AN OVERVIEW OF RATIONAL COMPREHENSIVE APPROACH OF URBAN POLICY MAKING

Vol-05 Issues 03, March-2021 ISSN: 2456-9348
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AN OVERVIEW OF RATIONAL COMPREHENSIVE APPROACH OF URBAN
POLICY MAKING
By Humaira Tabassum
ABSTRACT
The ideology which guides the process of policy making in urban planning defines the extent of public
participation at different phases and stages. The scientific approach of rational comprehensive panning has
remained a popular guideline for development policy making in many countries of developed and developing
world. While it was abolished in the developed world owing to public opposition and criticism from other
planning schools of thoughts. This paper intends to explore the emergence and contents of this ideology through
literature review and the reasons behind its abolishment in the developed world.
KEYWORDS
Rational comprehensive, policy, development, master plan, decision making
INTRODUCTION
Rational comprehensive planning is aninstrumental urban planning ideology formulated in Britain during 1950s
to prepare urban development policies. At that time,it not only spread to European countries but also to the
developing world especially former European colonies.Although the developed world hasabolished the ideology
and replaced it with other mechanisms decades ago, it persistsin thedeveloping world. This paper focuses on the
emergence and content of this ideology and discusses why it was rejected in the developed countries.
OBJECTIVES
The objective of this paper are as follows:
 To review the nature of rational comprehensive ideology of urban policy plan making
 To discuss the policy making mechanism of the rational approach and it gradual improvement
 To discuss the criticism made on the ideology which became the basis for tis abolishment in developed
countries
METHODOLOGY
The discussion included in this paper is a literature review of various publications available on the topic of
rational comprehensive policy making. As stated in the introduction, the focus will be on emergence and
development of the ideology in developed world. Furthermore, the criticism is also extracted from debate made
in the perspective of developed world.
Nature of rational comprehensive approach
Rational comprehensive planning is often considered as the combined model of blueprint and synoptic planning
that were introduced in post-industrial era to reimagine cities on principles of hygiene, and regularisation of
built environment through imposition of standards (Hall 1992). Fast growth of European cities during the
industrial revolution advanced the need to alterthe urban atmosphere as reformists perceived that living
environment influence social structures and thus determines human character (Glass 1959). Addressing to then
contemporary urban issues, the concept of rational planning emerged to suggest improvement of living
environment with the help of land use planning. At that period, writers in urban planning like Lewis Keeble
made physical planning as their subject matter and planning played an active role in social and economic affairs.
Town and country Planning was defined as ‘physical planning’ as opposite to regional or political planning
(Taylor 1998). The plansthat were made took the form of mapsand termed as ‘master plans’. This form of plans
stands for blueprint planning which depicted the colourof ink used in map printing machines of that period.
Later modification to the ‘planning processes popularised the term ‘synoptic planning’. However,both synoptic

and blue print planning models had the same ideology and decision-making structure to command the urban
physical development and were collectively known as ‘rational planning paradigm’ (Lane 2005).
Rational model adopted deterministic character assuming that future urban conditions can be precisely predicted
with the help of scientific methods and can be controlled with long range policies. The model also assumed that
public interest is associated with profession of planning bureaucracies as an ideal to serve (Grant 2005). Along
with rational approach thecomprehensiveness allowed the inclusion of all related elements in the area under
study to be analysed in the plan making. It also implies to satisfy all interest groups related to the urban policy.
The ideology remained as a guiding tool for urban development for few decades. There were gradual changes,
but instrumental approach remained at the heart of planning system and physical design as the symbol of urban
order.
The following discussion consists of prominent characteristics of rational planning model along with criticism
against the approach.The development policies initiated under that ideologyincludedthe preparation ofmaster
plans forzoning, land subdivision and urban regeneration.It was a top down and rigid way of preparation and
implementation of development policy with insignificantlevel of public participation. Roots of that approach in
authoritative decision making and already established disciplines of architecture, civil engineering, and
landscaping (Taylor 1998), made it suitable to the elite based governance systems.later there have been slight
diversions and modifications in the underlying concepts and sub processes, but the basic focus on physical
development did not change.
