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Artificial Intelligence and
Project Management
Although some people had doubts about the usefulness of such solutions in the
past, artificial intelligence (AI) plays a growing role in modern business. It can
be expected that the interest in it will also lead to an increase in support for the
planning, evaluation, and implementation of projects. In particular, the proper
functioning of multifaceted evaluation methods has a crucial impact on the
appropriate planning and execution of various projects, as well as the effective
achievement of the organization’s goals. This book offers a presentation of
the complex problems and challenges related to the development of AI in
project management, proposes an integrated approach to knowledge-based
evaluation, and indicates the possibilities of improving professional practical
knowledge in this field.
The unique contribution of this book is to draw attention to the possibilities
resulting from conducting transdisciplinary research and drawing on the rich
achievements in the field of research development on knowledge-based systems
that can be used to holistically support the processes of planning, evaluation, and
project management. The concept of the integrated approach to knowledge-based
evaluation is presented and developed as a result of drawing inspiration mainly
from the systems approach, generative AI, and selected mathematical models.
Presented in a highly accessible manner, the book discusses mathematical
tools in a simple way, which enables understanding of the content by readers
across broad subject areas who may be not only participants in specialist training
and university students but also practitioners, consultants, or evaluators. This
book will be a valuable resource for academics and upper-level students, in
particular, across project management-related fields, and of great interest to all
those looking to understand the challenges and effectiveness of AI in business.
Tadeusz A. Grzeszczyk is Associate Professor in the Faculty of Management
at Warsaw University of Technology, Poland. He engages in scientific and
didactic activities focused on scientific research methodologies, encompassing
qualitative, quantitative, and mixed methods approaches in the realms of
management, social and economic sciences, and evaluation research. His
scientific interests span methodological assistance for project and program
evaluations, AI decision-support methods, and knowledge-based systems. He
has written over a hundred papers and contributed to several books.Additionally,
he is a reviewer for numerous journals indexed in the Web of Science or
Scopus databases, and evaluates a number of national and international project
proposals. His involvement extends to being a member of various national and
international scientific societies, editorial boards, and advisory committees.

Routledge Focus on Business and Management
The fields of business and management have grown exponentially as areas of
research and education. This growth presents challenges for readers trying to
keep up with the latest important insights. Routledge Focus on Business and
Management presents small books on big topics and how they intersect with
the world of business research.
Individually, each title in the series provides coverage of a key academic
topic, whilst collectively, the series forms a comprehensive collection across
the business disciplines.
Happiness and Wellbeing in Singapore
Beyond Economic Prosperity
Siok Kuan Tambyah, Tan Soo Jiuan and Yuen Wei Lun
Healthy Ageing after COVID-19
Research and Policy Perspectives from Asia
Edited by Wang-Kin Chiu and Vincent T.S. Law
Entrepreneurial Attributes
Accessing Your Inner Entrepreneur For Business and Beyond
Andrew Clarke
Leadership and Strategic Management
Decision-Making in Times of Change
Paolo Boccardelli and Federica Brunetta
Artificial Intelligence and Project Management
An Integrated Approach to Knowledge-Based Evaluation
Tadeusz A. Grzeszczyk
For more information about this series, please visit: www.routledge.com/Routledge-
Focus-on-Business-and-Management/book-series/FBM

Artificial Intelligence and
Project Management
An Integrated Approach to
Knowledge-Based Evaluation
Tadeusz A. Grzeszczyk

First published 2024
by Routledge
4 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN
and by Routledge
605 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10158
Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business
© 2024 Tadeusz A. Grzeszczyk
The right of Tadeusz A. Grzeszczyk to be identified as author of this work has
been asserted in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs
and Patents Act 1988.
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or
utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now
known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any
information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the
publishers.
Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or
registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation
without intent to infringe.
British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library
ISBN: 978-1-032-37726-1 (hbk)
ISBN: 978-1-032-37730-8 (pbk)
ISBN: 978-1-003-34161-1 (ebk)
DOI: 10.4324/9781003341611
Typeset in Times New Roman
by Apex CoVantage, LLC

Contents
List of Figures vii
List of Tables viii
1 Introduction 1
2 AI in Business 4
The Essence and Potential of Artificial Intelligence 4
Machine Learning and Neural Networks 8
Generative AI in Organizations 11
Rough Set Models 14
Knowledge-Based Systems 15
3 Selected AI Applications in Project Management 22
Data-Driven Project Management 22
Generative AI in Modern Project Management 25
Learning Models for Project Evaluation 27
Applications of Rule-Based Systems 30
Methodological Approaches for Multicriteria
Knowledge-Based Project Analysis 33
4 AI-Driven Knowledge-Based Evaluation 40
Preliminary Comments about Evaluation System
Modeling 40
Integrated Approach 45
Knowledge Discovery Through Learning 51
Combining Rule-Based Systems and Generative AI 54

vi Contents
Building and Assessing AI-Powered Knowledge Base 55
Using Knowledge-Based Evaluation Systems 60
5 Conclusions 74
Index 79

