![detail its fundamental nature in discipline and worship, the
established church in England finds itself face to face with organised
and hostile dissent. So entirely has the national unity been preserved
in Scotland that Professor Blackie has said, with no less truth than
pith, that while Presbyterianism is the national and the rational dress
of the land, Episcopacy is but the dress coat by which the nakedness
is hid of the renegade from the nation, and the apostate from its
church. Dean Stanley found that 'the questionable idols' of the
Episcopalian sect were Mary Queen of Scots, Montrose, and Dundee.
These have never been the idols of the Scottish people: the last,
indeed, occupies in its memory the peculiar niche of infamy.
The political side of the national religion is expressed no less clearly
in facts. The Scottish Crown is held by a contract,[1] and the
coronation oath is the deliberate expression of it. In his De Jure
Regni in 1579, dedicated to the king, Buchanan had made this
apparent to Europe, and in his Lex Rex, in 1644, Buchanan was
reinforced by Rutherfurd in the doctrine that the people is the source
of power, and his officers are merely ministri regni non regis,
'servants of the kingdom, not of the king.' Startling doctrine this to
the slobbering vicegerent of God, conceding to the people acts to be
revoked at his pleasure. In the light of ordinary facts, therefore,
what are the national covenants of 1580 and 1638, but very simple
Magna Chartas or Reform Bills with a religious colouring? One half of
the statements of Hume and Robertson about fanaticism, austerity,
gloom, enthusiasm, democracy, and popular ferocity, and all the
bugbears of the writers so terribly 'at ease in Zion,' would be
discounted by a simple regard for facts. When Leighton and Burnet
went into the west in 1670 to try and induce the people to recognise
the establishment of Charles, what did they find? Wranglings or
harangues after the manner of Scott's Habbakuk Mucklewrath? 'The
poor of the country,' says Burnet, 'came generally to hear us. We
were amazed to see a poor commonalty so capable to argue upon
points of government, and on the bounds to be set to the power of](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/1108438-250529110433-9bbd9a70/85/A-Quick-Start-Guide-To-Cloud-Computing-Moving-Your-Business-Into-The-Cloud-Mark-Williams-35-320.jpg)
![Burnet is more decided. Instead of triumphing on the
occasion, he solemnly assures us that the thing was done
merely "to spite the Presbyterians, who, from the
beginning, had set it up as a principle that parishes had,
from warrants in Scripture, a right to choose their
ministers," and "who saw, with great alarm, the success of
a motion made on design to weaken and undermine their
establishment"; and the good Sir Walter, notwithstanding
all his Tory prejudices, is quite as candid. The law which
re-established patronage in Scotland—which has rendered
Christianity inefficient in well-nigh half her parishes, which
has separated some of her better clergymen from her
Church, and many of her better people from her
clergymen, the law through which Robertson ruled in the
General Assembly, and which Brougham has eulogised in
the House of Lords, that identical law formed, in its first
enactment, no unessential portion of a deep and
dangerous conspiracy against the liberties of our country.'
The immediate result was seen in the conduct of the patrons. As the
Regent Morton had established tulchan bishops and secured the
revenues of the sees, the patrons now named such presentees as
they deliberately saw would be unacceptable to the people,
protected as they were by the appeal to the Presbytery, so that
during the protracted vacancy they drew the stipend. No actual case
of intrusion, however, seems to have occurred until 1725, but the
rise of moderatism[2] within the Church gave too frequent occasion
for such forced presentations as, we have seen, took place at Nigg,
in 1756, in the days of Donald Roy, Miller's relative. The secessions
of the Erskines in 1733 and of the Relief under Gillespie in 1752
were the results of intolerant Moderatism, and its long reign under
Robertson the historian, lasted for well-nigh thirty years in the
Assembly, till his withdrawal in 1780.](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/1108438-250529110433-9bbd9a70/85/A-Quick-Start-Guide-To-Cloud-Computing-Moving-Your-Business-Into-The-Cloud-Mark-Williams-39-320.jpg)
![revolutionary principles avowed on the floor of the house! Clergymen
of lax life, and whose neglect of parochial duties was notorious,
were unanimous in declaring that charity should begin at home. The
spectre of Tom Paine rose before them. Never, they maintained,
while still there remained at home one man under the influence of
attack from the Age of Reason, should such a visionary overture be
entertained. But there was worse behind this. The missionary
societies were united with various corresponding centres;
accordingly, in the days of the Dundas dynasty, when Burns during
this very year was reminded that it was his place to act and not to
think, when the Alien and Traitorous Correspondence Act of 1793
and the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act in 1794 had revived
the worst of obsolete and feudal enactments, a wily use of this reign
of terror was made to defeat missions by an attack on their
supposed insidious and political designs. The lawyer who was
afterwards to sit on the bench as Lord President Boyle, rose and
said: 'The people meet under the pretext of spreading Christianity
among the heathen. Observe, sir, they are affiliated, they have a
common object, they correspond with each other, they look for
assistance from foreign countries, in the very language of many of
the seditious societies. Already, it is to be marked, they have a
common fund. Where is the security that the money of this fund will
not, as the reverend Principal [Hill of St. Andrews] said, be used for
very different purposes? And as for those Missionary Societies, I do
aver that, since it is to be apprehended that their funds may be in
time, nay, certainly will be, turned against the Constitution, so it is
the bounden duty of this House to give the overtures recommending
them our most serious disapprobation, and our immediate, most
decisive opposition.' The legal mind is not often remarkable for
profundity, but the fine violation of reasoning in the 'nay, certainly
will be,' is just on a par with Jonathan Tawse's 'clean perversion of
the constitutional law,' which we have seen before. The detection of
treason, too, lurking in the apparently harmless missions fairly rivals
Serjeant Buzfuz in Pickwick, with his exposure of the danger](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/1108438-250529110433-9bbd9a70/85/A-Quick-Start-Guide-To-Cloud-Computing-Moving-Your-Business-Into-The-Cloud-Mark-Williams-42-320.jpg)
![in these days little disposed to mark prodigies and omens,
will scarce fail to record. The crowd in the Chamber of
Presence was very great, and there was, we believe, a
considerable degree of confusion and pressure in
consequence. Suddenly,—whether brushed by some passer
by, jostled rudely aside, or merely affected by the tremor
of the floor communicated to the partitioning, a large
portrait of William the Third, that had held its place in
Holyrood for nearly a century and a half, dropped heavily
from the walls. "There," exclaimed a voice[3] from the
crowd,—"there goes the Revolution Settlement." For hours
before the meeting of Assembly, the galleries of St.
Andrew's Church, with the space behind, railed off for the
accommodation of office-bearers, not members, were
crowded to suffocation, and a vast assemblage still
continued to besiege the doors…. The Moderator rose and
addressed the House in a few impressive sentences. There
had been infringement, he said, of the constitution of the
Church,—an infringement so great, that they could not
constitute the Assembly without a violation of the Union
between Church and State, as now authoritatively defined
and declared. He was, therefore, compelled, he added, to
protest against proceeding further, and, unfolding a
document which he held in his hand, he read, in a slow
and emphatic manner, the protest of the Church. For the
first few seconds, the extreme anxiety to hear defeated its
object,—the universal "hush, hush," occasioned
considerably more noise than it allayed; but the
momentary confusion was succeeded by the most
unbroken silence; and the reader went on till the
impressive close of the document, when he flung it down
on the table of the House and solemnly departed. He was
followed at a pace's distance by Dr. Chalmers; Dr. Gordon
and Dr. Patrick M'Farlan immediately succeeded, and then](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/1108438-250529110433-9bbd9a70/85/A-Quick-Start-Guide-To-Cloud-Computing-Moving-Your-Business-Into-The-Cloud-Mark-Williams-44-320.jpg)
![became ill-natured or dreamed of hurting any one. I am now
"fighting in the throng"—giving and taking many a blow. But I am
taking all the care I can to strike only big wicked fellows, who lift
hands against the Kirk, or oppress the poor man.'
