourel 1981). In everyday interaction and experience
the macro- and microlevel (and intermediary "mesolevels") form one unified whole.
For instance, a racist speech in parliament is a discourse at the microlevel of social
interaction in the specific situation of a debate, but at the same time may enact or be
a constituent part of legislation or the reproduction of racism at the macrolevel.
There are several ways to analyze and bridge these levels, and thus to arrive at a
unified critical analysis:
1 Members–groups: Language users-engage in discourse as members of (several)
social groups, organizations, or institutions; and conversely, groups thus may act
"by" their members.
2 Actions–process: Social acts of individual actors are thus constituent parts of group
actions and social processes, such as legislation, newsmaking, or the reproduction
of racism.
3 Context–social structure: Situations of discursive interaction are similarly part or
constitutive of social structure; for example, a press conference may be a typical
practice of organizations and media institutions. That is, "local" and more "global"
contexts are closely related, and both exercise constraints on discourse.
4 Personal and social cognition: Language users as social actors have both personal
and social cognition: personal memories, knowledge and opinions, as well as
those shared with members of the group or culture as a whole. Both types of
cognition influence interaction and discourse of individual members, whereas
shared "social representations" govern the collective actions of a group.
1.2 Power as control
A central notion in most critical work on discourse is that of power, and more specific-
ally the social power of groups or institutions. Summarizing a complex philosophical
and social analysis, we will define social power in terms of control. Thus, groups have

(more or less) power if they are able to (more or less) control the acts and minds of
(members of) other groups. This ability presupposes a power base of privileged access
to scarce social resources, such as force, money, status, fame, knowledge, informa-
tion, "culture," or indeed various forms of public discourse and communication (of
the vast literature on power, see, e.g., Lukes 1986; Wrong 1979).
Different types of power may be distinguished according to the various resources
employed to exercise such power: the coercive power of the military and of violent
men will rather be based on force, the rich will have power because of their money,
whereas the more or less persuasive power of parents, professors, or journalists may
be based on knowledge, information, or authority. Note also that power is seldom
absolute. Groups may more or less control other groups, or only control them in spe-
cific situations or social domains. Moreover, dominated groups may more or less resist,
accept, condone, comply with, or legitimate such power, and even find it "natural."
The power of dominant groups may be integrated in laws, rules, norms, habits,
and even a quite general consensus, and thus take the form of what Gramsci called
"hegemony" (Gramsci 1971). Class domination, sexism, and racism are characteristic
examples of such hegemony. Note also that power is not always exercised in obvi-
ously abusive acts of dominant group members, but may be enacted in the myriad of
taken-for-granted actions of everyday life, as is typically the case in the many forms
of everyday sexism or racism (Essed 1991). Similarly, not all members of a powerful
group are always more powerful than all members of dominated groups: power is
only defined here for groups as a whole.
For our analysis of the relations between discourse and power, thus, we first find
that access to specific forms of discourse, e.g. those of politics, the media, or science,
is itself a power resource. Secondly, as suggested earlier, action is controlled by our
minds. So, if we are able to influence people's minds, e.g. their knowledge or opin-
ions, we indirectly may control (some of) their actions, as we know from persuasion
and manipulation.
Closing the discourse–power circle, finally, this means that those groups who con-
trol most influential discourse also have more chances to control the minds and
actions of others.
Simplifying these very intricate relationships even further for this chapter, we can
split up the issue of discursive power into two basic questions for CDA research:
1 How do (more) powerful groups control public discourse?
2 How does such discourse control mind and action of (less) powerful groups, and
what are the social consequences of such control, such as social inequality?
I address each question below.'
1.2.1 Control of public discourse
We have seen that among many other resources that define the power base of a
group or institution, access to or control over public discourse and communication is
an important "symbolic" resource, as is the case for knowledge and information (van
Dijk 1996). Most people have active control only over everyday talk with family
members, friends, or colleagues, and passive control over, e.g. media usage. In many

situations, ordinary people are more or less passive targets of text or talk, e.g. of their
bosses or teachers, or of the authorities, such as police officers, judges, welfare bur-
eaucrats, or tax inspectors, who may simply tell them what (not) to believe or what
to do.
On the other hand, members of more powerful social groups and institutions, and
especially their leaders (the elites), have more or less exclusive access to, and control
over, one or more types of public discourse. Thus, professors control scholarly dis-
course, teachers educational discourse, journalists media discourse, lawyers legal
discourse, and politicians policy and other public political discourse. Those who
have more control over more — and more influential — discourse (and more discourse
properties) are by that definition also more powerful. In other words, we here pro-
pose a discursive definition (as well as a practical diagnostic) of one of the crucial
constituents of social power.
These notions of discourse access and control are very general, and it is one of the
tasks of CDA to spell out these forms of power. Thus, if discourse is defined in terms
of complex communicative events, access and control may be defined both for the
context and for the structures of text and talk themselves.
Context is defined as the mentally represented structure of those properties of the
social situation that are relevant for the production or comprehension of discourse
(Duranti and Goodwin 1992; van Dijk 1998b). It consists of such categories as the
overall definition of the situation, setting (time, place), ongoing actions (including
discourses and discourse genres), participants in various communicative, social, or
institutional roles, as well as their mental representations: goals, knowledge, opin-
ions, attitudes, and ideologies. Controlling context involves control over one or more
of these categories, e.g. determining the definition of the communicative situation,
deciding on time and place of the communicative event, or on which particip-
ants may or must be present, and in which roles, or what knowledge or opinions
they should (not) have, and which social actions may or must be accomplished by
discourse.
Also crucial in the enactment or exercise of group power is control not only over
content, but over the structures of text and talk. Relating text and context, thus, we
already saw that (members of) powerful groups may decide on the (possible) dis-
course genre(s) or speech acts of an occasion. A teacher or judge may require a direct
answer from a student or suspect, respectively, and not a personal story or an argu-
ment (Wodak 1984a, 1986). More critically, we may examine how powerful speakers
may abuse their power in such situations, e.g. when police officers use force to get a
confession from a suspect (Linell and Jonsson 1991), or when male editors exclude
women from writing economic news (van Zoonen 1994).
Similarly, genres typically have conventional schemas consisting of various categor-
ies. Access to some of these may be prohibited or obligatory, e.g. some greetings in a
conversation may only be used by speakers of a specific social group, rank, age, or
gender (Irvine 1974).
Also vital for all discourse and communication is who controls the topics (semantic
macrostructures) and topic change, as when editors decide what news topics will
be covered (Gans 1979; van Dijk 1988a, 1988b), professors decide what topics will
be dealt with in class, or men control topics and topic change in conversations with
women (Palmer 1989; Fishman 1983; Leet-Pellegrini 1980; Lindegren-Lerman 1983).