Figures
2.1 Relations between ML, GAI, and chatbots powered by LLM 12
4.1 Integrated methodological approach in building the model
of knowledge-based evaluation system 47
4.2 System learning sequence 59
4.3 Learning examples of project classification 61
4.4 Multicriteria evaluation of projects 62
4.5 Unions of classes 64

Tables
3.1 Attribute-value table 34
4.1 Knowledge system with information about projects 60
4.2 Lower approximation and boundary region according
to CRSA 66
4.3 Comparison of CRSA and DRSA for the multicriteria
project sorting problem 67
4.4 Approximations for downward union of classes 69
4.5 Approximations for upward union of classes 69

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political disputes with him, would if he had not upheld him as a king,
at least have treated him as one. This the Governor could not deny.
He said, had he thought proper to take refuge in Austria, the
Emperor Francis could not, without disgracing himself, have denied
him admission not only to his empire, but even to his house and his
family, of which he, Napoleon, was a member. This the Governor
also admitted.
“Lastly,” said the Emperor, “if, relying on my own individual interests,
I had persisted in defending them in France by force of arms, there
is no doubt that the Allies would have formally granted me immense
advantages, perhaps even territory.” The Governor, who hesitated for
some time on this point, at length agreed that there was no doubt
the Emperor might with ease have obtained a Sovereignty. “I did not
wish it,” continued the Emperor: “I determined on abandoning public
affairs; indignant at beholding the leading men in France betraying
their country, or at least committing the grossest errors with regard
to her interests; indignant at finding that the mass of the
representatives preferred disgrace to death, and stooped to traffic
with that sacred independence, which, like honour, should be a rocky
and inaccessible island. In this state of things what did I determine
on? What resolution did I adopt? I sought an asylum in a country
which was supposed to be governed by laws: among a people, of
whom for twenty years I had been the bitterest enemy! But what did
you do?... Your conduct will be recorded in history to your eternal
disgrace. Yet there is an avenging Providence; sooner or later you
will receive your punishment! It will not be long before your
posterity, your laws, will expiate your crime!... Your ministers have
sufficiently proved, by their instructions, that they wish to get rid of
me! Why did not the Kings who proscribed me openly decree my
death? One act would have been as legal as the other! A speedy
termination to my sufferings would have shown more energy than
the lingering death to which they have doomed me. The Calabrians
have been more humane, more generous than the Allied Sovereigns
or your Ministers. I will not die by my own hands. That would be an
act of cowardice. To overcome misfortune is a proof of a noble and

courageous mind! We mortals are bound to fulfil our destinies. But if
it be intended to keep me here, I feel that you would be doing me a
kindness in depriving me of life; for here I daily suffer the agonies of
death! The limits of St. Helena are too narrow for me, who was
every day accustomed to ride, ten, fifteen, or twenty leagues on
horseback. The climate is not like ours: neither the sun nor the
seasons are like what we have been accustomed to. Every thing
here is hostile to happiness and comfort. The situation is
disagreeable and unwholesome, and is destitute of water. This part
of the island is totally barren and has been deserted by the
inhabitants.”
The Governor stated that his instructions required that the Emperor
should be restricted to certain limits in his rides, and that an officer
should always accompany him. “If they had been thus enforced,”
replied the Emperor, “I should never have left my chamber. If your
instructions will not admit of greater latitude, you can henceforth do
nothing for us. However, I neither ask nor wish for any thing. Convey
these sentiments to the English Government.”
“This,” said the Governor, “is the consequence of transmitting
instructions from so great a distance, and with regard to a person of
whom those who draw up the instructions know so little.” He then
endeavoured to shift the question by intimating that, on the arrival
of the wooden house or palace, which was on its way to St. Helena,
better plans might perhaps be adopted: that a vessel was expected,
bringing furniture and stores of provisions, which it was supposed
would be agreeable to the Emperor; that the English Government
was exerting every effort to alleviate his situation, &c.
The Emperor replied that all their efforts amounted to little; that he
had requested to be furnished with the Morning Chronicle and the
Statesman, that he might read what related to himself under the
least disagreeable forms: but his request had never been complied
with. He had asked for books, which were his only consolation; but
nine months had passed away, and he had not received any. He had