Napoleon feared three papers more than ten thousand bayonets,
and certainly Miller was a tower of strength not to be found in the
adverse battalions. None of the merely 'able editors' of the
Establishment party, much less the pamphleteers of the quality of
Dean of Faculty Hope, could touch him or find a link in his armour.
This was a tribute to character. The men of the opposition had
'nothing to draw with, and the well was deep'; and many names
then blown far and wide by windy rumour, such as Dr. Cook,
Robertson of Ellon, Dr. Bryce, and Principal Pirie of Aberdeen, survive
like flies in amber only because it was their misfortune to be
associated with great men. He might have said with Landor that he
did not strive with these men, for certainly of them all 'none was
worth his strife'; yet, though individually contemptible, they formed
a solid phalanx of Moderatism and of dead resistance to argument
and conviction. It was a time of great men. If Chalmers was the
incarnation of the country and the movement, Murray Dunlop its
jurist, Cunningham and Candlish its debaters, it was yet to the
leaders in The Witness that the great mass of his countrymen looked
for the opinions of Hugh Miller. His relative, Dr. Gustavus Aird of
Creich, the late Moderator of the Free Church, has informed us that
in his own parish he learned the paper was read out in the mill, and
that in many places the same thing took place. It is well to have the
ear of the country, and it was well at the critical hour that there was
a man found who was heard gladly of the common people.
[1]
For this important point in its bearing upon the position
of the Cameronians, and the 'Testimony' of Richard
Cameron at the market-place of Sanquhar, June 22,
1680, see Buchanan's History, XX. 36-47, and Milton's](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/1108438-250529110433-9bbd9a70/85/A-Quick-Start-Guide-To-Cloud-Computing-Moving-Your-Business-Into-The-Cloud-Mark-Williams-47-320.jpg)
![Tenure of Kings and Magistrates, with the coins of
James VI. stamped in 1570. Thus, while James VII.'s
creatures, the Bishops, maintained the 'divine right' of
their creator, led by Paterson, the Archbishop of
Glasgow, Dalrymple could carry the resolution on the
constitutional question of tenure that the king had
'forfaulted the throne.'
[2]
For the similar rise of the spirit in England see Mark
Pattison's excellent paper in Essays and Reviews,
'Tendencies of Religious Thought in England, 1688-
1750.
[3]
The 'voice' of this now famous utterance was William
Howieson Crauford, Esq. of Craufurdland.](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/1108438-250529110433-9bbd9a70/85/A-Quick-Start-Guide-To-Cloud-Computing-Moving-Your-Business-Into-The-Cloud-Mark-Williams-48-320.jpg)
A Quick Start Guide To Cloud Computing Moving Your Business Into The Cloud Mark Williams
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- 5. Dr Mark I Williams New Tools for Business A Quick Start Guide to Cloud Computing Moving your business into the cloud i
- 6. 525 South 4th Street, #241 Philadelphia PA 19147 USA 4737/23 Ansari Road Daryaganj New Delhi 110002 India Publisher’s note Every possible effort has been made to ensure that the information contained in this book is accurate at the time of going to press, and the publishers and authors cannot accept responsibility for any errors or omissions, however caused. No responsibility for loss or damage occasioned to any person acting, or refraining from action, as a result of the material in this publication can be accepted by the editor, the publisher or any of the authors. © Mark Ian Williams, 2010 The right of Mark Ian Williams to be identified as the author of this work has been asserted by him in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. ISBN 978 0 7494 6130 0 E-ISBN 978 0 7494 6131 7 British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data A CIP record for this book is available from the British Library. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Williams, Mark I. A quick start guide to cloud computing : moving your business into the cloud / Mark I. Williams. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references. ISBN 978-0-7494-6130-0 – ISBN 978-0-7494-6131-7 1. Information technology– Management. 2. Management information systems. 3. Cloud computing. I. Title. HD30.2.W536 2010 004.3′6–dc22 2010027934 Typeset by Graphicraft Limited, Hong Kong Production managed by Jellyfish Printed in the UK by CPI Antony Rowe First published in Great Britain and the United States in 2010 by Kogan Page Limited Apart from any fair dealing for the purposes of research or private study, or criticism or review, as permitted under the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988, this publication may only be reproduced, stored or transmitted, in any form or by any means, with the prior permission in writing of the publishers, or in the case of reprographic reproduction in accordance with the terms and licences issued by the CLA. Enquiries concerning repro- duction outside these terms should be sent to the publishers at the undermentioned addresses: 120 Pentonville Road London N1 9JN United Kingdom www.koganpage.com ii
- 7. CONTENTS About this book vi About the author ix Acknowledgements xi Introduction 1 1 What is cloud computing? 3 Three layers of computing 4 Defining cloud computing 6 Essential characteristics 7 Three service models 10 Four deployment models 16 When is a cloud not a cloud? 17 Twelve adoption scenarios 18 Quick technology tips 18 Summary 22 Key summary points 23 Question and activity 24 2 Benefits of cloud computing 25 Financial benefits 26 Technological benefits 28 Operational features and benefits 30 Environmental benefits 33 Competitive advantage 35 Summary 37 Key summary points 37 Question and activity 38 iii
- 8. CONTENTS iv 3 Risks of cloud computing 39 Internal security risks 40 External security risks 43 Data protection risks 45 Cloud outages 47 Data loss 49 Vendor lock-in 50 Vendor failure 52 Risk calculator 52 Summary 54 Key summary points 54 Question and activity 55 4 Case studies 57 SaaS case studies 58 PaaS case studies 64 IaaS case studies 66 Size matters in the cloud 67 Summary 74 Key summary points, question and activity 75 5 Choosing a provider 77 The crowded cloud marketplace 78 Client references 82 Service level agreements 83 Service costs 90 Processes, practices and standards 97 Summary and checklist 97 Key summary points and checklist 98 Question and activity 99 6 Moving into the cloud 101 Step 1: Investigation 102 Step 2: Evaluation 107
- 9. CONTENTS v Step 3: Decision 109 Step 4: Implementation 110 Step 5: Iteration 114 Summary 115 Key summary points 115 Question and activity 116 7 Conclusion 117 Obstacles to adoption 118 Predictions 119 Top ten tips 121 Glossary 123 References 135
- 10. ABOUT THIS BOOK This Quick Start Guide aims to cut through the industry hype and confusion surrounding cloud computing, create understanding and help executives to select those cloud computing solutions and service providers, if any, that can best improve the way they do business. Technical terms are used where necessary, but the terminology is intro- duced gradually and a glossary is provided at the rear of the book. If you are involved in directing IT strategy then this book contains tips, tools and checklists that can help you make the right choices for your business and reject ‘solutions’ that fix problems you do not have. Business issues Common business issues covered in this book include: IT system complexity and the associated ● ● administration overheads. Capital cost reduction and cash flow management. ● ● Business continuity and disaster recovery. ● ● Responding quickly to changes in economic ● ● conditions. Providing a modern, reliable service to customers. ● ● Data security and data protection on the internet. ● ● Rapid provisioning of IT systems. ● ● vi
- 11. ABOUT THIS BOOK vii Better time management through more efficient ● ● systems and processes. Risk management. ● ● Information governance. ● ● Vendor lock-in fears. ● ● Supporting a remote and mobile workforce. ● ● Energy efficiency and climate change. ● ● Structure The book is structured as follows: Chapter 1 explains what cloud computing is, ● ● introduces the three main service models, and presents example adoption scenarios. Chapter 2 explores the potential benefits of cloud ● ● computing to your business and the environment. Chapter 3 details some of the risks associated with ● ● cloud computing and suggests ways to mitigate these risks. Chapter 4 contains a number of case studies from ● ● businesses big and small. Chapter 5 provides guidance on how to find and ● ● choose a service provider. Chapter 6 suggests a five-step process for moving ● ● your business into the cloud. Chapter 7 concludes the book with a summary, ● ● some predictions and ten top tips for cloud adoption.
- 12. ABOUT THIS BOOK viii Each chapter closes with a list of key summary points, a question for you to answer and a suggested activity for you to complete. These features are intended to help you relate what you have read to your particular business requirements. Please note that I have avoided listing numerous examples of service providers that were prominent at the time of writing, because the cloud computing landscape changes so rapidly. However, Chapter 5 lists directories of cloud computing providers and these are a good starting point.