Although most discourse control is contextual or global, even local details of mean-
ing, form, or style may be controlled, e.g. the details of an answer in class or court, or
choice of lexical items or jargon in courtrooms, classrooms or newsrooms (Martin
Rojo 1994). In many situations, volume may be controlled and speakers ordered to
"keep their voice down" or to "keep quiet," women may be "silenced" in many ways
(Houston and Kramarae 1991), and in some cultures one needs to "mumble" as a
form of respect (Albert 1972). The public use of specific words may be banned as
subversive in a dictatorship, and discursive challenges to culturally dominant groups
(e.g. white, western males) by their multicultural opponents may be ridiculed in the
media as "politically correct" (Williams 1995). And finally, action and interaction
dimensions of discourse may be controlled by prescribing or proscribing specific
speech acts, and by selectively distributing or interrupting turns (see also Diamond
1996).
In sum, virtually all levels and structures of context, text, and talk can in principle
be more or less controlled by powerful speakers, and such power may be abused at
the expense of other participants. It should, however, be stressed that talk and text do
not always and directly enact or embody the overall power relations between groups:
it is always the context that may interfere with, reinforce, or otherwise transform
such relationships.
1.2.2 Mind control
If controlling discourse is a first major form of power, controlling people's minds is
the other fundamental way to reproduce dominance and hegemony.' Within a CDA
framework, "mind control" involves even more than just acquiring beliefs about the
world through discourse and communication. Suggested below are ways that power
and dominance are involved in mind control.
First, recipients tend to accept beliefs, knowledge, and opinions (unless they are
inconsistent with their personal beliefs and experiences) through discourse from what
they see as authoritative, trustworthy, or credible sources, such as scholars, experts,
professionals, or reliable media (Nesler et al. 1993). Second, in some situations parti-
cipants are obliged to be recipients of discourse, e.g. in education and in many job
situations. Lessons, learning materials, job instructions, and other discourse types in
such cases may need to be attended to, interpreted, and learned as intended by
institutional or organizational authors (Giroux 1981). Third, in many situations there
are no pubic discourses or media that may provide information from which alternat-
ive beliefs may be derived (Downing 1984). Fourth, and closely related to the previous
points, recipients may not have the knowledge and beliefs needed to challenge the
discourses or information they are exposed to (Wodak 1987).
Whereas these conditions of mind control are largely contextual (they say some-
thing about the participants of a communicative event), other conditions are discurs-
ive, that is, a function of the structures and strategies of text or talk itself. In other
words, given a specific context, certain meanings and forms of discourse have more
influence on people's minds than others, as the very notion of "persuasion" and a
tradition of 2000 years of rhetoric may show.'
Once we have elementary insight into some of the structures of the mind, and what
it means to control it, the crucial question is how discourse and its structures are able

to exercise such control. As suggested above, such discursive influence may be due to
context as well as to the structures of text and talk themselves.
Contextually based control derives from the fact that people understand and repres-
ent not only text and talk, but also the whole communicative situation. Thus, CDA
typically studies how context features (such as the properties of language users of
powerful groups) influence the ways members of dominated groups define the com-
municative situation in "preferred context models" (Martin Rojo and van Dijk 1997).
CDA also focuses on how discourse structures influence mental representations. At
the global level of discourse, topics may influence what people see as the most import-
ant information of text or talk, and thus correspond to the top levels of their mental
models. For example, expressing such a topic in a headline in news may powerfully
influence how an event is defined in terms of a "preferred" mental model (e.g. when
crime committed by minorities is typically topicalized and headlined in the press:
Duin et al. 1988; van Dijk 1991). Similarly, argumentation may be persuasive because
of the social opinions that are "hidden" in its implicit premises and thus taken for
granted by the recipients, e.g. immigration may thus be restricted if it is presupposed
in a parliamentary debate that all refugees are "illegal" (see the contributions in
Wodak and van Dijk 2000) Likewise, at the local level, in order to understand dis-
course meaning and coherence, people may need models featuring beliefs that re-
main implicit (presupposed) in discourse. Thus, a typical feature of manipulation is
to communicate beliefs implicitly, that is, without actually asserting them, and with
less chance that they will be challenged.
These few examples show how various types of discourse structure may influence
the formation and change of mental models and social representations. If dominant
groups, and especially their elites, largely control public discourse and its structures,
they thus also have more control over the minds of the public at large. However, such
control has its limits. The complexity of comprehension, and the formation and change
of beliefs, are such that one cannot always predict which features of a specific text or
talk will have which effects on the minds of specific recipients.
These brief remarks have provided us with a very general picture of how discourse
is involved in dominance (power abuse) and in the production and reproduction of
social inequality. It is the aim of CDA to examine these relationships in more detail.
In the next section, we review several areas of CDA research in which these relation-
ships are investigated.'
2 Research in Critical Discourse Analysis
Although most discourse studies dealing with any aspect of power, domination, and
social inequality have not been explicitly conducted under the label of CDA, we shall
nevertheless refer to some of these studies below.
2.1 Gender inequality
One vast field of critical research on discourse and language that thus far has not
been carried out within a CDA perspective is that of gender. In many ways, feminist