Master Planning as urban design
In the post war period, most of the town planners were architects. Therefore, at that time town planning was
regarded as an extension of architectural design concerned with the design of whole groups of buildings and
spaces (Taylor 1998). Most famous planners in post war Britain, i.e. Patrick Abercrombie, Fredric gibbered and
Thomas sharp, all were architects, and task of planning cities was considered as a large-scale urban design
exercise (ref). Function of planning was to impose a selected layout design on ground without much
consideration of alternatives (Fainstein 2010).
Consideration to aesthetics was one of the important parts of the town planning. New towns’ plans were
consisting of neighbourhoods all with roughly same size and hierarchy of other functions. Neighbourhoods were
considered as distinct entities and their functions were too a derivative of neat designs, without any systematic
research on functions of cities, regions, and activities (Taylor 1998). Town planning practice was not based on
empirical research and theory, but decisions were made largely based on intuition or simplistic aesthetic
conception of urban form, and layout planning to accommodate diversity of social and economic life (Reade
1987).
These early attempts of urban planning aimed for ‘good city’ but did not give much thought to process and
means, rather experts were assumed to take care of public interest (Fainstein 2010). Due to heavy architectural
influence on planning, planners of that period thought plan making for towns, regions, and village extensions, as
their prime task. As following the architectural plans, these plans too were supposed to be detailed from present
situation to some date in future. The development plans made under that approach were maps of land-use in the
shape ofblueprintsthat illustrated the intended development in future years as envisaged by the experts with
detailed zoning, alignment of roads and location & allocation of land uses (Taylor 1998).
Spatial planning theories which emerged by the end of 19th
century like linear city by Soria Y Mata, Garden city
of Ebenezer Howard and later in 20th
century the contemporary city of le Corbusier and were inspired by
detailed design approach of planning of that era. Education of town planning was also dominated by this
approach. Studio work with architectural tools was the prime subject of planning education (Taylor 1998). This
image of city planning was absorbed by generations of young students of planning schools in many countries of
the world, with emphasis on physical and land use planning (Friedman 1971). Lewis Keeble, in his book,
presented ideas about physical planning on blueprint model (Keeble 1952), but he titled them as theories as
according to the prevailing model of physical planning (Taylor 1998). However, these theories and standards
about zoning and layout planning are still used as textbooks for planning practices.

Process approach
In the first part of twentieth century, process approach for plan making started to emerge which attempted to
separate planning from the political influence (Fainstein 2010). Patrick Geddes was probably the first to suggest
a phased process ‘survey-analysis-approach’ as a new approach for decision making (Taylor 1998). The plan
making was still considered a technical exercise as planning institutions in European countries believed that
experts belonging to meritocracy can develop good policies following good procedures (Fainstein 2010).
Publication of Karl Mannheim in 1935 provided basis for incorporation of elected representatives to avoid
nepotism and patronage and include consultations with political leadership (ibid). Two new planning approaches
‘system view of planning’ and ‘rational process’ emerged during 1960s (Taylor 1998). Rational planning dealt
planning as a scientific theory and system view introduced planning as a chained process consisting of various
directive phases and mechanism of feedback (ref). Those concepts were not clearly distinguished as both
provided for planning and control (ibid), but both typically looks at problems from a systems viewpoint, using
conceptual or mathematical models relating ends to means, with quantitative analysis to help assessment of
problems, resources and solutions (Hudson 1979). Alternatively, this paradigm is also known as synoptic
planning.
Banfield (1959), Hudson et al. (1979) and Lane 2005 described different stages, usually four, of synoptic
planning process, i) goals formulation, ii) identification alternatives iii) means and ends iv) implementation,
whereas Taylor (1998) provided fifth stage of monitoring. In addition to broader elements of the process, there
could be several sub-processes under each stage consisting of data collection, system analysis, forecasts, cost-
benefit calculation, and simulation (Hudson et al. 1979). Forecasting might include mathematical models,
graphic techniques, and judgmental approaches (ibid). Ideally, all possible alternatives for action are interpreted,
however, in practice, a simplification must take place (Naes 1994). Generally, in public planning, goals and
objectives depict the priorities of the authorities or depending upon their legitimacy (Naes 1994, Hudson et al.
1979). Synoptic planning was considered as according to democratic norms if objectives of the planning were
according to a mandate given by the people through a democratic election (Lafferty 1993, Naes 1994). Synoptic
planning put emphasize on "ends and means rationality", but process cannot be separated from those who devise
the objectives i.e. authorities and rulers (Naes 1994).