- 13. ABOUT THE AUTHOR I began my postgraduate career in 1992 as a particle physi cist based at CERN, birthplace of the Worldwide Web, before switching to a similar facility (SLAC) in California in 1998. At SLAC I managed a major intranet redevelopment project, which inspired me to form my first company, Surfability, in 2000 with the help of an Enterprise Fellowship award from The Royal Society of Edinburgh. A partnership with an early cloud computing provider, Extrasys, led to employment in 2005 with their new owners, and I went on to run the Extrasys business before helping to sell it on again in 2009. I now operate a consulting practice, Muon Consulting, and I blog about cloud computing at http://blog.muoncloud.com. During the past two decades I have witnessed the birth of web technologies and vast computing grids in scientific laboratories, and I have been amazed at how these tools have become so wonderfully rich and mature – powered by computer science but driven by business – and made their way into the office and the home. I now look forward to the next 20 years as cloud computing takes us into a new era where every business has access to increasingly powerful computing resources on a pay-per-use basis. ix
- 14. ABOUT THE AUTHOR x Practising what I preach I used cloud computing to write this book. Original diagrams were drawn using Gliffy (http://www.gliffy.com) and the manu script was backed up automatically to Amazon’s Simple Storage Service using Dropbox (http://www.dropbox.com).
- 15. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The author would like to thank Fiona, Isla and Caitlin for their support and patience while this book was being put together; Lucy Handley and Niall Sclater for their willingness to be interviewed; Jaydeep Korde for introducing him to the cloud computing business; and Mike Spink for his expert review of an early manuscript. xi
- 16. xii THIS PAGE IS INTENTIONALLY LEFT BLANK
- 17. INTRODUCTION The rise of the cloud is more than just another platform shift that gets geeks excited. It will undoubtedly transform the IT industry, but it will also profoundly change the way people work and companies operate. The Economist, ‘Let it Rise’, October 2008 According to a press release from Gartner, Inc. announcing their 2009 Hype Cycle Special Report, ‘The levels of hype around cloud computing in the IT industry are deafening, with every vendor expounding its cloud strategy, and variations, such as private cloud computing and hybrid approaches, compounding the hype’ (Pettey and Stevens, 2009a). They also forecast in 2009 that the global market for cloud services would grow to $150.1 billion per year by 2013, almost a three-fold increase on their estimated market size for 2009 (Pettey and Stevens, 2009b). Now, Gartner is an internationally renowned IT research and advisory com- pany, but is the hype they have rightfully observed actually deserved, and what is cloud computing anyway? ABOUT CLOUD COMPUTING ‘Cloud computing’ has caused a marketing fog as competing IT solution vendors redefine this seemingly simple term in their own image – a practice called ‘cloud washing’ – making 1
- 18. Cloud Computing 2 it difficult for business executives to appreciate the funda- mental paradigm shift that true cloud computing services bring to IT. Chapter 1 will provide a detailed explanation and a definition of cloud computing, but here is Gartner’s concise and much quoted definition, which is packed with concepts: ‘Cloud computing is a style of computing where scalable and elastic IT-enabled capabilities are provided “as a service” to multiple external customers using Internet technologies.’ In simple terms, cloud computing enables businesses of all sizes to quickly procure and use a wide range of enterprise-class IT systems on a pay-per-use basis from anywhere at any time.
- 19. CHAPTER 1 WHAT IS CLOUD COMPUTING? The interesting thing about cloud computing is that we’ve redefined cloud computing to include everything that we already do. I can’t think of anything that isn’t cloud computing with all of these announcements. The computer industry is the only industry that is more fashion-driven than women’s fashion. Maybe I’m an idiot, but I have no idea what anyone is talking about. What is it? It’s complete gibberish. It’s insane. When is this idiocy going to stop? Larry Ellison, CEO, Oracle, September 2008 Even in the IT industry there is no consensus on what ‘cloud computing’ actually means, and some industry heavyweights and critics consider the term meaningless and have been vehemently opposed to its use. Despite these objections the term has become widely adopted and even Larry Ellison went on to say: ‘We’ll make cloud computing announcements. I’m not going to fight this thing. But I don’t understand what we would do differently in the light of cloud’ (Farber, 2008). 3
- 20. Cloud Computing 4 But in many ways the meaninglessness of the term ‘cloud computing’ is itself meaningful. We can wrap up the technical concepts of this kind of computing into a nice fluffy ‘cloud’, which somehow makes it less scary and more appealing. The internet itself has traditionally been depicted as a cloud in network diagrams, and, just like the internet, business users do not need to know how it works, they just need to understand what they can do with it. In this chapter I will present a simple three-layer model of computing in general before defining and describing cloud computing in light of this model. I will then work through a list of common adoption scenarios and com- pare cloud-based IT solutions with non-cloud solutions to illustrate the differences. As we shall see, there is more to cloud computing than clever technology; to IT buyers it represents a radically different way of procuring a full range of IT capabilities on a pay-per-use basis. THREE LAYERS OF COMPUTING At a basic level when you use a personal computer you interact with three layers of computing. First, at the lowest layer, you have a physical piece of hardware with its pro cessors, memory chips, disk drives, network cards and other components – we can call this the infrastructure. Second, in the middle layer, you have an operating system (such as Microsoft Windows) that interacts with the hardware and provides a consistent environment for running and devel- oping software (using Visual Basic or Microsoft Access, for example) if you wish – we can call this the platform. And finally, at the top, there are third-party software applications (such as word processing packages) that you use in your work and play – and we can call these software. Figure 1.1
- 21. Exploring the Variety of Random Documents with Different Content
- 22. passed, and this made the support of the English clergy in Ireland a charge upon rent. The position in which matters then stood with the Government will be clearly seen by a reference to the admirable speech of Macaulay, in May 1839, to the electors of Edinburgh. In Ross-shire, the tension of affairs had been rendered more acute by a wave of Tory reaction which induced the Church of Scotland to cast the weight of her influence against the Whigs; but the people, as has ever been the case upon such aberrations from the national policy, had steadily declined to follow this lead, although the endowment scheme for new chapels had been dealt with by the Whigs in a niggard and unsatisfactory way. In Cromarty the cause of the Church was strong. Since the Revolution, the succession in the parish had been at once popular and able. The position taken up hitherto by Miller and his uncles had been a middle one. With strong hereditary attachment to the national establishment they united personal leanings which led them to a sympathy with the standpoint and the theology of the Seceders. But as yet Miller was, he says, 'thoroughly an Established man.' The revenues of the Church he regarded as the patrimony of the people; and he looked not unnaturally to a time 'when that unwarrantable appropriation of them, through which the aristocracy had sought to extend its influence, but which had served only greatly to reduce its power in the country, would come to an end.' Still he confesses that as yet there were no signs of what he would himself have desired to see—a general and popular agitation against patronage—though he noted with approval the 'revival of the old spirit in the Church.' The time had, however, come when he could hesitate no longer. He saw with anxiety the decisions go against the Church in March 1838, and of the Lords in May 1839, the victory of his case by the presentee to Auchterarder, and the declaration of the illegality of the Veto Act of 1834. 'Now,' he says, 'I felt more deeply; and for at least one night— after reading the speech of Lord Brougham and the decision of the House of Lords in the Auchterarder case—I slept none.' Could he