work has become paradigmatic for much discourse analysis, especially since much of
this work explicitly deals with social inequality and domination. We will not review
it here; see Kendall and Tannen, this volume; also the books authored and edited by,
e.g., Cameron (1990, 1992); Kotthoff and Wodak (1997); Seidel (1988); Thorne et al.
(1983); Wodak (1997); for discussion and comparison with an approach that emphas-
izes cultural differences rather than power differences and inequality, see, e.g., Tannen
(1994a); see also Tannen (1994) for an analysis of gender differences at work, in which
many of the properties of discursive dominance are dealt with.
2.2 Media discourse
The undeniable power of the media has inspired many critical studies in many dis-
ciplines: linguistics, semiotics, pragmatics, and discourse studies. Traditional, often
content analytical approaches in critical media studies have revealed biased, stereo-
typical, sexist or racist images in texts, illustrations, and photos. Early studies of
media language similarly focused on easily observable surface structures, such as the
biased or partisan use of words in the description of Us and Them (and Our/Their
actions and characteristics), especially along sociopolitical lines in the representation
of communists. The critical tone was set by a series of "Bad News" studies by the
Glasgow University Media Group (1976, 1980, 1982, 1985, 1993) on features of TV
reporting, such as in the coverage of various issues (e.g. industrial disputes (strikes),
the Falklands (Malvinas) war, the media coverage of AIDS.)
Perhaps best known outside of discourse studies is the media research carried out
by Stuart Hall and his associates within the framework of the cultural studies para-
digm. (See, e.g., Hall et al. 1980; for introduction to the critical work of cultural
studies, see Agger 1992a; see also Collins et al. 1986; for earlier critical approaches to
the analysis of media images, see also Davis and Walton 1983; and for a later CDA
approach to media studies that is related to the critical approach of cultural studies,
see Fairclough 1995b. See also Cotter, this volume.)
An early collection of work of Roger Fowler and his associates (Fowler et al. 1979)
also focused on the media. As with many other English and Australian studies in this
paradigm, the theoretical framework of Halliday's functional-systemic grammar is
used in a study of the "transitivity" of syntactic patterns of sentences (see Martin, this
volume). The point of such research is that events and actions may be described with
syntactic variations that are a function of the underlying involvement of actors (e.g.
their agency, responsibility, and perspective). Thus, in an analysis of the media ac-
counts of the "riots" during a minority festival, the responsibility of the authorities
and especially of the police in such violence may be systematically de-emphasized by
defocusing, e.g. by passive constructions and nominalizations; that is, by leaving
agency and responsibility implicit. Fowler's later critical studies of the media con-
tinue this tradition, but also pay tribute to the British cultural studies paradigm that
defines news not as a reflection of reality, but as a product shaped by political,
economic, and cultural forces (Fowler 1991). More than in much other critical work
on the media, he also focuses on the linguistic "tools" for such a critical study, such as
the analysis of transitivity in syntax, lexical structure, modality, and speech acts.
Similarly van Dijk (1988b) applies a theory of news discourse (van Dijk 1988a) in

critical studies of international news, racism in the press, and the coverage of squat-
ters in Amsterdam.
2.3 Political discourse
Given the role of political discourse in the enactment, reproduction, and legitimiza-
tion of power and domination, we may also expect many critical discourse studies of
political text and talk (see Wilson, this volume). So far most of this work has been
carried out by linguists and discourse analysts, because political science is among the
few social disciplines in which discourse analysis has remained virtually unknown,
although there is some influence of "postmodern" approaches to discourse (Derian
and Shapiro 1989; Fox and Miller 1995), and many studies of political communication
and rhetoric overlap with a discourse analytical approach (Nimmo and Sanders 1981).
Still closer to discourse analysis is the current approach to "frames" (conceptual
structures or sets of beliefs that organize political thought, policies, and discourse) in
the analysis of political text and talk (Gamson 1992).
In linguistics, pragmatics, and discourse studies, political discourse has received
attention outside the more theoretical mainstream. Seminal work comes from Paul
Chilton; see, e.g., his collection on the language of the nuclear arms debate (Chilton
1985), as well as later work on contemporary nukespeak (Chilton 1988) and metaphor
(Chilton 1996; Chilton and Lakoff 1995).
Although studies of political discourse in English are internationally best known
because of the hegemony of English, much work has been done (often earlier, and
often more systematic and explicit) in German, Spanish, and French. This work is too
extensive to even begin to review here beyond naming a few influential studies.
Germany has a long tradition of political discourse analysis, both (then) in the West
(e.g. about Bonn's politicians by Zimmermann 1969), as well as in the former East
(e.g. the semiotic-materialist theory of Klaus 1971) (see also the introduction by Bachem
1979). This tradition in Germany witnessed a study of the language of war and peace
(Pasierbsky 1983) and of speech acts in political discourse (Holly 1990). There is also
a strong tradition of studying fascist language and discourse (e.g. the lexicon, propa-
ganda, media, and language politics; Ehlich 1989).
In France, the study of political language has a respectable tradition in linguistics
and discourse analysis, also because the barrier between (mostly structuralist) lin-
guistic theory and text analysis was never very pronounced. Discourse studies are
often corpus-based and there has been a strong tendency toward formal, quantitative,
and automatic (content) analysis of such big datasets, often combined with critical
ideological analysis (Pecheux 1969, 1982; Guespin 1976). The emphasis on automated
analysis usually implies a focus on (easily quantifiable) lexical analyses (see Stubbs,
this volume).
Critical political discourse studies in Spain and especially also in Latin America has
been very productive. Famous is the early critical semiotic (anticolonialist) study of
Donald Duck by Dorfman and Mattelart (1972) in Chile. Lavandera et al. (1986, 1987)
in Argentina take an influential sociolinguistic approach to political discourse, e.g. its
typology of authoritarian discourse. Work of this group has been continued and
organized in a more explicit CDA framework especially by Pardo (see, e.g., her work

on legal discourse; Pardo 1996). In Mexico, a detailed ethnographic discourse analysis
of local authority and decision-making was carried out by Sierra (1992). Among the
many other critical studies in Latin America, we should mention the extensive work
of Teresa CarbO on parliamentary discourse in Mexico, focusing especially on the
way delegates speak about native Americans (CarbO 1995), with a study in English on
interruptions in these debates (CarbO 1992).
2.4 Ethnocentrism, antisemitism, nationalism, and racism
The study of the role of discourse in the enactment and reproduction of ethnic and
"racial" inequality has slowly emerged in CDA. Traditionally, such work focused on
ethnocentric and racist representations in the mass media, literature, and film (Dines
and Humez 1995; UNESCO 1977; Wilson and Gutierrez 1985; Hartmann and Hus-
band 1974; van Dijk 1991). Such representations continue centuries-old dominant
images of the Other in the discourses of European travelers, explorers, merchants,
soldiers, philosophers, and historians, among other forms of elite discourse (Barker
1978; Lauren 1988). Fluctuating between the emphasis on exotic difference, on the
one hand, and supremacist derogation stressing the Other's intellectual, moral, and
biological inferiority, on the other hand, such discourses also influenced public opin-
ion and led to broadly shared social representations. It is the continuity of this socio-
cultural tradition of negative images about the Other that also partly explains the
persistence of dominant patterns of representation in contemporary discourse, media,
and film (Shohat and Stam 1994).
Later discourse studies have gone beyond the more traditional, content analytical
analysis of "images" of the Others, and probed more deeply into the linguistic, semi-
otic, and other discursive properties of text and talk to and about minorities, immi-
grants, and Other peoples (for detailed review, see Wodak and Reisigl, this volume).
Besides the mass media, advertising, film, and textbooks, which were (and still are)
the genres most commonly studied, this newer work also focuses on political dis-
course, scholarly discourse, everyday conversations, service encounters, talk shows,
and a host of other genres.
Many studies on ethnic and racial inequality reveal a remarkable similarity among
the stereotypes, prejudices, and other forms of verbal derogation across discourse
types, media, and national boundaries. For example, in a vast research program
carried out at the University of Amsterdam since the early 1980s, we examined how
Surinamese, Turks, and Moroccans, and ethnic relations generally, are represented in
conversation, everyday stories, news reports, textbooks, parliamentary debates, cor-
porate discourse, and scholarly text and talk (van Dijk 1984, 1987a, 1987b, 1991, 1993).
Besides stereotypical topics of difference, deviation, and threat, story structures, con-
versational features (such as hesitations and repairs in mentioning Others), semantic
moves such as disclaimers ("We have nothing against blacks, but . . .", etc.), lexical
description of Others, and a host of other discourse features also were studied. The
aim of these projects was to show how discourse expresses and reproduces underly-
ing social representations of Others in the social and political context. Ter Wal (1997)
applies this framework in a detailed study of the ways Italian political and media dis-
course gradually changed, from an antiracist commitment and benign representation