System planning continued the basic ideology of authoritative planning, however for the first time, called for the
public participation in planning decision making process. There were two main developments regarding
participation. One was the institutionalisation of limited role of participation, andthe other was the inclusion of
actors from outside the formal policy making arena. However, the scope of participation was limited to
comments or objections on the decisions (Hall 1992). It was based on assumption of homogeneous society and
planning needs on validity (Lane 2005). Holistic model of assessment of public interest was still valid under
synoptic planning (Faludi 1973). At the same period, a parallel research by Arnstein’s (1969) presented a
‘ladder of participation’ which highlighted the importance of public participation in planning decision making. It
also provided a model to assess the effectiveness of the participation in a system. In this connection, Lane
(2005) argued that despite of new developments, planning practices stuck to unitary public interests and did not
result in new opportunities for the public participation.
Kent (1964) providesan understanding of underlying reasoning and objectification of comprehensive planning
approach. According to him, it covered the whole city with all essential physical elements and their relationship
with other physical and nonphysical, local,and regional factors that affect the growth of the city. Black
revolution, model city legislation, quality of life, and environmental concerns emerging in 1960s extended the
scope of comprehensive planning to include social and economic purposes too (Friedmann 1971). As per
fundamentals of the ideology, it was required to consider demographic and economic forecasts and anticipated
technology change. Though the plan was not supposed to take the form of a prediction, its prescription was
expected to be in the possible range of outcomes. It was idealised as part intentionand part feasible future.
Comprehensive plans were notto embody decisions butwere made as tool for democratic discourse. Precise
actions and implementation steps were planned not be decided until the anticipated time will becloser, and the
public and policy makers could have ample communication, education, and reflection in the light of concerns
embodied in the plan. (Kent 1964 cited in Innes 1998). The plan was required to explain its reasoning,
identifying the context of facts and judgements from which it was developed. Knowledge about the
interrelationship of socioeconomic issues and physical development was intuitive and speculative. Explicitness
was essential so that the elected officials can make an informed final judgment (ibid). A plan expressed value
judgments, standards and principles that had not depended on scientific bases (e.g., the concept of separating

industrial from residential districts). (ibid). The need to be comprehensive made plans to create balance between
national and local policies (Friedman 1971).
Criticism on Comprehensive Planning approaches
Rational comprehensive planning faced extensive criticism for its rigid approach, relying on incomplete
information, suffering lack of participation, and incorporating unrealistic distribution.
The goal of synoptic planning was to order the city on rational predictions made by experts which can determine
future characteristic of society and the city. It was characterized by the belief that an optimum solution to a
societal problem can be found. The fact that the "optimum" alternative is best for some, but not for all, was often
neglected. Objectives claiming to be in the interest of the public may be controversial political questions
(Friedman, 1973;Rittel and Webber, 1973). Rationalism and utilitarian philosophy were the basis of synoptic
planning, and in the absence of full rationality, limited rationality was accepted (Banfield 1959, Naes 1994).
Lindblom (1959) thought comprehensiveness and rationality both impractical and undesirable. Instead of
making long time decision based on extensive studies he proposed incremental planning as the effective way to
deliver planning services.On the other hand, rational plans were required to be madebased on existing data and
predictions for next fifteen to twenty years, taking all aspects within a geographical area i.e., physical, social,
economic, and environmental to find optimum solutions. It neglected the fact that optimum alternatives for
societal problems could be best for some not for all (Naes 1994). Optimistic way of thinking embodied in
rational model may not be able to make correct predictions about the future resources and unwanted side effects
(Balbo 1993, Naes 1994). Post-war conceptualisation of public interest implemented through urban renewal and
public housing projects and subsequent failure proved that static policies cannot address dynamic values (Grant
2005).
Synoptic planning assume planners can bring change and determine the future growth, therefore encouraged a
technocratic planning role. The approach undermined the knowledge possessed by local inhabitants (Naes
1994). If the synoptic model ideally assumed that both local and global concerns are to be addressed, planners
often tend to lack knowledge about special, local conditions (Orrskog, 1993), and consequently the whole
metropolis can be visualized only through abstract representation (Friedmann 1971). Important information
about local environmental qualities thereby run the risk of being left outside the planning process. Different
social interests, values, and perceptions, which may lead to conflict, are formed in the context of time and space,
and can only be resolved by participation, negotiations, and bargaining (Fiedmann1971). Social planning
problems are complex and wicked in nature that cannot be described or optimally solved (ibid). In fact, those
ideals were the legacy of nineteenth century reformers for whom social conditions were straightforward
interactions. They assumed their recipes of environmental reform had universal validity and need no systematic
inquiry (Glass 1959).