- 23. not, he reasoned with himself, do something in the hour of danger to rescue the patrimony of his country out of the hands of an alien aristocracy, which since 1712 had obstinately set itself in hereditary opposition to the people? In the morning he wrote a letter addressed to Lord Brougham, the grandson of the historian Robertson, to which we shall have occasion later on to refer in detail. This admirable piece of reasoning and clever statement—the result of a week's work—was sent to Robert Paul, the manager of the Commercial Bank in Edinburgh. By him its value was quickly seen, and by the strenuous advice of Dr. Candlish it was at once put in print. Four editions in the course of well-nigh as many weeks proved its excellence; and it was fortunate enough to secure encomiums from two men so different in their leanings as Daniel O'Connell and Mr. Gladstone. The writer who could at such a critical position produce a pamphlet of this nature was, of course, a marked man. The leaders of the Evangelical party of the Church in Edinburgh had been engaged in a scheme for the starting of a paper. From the press of the capital, and from such provincial organs as The Aberdeen Herald and The Constitutional, as edited by Mr. Adam and Mr. Joseph Robertson, the 'travelled thane Athenian Aberdeen' who drifted into the Crimean War later on, and who drifted with the Parliament House party in a reactionary ecclesiastical policy at this time, had been content to draw such scanty information as he ever possessed on the real issues at stake in the Church of Scotland. Indeed, his lordship had gone so far as to taunt the Evangelical Party as composed but of the intellectual débris of the country, and of the 'wild men' in the Church. Sir Robert Peel, who really knew nothing of the intricacies of the question, was content to believe that there was a conspiracy to defeat the law and to rend the constitution. But the ignorance of the Premier and the taunt of Lord Aberdeen came but with an ill grace from them when flung against such men as Sir David Brewster, Chalmers, Welsh, Guthrie, Bonar, Duff, and Miller, and the whole
- 24. intellectual force of the country at large. Indeed, to the very last, the indecision and the ignorance as to the state of the country shown by Lord Aberdeen were but the natural results of his holding his ecclesiastical conscience in fee from such men as Robertson of Ellon, Paull of Tullynessle, and Pirie of Dyce—these bucolic personages, 'like full-blown peony-roses glistening after a shower,' whose triple and conjunct capacity, joined to that of their master, might have been cut, to borrow the eulogy of Sir James Mackintosh upon Burke, out of the humblest of their rivals and never have been missed. It was really high time that something should be done, when Lord Medwyn could pose as an ecclesiastical scholar by a few garbled quotations from Beza, professing to set in their true light the views held by the Reformers upon patronage; and when these very extracts, together with the copious errors of the press, had been worked up by Robertson of Ellon to be quoted by Lord Aberdeen third-hand as an embodiment of oracular learning and wisdom! No apology, therefore, need here be made for the inclusion of an extract from that remarkable work by Dr. William Alexander—Johnny Gibb—to which we have before had occasion to refer, and which must ever rank as the classic of the movement with which Miller's own name is associated. It deals with the sort of windy pabulum then served up by the Aberdeen papers to obscure the real issues, and it describes in the raciest and most mellow style of the lamented writer the meeting in the schoolhouse of Jonathan Tawse, at whose hospitable board are assembled the three farmers and the local doctor. Readers in the North of Scotland can from their own knowledge read much between the lines; and they will not forget that Mr. Adam and Mr. Joseph Robertson were the only two men who could be found with effrontery sufficient to shake hands with Mr. Edwards in the all-too notorious induction at Marnoch. 'Jonathan took up an Aberdeen newspaper, wherein were recorded certain of the proceedings of the Evangelical
- 25. ministers, who were visiting different parishes for the purpose of holding meetings. First he put on his "specs," and next he selected and read out several paragraphs, with such headings as "The schismatics in a——," "The fire-raisers in b——," and so on, winding up this part with the concluding words of one paragraph, which were these: —"So ended this compound of vain, false, and seditious statements on the position of the Church, and which must have been most offensive to every friend of truth, peace, or loyalty who heard it." "I say Amen to ilka word o' that," said Dr. Drogemweal. "Sneevlin' hypocrites. That's your non-intrusion meetin's. It concerns every loyal subject to see them pitten doon." '"Here's fat the editor says, in a weel-reason't, and vera calm an' temperate article," continued Jonathan—"he's speakin' o' the fire-raisers": "How much reliance could be placed on the kind of information communicated by these reverend gentlemen will be readily imagined by such of our readers as have read or listened to any of the harangues which the schismatics are so liberally dealing forth. If simple laymen, in pursuing objects of interest or of ambition, were to be guilty of half the misrepresentations of facts and concealment of the truth which are now, it would seem, thought not unbecoming on the part of Evangelical ministers, they would be justly scouted from society." "That's fat I ca' sen'in the airrow straucht to the mark."' "Seerly," interposed Mains, who had been listening with much gravity. "A weel-feather't shaft, tae," said Dr. Drogemweal.
- 26. '"An' it's perfectly true, ilka word o't. They're nae better o' the ae han' nor incendiaries, wan'erin' here an' there to raise strife amo' peaceable fowk; and syne their harangues —a clean perversion o' the constitutional law, an' veelint abuse o' the institutions o' the countra."' How many specimens of that style of 'calm and temperate article' were produced in the North, no one with a recollection for either history or for humour need recall at this hour. Somewhat later, Miller could say in The Witness that in a few days he had clipped out of the papers what he had seen written against such a man of position and courtesy as Mr. Makgill Crichton of Rankeilour in the course of a fortnight. It amounted to eleven feet six inches when pieced together, and was for the most part gross abuse and vulgar personalities. The hour, then, had come and the man. Miller was invited to Edinburgh to meet the leaders of the Evangelical party, and he was offered the position of editor of the newspaper, which started its first issue on January 15, 1840, appearing bi-weekly upon Wednesdays and Saturdays. At the end of the bank's financial year, he was presented by his fellow-townsmen with a breakfast service of plate, and the presence of his uncle Alexander was to Miller a circumstance of peculiar satisfaction. In a few days later he was seated at the editorial desk. For sixteen years he was with undiminished success to edit The Witness. But here we pause. The conflict in which he was to engage calls for a special chapter. The question has been approached from all sides, civil as well as ecclesiastical. But it is fitting that here, at least, an attempt be made to connect the struggle with the history and the peculiar mental and moral characteristics of the Scottish people. It will be seen that the question involves far-reaching, deep-rooted, and closely connected points of issue. It will therefore be the attempt of the next chapter to show the really national and democratic features of the conflict,
- 27. and to briefly indicate how the civil and religious rights of the people, long before staked and won by the early Reformers, were again, when surrendered by an alien nobility, saved for them—from the point, at least, of abiding literature—by two men; who, sprung themselves from the people, the one the son of a Cromarty sailor and the other of an Aberdeenshire crofter, wrote the leaders in The Witness and Johnny Gibb of Gushetneuk. The best years of Miller's own life, sixteen years of unceasing turmoil and overwork, were spent in making these issues abundantly clear to the people. No apology need then be made for an effort to reset these positions in their historical connection, and to exhibit the logical nexus of affairs from 1560 to 1843.