of the "extracommunitari" (non-Europeans) to a more stereotypical and negative por-
trayal of immigrants in terms of crime, deviance, and threat.
The major point of our work is that racism (including antisemitism, xenophobia,
and related forms of resentment against "racially" or ethnically defined Others) is a
complex system of social and political inequality that is also reproduced by discourse
in general, and by elite discourses in particular (see further references in Wodak and
Reisigl, this volume).
Instead of further elaborating the complex details of the theoretical relationships
between discourse and racism, we shall refer to a book that may be taken as a
prototype of conservative elite discourse on "race" today, namely, The End of Racism
by Dinesh D'Souza (1995). This text embodies many of the dominant ideologies in the
USA, especially on the right, and it specifically targets one minority group in the
USA: African Americans. Space prohibits detailed analysis of this 700-page book (but
see van Dijk 1998a). Here we can merely summarize how the CDA of D'Souza's The
End of Racism shows what kind of discursive structures, strategies, and moves are
deployed in exercising the power of the dominant (white, western, male) group, and
how readers are manipulated to form or confirm the social representations that are
consistent with a conservative, supremacist ideology.
The overall strategy of D'Souza's The End of Racism is the combined implementa-
tion, at all levels of the text, of the positive presentation of the in-group and the
negative presentation of the out-group. In D'Souza's book, the principal rhetorical
means are those of hyperbole and metaphor, viz., the exaggerated representation of
social problems in terms of illness ("pathologies," "virus"), and the emphasis of the
contrast between the Civilized and the Barbarians. Semantically and lexically, the
Others are thus associated not simply with difference, but rather with deviance ("illeg-
itimacy") and threat (violence, attacks). Argumentative assertions of the depravity
of black culture are combined with denials of white deficiencies (racism), with rhet-
orical mitigation and euphemization of its crimes (colonialism, slavery), and with
semantic reversals of blame (blaming the victim). Social conflict is thus cognitively
represented and enhanced by polarization, and discursively sustained and repro-
duced by derogating, demonizing, and excluding the Others from the community of
Us, the Civilized.
2.5 From group domination to professional and
institutional power
We have reviewed in this section critical studies of the role of discourse in the
(re)production inequality. Such studies characteristically exemplify the CDA perspect-
ive on power abuse and dominance by specific social groups.' Many other studies,
whether under the CDA banner or not, also critically examine various genres of
institutional and professional discourse, e.g. text and talk in the courtroom (see Shuy,
this volume; Danet 1984; O'Barr et al. 1978; Bradac et al. 1981; Ng and Bradac 1993;
Lakoff 1990; Wodak 1984a; Pardo 1996; Shuy 1992), bureaucratic discourse (Burton
and Carlen 1979; Radtke 1981), medical discourse (see Ainsworth-Vaughn and
Fleischman, this volume; Davis 1988; Fisher 1995; Fisher and Todd 1986; Mishler
1984; West 1984; Wodak 1996), educational and scholarly discourse (Aronowitz 1988;

Apple 1979; Bourdieu 1984, 1989; Bernstein 1975, 1990; Bourdieu et al. 1994; Giroux
1981; Willis 1977; Atkinson et al. 1995; Coulthard 1994; Duszak 1997; Fisher and Todd
1986; Mercer 1995; Wodak 1996; Bergvall and Remlinger 1996; Ferree and Hall 1996;
Jaworski 1983; Leimdorfer 1992; Osler 1994; Said 1979; Smith 1991; van Dijk 1987,
1993), and corporate discourse (see Linde, this volume; Mumby 1988; Boden 1994;
Drew and Heritage 1992; Ehlich 1995; Mumby 1993; Mumby and Clair 1997), among
many other sets of genres. In all these cases, power and dominance are associated
with specific social domains (politics, media, law, education, science, etc.), their pro-
fessional elites and institutions, and the rules and routines that form the background
of the everyday discursive reproduction of power in such domains and institutions.
The victims or targets of such power are usually the public or citizens at large, the
"masses," clients, subjects, the audience, students, and other groups that are depend-
ent on institutional and organizational power.
3 Conclusion
We have seen in this chapter that critical discourse analyses deal with the relation-
ship between discourse and power. We have also sketched the complex theoretical
framework needed to analyze discourse and power, and provided a glimpse of the
many ways in which power and domination are reproduced by text and talk.
Yet several methodological and theoretical gaps remain. First, the cognitive inter-
face between discourse structures and those of the local and global social context is
seldom made explicit, and appears usually only in terms of the notions of knowledge
and ideology (van Dijk 1998). Thus, despite a large number of empirical studies on
discourse and power, the details of the multidisciplinary theory of CDA that should
relate discourse and action with cognition and society are still on the agenda. Second,
there is still a gap between more linguistically oriented studies of text and talk and
the various approaches in the social. The first often ignore concepts and theories in
sociology and political science on power abuse and inequality, whereas the second
seldom engage in detailed discourse analysis. Integration of various approaches is
therefore very important to arrive at a satisfactory form of multidisciplinary CDA.
NOTES
I am indebted to Ruth Wodak for her these and other fundamental notions.
comments on an earlier version of this Thus, reference to the leading scholars
chapter, and to Laura Pardo for further of the Frankfurter School and to
information, about CDA research in Latin contemporary work by Habermas (for
America. instance, on legitimation and his last
1 It comes as no surprise, then, that "discourse" approach to norms and
CDA research will often refer to the democracy) is of course common in
leading social philosophers and social critical analysis. Similarly, many
scientists of our time when theorizing critical studies will refer to Foucault