desired to obtain intelligence of his wife and son; but this had been
withheld from him.
“As to the provisions, the furniture, and the house, that are intended
for me,” continued he, “you and I, Sir, are soldiers; we know how to
value these things. You have been in my native city, perhaps in the
very house occupied by my family. Though it was not the worst on
the island—though I have no reason to be ashamed of my family
circumstances, yet you know what they were. But though I have
occupied a throne, and have disposed of crowns, I have not
forgotten my first condition; my couch and my camp-bed, you see,
are still sufficient for me.”
The Governor observed that the wooden palace and all its
accompaniments were at least an attention. “For your own
satisfaction, in the eyes of Europe,” replied the Emperor, “but to me
they are matters of perfect indifference. It is not a house, nor
furniture, that should have been sent to me: but an executioner and
a coffin. The former are a mockery, the latter would be a favour. I
say, again, the instructions of your ministers tend to this result, and
I invoke it. The Admiral, who is not an ill-disposed man, appears to
me now to have softened these instructions; I do not complain of his
acts: his forms alone offended me.” Here the Governor asked
whether he had unconsciously committed any faults. “No, Sir, we
complain of nothing since your arrival. Yet one act has offended us,
and that is your inspection of our domestics. It was insulting to M.
de Montholon, by appearing to throw suspicion on his integrity; and
it was petty, disagreeable, and insulting towards me, and perhaps
degrading to the English General himself, who thus came to interfere
between me and my valet de chambre.”
The Governor was seated in an arm-chair on one side of the
Emperor, who had remained stretched on his couch. It was dark, the
evening was drawing in, and it was not easy to distinguish objects.
“Therefore,” observed the Emperor, “it was in vain that I
endeavoured to watch the play of his features, and to observe the
impression which my words made on him.”

In the course of the conversation the Emperor, who in the morning
had been reading the Campaign of 1814, by Alphonse de
Beauchamp, in which all the English bulletins bore the signature
Lowe, asked the Governor if he was the individual who had signed
them. Sir Hudson Lowe, with marked embarrassment, replied in the
affirmative, and added that the bulletins represented his views and
opinions. The Governor, who had several times proposed that the
Emperor should be attended by his physician, who he said was a
very skilful man, on taking his leave again proposed to send his
Doctor to Longwood. But the Emperor saw his motives, and
constantly resisted his offer.
Having related all these particulars to me, the Emperor remained
silent for some minutes. Then resuming, apparently after some
reflection, he said: "How mean and disagreeable is the expression of
the Governor’s countenance! I never saw any thing like it in my
life!... I should be unable to drink my coffee if this man were left for
a moment alone beside me.... My dear Las Cases, they have sent me
worse than a jailor!..."
THIRD DAY OF THE EMPEROR’S SECLUSION.—SUMMARY
OF HIS HISTORY.
May 1st.—The Emperor kept his room to-day as he had done
yesterday. I felt ill from my ride from the Briars; I had a slight fever,
accompanied by great lassitude. The Emperor sent for me about
seven o’clock in the evening. I went to his chamber and found him
reading Rollin, whom he accused, as usual, of being too indulgent an
historian. He did not appear to have been indisposed, and even said
he was very well; but this only rendered me the more uneasy at his
seclusion and his calmness of manner. He put off dinner to a later
hour than usual, and detained me with him. He called for a glass of
Constantia some time before dinner; this he generally does when he
feels the want of excitement.
After dinner, he looked over a few of the addresses, proclamations,
or acts, in Goldsmith’s imperfect collection. The perusal of some of

these documents seemed to interest him; then, laying down the
book, he began to walk about, and said, "After all, let them abridge,
suppress, and mutilate as much as they please, they will find it very
difficult to throw me entirely into the shade. The historian of France
cannot pass over the Empire, and if he has any honesty, he will not
fail to render me my share of justice. His task will be easy; for the
facts speak for themselves: they shine like the sun.
“I closed the gulf of anarchy and cleared the chaos. I purified the
Revolution, dignified Nations and established Kings. I excited every
kind of emulation, rewarded every kind of merit, and extended the
limits of glory! This is at least something! And on what point can I
be assailed on which an historian could not defend me? Can it be for
my intentions? But even here I can find absolution. Can it be for my
despotism? It may be demonstrated that the Dictatorship was
absolutely necessary. Will it be said that I restrained liberty? It can
be proved that licentiousness, anarchy, and the greatest
irregularities, still haunted the threshold of freedom. Shall I be
accused of having been too fond of war? It can be shown that I
always received the first attack. Will it be said that I aimed at
universal monarchy? It can be proved that this was merely the result
of fortuitous circumstances, and that our enemies themselves led me
step by step to this determination. Lastly, shall I be blamed for my
ambition? This passion I must doubtless be allowed to have
possessed, and that in no small degree; but, at the same time, my
ambition was of the highest and noblest kind that ever, perhaps,
existed—that of establishing and of consecrating the empire of
reason, and the full exercise and complete enjoyment of all the
human faculties! And here the historian will probably feel compelled
to regret that such ambition should not have been fulfilled and
gratified!” ... Then after a few moments of silent reflection: “This,”
said the Emperor, “is my whole history in a few words.”
FOURTH DAY OF ABSOLUTE SECLUSION.—THE MONITEUR
FAVOURABLE TO THE EMPEROR.