- 28. CHAPTER III THE SCOTTISH CHURCH, 1560-1843—'THE WITNESS' 'The fate of a nation was riding that night.' Paul Revere's Ride, Longfellow. When Andrew Melville said to King James VI., 'Sir, as divers times before have I told you, so now again must I tell you, there are two kings and two kingdoms in Scotland; there is King James, the head of the Commonwealth, and there is Christ Jesus, the King of the Church, whose subject James the Sixth is, and of whose kingdom he is not a king, nor a lord, nor a head, but a member,' he expressed what, from its foundation as an Establishment in 1560 till now, has been in every one of its constituent parts the belief and practice of the indomitable Kirk of Scotland. These were words which the British Solomon was to remember. Over the border, where the obedient English clergy, who looked from the humblest curate to the highest dignitary to the throne alone for their support, professed to find in the pedantic pupil of the great Buchanan the wisdom of a present deity and regarded his slobbering utterances as 'the counsels of a god,' James found himself in more congenial society for the promulgation of his views on kingcraft which were to embroil the nation and drive his descendants from the throne. The preface to the Authorised Version of the Bible by the translators of 1611 shews the depth to which the Anglican clergy could sink. No wonder that James found such men ready tools to his hand. In their company he could complacently vapour about 'No bishop, no king,' or express his joy in finding himself for the first
- 29. time in the company of 'holy and learned men.' When Melville, as professor of divinity at Sedan, was dying an exile in 1622 James was dismissing the two English houses of Parliament for what he was pleased to call an invasion of his prerogative; the rumours of the Spanish marriage were in the air, the first instalment of the royal legacy of kingcraft. 'No bishop, no king': The nation was to take him at his word, and to demonstrate pretty effectively that kingdoms can do without either—and both. 'Not a king—but a member;' 'in all matters ecclesiastical as well as civil head supreme'—the whole history of Scotland was to run for three hundred years in these grooves. This is the doctrine which, from 1560 till now, has in Scotland been known as the Headship of Christ. Without a correct understanding of this question, not as a mere metaphysical or theological figment, but as a reality most vitally 'within practical politics' carrying effects direct and visible into every corner of the national life, the history of Scotland must of necessity be a sealed book—the play of Hamlet without the royal Dane. To the English reader this has been largely obscured, from the fact that the chief sources of information open to him are not such as present a rational or connected story. George Borrow found that Scott's caricature of Old Mortality was what Englishmen had in their minds, and that some thin romanticism about Prince Charles Edward was the end and substance of their knowledge. Yet such a presentation would be no less absurd than Hudibras would be for the men of the Long Parliament. Scott was too much occupied with the external and material conditions of the country, too much engrossed by obvious necessity of materials in the romantic element of Scottish history, and too little in sympathy with the spiritual and moral forces at work to present anything like a complete narrative, while his feudal sentiments were nourished by the almost entire lack of the political instinct. The ecclesiastical chapters in John Hill Burton's History are not equal to the main body of his work; and, if the Lectures of Dean Stanley are the characteristically thin
- 30. production of one confessing to but a superficial knowledge of the vast literature of the field,' the Ecclesiastical History of Grub is only the work of a mere Episcopalian antiquary, and the lack of judgment and political insight appears on every page. 'It seems to me,' says Carlyle, 'hard measure that this Scottish man Knox, now after three hundred years, should have to plead like a culprit before the world, intrinsically for having been, in such way as was then possible to be, the bravest of all Scotchmen'—harder still, say we, that the subject of Milton's great eulogy should be judged by minds of the notes-and- queries order, or by those of the class of Hume and Robertson, who have such a gentlemanly horror at everything that savours of enthusiasm as to miss the central point, the coincidence of civil and religious liberty. 'In every sense a man's religion is the chief fact with regard to him. A man's, or a nation of men's.' Yet we find Hume writing to Robertson that if the divine were willing to give up his Mary, the philosopher was willing to give up his Charles, and there would at least be the joint pleasure of seeing John Knox made completely ridiculous. 'Who,' writes Robertson to Gibbon, 'is Mr. Hayley? His Whiggism is so bigoted, and his Christianity so fierce, that he almost disgusts one with two very good things!' Christianity was then only a good thing when it had good things to offer to pluralists of the Warburtonian order. Yet these two garbled and distorted narratives are still the most widely known versions in England. Little wonder, therefore, is it that Carlyle should ask, 'I would fain know the history of Scotland; who can tell it me? Robertson, say innumerable voices; Robertson, against the world. I open Robertson; and find there, through long ages too confused for narrative, a cunning answer and hypothesis—a scandalous chronicle (as for some Journal of Fashion) of two persons: Mary Stuart, a Beauty, but over light-headed; and Henry Darnley, a Booby who had fine legs. Thus is History written.' In England, the Reformation took place in a way quite different from that in which it was effected in Scotland. The strong hand of Henry
- 31. VIII. piloted the nation for a time through a crisis, and for a space at least it would appear that the nation was content to surrender its religious conscience into the hands of the king. He attempted, says Macaulay with perfect truth, to constitute an Anglican church differing from the Roman Catholic on the point of the Supremacy, and on that alone. There can be little doubt that to the court of Henry the king was the head of both church and state, and that the power of the keys temporal as well as ecclesiastical resided in the Crown. So far did Cranmer carry out this idea that, regarding his own spiritual functions as having ceased with the death of Henry, he renewed his commission under Edward VI., and for mere denial of the Act of Supremacy More and Fisher were sent to the block. It is true that Elizabeth was induced to part with a good deal of this exaggerated prerogative, yet she still exercised such a domineering and inquisitorial power as threatened to unfrock any refractory creature of her creation. It was natural, therefore, that the church created almost exclusively by the will of the Crown should for her rights and privileges rest entirely upon the Crown. The people had never been consulted in her creation, and it was to the Crown alone that the clergy could look. Her constitution, her traditions, and her government were all monarchical; and if, at first, she was moderate in her tone of adulation, it was easy to see that, led largely by interest, she would begin to assert the divine origin of the powers of the king, with the deduction of 'no bishop, no king' and of passive obedience, which made itself heard from the pulpits of Laud, Montagu, and Mainwaring, and in the treatise of Filmer. Passing from the more servile ranks of the clergy to those of the laity it appeared as the party cry of a class. To many it has often appeared strange how such an absurd and illogical doctrine could become even the shibboleth of a political party. Yet at bottom the doctrine of the divine right of the king was not very unfavourable to the divine right of squires, and king and cavaliers were bound together by obvious ties of interest in the maintenance of the royal
- 32. prerogative against the rising tide of political opposition. Holy Alliances in recent times have not found this doctrine strange to them, and a high elevation of the prerogative and the mitre was the very breath of existence to a church whose being depended on the stability of the throne. Passive obedience was a convenient cry for those who never dreamed that the breath of the king could unmake them as a breath had made. Never till James VII. began to oppress the clergy did they begin to see what was logically involved in their abject protestations of loyalty, and in their professions of turning the right cheek to the royal smiter. Only when the seven bishops were sent to the Tower, not for any loyalty to the country or to the constitution, but through a selfish maintenance of their own interests as a class, did the Anglican body bethink themselves of resistance, and of texts that reminded them of the hammer of Jael and the dagger of Ehud no less than of the balm of the anointed of the Lord. History has repeated itself. The landed and clerical classes associated their triumph with the triumph of Episcopacy, and their humiliation with the triumph of the Independents. The exaltation of the prerogative, therefore, again made its appearance at the Restoration, to be shaken by the high-handed measures of James, and pass to extinction at the Revolution. The same thing has practically been seen in Spain. Spain, remarks Borrow, is not naturally a fanatical country. It was by humouring her pride only that she was induced to launch the Armada and waste her treasures in the wars of the Low Countries. But to the Spaniard, Catholicism was the mark of his own ascendency; it was the typification of his elevation over the Moor. The Most Catholic King was therefore flattered to exalt the claims of the Holy See no less than the English clergy had exalted the prerogative of the king. Far different the condition of affairs in Scotland. When Knox landed at Leith, in May 1559, he found the whole people ripe for a change, so that by August of next year the Scottish Parliament could pass a resolution to abolish the Papacy with the entire consent of the nation, and in December 1560 the First General Assembly met. Its laic element was
- 33. strong and was emphasised from the beginning. To six ministers there were thirty-four elders, and it met by no sanction of the Crown, but by its own authority. At its second meeting, Maitland of Lethington could craftily raise the question as to the legality of such conventions without the consent of the Queen. It was retorted that, if they were dependent merely upon the Queen for their liberty of meeting, they would be deprived of the public preaching of the gospel. 'Take from us,' said Knox, 'the freedom of assemblies, and take from us the Gospel'; but it was left to her to send a commissioner. So early was the doctrine of the Headship maintained by the Church of Scotland. In 1560, no less than 1843, the question was clear. In 1557 they had resolved that the election of ministers, according to the custom of the primitive church, should be made by the people; and in the First Book of Discipline of 1560, re-enacted in 1578, it was laid down that 'it appertaineth to the people and to every several congregation to elect their minister, and it is altogether to be avoided that any man be violently intruded or thrust in upon any congregation.' The fabric was laid: three hundred years have not started a plank. The difference of the Reformation in England and in Scotland at once emerges. Knox had the nation at his back; and, besides being, as Milton said, 'the Reformer of a nation,' he had found the people by mental temperament, or by concurrent historical reasons, anchored to a doctrinal system with a political side which has coloured ever since the stream of its existence. Calvinism, in every one of its forms, exaggerated or diluted, has this double side. It is felt in this way. To a nation believing that the divine decree of election has singled out the individual, the claims of a church with the greatest of histories and the most unbroken of descents are of slight value. To the individual believing it is God's own immutable decree that has made his calling and election sure, the whole retinue of priests and priestly paraphernalia appears but an idle pageant. To the nation, and to the individual alike, regarding itself or himself as