when dealing with notions such as the world are acquired through
power, domination, and discipline or discourse.
the more philosophical notion of 4 In order to analyze the complex
"orders of discourse." More recently, processes involved in how discourse
the many studies on language, culture, may control people's minds, we would
and society by Bourdieu have become need to spell out the detailed mental
increasingly influential; for instance, representations and cognitive
his notion of "habitus." From another operations studied in cognitive science.
sociological perspective, Giddens's Since even an adequate summary is
structuration theory is now occasionally beyond the scope of this chapter, we
mentioned. It should be borne in mind will only briefly introduce a few
that although several of these social notions that are necessary to
philosophers and sociologists make understand the processes of discursive
extensive use of the notions of mind control (for details, see, e.g.,
language and discourse, they seldom Graesser and Bower 1990; van Dijk and
engage in explicit, systematic discourse Kintsch 1983; van Oostendorp and
analysis. Indeed, the last thing critical Zwaan 1994; Weaver et al. 1995).
discourse scholars should do is to 5 Note that the picture just sketched is
uncritically adopt philosophical or very schematic and general. The
sociological ideas about language and relations between the social power of
discourse that are obviously uninformed groups and institutions, on the one
by advances in contemporary linguistics hand, and discourse on the other, as
and discourse analysis. Rather, the well as between discourse and
work referred to here is mainly cognition, and cognition and society,
relevant for the use of fundamental are vastly more complex. There are
concepts about the social order and many contradictions. There is not
hence for the metatheory of CDA. always a clear picture of one dominant
2 Space limitations prevent discussion of group (or class or institution)
a third issue: how dominated groups oppressing another one, controlling all
discursively challenge or resist the public discourse, and such discourse
control of powerful groups. directly controlling the mind of the
3 Note that "mind control" is merely a dominated. There are many forms of
handy phrase to summarize a very collusion, consensus, legitimation, and
complex process. Cognitive psychology even "joint production" of forms of
and mass communication research inequality. Members of dominant
have shown that influencing the mind groups may become dissidents and
is not as straightforward a process as side with dominated groups, and vice
simplistic ideas about mind control versa. Opponent discourses may be
might suggest (Britton and Graesser adopted by dominant groups, whether
1996; Glasser and Salmon 1995; strategically to neutralize them, or
Klapper 1960; van Dijk and Kintsch simply because dominant power and
1983). Recipients may vary in their ideologies may change, as is for
interpretation and uses of text and talk, instance quite obvious in ecological
also as a function of class, gender, or discourse and ideology.
culture (Liebes and Katz 1990). 6 Unfortunately, the study of the
Likewise, recipients seldom passively discursive reproduction of class
accept the intended opinions of specific has been rather neglected in this
discourses. However, we should not perspective; for a related approach,
forget that most of our beliefs about though, see Willis (1977).

REFERENCES
Agger, B. (1992a). Cultural Studies as Bernstein, B. (1990). The Structuring of
Critical Theory. London: Falmer Press. Pedagogic Discourse. London:
Agger, B. (1992b). The Discourse of Routledge and Kegan Paul.
Domination. From The Frankfurt School Birnbaum, N. (1971). Toward a Critical
to Postmodernism. Evanston, IL: Sociology. New York: Oxford
Northwestern University Press. University Press.
Albert, E. M. (1972). Culture patterning Boden, D. (1994). The Business of Talk.
of speech behavior in Burundi. In Organizations in Action. Cambridge:
J. J. Gumperz and D. Hymes (eds), Polity.
Directions in Sociolinguistics: The Bourdieu, P. (1984). Homo Academicus.
Ethnography of Communication Paris: Minuit.
(pp. 72-105). New York: Holt, Bourdieu, P. (1989). La noblesse d'etat.
Rhinehart, and Winston. Grandes &ales et esprit de corps. Paris:
Alexander, J. C., Giesen, B., Munch, R., Minuit.
and Smelser, N. J. (eds). (1987). The Bourdieu, P., Passeron, J. C. and Saint-
Micro—Macro Link. Berkeley, CA: Martin, M. (1994). Academic Discourse.
University of California Press. Linguistic Misunderstanding and
Apple, M. W. (1979). Ideology and Professorial Power, Cambridge: Polity
Curriculum. London: Routledge and Press.
Kegan Paul. Bradac, J. J., Hemphill, M. R., and Tardy,
Aronowitz, S. (1988). Science as Power: C. H. (1981). Language style on trial:
Discourse and Ideology in Modern effects of "powerful" and "powerless"
Society. Minneapolis: University of speech upon judgments of victims
Minnesota Press. and villains. Western Journal of Speech
Atkinson, P., Davies, B., and Delamont, S. Communication, 45(4), 327-41.
(eds). (1995). Discourse and Britton, B. K. and Graesser, A. C. (eds).
Reproduction. Essays in Honor of Basil (1996). Models of Understanding Text.
Bernstein. Cresskill, NJ: Hampton Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum.
Press. Burton, F. and Carlen, P. (1979). Official
Bachem, R. (1979). Einfiihrung in die Discourse. On Discourse Analysis,
Analyse politischer Texte. (Introduction Government Publications, Ideology and
to the Analysis of Political Discourse). the State. London: Routledge and
Munich: Oldenbourg Verlag. Kegan Paul.
Barker, A. J. (1978). The African Link: Caldas-Coulthard, C. R. and Coulthard,
British Attitudes to the Negro in the Era M. (eds). (1996). Texts and Practices:
of the Atlantic Slave Trade, 1550-1807. Readings in Critical Discourse
London: Frank Cass. Analysis. London: Routledge and
Bergvall, V. L. and Remlinger, K. A. Kegan Paul.
(1996). Reproduction, resistance and Calhoun, C. (1995). Critical Social Theory.
gender in educational discourse: the Oxford: Blackwell.
role of critical discourse analysis. Cameron, D. (ed.) (1990). The Feminist
Discourse and Society 7(4), 453-79. Critique of Language. A Reader.
Bernstein, B. (1975). Class, Codes and London: Routledge and Kegan Paul.
Control. Volume 3, Towards a Theory of Cameron, D. (1992). Feminism and
Educational Transmissions. London: Linguistic Theory. Second edition.
Routledge and Kegan Paul. London: Macmillan.