2nd.—The Emperor still kept his room as on the preceding days. He
sent for me about nine o’clock in the evening, after I had dined. He
had seen no one during the day; I remained with him till eleven
o’clock; he was in good spirits, and appeared to be well. I assured
him that the days which we passed without seeing him seemed very
tedious; and that we feared his health would suffer from close
confinement and the want of fresh air. For my own part, this
seclusion caused me great uneasiness and affliction. He went to bed
half an hour before he dismissed me: he said his legs refused to
support him. He felt fatigued with walking, though he had only taken
a few turns with me in his chamber.
He spoke a great deal of the Legion of Honour, of Goldsmith’s
Collection, and of the Moniteur. Respecting the latter, he said that it
was certainly a very remarkable circumstance, and one of which few
besides himself could boast, that he had made his way through the
Revolution at so early an age, and with so much notoriety, without
having to dread the Moniteur. “There is not a sentence in it,” said he,
“which I could wish to obliterate. On the contrary, the Moniteur will
infallibly serve me as a justification, whenever I may have occasion
for it.”
FIFTH DAY’S SECLUSION.
3rd.—The Emperor still continued within doors, and saw no one; this
was his fifth day of retirement. The different individuals of his
establishment knew not how he occupied himself in his chamber. He
sent for me, as it were, by stealth, and I went to him about six
o’clock in the evening.
I again expressed to him the anxiety and pain we felt at seeing him
thus secluded. He told me that he bore the confinement very well,
but that he found the days long and the nights still longer. He had
been unoccupied during the whole day: he said he had felt himself
out of humour; and, indeed, he still continued silent and dull. He
took the bath, and I attended him. He concluded the evening by
conversing on subjects of great importance.

SIXTH DAY OF SECLUSION.
4th.—The Emperor still remained within doors. He had, however,
expressed his intention to ride on horseback about four o’clock; but
the rain prevented him from stirring out. He received the Grand
Marshal in his chamber.
He sent for me about eight o’clock to dine with him. He said that the
Governor had called on the Grand Marshal, and had remained with
him above an hour. His conversation had been frequently
disagreeable and sometimes even offensive. He had spoken on a
variety of topics in a tone of ill-humour and disrespect, and in a very
vague and indeterminate manner: reproaching us, particularly, as it
appeared, with being very loud and unreasonable in our complaints.
He maintained that we were very well provided for and ought to be
content; that we seemed to be strangely mistaken with regard to
what was due to our persons and our situations. He added, at least
so he was understood, that he was desirous of being assured every
day, by ocular testimony, of the existence and presence of the
Emperor.
There is no doubt that this point was the real cause of his ill-humour
and agitation. Several days had passed without his having been able
to receive any report from his officer or spies, as the Emperor had
not gone out, and no one had been admitted to his presence.
But what measures would he adopt? This consideration occupied us
all in our turns. The Emperor would never submit, even at the peril
of his life, to a regular visit, which might be capriciously renewed at
any hour of the day or night. Would the Governor employ force and
violence to dispute with the Emperor a last asylum of a few square
feet and a few hours’ repose? His instructions must have been drawn
up in anticipation of the case that had now occurred. No outrage, no
want of respect, no barbarity, could surprise me.
As to the Governor’s remark that we entertained mistaken ideas with
regard to ourselves and our situation, we are very conscious that,
instead of being at the Tuileries, we are at St. Helena, and that,