- 34. fellow-workers with God in the furtherance of His immutable decrees, thrones, dominions, principalities and powers have for ever lost their awe or a power to coerce. Wherever the belief has been carried these results have been seen. There has been, what Buckle failed completely to see, a rooted aversion to ecclesiasticism, and a no less rooted aversion to tyranny. And in no better words could the doctrinal and political principles be laid down than in the famous words of Andrew Melville which we have set at the head of this chapter. Again, when Knox laid hold of the nation his schemes in their very first draft embraced the people as a whole. It was not a merely piecemeal or monarchical business as in England. The Reformers were not content with merely formulating an Act like Henry; they proceeded to carry out in detail their plans for a national system of education. They had no idea of setting up a church of their own invention. There is something in the Scottish intellect, in this resembling the French, that seeks for the completest realisation in detail of its ideas. As Professor Masson has said, its dominant note is really not caution, with which it is so frequently credited, but emphasis. While the English Independents during the later years of the Civil War appear as either sectaries or as individualists, the contention of the Scots was ever for a national system. This feature in the character of the nation is really at the root of what Hallam calls the 'Presbyterian Hildebrandism' of the elder M'Crie. Johnson, too, could with some considerable truth say to Boswell, 'You are the only instance of a Scotchman that I have known who did not at every other sentence bring in some other Scotchman.' But this is the very feature that Buckle has overlooked, and it is this that explains how the new church spoke in the authoritative tones of the old; this, too, which explains how, outside of the waning Episcopalian sect, there are no dissenters in Scotland in the true sense. We have parties, not sects. While the Secession, the Relief, the Cameronians, the Burghers were all mere branches of the parent stock, retaining in
- 35. detail its fundamental nature in discipline and worship, the established church in England finds itself face to face with organised and hostile dissent. So entirely has the national unity been preserved in Scotland that Professor Blackie has said, with no less truth than pith, that while Presbyterianism is the national and the rational dress of the land, Episcopacy is but the dress coat by which the nakedness is hid of the renegade from the nation, and the apostate from its church. Dean Stanley found that 'the questionable idols' of the Episcopalian sect were Mary Queen of Scots, Montrose, and Dundee. These have never been the idols of the Scottish people: the last, indeed, occupies in its memory the peculiar niche of infamy. The political side of the national religion is expressed no less clearly in facts. The Scottish Crown is held by a contract,[1] and the coronation oath is the deliberate expression of it. In his De Jure Regni in 1579, dedicated to the king, Buchanan had made this apparent to Europe, and in his Lex Rex, in 1644, Buchanan was reinforced by Rutherfurd in the doctrine that the people is the source of power, and his officers are merely ministri regni non regis, 'servants of the kingdom, not of the king.' Startling doctrine this to the slobbering vicegerent of God, conceding to the people acts to be revoked at his pleasure. In the light of ordinary facts, therefore, what are the national covenants of 1580 and 1638, but very simple Magna Chartas or Reform Bills with a religious colouring? One half of the statements of Hume and Robertson about fanaticism, austerity, gloom, enthusiasm, democracy, and popular ferocity, and all the bugbears of the writers so terribly 'at ease in Zion,' would be discounted by a simple regard for facts. When Leighton and Burnet went into the west in 1670 to try and induce the people to recognise the establishment of Charles, what did they find? Wranglings or harangues after the manner of Scott's Habbakuk Mucklewrath? 'The poor of the country,' says Burnet, 'came generally to hear us. We were amazed to see a poor commonalty so capable to argue upon points of government, and on the bounds to be set to the power of
- 36. the civil magistrate and princes in matters of religion: upon all these topics they had texts of Scripture at hand, and were ready with their answers to everything that was said to them. This measure of knowledge was spread even among the meanest of them, their cottagers and servants.' Leighton might well have remembered the case of his own father. History loves not the Coriolani, says Mommsen, and Miller has well seized this incident to bring out the popular side of the national religion. To the question, in an inn at Newcastle, what the Scottish religion had done for the people, he could reply, 'Independently altogether of religious considerations, it has done for our people what your Societies for the Diffusion of Useful Knowledge and all your Penny and Saturday Magazines will never do for yours; it has awakened their intellects and taught them to think.' But the exigencies of the romance-writer are often the means of corrupting history, and the largest class of readers will ever prefer to read it, in the phrase of Macaulay, with their feet on the fender. To that class, therefore, the political crisis of 1638, one of no less magnitude than the French Revolution, will ever be obscured by airy talk about religious intolerance and popular fanaticism. The history of Scotland in consequence becomes either, as Carlyle said, a mere hunting-ground for intriguing Guises or else is left to the novelist with the Mucklewraths, wild men, and caricatures. Even yet the mere English reader of Hume and Robertson has not got beyond the phrases of 'iron reformers' and 'beautiful queens.' The intrepidity of Knox, like the conduct of Luther at the Diet, becomes material for the sentimentalist to decry or the latitudinarian to bewail. The courtly Dean Stanley approaches the maudlin in his remarks at this stage, and he thinks of Scott as he 'murmured the lay of Prince Charlie on the hills of Pausilippo, and stood rapt in silent devotion before the tomb of the Stuarts in St. Peter.' But the admirers of the greatest of all novelists will remember also no less his statement that he gave the heart without giving the head, and will even regard
- 37. it as a merely temporary aberration, like his presence at Carlton House with the Prince Regent, where, says Lockhart with curious lack of humour, 'that nothing might be wanting, the Prince sang several capital songs!' The spell of Sir Walter should not blind us to the real and the false in the national story. Eminently clear-headed and politically sound were the men of 1638, worthy compeers of the great men that sat in England's Long Parliament. The Jacobite Rebellions are a mere extraneous incident in the history of Scotland, and the events of 1638, 1698, and 1843 will show the peculiar spirit of the people in a fairer flowering. How curiously illusory are the generalisations of philosophers! Calculation, shrewdness, pawkiness —these are the traditional marks of the stage-Scotchman from the days of Smollett. But Buchanan's perfervidum ingenium is surely much truer, and mere calculation is just what is not the national mark. If her poverty and pride were seen in Darien, no less truly was her religious and political side seen in these other events. But the question of the Headship still awaits us. On the accession of William, the shattered remnants of the kirk were gathered together by Carstares after twenty-eight years of persecution: nec tamen consumebatur. Perhaps, in the circumstances under which both king and country found themselves, no other compromise could so well have been come to as that of 1690. The election was left in the hands of elders and the heritors, to be approved of by the people, leaving an appeal to the Presbytery. At the Union, Scotland seeing the danger to which she was exposed by her scanty band of forty- five members being swamped in the English or Tory phalanx—a danger to which every year subsequent has added but too evident a commentary—had exacted the most strenuous obligations for the unalterable preservation of her ecclesiastical system. But five years witnessed the most shameless breach of public faith, by an Act which had the most ruinous effects, political and religious, upon the people. The Tories had come into power on the crest of the Sacheverel wave, and in 1712 Bolingbroke proceeded to carry out his scheme of altering the succession and securing the return of the
- 38. Pretender. An Act of Toleration was passed for the Episcopalian dissenting sect in Scotland, and an oath of abjuration sought to be imposed upon the Scottish Church for the sake of exciting confusion. An Act restoring patronage was rushed through the House by the Tory squires, who composed five-sixths of the House of Commons. Against this the Whigs and Carstares protested vigorously, and appealed to the Treaty of Union, but appeal was lost upon the ignorant class, who were not overdrawn in the Squire Western of Fielding's novel. For a hundred years this Act bore evil fruits. The nobility of the land were only too ready to seize upon the poor spoils of the national endowment in order to renew their waning power in the country, and in so doing they managed to set themselves and their descendants in hereditary opposition to the great mass of the people. The English peerage has done much for the English people. In Scotland, it may be asked, which of the four Scottish Universities has had a farthing of the money of the nobility, and what have they done for the Church in any one of her branches? In Miller's Letter to Brougham this cardinal point of 1712 is made clear:— 'Bolingbroke engaged in his deep-laid conspiracy against the Protestant succession and our popular liberties; and again the law of patronage was established. But why established? Smollett would have told your Lordship of the peculiarly sinister spirit which animated the last Parliament of Anne; of feelings adverse to the cause of freedom which prevailed among the people when it was chosen; and that the Act which re-established patronage was but one of a series, all bearing on an object which the honest Scotch member who signified his willingness to acquiesce in one of those, on condition that it should be described by its right name—an Act for the Encouragement of Immorality and Jacobitism in Scotland—seems to have discovered.