Carl* T. (1992). Towards an Dines, G. and Humez, J. M. M. (eds).
interpretation of interruptions in (1995). Gender, Race, and Class in
Mexican parliamentary discourse. Media. A Text-reader. London, CA:
Discourse and Society, 3(1), 25-45. Sage.
CarlDO, T. (1995). El discurso parlamentario Dorfman, A. and Mattelart, A. (1972). Para
mexicano entre 1920 y 1950. Un estudio leer el Pato Donald. ComunicaciOn de
de caso en metodologia de analisis de Masa y Colonialismo. (How to Read
discurso. (Mexican Parliamentary Donald Duck. Mass Communication and
Discourse between 1920 and 1950. A Colonialism). Mexico: Siglo XXI.
Case Study in the Methodology of Downing, J. (1984). Radical Media: The
Discourse Analysis). 2 volumes. Mexico: Political Experience of Alternative
CIESAS and Colegio de Mexico. Communication. Boston: South End
Chilton, P. (ed.) (1985). Language and the Press.
Nuclear Arms Debate: Nukespeak Today. Drew, P. and Heritage, J. (eds). (1992).
London and Dover, NH: Frances Talk at Work. Interaction in Institutional
Printer. Settings. Cambridge: Cambridge
Chilton, P. (1988). Orwellian Language and University Press.
the Media. London: Pluto Press. D'Souza, D. (1995). The End of Racism:
Chilton, P. (1996). Security Metaphors. Cold Principles for Multiracial Society. New
War Discourse from Containment to York: Free Press.
Common House. Bern: Lang. Duin, A. H., Roen, D. H., and Graves, M.
Chilton, P. and Lakoff, G. (1995). Foreign F. (1988). Excellence or malpractice:
policy by metaphor. In C. Schaffner the effects of headlines on readers'
and A. L. Wenden (eds), Language and recall and biases. National Reading
Peace, (pp. 37-59). Aldershot: Conference (1987, St Petersburg,
Dartmouth. Florida). National Reading Conference
Collins, R., Curran, J., Garnham, N., Yearbook, 37, 245-50.
Scannell, Schlesinger, P., and Sparks, Duranti, A. and Goodwin, C. (eds). (1992).
C. (eds). (1986). Media, Culture, and Rethinking Context: Language as an
Society. London: Sage. , Interactive Phenomenon. Cambridge:
Coulthard, R. M. (ed.) (1994). Advances in Cambridge University Press.
Written Text Analysis. London: Duszak, A. (ed.) (1997). Culture and Styles
Routledge and Kegan Paul. of Academic Discourse. Berlin: Mouton
Danet, B. (ed.) (1984). Legal discourse. de Gruyter.
Text, 4, 1/3, special issue. Ehlich, K. (ed.) (1989). Sprache im
Davis, H. and Walton, P. (eds). (1983). Faschismus. (Language under Fascism).
Language, Image, Media. Oxford: Frankfurt: Suhrkamp.
Blackwell. Ehlich, K. (ed.) (1995). The Discourse of
Davis, K. (1988). Power Under the Business Negotiation. Berlin: Mouton
Microscope. Toward a Grounded Theory de Gruyter.
of Gender Relations in Medical Essed, P. J. M. (1991). Understanding
Encounters. Dordrecht: Forts. Everyday Racism: An Interdisciplinary
Derian, J. D. and Shapiro, M. J. (1989). Theory. Newbury Park, CA: Sage.
InternationallIntertextual Relations. Fairclough, N. L. (1992a). Discourse and
Lexington, MA: D. C. Heath. Social Change. Cambridge: Polity
Diamond, J. (1996). Status and Power in Press.
Verbal Interaction. A Study of Discourse Fairclough, N. L. (ed.) (1992b). Critical
in a Close-knit Social Network. Language Awareness. London:
Amsterdam: Benjamin. Longman.

Fairclough, N. L. (1995a). Critical Discourse Giroux, H. (1981). Ideology, Culture, and the
Analysis: The Critical Study of Process of Schooling. London: Falmer
Language. Harlow, UK: Longman. Press.
Fairclough, N. L. (1995b). Media Discourse. Glasgow University Media Group. (1976).
London: Edward Arnold. Bad News. London: Routledge and
Fairclough, N. L. and Wodak, R. (1997). Kegan Paul.
Critical discourse analysis. In Glasgow University Media Group. (1980).
T. A. van Dijk (ed.), Discourse Studies. More Bad News. London: Routledge
A Multidisciplinary Introduction, Vol. 2. and Kegan Paul.
Discourse as Social Interaction Glasgow University Media Group. (1982).
(pp. 258-84). London: Sage. Really Bad News. London: Writers and
Fay, B. (1987). Critical Social Science. Readers.
Cambridge: Polity. Glasgow University Media Group. (1985).
Ferree, M. M. and Hall, E. J. (1996). War and Peace News. Milton Keynes
Rethinking stratification from a and Philadelphia: Open University
feminist perspective: gender, race, and Press.
class in mainstream textbooks. American Glasgow University Media Group. (1993).
Sociological Review, 61(6), 929-50. Getting the message. In J. Eldridge
Fisher, S. (1995). Nursing Wounds. Nurse (ed.), News, Truth and Power. London:
Practitioners, Doctors, Women Patients, Routledge and Kegan Paul.
and the Negotiation of Meaning. New Glasser, T. L. and Salmon, C. T. (eds).
Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University (1995). Public Opinion and the
Press. Communication of Consent. New York:
Fisher, S. and Todd, A. D. (eds). (1986). Guilford Press.
Discourse and Institutional Authority. Graesser, A. C. and Bower, G. H. (eds).
Medicine, Education, and Law. (1990). Inferences and Text
Norwood, NJ: Ablex. Comprehension. The Psychology of
Fishman, P. (1983). Interaction: the work Learning and Motivation, vol. 25. New
women do. In B. Thorne, C. Kramarae, York: Academic Press.
and N. Henley (eds), Language, Gramsci, A. (1971). Prison Notebooks. New
Gender, and Society (pp. 89-101). York: International Publishers.
New York: Pergamon Press. Guespin, L. (ed.) (1976). Typologie
Fowler, R. (1991). Language in the News. du discours politique (Typology
Discourse and Ideology in the Press. of political discourse). Languages,
London: Routledge and Kegan Paul. 41.
Fowler, R., Hodge, B., Kress, G., and Hall, S., Hobson, D., Lowe, A., and Willis,
Trew, T. (1979). Language and Control. P. (eds). (1980). Culture, Media,
London: Routledge and Kegan Paul. Language. London: Hutchinson.
Fox, C. J. and Miller, H. T. (1995). Hartmann, P. and Husband, C. (1974).
Postmodern Public Administration. Racism and the Mass Media. London:
Toward Discourse. London, CA: Sage. Davis-Poynter.
Fox, D. R. and Prilleltensky, I. (1997). Holly, W. (1990). Politikersprache.
Critical Psychology. An Introduction. Inszenierungen and Rollenkonflikte im
London: Sage. informellen Sprachhandeln eines
Gamson, W. A. (1992). Talking Politics. Bundestagsabgeordneten. (Politician's
Cambridge: Cambridge University Language. Dramatization and Role
Press. Conflicts in the Informal Speech Acts of a
Gans, H. (1979). Deciding What's News. Bundestag Delegate). Berlin: Mouton de
New York: Pantheon Books. Gruyter.