instead of being masters, we are captives: how then can we be
mistaken?
ON CHINA AND RUSSIA.—RESEMBLANCE BETWEEN THE
TWO GREAT REVOLUTIONS IN FRANCE AND ENGLAND.
5th.—About ten o’clock in the morning, the Emperor went to ride for
the first time. While he was mounting his horse, he was informed
that the Resident of the East India Company in China had come to
Longwood, and solicited the honour of being presented to him. He
sent for him, and put some questions to him with great
condescension. We then rode out to call on Madame Bertrand. The
Emperor remained there above an hour; he was weak and altered in
his appearance: his conversation was languid. We returned to
Longwood. The Emperor wished to breakfast out of doors.
He sent for our host at Briars, the worthy Mr. Balcombe, and the
Resident from China, who was still at Longwood. The whole time of
breakfast was occupied in questions relating to China, its population,
laws, customs, and trade.
The Resident stated that a circumstance occurred a few years back
between the Russians and the Chinese, which might have been
attended with important results, had not Russia been entirely
absorbed by the affairs of Europe.
The Russian traveller, Krusenstern, in his voyage round the world,
anchored at Canton with his two vessels. He was received
provisionally, and was permitted, until the orders of the Court should
arrive, to dispose of the furs with which his ships were laden, and to
take on board a cargo of tea in their stead. The orders from the
Chinese court were delayed for more than a month, and M. de
Krusenstern had set sail two days before they arrived. They directed
that the two vessels should quit the port immediately: that all trade
with the Russians in that quarter was prohibited; that enough had
been conceded to their Emperor by land in the North of the Empire;
that it was monstrous in him to attempt to extend his intercourse in

the South by sea; and that strong displeasure would he manifested
towards those who had suggested to them that course. The order
further decreed that, in the event of the ships having sailed before
the arrival of the answer from Pekin, the English Factory should be
charged to communicate it, through Europe, to the Emperor of
Russia.
Napoleon felt very much fatigued with his short ride; he had not left
his chamber for seven days before; this was the first time that he
had re-appeared among us. We remarked an evident change in his
countenance.
He sent for me about five o’clock; the Grand Marshal was with him.
The Emperor was undressed; he had tried in vain to enjoy a little
rest; he thought he was feverish; the sensation proceeded from
extreme lassitude. The Emperor had a fire lighted, but would not
have candles in his room. We passed the time in desultory
conversation in the dark, till eight o’clock, when the Emperor sent us
to dinner.
In the course of the day, the conversation had turned on the
similarity of the two great revolutions of England and France. “There
are many points, both of resemblance and difference, between these
two great events,” said the Emperor; “they afford inexhaustible
subjects for reflection.” He then made some very curious and
remarkable observations. I shall here note down his remarks on this
occasion, as well as at other intervals during the day.
"Both in France and England the storm gathered during the two
feeble and indolent reigns of James I. and Louis XV., and burst over
the heads of the unfortunate Charles I. and Louis XVI.
"Both these Sovereigns fell victims: both perished on the scaffold,
and their families were proscribed and banished.
"Both monarchies became republics, and, during that period, both
nations plunged into every excess which can degrade the human
heart and understanding. They were disgraced by scenes of

madness, blood, and outrage. Every tie of humanity was broken, and
every principle overturned.
"Both in England and France, at this period, two men vigorously
stemmed the torrent, and reigned with splendour. After these, the
two hereditary families were restored; but both pursued an
erroneous course. They committed faults; a fresh storm suddenly
burst forth in both countries, and expelled the two restored
dynasties, without their being able to offer the least resistance to the
adversaries who overthrew them.
"In this singular parallel, Napoleon appears to have been in France
at once the Cromwell and the Wm. III. of England. But as every
comparison with Cromwell is in some degree odious, I must add
that, if these two celebrated men coincided in one single
circumstance of their lives, it was scarcely possible for two beings to
differ more in every other point.
"Cromwell appeared on the theatre of the world at the age of
maturity. He attained supreme rank only by dint of address, duplicity,
and hypocrisy.
"Napoleon distinguished himself at the very dawn of manhood, and
his first steps were attended by the purest glory.
"Cromwell attained supreme power, opposed and hated by all
parties, and by affixing an everlasting stain on the English
revolution.
"Napoleon, on the contrary, ascended the throne by obliterating the
stains of the French revolution, and through the concurrence of all
parties, who in turn sought to gain him as their chief.
"All the glory of Cromwell was bought by English blood; his triumphs
were all so many causes of national mourning; but Napoleon’s
victories were gained over the foreign foe, and they filled the French
nation with transport.
"Finally, the death of Cromwell was a source of joy to all England:
the event was regarded as a public deliverance. The same cannot