- 39. Burnet is more decided. Instead of triumphing on the occasion, he solemnly assures us that the thing was done merely "to spite the Presbyterians, who, from the beginning, had set it up as a principle that parishes had, from warrants in Scripture, a right to choose their ministers," and "who saw, with great alarm, the success of a motion made on design to weaken and undermine their establishment"; and the good Sir Walter, notwithstanding all his Tory prejudices, is quite as candid. The law which re-established patronage in Scotland—which has rendered Christianity inefficient in well-nigh half her parishes, which has separated some of her better clergymen from her Church, and many of her better people from her clergymen, the law through which Robertson ruled in the General Assembly, and which Brougham has eulogised in the House of Lords, that identical law formed, in its first enactment, no unessential portion of a deep and dangerous conspiracy against the liberties of our country.' The immediate result was seen in the conduct of the patrons. As the Regent Morton had established tulchan bishops and secured the revenues of the sees, the patrons now named such presentees as they deliberately saw would be unacceptable to the people, protected as they were by the appeal to the Presbytery, so that during the protracted vacancy they drew the stipend. No actual case of intrusion, however, seems to have occurred until 1725, but the rise of moderatism[2] within the Church gave too frequent occasion for such forced presentations as, we have seen, took place at Nigg, in 1756, in the days of Donald Roy, Miller's relative. The secessions of the Erskines in 1733 and of the Relief under Gillespie in 1752 were the results of intolerant Moderatism, and its long reign under Robertson the historian, lasted for well-nigh thirty years in the Assembly, till his withdrawal in 1780.
- 40. Were we to credit the eulogies of Dean Stanley and others upon Home, Blair, and Robertson, we should regard this as the golden age of the Church of Scotland. Robertson he describes as 'the true Archbishop of Scotland.' But there are men who seem fated, in the pregnant phrase of Tacitus, to make a solitude and call it peace. The reign of Robertson was simply coincident with the very lowest spiritual ebb in the country, to which his own long régime had in no slight degree contributed. The Spaniard dates the decline and fall of his own country from the days of Philip II., segundo sin segundo, as Cervantes bitterly calls him, 'the second with (it was to be hoped) no successor.' Even in 1765, such had been the spread of religion outside the national establishment that the Assembly was forced to reckon with it. They found 'a hundred and twenty meetinghouses, to which more than a hundred thousand persons resorted.' Patronage was found, after debate, to be the cause. It is no tribute to Alva that he found the Low Countries a peaceful dependency of Spain and left them a free nation; none to the policy of 'thorough' that it sent Laud and Strafford to the block. An impartial verdict will be that Robertson undermined for ever the edifice which Carstares had reared. An attempt has been recently made again to cast a glamour over the old Scottish moderates of the eighteenth century. Their admirers point to Watson the historian of Philip II., to Henry the historian of Britain, to Robertson, to Thomas Reid the philosopher, Home the dramatist, Blair the sermon-writer, Adam Ferguson, Hill of St. Andrews, and George Campbell of Aberdeen. Not even the Paraphrases have escaped being pressed into the field to witness to the literary and other gifts of Oglivie, Cameron, Morrison, and Logan. But the merits of a class are not best seen by the obtrusion of its more eminent members, but by the average. We do not judge the provincial governors of Rome by such men as the occasional Cicero and Rutilius, but by the too frequent repetition of men like Verres and Piso. Nor even in these very upper reaches will the Moderates bear a close inspection. No one now reads Home's
- 41. Douglas. Young Norval has gone the way, as the critic says, of all waxworks, and curious is the fate of the great Blair: he lives not for the works upon which immortality was fondly staked, but for having given breakfasts to Burns in his Edinburgh days. 'I have read them,' says Johnson of these sermons; 'they are sermones aurei ac auro magis aurei. I had the honour of first finding and first praising his excellencies. I did not stay to add my voice to that of the public. I love Blair's sermons, though the dog is a Scotchman and a Presbyterian, and everything he should not be.' This avalanche of laudation seems strange to the modern reader, who will find in them the rhetoric of Hervey's Meditations on the Tombs, united to a theology that could pass muster in a deistical writer. Burns, though he lent himself to be the squib-writer of the Ayrshire Moderates, was fully aware of the merely negative tenets of the school, and in his Holy Fair he asks 'What signifies his barren shine Of moral powers and reason? His English style, and gestures fine Are a' clean out o' season. Like Socrates or Antonine, Or some old pagan heathen, The moral man he does define, But ne'er a word of faith in, That's right this day.' But the spirit of Moderatism was to be fully seen in the debate upon Missions in 1796. It was moved in the General Assembly by Robert Heron, the unfortunate friend of Burns, and deeply shocked was old Jupiter Carlyle. It wounded the feelings for the proprieties of the old man. For half a century, said he, had he sat as a member, and he was happy to think that never till now had he heard such
- 42. revolutionary principles avowed on the floor of the house! Clergymen of lax life, and whose neglect of parochial duties was notorious, were unanimous in declaring that charity should begin at home. The spectre of Tom Paine rose before them. Never, they maintained, while still there remained at home one man under the influence of attack from the Age of Reason, should such a visionary overture be entertained. But there was worse behind this. The missionary societies were united with various corresponding centres; accordingly, in the days of the Dundas dynasty, when Burns during this very year was reminded that it was his place to act and not to think, when the Alien and Traitorous Correspondence Act of 1793 and the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act in 1794 had revived the worst of obsolete and feudal enactments, a wily use of this reign of terror was made to defeat missions by an attack on their supposed insidious and political designs. The lawyer who was afterwards to sit on the bench as Lord President Boyle, rose and said: 'The people meet under the pretext of spreading Christianity among the heathen. Observe, sir, they are affiliated, they have a common object, they correspond with each other, they look for assistance from foreign countries, in the very language of many of the seditious societies. Already, it is to be marked, they have a common fund. Where is the security that the money of this fund will not, as the reverend Principal [Hill of St. Andrews] said, be used for very different purposes? And as for those Missionary Societies, I do aver that, since it is to be apprehended that their funds may be in time, nay, certainly will be, turned against the Constitution, so it is the bounden duty of this House to give the overtures recommending them our most serious disapprobation, and our immediate, most decisive opposition.' The legal mind is not often remarkable for profundity, but the fine violation of reasoning in the 'nay, certainly will be,' is just on a par with Jonathan Tawse's 'clean perversion of the constitutional law,' which we have seen before. The detection of treason, too, lurking in the apparently harmless missions fairly rivals Serjeant Buzfuz in Pickwick, with his exposure of the danger
- 43. underlying the 'chops and tomato sauce' of the defendant. Such had been the unhappy legacy of Robertson. Such was the legal spirit infused from the bar to the bench that was to act in decisions against the true interests of the Church during the Ten Years' Conflict. But the tide was to turn. Years of dissatisfaction had at last produced the inevitable reaction, and in 1834 the General Assembly had bowed to the storm and passed the Veto Act. Then were discovered the evils of co-ordinate jurisdictions, the mistake committed in 1690 and 1707 by which no provision had been made for a line of clear demarcation between the ecclesiastical and civil courts, and the blunder committed in intrusting great questions affecting Scotland to the judgments of aliens in political sympathies. The tone of many a decision of the House of Lords was to make people think upon Seafield's brutal jest about 'the end of an auld sang,' and Belhaven's trumpet-warning about the risks to the 'National Church founded on a rock, secured by a claim of right, descending into a plain upon a level with Jews and Papists.' There were limits even to the loyalty of the most faithful, and for ten weary years the conflict between the courts was to run its course. In 1842 the Church had instructed its Lord High Commissioner to lay before Her Majesty a series of resolutions by which it was hoped that a rupture could be averted. On the 18th of May 1843 the Commissioner for the Crown was the Marquis of Bute, and after the levée in Holyrood Palace, the retiring Moderator, Dr. Welsh, preached in St. Giles, and in St. Andrew's Church the Assembly—the last Assembly of the real Church of Scotland—met. The scene so often described had best be given in Miller's own words, as at once affording a capital specimen of his editorial style and as the work of an eye-witness. We abridge from his leader of May 20:— 'The morning levée had been marked by an incident of a somewhat extraordinary nature, and which history, though