Comprehensive planning expected planners to plan with local to global concerns in view, whereas, planners
often lack knowledge about local conditions (Orrskog 1993, Fainstein 2010). In later period, historical
deconstructions of the period revealed the biases of technocratic professionals and their business supporters,
showing that insulated decision making, and allegedly meritocratic selection procedures favoured upper- and
middle-class interests (Fainstein 2010). Goals of planning set through comprehensiveness tended not to provide
for evaluation of alternatives which put objection on the planners claim of understanding social interest
(Altshuler 1965). Altshuler and Banfield argued that planners of rational planning had to work out goals and
means for diverse interests which were almost impossible for a planner to measure. The system assumed
planners as perfect who know the formula for good city (Grant 2005), and they don’t have right to be wrong
(Rittel and Webber 1973). Therefore, planner’s ability and legitimacy to make comprehensive plans which was
neither politically viable nor practically feasible remained questionable (Altshuler 1965, Banfield 1959). Long
term predictions-based planning lacked relevant information and guidance for implementation due to influence
of politics and market forces that planning should comply with (Faludi 1973).
The synoptic planning model had not traditionally included the aspects of distribution. In the utilitarian, social
philosophic tradition on which synoptic planning was based, the total amount of utility is what counts, not the
distribution between individuals or groups (Friedman, 1973; Medalen, 1987). The utilitarian way of thinking
may imply that a small minority's vital interests can be sacrificed at the expense of more marginal benefits for
each representative of the great majority (Naes 1994). Synoptic planning had therefore an inherent tendency
towards pressure against the rights of minorities. Friedman (1971) argued that reliance of comprehensive

planning on central authority and adherence to single standard for public interest made it appropriate for
totalitarian rather pluralistic democratic systems.
British system of compressive planning was developed for the developed world to solve problems of post-war
cities, but it spread to the other parts of the world including developing countries. However, it is argued that it
did not work well for the developing countries owing to their legal frameworks, financial constraints,
institutional incapacities, political intervention, and power structures in governance system (Farhoodi et al.
2009, Balbo 1993, Watson 2009). Presently, when developed countries has evolved other ideologies of planning
in the face of heavy criticism on rigidity of comprehensive planning, it is still popular in many developing
countries (Watson 2009). In planned cities of third world like Chandigarh, Brasilia, and Abuja, which were
planned on rational comprehensive ideology, there are informal parallel cities for low income growing with the
planned one (Watson 2009). Physical planning has been conceived for the cities of developed countries, not at
all for the illegal city of the third world (Balbo 1993). In developed countries land information systems,
coordination of institutions and established local governments make it possible for physical planning to take
place according to the plans.
Moreover, it is the ideas of the ‘state’ itself that really meant. Welfare policies pursued during 1960-70s were
based on the idea that collective interest does exist, whereas in developing countries it is very hard for the
governments to claim legitimacy to represent. Building of a nation sate depends upon the sustainable welfare
policy, and lack of resources make it almost impossible. Instead modernisation policies, increasing military
expanses, market liberalisation, structural adjustments delegitimize the state in the eyes of poor which make
majority of the population in developing world. Thus, internal policies increase internal conflicts more than
eliminating them (Balbo 1993).
Farhoodi et al. (2009) elaborated the failure of comprehensive approaches to solve the urban problems in Iranian
cities. He asserts that this planning systems is not suitable for the developing countries like Iran. He emphasizes
that whole planning system, being maintained on the ideology of comprehensiveness; non participation;
inconsistent implementing mechanisms; and mismatch between plan requirements and available capabilities;
requires a change from rational planning to make it more suitable to the needs of developing countries like Iran.
Despite extensive criticism and abandonment of comprehensive planning in developed countries, it still is
acceptable (though not workable) system in third world. The underlying reason is elaborated by Hudson,
Galloway, and Kaufman (1979: 389) as follows
Despite its capacity for great methodological refinement and elaboration, the real power of the synoptic
approach is its basic simplicity. The fundamental issues addressed-ends, means, trade-offs, action-taking-enter
virtually any planning endeavour. Alternative schools of planning can nit-pick at the methodological
shortcomings of the synoptic approach, or challenge its particular historical applications, or take issue with its
circumscribed logic, yet the practical tasks it encompasses must be addressed in some form by even its most
adamant critics.