exactly be said of Napoleon’s fall.
"In England the revolution was the rising of the whole nation against
the King. The King had violated the laws, and usurped absolute
power; and the nation wished to resume her rights.
"In France, the revolution was the rising of one portion of the nation
against another; that of the third estate against the nobility; it was
the re-action of the Gauls against the Franks. The King was attacked
not so much in his character of monarch as in his quality of chief of
the feudal system. He was not reproached with having violated the
laws; but the nation wished to emancipate and re-constitute itself.
"In England, if Charles I. had yielded voluntarily, if he had possessed
the moderate and undecided character of Louis XVI. he would have
survived.
"In France, on the contrary, if Louis XVI. had openly resisted, if he
had had the courage, activity, and ardour of Charles I. he would
have triumphed.
"During the whole conflict, Charles I., isolated in his kingdom, was
surrounded only by partisans and friends, and was never connected
with any constitutional branch of his subjects.
"Louis XVI. was supported by a regular army, by foreign aid, and two
constitutional portions of the nation—the nobility and the clergy.
Besides, there remained to Louis XVI. a second decisive resolution,
which Charles I. had it not in his power to adopt, namely, that of
ceasing to be a feudal Chief, in order to become a national Chief.
Unfortunately he could not decide on either the one or the other.
"Charles I. therefore perished because he resisted, and Louis XVI.
because he did not resist. The one had a perfect conviction of the
privileges of his prerogative; but it is doubtful whether the other had
any such conviction, any more than he felt the necessity of
exercising its privileges.
"In England, the death of Charles I. was the result of the artful and
atrocious ambition of a single man.

"In France, it was the work of the blind multitude, of a disorderly
popular assembly.
"In England, the representatives of the people evinced a slight shade
of decorum, by abstaining from being the judges and actors in the
murder which they decreed; they appointed a tribunal to try the
King.
"In France, the representatives of the people presumed to be at
once accusers, judges, and executioners.
"In England, the affair was managed by an invisible hand: it
assumed an appearance of reflection and calmness. In France, it
was managed by the multitude, whose fury was without bounds.
"In England, the death of the King gave birth to the Republic. In
France, on the contrary, the birth of the Republic caused the death
of the King.
"In England the political explosion was produced by the efforts of
the most ardent religious fanaticism. In France, it was brought about
amidst the acclamations of cynical impiety; each according to
different ages and manners.
"The English Revolution was ushered in by the excesses of the
gloomy school of Calvin. The loose doctrines of the modern school
conjured up the storm in France.
"In England, the Revolution was mingled with civil war. In France, it
was attended by foreign war; and to the efforts and opposition of
foreigners the French may justly attribute their excesses. The
English can advance no such excuse for theirs.
"In England, the army proved itself capable of every act of outrage
and fury; it was the scourge of the citizens.
"In France, on the contrary, we owed every benefit to the army. Its
triumphs abroad either diminished, or caused us to forget, our
horrors at home. The army secured independence and glory to
France.

"In England, the Restoration was the work of the English people,
who hailed the event with the most lively enthusiasm. The nation
escaped slavery, and seemed to have recovered freedom. It was not
precisely thus in France.
"In England, a son-in-law hurled his father-in-law from the throne.
He was supported by all Europe; and the memory of the act is
revered and imperishable.
“In France, on the contrary, the chosen sovereign of the people, who
had reigned for the space of fifteen years, with the assent of his
subjects and foreigners, re-appeared on the theatre of the world, to
seize a sceptre which he regarded as his own. Europe rose in a
mass, and outlawed him. Eleven hundred thousand men marched
against him; he yielded; he was thrown into captivity, and now
efforts are making to tarnish the lustre of his memory!”
EXPLANATION WITH DR. O’MEARA.—THE CONSULATE.—OPINION OF THE
EMIGRANTS RESPECTING THE CONSUL.—THE EMPEROR’S INTENTIONS
WITH REGARD TO EMIGRANT PROPERTY.—CONCURRENCE OF FORTUNATE
CIRCUMSTANCES IN THE EMPEROR’S CAREER.—OPINION OF THE ITALIANS
RESPECTING NAPOLEON.—HIS CORONATION BY THE POPE.—EFFECT OF
THE CONFERENCES AT TILSIT.—THE SPANISH BOURBONS.—ARRIVAL OF THE
FAMOUS WOODEN PALACE.
6th.—The Emperor sent for me at nine o’clock. He was vexed at the
conduct of the new Governor, and particularly at the intention that
seemed to be entertained of violating his last humble sanctuary. He
preferred death to this last outrage; and he was resolved to run
every risk in opposing it. A catastrophe seemed inevitable. The
Emperor indeed concluded that there was a determination to bring it
about, and that only some plausible pretence was sought for. He was
resolved not to evade it. “I am prepared for every thing,” said he, in
a certain moment of confidence. “They will kill me here, it is
certain....”
The Emperor sent for Dr. O’Meara, in order that he might learn his
personal opinion. He desired me to express to him, in English, that