- 44. in these days little disposed to mark prodigies and omens, will scarce fail to record. The crowd in the Chamber of Presence was very great, and there was, we believe, a considerable degree of confusion and pressure in consequence. Suddenly,—whether brushed by some passer by, jostled rudely aside, or merely affected by the tremor of the floor communicated to the partitioning, a large portrait of William the Third, that had held its place in Holyrood for nearly a century and a half, dropped heavily from the walls. "There," exclaimed a voice[3] from the crowd,—"there goes the Revolution Settlement." For hours before the meeting of Assembly, the galleries of St. Andrew's Church, with the space behind, railed off for the accommodation of office-bearers, not members, were crowded to suffocation, and a vast assemblage still continued to besiege the doors…. The Moderator rose and addressed the House in a few impressive sentences. There had been infringement, he said, of the constitution of the Church,—an infringement so great, that they could not constitute the Assembly without a violation of the Union between Church and State, as now authoritatively defined and declared. He was, therefore, compelled, he added, to protest against proceeding further, and, unfolding a document which he held in his hand, he read, in a slow and emphatic manner, the protest of the Church. For the first few seconds, the extreme anxiety to hear defeated its object,—the universal "hush, hush," occasioned considerably more noise than it allayed; but the momentary confusion was succeeded by the most unbroken silence; and the reader went on till the impressive close of the document, when he flung it down on the table of the House and solemnly departed. He was followed at a pace's distance by Dr. Chalmers; Dr. Gordon and Dr. Patrick M'Farlan immediately succeeded, and then
- 45. the numerous sitters on the thickly occupied benches behind filed after them, in a long unbroken line, which for several minutes together continued to thread the passage to the eastern door, till at length only a blank space remained. As the well-known faces and forms of some of the ablest and most eminent men that ever adorned the Church of Scotland glided along in the current, to disappear from the courts of the State institution for ever, there rose a cheer from the galleries. At length, when the last of the withdrawing party had disappeared, there ran from bench to bench a hurried, broken whispering,—"How many? how many?"—"four hundred": The scene that followed we deemed one of the most striking of the day. The empty vacated benches stretched away from the Moderator's seat in the centre of the building, to the distant wall. There suddenly glided into the front rows a small party of men whom no one knew,—obscure, mediocre, blighted-looking men, that, contrasted with the well-known forms of our Chalmers and Gordons, Candlishes and Cunninghams, M'Farlans, Brewsters, and Dunlops, reminded one of the thin and blasted corn ears of Pharaoh's vision, and like them, too, seemed typical of a time of famine and destitution.' 'I am proud of my country, no other country in Europe could have done it,' said Lord Jeffrey. The Church had simply, in 1843, reverted to the precedents of 1560 and 1578, and had, in the simile of Goldsmith happily used by Miller on the occasion, returned like the hare to the spot from which it flew. Edinburgh, he maintained, had not seen such a day since the unrolling by Johnston of Warriston of the parchment in the Greyfriars'. There was a secession, not from the Church, but from the law courts, and temporary majorities of the Assembly. But the evil men do lives in brass after them, and the Act of 1712 had rent the Church of Scotland. No other country had been
- 46. so fortunately situated for the exemplification of an unbroken and a National Church. It was left to two Tory Governments to ruin it, but opportunities once lost may not thereafter be recovered. Under the long reign of Moderatism it looked as if the Nec tamen consumebatur were indeed to be a mockery. But the revival of national feeling at the beginning of the century, and the expression of popular rights in the Reform Bill of 1832, were waves that were destined to extend from the nation to the Church. The great book of M'Crie in 1811 had truly been fruitful of results. For a century Moderatism had reigned on a lost sense of nationality. But, as for long the history of Rome had been written with a patrician bias and an uneasy remembrance of that figure of Tiberius Gracchus, so through the influence of M'Crie the figure of John Knox had again risen to popular consciousness in Scotland. There they could see a greater than the Boyles, the Hopes, the Kinnoulls, the Broughams, and the Aberdeens. Yet, till its publication, the face of M'Crie had been almost unknown upon the streets of Edinburgh. And the Succession? Did it abide with the Free Church or the residuary Establishment? Lord Macaulay will show, in his speech in the House of Commons on July 9, 1845, what the violation of the Treaty of Union had effected in 1712, and that 'the church of Boston and Carstares was not the church of Bryce and Muir, but the church of Chalmers and Brewster.' No one knew that better than Hugh Miller, and no one had done more to make the issues plain to the people of Scotland. To him it was 'the good cause,' as Macaulay in his address to the Edinburgh electors had styled his own. While a plank remained, or a flag flew, by that it was his wish to be found. It was the cry which M'Crie had said, 'has not ceased to be heard in Scotland for nearly three hundred years.' From his first leader in The Witness, of January 15, 1840, to the close of his life in 1856, he was to send forth no other sound. 'Your handwriting did my heart good,' he writes in a letter before us, of 9th October 1840, to his friend Patrick Duff in Elgin, 'and reminded me of old times long before I
- 47. became ill-natured or dreamed of hurting any one. I am now "fighting in the throng"—giving and taking many a blow. But I am taking all the care I can to strike only big wicked fellows, who lift hands against the Kirk, or oppress the poor man.' Napoleon feared three papers more than ten thousand bayonets, and certainly Miller was a tower of strength not to be found in the adverse battalions. None of the merely 'able editors' of the Establishment party, much less the pamphleteers of the quality of Dean of Faculty Hope, could touch him or find a link in his armour. This was a tribute to character. The men of the opposition had 'nothing to draw with, and the well was deep'; and many names then blown far and wide by windy rumour, such as Dr. Cook, Robertson of Ellon, Dr. Bryce, and Principal Pirie of Aberdeen, survive like flies in amber only because it was their misfortune to be associated with great men. He might have said with Landor that he did not strive with these men, for certainly of them all 'none was worth his strife'; yet, though individually contemptible, they formed a solid phalanx of Moderatism and of dead resistance to argument and conviction. It was a time of great men. If Chalmers was the incarnation of the country and the movement, Murray Dunlop its jurist, Cunningham and Candlish its debaters, it was yet to the leaders in The Witness that the great mass of his countrymen looked for the opinions of Hugh Miller. His relative, Dr. Gustavus Aird of Creich, the late Moderator of the Free Church, has informed us that in his own parish he learned the paper was read out in the mill, and that in many places the same thing took place. It is well to have the ear of the country, and it was well at the critical hour that there was a man found who was heard gladly of the common people. [1] For this important point in its bearing upon the position of the Cameronians, and the 'Testimony' of Richard Cameron at the market-place of Sanquhar, June 22, 1680, see Buchanan's History, XX. 36-47, and Milton's
- 48. Tenure of Kings and Magistrates, with the coins of James VI. stamped in 1570. Thus, while James VII.'s creatures, the Bishops, maintained the 'divine right' of their creator, led by Paterson, the Archbishop of Glasgow, Dalrymple could carry the resolution on the constitutional question of tenure that the king had 'forfaulted the throne.' [2] For the similar rise of the spirit in England see Mark Pattison's excellent paper in Essays and Reviews, 'Tendencies of Religious Thought in England, 1688- 1750. [3] The 'voice' of this now famous utterance was William Howieson Crauford, Esq. of Craufurdland.
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