Houston, M. and Kramarae, C. (eds). Lavandera, B. R., Garcia Negroni, M. M.,
(1991). Women speaking from silence. Lopez OcOn, M., Luis, C. R.,
Discourse and Society, 2(4), special Menendez, S. M., Pardo, M. L., Raiter,
A. G., and Zoppi–Fontana, M. (1987).issue.
Hymes, D. (ed.) (1972). Reinventing Analisis sociolingiiistico del discurso
Anthropology. New York: Vintage politico (II). Cuadernos del Institute de
Books. Lingiiistica. Buenos Aires: Instituto de
Ibanez, T. and Iiiiguez, L. (eds). (1997). Linguistica, Universidad de Buenos
Critical social psychology. London: Aires.
Sage. Leet-Pellegrini, H. (1980). Conversational
Irvine, J. T. (1974). Strategies of status dominance as a function of gender
manipulation in the Wolof greeting. and expertise. In H. Giles, W. P.
In R. Bauman and J. Sherzer (eds), Robinson, and P. Smith (eds),
Explorations in the Ethnography of Language: Social Psychological
Speaking (pp. 167-91). Cambridge: Perspectives (pp. 97-104). Oxford:
Cambridge University Press. Pergamon Press.
Jaworski, A. (1983). Sexism in textbooks. Leimdorfer, F. (1992). Discours academique
British Journal of Language Teaching, et colonisation. Themes de recherche sur
21(2), 109-13. l'Algerie pendant la periode coloniale.
Klapper, J. T. (1960). The Effects of Mass (Academic Discourse and Colonization:
Communication. New York: Free Research on Algeria during the Colonial
Press. Period). Paris: Publisud.
Klaus, G. (1971). Sprache der Politik Liebes, T. and Katz, E. (1990). The Export of
(Language of Politics). Berlin: VEB Meaning: Cross–cultural Readings of
Deutscher Verlag der Wissenschaften. "Dallas." New York: Oxford
Knorr–Cetina, K. and Cicourel, A. V. (eds). University Press.
(1981). Advances in Social Theory and Lindegren–Lerman, C. (1983). Dominant
Methodology. Towards an Integration of discourse: the institutional voice and
Micro- and Macrosociologies. London: the control of topic. In H. Davis and
Routledge and Kegan PauL P. Walton (eds), Language, Image,
Kotthoff, H. and Wodak, R. (eds). (1997). Media (pp. 75-103). Oxford: Blackwell.
Communicating Gender in Context. Linen, P. and Jonsson, L. (1991). Suspect
Amsterdam: Benjamins. stories: perspective-setting in an
Lakoff, R. T. (1990). Talking Power. The asymmetrical situation. In I. Markova
Politics of Language. New York: Basic and K. Foppa (eds), Asymmetries in
Books. Dialogue. The Dynamics of Dialogue
Lauren, P. G. (1988). Power and Prejudice. (pp. 75-100). n.d. Barnes and Noble
The Politics and Diplomacy of Racial Books/Bowman and Littlefield
Discrimination. Boulder, CO: Westview Publishers: Harvester Wheatsheaf.
Press. Lukes, S. (ed.) (1986). Power. Oxford:
Lavandera, B. R., Garcia Negroni, M. M., Blackwell.
Lopez OcOn, M., Luis, C. R., Martin Rojo, L. (1994). Jargon of
Menendez, S. M., Pardo, M. L., Raiter, delinquents and the study of
A. G., and Zoppi–Fontana, M. (1986). conversational dynamics. Journal of
Analisis sociolingilistico del discurso Pragmatics, 21(3), 243-89.
politico. Cuadernos del Institute de Martin Rojo, L. and van Dijk, T. A. (1997).
Lingiiistica, 1(1). Buenos Aires: "There was a problem, and it was
Instituto de Lingiiistica, Universidad solved!" Legitimating the expulsion of
de Buenos Aires. "illegal" immigrants in Spanish

parliamentary discourse. Discourse and Pardo, M. L. (1996). Derecho y lingilistica:
Society, 8(4), 523-67. Como se juzga con palabras (Law and
Mercer, N. (1995). The Guided Construction Linguistics: How to Judge with Words).
of Knowledge. Talk Amongst Teachers Buenos Aires: Nueva Vision.
and Learners. Clevedon: Multilingual Pasierbsky, F. (1983). Krieg und Frieden in
Matters. der Sprache. (War and Peace in
Mey, J. L. (1985). Whose Language. A Study Language). Frankfurt: Fischer.
in Linguistic Pragmatics. Amsterdam: Pecheux, M. (1969). Analyse Automatique du
Benjamins. Discours. Paris: Dunod.
Mishler, E. G. (1984). The Discourse of Pecheux, M. (1982). Language, Semantics
Medicine. Dialectics in Medical and Ideology. New York: St Martin's
Interviews. Norwood, NJ: Ablex. Press.
Mumby, D. K. (1988). Communication and Radtke, I. (ed.) (1981). Die Sprache des
Power in Organizations: Discourse, Rechts und der Verwaltung. Vol. 2.
Ideology, and Domination. Norwood, Deutsche Akademie far Sprache und
NJ: Ablex. Dichtung, Die Offentliche
Mumby, D. K. (ed.) (1993). Narrative and Sprachgebrauch. (The Language of the
Social Control: Critical Perspectives. Law and the Administration. Vol. 2.
Newbury Park, CA: Sage. German Academy of Language and
Mumby, D. K. and Clair, R. P. (1997). Literature, Official Language Use).
Organizational discourse. In Stuttgart: Klett-Cotta.
T. A. van Dijk (ed.), Discourse as Rasmussen, D. M. (ed.) (1996). The
Social Interaction. Discourse Studies. Handbook of Critical Theory. Oxford:
A Multidisciplinary Introduction, Blackwell.
vol. 1 (pp. 181-205). London: Sage. Said, E. W. (1979). Orientalism. New York:
Nesler, M. S., Aguinis, H., Quigley, B. M., Random House (Vintage).
and Tedeschi, J. T. (1993). The effect Seidel, G. (ed.) (1988). The Nature of the
of credibility on perceived power. Right. A Feminist Analysis of Order
Journal of Applied Social Psychology, Patterns. Amsterdam: Benjamins.
23(17), 1407-25. Shohat, E. and Stam, R. (1994). Unthinking
Ng, S. H. and Bradac, J. J. (1993). Power Eurocentrism. Multiculturalism and the
in Language. Newbury Park: Sage. Media. London: Routledge and Kegan
Nimmo, D. D. and Sanders, K. R. (eds). Paul.
(1981). Handbook of Political Shuy, R. W. (1992). Language crimes. The
Communication. Beverly Hills, CA: Use and Abuse of Language Evidence in
Sage. the Court Room. Oxford: Blackwell.
O'Barr, W. M., Conley, J. M., and Lind, A. Sierra, M. T. (1992). Discurso, cultura y
(1978). The power of language: poder. El ejercio de la autoridad en los
presentational style in the courtroom. pueblos hfiethiifis del Valle del Mezquital.
Duke Law Journal, 14, 266-79. (Discourse, Culture and Power. The
Osler, A. (1994). Still hidden from history: Exercise of Authority in the Hfialtfui
the representation of women in (Otoml) Villages of the Mezquital
recently published history textbooks. Valley). Gobierno del Estado de
Oxford Review of Education, 20(2), Hidalgo: Centro de Investigaciones y
219-35. Estudios Superiores en Antropologia
Palmer, M. T. (1989). Controlling Social.
conversations: turns, topics, and Singh, R. (ed.) (1996). Towards a Critical
interpersonal control. Communication Sociolinguistics. Amsterdam:
Monographs, 56(1), 1-18. Benjamins.