he had hitherto no cause of complaint against him: on the contrary,
that he considered him to be an honest man, and as a proof of this,
he would rely implicitly on the answers he might receive to the
questions which he was about to put to him. It was necessary, he
said, to come to an understanding. Was he to consider him as his
own physician personally, or merely as a prison doctor, appointed by
the English Government? Was he his confessor or his inspector? Had
he made reports respecting him, or was it his intention so to do, if
called upon? In the one case, the Emperor said he would readily
continue to receive his attendance, and was grateful for the services
he had already received; in the other case, he thanked him and
begged him to discontinue his visits.
The doctor replied with great firmness, and in a tone of feeling. He
said that his appointment was entirely professional, and had no
connection with politics; he conceived himself to be the Emperor’s
personal medical attendant, and was a stranger to every other
consideration; that he had made no report respecting the Emperor,
and that none had yet been demanded of him; that he could not
imagine any circumstance which should induce him to make a
report, except in case of serious illness, when it might be necessary
to call in the aid of other professional men.
About three o’clock, the Emperor went into the garden with the
intention of mounting his horse. He had been dictating for a
considerable time to General Gourgaud, and had nearly got through
the events of 1815. He was very well satisfied with the result of his
labour.
I recommended to him next to commence the history of the
Consulate; that brilliant period in which a nation in a state of
dissolution was in a few moments magically re-composed, with
respect to its laws, religion, morality, true principles, and honest
prejudices; and all this amidst the universal applause and admiration
of astonished Europe.
I was in England at this time. I told the Emperor that the mass of
the emigrants were forcibly struck by these acts. The recal of the

priests and of the emigrants was received as a blessing; and the
great majority profited by it.
The Emperor asked me whether we had not been shocked at the
word amnesty?—"No," I replied, “we knew all the difficulties which
the First Consul had experienced in this respect. We knew that all
the advantages of the measure were due to him, that he alone was
our protector, and that every evil originated with those with whom
he had been obliged to contend in our favour. Subsequently,” added
I, “on our return to France, we found indeed that the Consul might
have treated us better with respect to our property, and this without
much difficulty, merely by assuming a silent and passive attitude.
This we conceived would have sufficed in every case to have
produced amicable arrangements between the old proprietors and
the purchasers.”
“Doubtless, I might have done so,” said the Emperor, “but could I
have trusted sufficiently to the emigrants?—Answer me this
question.”
“Sire,” I replied, “now that I have more knowledge of public affairs,
and take a more comprehensive view of things, I can readily
conceive that policy required you to act as you did. Recent
circumstances have proved how wise was the course which you
pursued. It would have been bad policy to have dissatisfied the
nation. The question of national property is one of the first bulwarks
of public spirit and of the national party.”
“You are right,” observed the Emperor; "but I might nevertheless
have granted all that was wished. For a moment I cherished the idea
of doing so, and I committed a fault in not fulfilling this idea. I
intended to form a mass, or a syndicate, of all the unsold property of
the emigrants, and, on their return, to distribute it in a proportional
ratio among them. But when I came to grant property to individuals,
I soon found that I was creating too many wealthy men, and that
they repaid my favours with insolence. Those who, by dint of
petitioning and cringing, had perhaps obtained an annual income of
50 or 100,000 crowns, no longer lifted their hats to me; and far from

evincing the least gratitude, they had the impertinence to pretend
that they had paid secretly for the favours they enjoyed. This was
the conduct of the whole Faubourg Saint-Germain. I restored the
fortunes of these people, and they still remained no less hostile and
anti-national. Then, in spite of the act of amnesty, I prohibited the
restitution of the unsold forests, whenever they should exceed a
certain value. This was doubtless an act of injustice, according to the
letter of the law; but policy imperatively called for it: the fault was in
the drawing up of the law, and the improvidence which dictated it.
This re-action on my part, destroyed all the good effect of the recal
of the emigrants, and robbed me of the attachment of all the great
families. I might have guarded against this evil, or I might have
neutralized its effects by my syndicate. For one great family
alienated, I might have secured the attachment of a hundred
provincial nobles, and thus I should in reality have strictly conformed
with justice, which required that the emigrants, who had all run the
same risk, embarked their fortunes in common on board the same
ship, suffered the same wreck, and incurred the same punishment,
should all receive the same indemnification. Here I committed an
error,” said the Emperor, “which the more unpardonable as I
entertained an idea of the plan which I have just mentioned. But I
stood alone, and was surrounded by opposition and difficulty. All
parties were hostile to the emigrants: and meanwhile I was pressed
by important affairs, time was running on, and I was compelled to
direct my attention to other matters.
“Even so late as my return from Elba,” continued the Emperor, “I was
on the point of executing a project of the same sort. If I had had
time, I should have turned my attention to the poor emigrants from
the provinces who were neglected by the Court. It is rather a
singular circumstance that this idea was suggested to me by an old
ex-minister of Louis XVI., whose services had been but ill requited by
the Princes, and who pointed out to me various plans by which evils
of the same kind might have been advantageously remedied.”
“Sire,” observed I, “the reasonable portion of the emigrants well
knew that the few generous and liberal ideas that were cherished