CONCLUSION
The review of available literature on the development and working of rational comprehensive planning provides
that it replied on skills of the technical experts to solve urban problems. The rationality based on second-hand
knowledge and scientific methods of forecasting could not address the real-world issues. Regarding
comprehensiveness claims of the approach, it provided minimal opportunities for public involvement. It could
not accommodate the complex problems of social relations and failed to serve in democratic
environment.Although it is not very useful for providing solutions to urban issues in the developing world, it is
still considered a useful tool for urban policy making. Probably, the authoritative nature of the planning
involved suits to the top-down institutional conduct in developing world where public consultation is not
considered essential for decision making.
REFERENCES
[1] Altshuler, A. (1965). The goals of comprehensive planning. Journal of the American Institute of
Planners, 31(3), pp.186-195.
[2] Arnstein, S.R. (1969.) A ladder of citizen participation. Journal of the American Institute of
planners, 35(4), pp.216-224.
[3] Balbo, M. (1993). "Urban Planning and the Fragmented City of Developing Countries", Third World
Planning Review, vol. 15, no. 1, pp. 23.

[4] Banfield, E.C., 1959. Ends and means in planning. International Social Science Journal, 11(3), pp.361-
368.
[5] Fainstein, S. (2010). The just city. Cornell University Press.
[6] Faludi, A. (1973). A reader in planning theory. 1st ed, Oxford: Pergamon Press.
[7] Farhoodi, R., Gharakhlou-N, M., Ghadami, M. and Khah, M.P., 2009. A critique of the prevailing
comprehensive urban planning paradigm in Iran: The need for strategic planning. Planning
Theory, 8(4), pp.335-361.
[8] Friedmann, J. (1971). The future of comprehensive urban planning: A critique. Public Administration
Review, 31(3), pp.315-326.
[9] Glass, R., 1959. The evaluation of planning: some sociological considerations. International Social
Science Journal, 2(3), pp.393-402.
[10]Grant, J., 2005. Rethinking the public interest as a planning concept. Plan Canada, 45(2), pp.48-50.
[11]Grant, J., 2005. Rethinking the public interest as a planning concept. Plan Canada, 45(2), pp.48-50.
[12]HALL, P. (1992) Urban and regional planning (3rd edition), Routledge, London.
[13]Hudson, B.M., Galloway, T.D., & Kaufman, J.L. (1979). Comparison of current planning theories:
Counterparts and contradictions. Journal of the American Planning Association, 45(4), pp.387-398.
[14]Keeble, L., 1952. Principles and Practice of Town and Country Planning (Estates Gazette, London).
[15]Kent, T. J., Jr. 1964. The Urban General Plan. San Francisco: Chandler.
[16]Lane, M.B. (2005). Public participation in planning: an intellectual history. Australian
Geographer, 36(3), pp.283-299.
[17]Medalen, T. 1987. Konflikter i vegplanleggingen, (Conflicts in
roadplanning), Trondheim: PhD‐dissertation, The Norwegian Institute of Technology, Division of
Town and Regional Planning.
[18]Næss, P. (1994). Normative planning theory and sustainable development. Scandinavian Housing and
Planning Research, 11(3), pp.145-167.
[19]Orrskog, L., 1993. De gamla sanningarna är förbrukade och de nya ännu inte formulerade–en kritisk
betraktelse över planering för det uthålliga samhället. Planera för en bärkraftig utveckling, pp.25-38.
[20]Reade, E., 1987. British town and country planning. Open University Press.
[21]Rittel, H.W., & Webber, M.M. (1973). 2.3 planning problems are wicked. Polity, 4, pp.155-169.
[22]Taylor, N. (1998). Urban planning theory since 1945. Sage.
[23]Watson, V. (2009). ‘The planned city sweeps the poor away…’: Urban planning and 21st century
urbanisation. Progress in planning, 72(3), pp.151-193.

AN OVERVIEW OF RATIONAL COMPREHENSIVE APPROACH OF URBAN POLICY MAKING

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