Smith, D. E. (1991). Writing women's van Dijk, T. A. (1993b). Principles of
experience into social science. critical discourse analysis. Discourse
Feminism and Psychology, 1(1), 155-69. and Society 4(2), 249-83.
Tannen, D. (1994a). Gender and Discourse. van Dijk, T. A. (1996). Discourse, power
New York: Oxford University Press. and access. In R. C. Caldas-Coulthard
Tannen, D. (1994b). Talking from 9 to 5. and M. Coulthard (eds), Texts and
How Women's and Men's Conversational Practices: Readings in Critical Discourse
Styles Affect Who Gets Heard, Who Gets Analysis (pp. 84-104). London:
Credit, and What Gets Done at Work. Routledge and Kegan Paul.
New York: Morrow. van Dijk, T. A. (1998a). Ideology. A
Ter Wal, J. (1997). The reproduction of Multidisciplinary Study. London:
ethnic prejudice and racism through Sage.
policy and news discourse. The Italian van Dijk, T. A. (1998b). Towards a theory
case (1988-92). Florence: PhD, of context and experience models in
European Institute. discourse processing. In H. van
Thomas, J. (1993). Doing Critical Oostendorp and S. Goldman, (eds),
Ethnography. Newbury Park: Sage. The Construction of Mental Models
Thorne, B., Kramarae, C., and Henley, N. During Reading. Hillsdale, NJ:
(eds). (1983). Language, Gender and Erlbaum.
Society. Rowley, MA: Newbury van Dijk, T. A. and Kintsch, W. (1983).
House. Strategies of Discourse Comprehension.
Turkel, G. (1996). Law and Society. Critical New York: Academic Press.
Approaches. Boston, MA: Allyn and Van Oostendorp, H. and Zwaan, R. A.
Bacon. (eds). (1994). Naturalistic Text
UNESCO. (1977). Ethnicity and the Media. Comprehension. Norwood, NJ: Ablex.
Paris: UNESCO. Van Zoonen, L. (1994). Feminist Media
van Dijk, T. A. (1984). Prejudice in Studies. London: Sage.
Discourse. Amsterdam: Benjamins. Weaver, C. A., Mannes, S. and Fletcher, C.
van Dijk, T. A. (1987). Communicating R. (eds). (1995). Discourse
Racism: Ethnic Prejudice in Thought and Comprehension. Essays in Honor of
Talk. Newbury Park, CA: Sage. Walter Kintsch. Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum.
van Dijk, T. A. (1987). Schoolvoorbeelden West, C. (1984). Routine Complications:
van Racisme. De Reproduktie van Troubles with Talk between Doctors and
Racisme in Maatschappijleerboeken Patients. Bloomington: Indiana
(Textbook Examples of Racism, The University Press.
Reproduction of Racism in Social Science Williams, J. (ed.) (1995). PC Wars. Politics
Textbooks). Amsterdam: Socialistische and Theory in the Academy. New York:
Uitgeverij Amsterdam. Routledge and Kegan Paul.
van Dijk, T. A. (1988a). News as Discourse. Willis, P. (1977). Learning to Labour: How
Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum. Working Class Kids Get Working Class
van Dijk, T. A. (1988b). News Analysis. Jobs. London: Saxon House.
Case Studies of International and Wilson, C. C. and Gutierrez, F. (1985).
National News in the Press. Hillsdale, Minorities and the Media. Beverly Hills,
NJ: Erlbaum. CA, and London: Sage.
van Dijk, 1'. A. (1991). Racism and the Wodak, R. (1984). Determination of guilt:
Press. London: Routledge and Kegan discourses in the courtroom. In C.
Paul. Kramarae, M. Schulz, and W. M.
van Dijk, T. A. (1993a). Elite Discourse and O'Barr (eds), Language and Power
Racism. Newbury Park, CA: Sage. (pp. 89-100). Beverly Hills, CA: Sage.

Wodak, R. (1985). The interaction between Wodak, R. (1997). Gender and Discourse.
judge and defendant. In T. A. van Dijk London: Sage.
(ed.), Handbook of Discourse Analysis. Wodak, R. and van Dijk, T. A. (eds)
Vol. 4. Discourse Analysis in Society (2000). Racism at the Top. Klagenfurt:
(pp. 181-91). London: Academic Press. Drava Verlag.
Wodak, R. (1987). "And where is the Wrong, D. H. (1979). Power: Its Forms,
Lebanon?" A socio—psycholinguistic Bases and Uses. Oxford: Blackwell.
investigation of comprehension and Zimmermann, H. D. (1969). Die politische
intelligibility of news. Text, 7(4), 377— Rede. Der Sprachgebrauch Bonner
410. Politiker. (Political Speech. Language
Wodak, R. (1996). Disorders of Discourse. use of Bonn's Politicians). Stuttgart:
London: Longman. Kohlhammer.

Critical discourse analysis

More Related Content

What's hot (20)

Similar to Critical discourse analysis (20)

More from Hina Honey (20)

Recently uploaded (20)

Critical discourse analysis