with respect to them originated only with you; they were aware that
all who surrounded you wished for their destruction. They knew that
the very idea of nobility was hateful to them; and they gave you
credit for not being of that opinion. Would you believe it, their self-
love occasionally found a certain degree of consolation in the
reflection that you were one of their own class?”
The Emperor then asked me what was the opinion of the emigrants
respecting his birth, the incidents of his life, &c. I replied that we
beheld him for the first time at the head of the army of Italy; and
that we were totally ignorant of all his previous history. We never
could call him de Buonaparte. At this the Emperor laughed. The turn
of our conversation then led him to observe that he had frequently
reflected on the singular concurrence of secondary circumstances
which had brought about his wonderful career.
1st, “If,” said he, “my father, who died before he attained the age of
forty, had survived some time longer, he would have been appointed
deputy from the Corsican nobility to the Constituent Assembly. He
was much attached to the nobility and the aristocracy; on the other
hand, he was a warm partisan of generous and liberal ideas. He
would, therefore, either have been entirely on the right side, or at
least in the minority of the nobility. At any rate, whatever might have
been my own personal opinions, I should have followed my father’s
footsteps, and thus my career would have been entirely deranged
and lost.
2ndly, “If I had been older at the time of the revolution, I should
perhaps myself have been appointed deputy. Being of an
enthusiastic disposition, I should infallibly have adopted some
opinion, and ardently followed it up. But at all events I should have
shut myself out from the military service, and thus again my career
would have been changed.
3rdly, “Had my family been better known, more wealthy, or more
distinguished, my rank of nobility, even though I had followed the
course of the revolution, would have made a cipher of me and
proscribed me. I could never have obtained confidence; I could

never have commanded an army; or, if I had attained such a
command, I could not have ventured to do all that I did. Had my
family circumstances been different from what they actually were, I
could not, with all my success, have followed the bent of my liberal
ideas with regard to the priests and nobles, and I should never have
arrived at the head of the Government.
4thly, “The number of my sisters and brothers is also a circumstance
which proved of great use to me, by multiplying my connections and
means of influence.
5thly, “My marriage with Madame de Beauharnois brought me in
contact with a party, whose aid was necessary in my system of
amalgamations, which was one of the chief principles of my
government, and that by which it was especially characterized. But
for my wife, I should not have obtained any natural connection with
this party.
6thly, “Even my foreign origin, though in France an endeavour was
made to raise an outcry against it, was not unattended by
advantage. The Italians regarded me as their countryman, and this
circumstance greatly facilitated my success in Italy. This success
being once obtained, inquiries were set on foot respecting our family
history, which had long been buried in obscurity. My family was
acknowledged by the Italians to have acted a distinguished part in
the events of their country. It was viewed by them as an Italian
family. Thus when the question of my sister Pauline’s marriage with
the Prince Borghese was agitated, there was but one voice in Rome
and Tuscany among the members of that family and their adherents:
‘Well,’ said they, ‘the union is among ourselves; they are our own
connections.’ Subsequently, when it was proposed that the Emperor
should be crowned by the Pope at Paris, great obstacles were, as
circumstances have since proved, thrown in the way of that
important event. The Austrian party in the conclave violently
opposed the measure; but the Italian party decided in its favour, by
adding to political considerations a little consideration of national
self-love. ‘We are placing,’ said they, ‘an Italian family on the throne,

to govern these barbarians: we shall thus be revenged on the
Gauls.’”
These remarks naturally led the Emperor to speak of the Pope, who
he said was rather favourably disposed towards him. The Pope did
not accuse Napoleon of having ordered his removal to France. He
was very indignant at reading in certain publications that the
Emperor treated him with disrespect. He had received at
Fontainebleau every mark of consideration that he could wish. When
he learned the Emperor’s return from Elba to France, he said to
Lucien, in a tone expressive of his confidence and impartiality, ’E
sbarcato e arrivato (he has landed, he has arrived.) He afterwards
said: “You are going to Paris; make my peace with him. I am in
Rome; no cause of difference shall arise between us.”
“It is certain,” said the Emperor, “that Rome will afford a natural and
favourable asylum for my family: there they may find themselves at
home. Finally,” added he, smiling, “even my name, Napoleon, which
in Italy is uncommon, poetic, and sonorous, contributed its share in
the great circumstances of my life.”
I mentioned to the Emperor, what I had already remarked, namely,
that the great mass of the emigrants were far from being unjust to
him. The sensible part of the old aristocracy disliked him, it is true,
but only because he proved an obstacle to their views. They knew
how to appreciate his achievements and his talents, which they
admired in spite of their inclination. Even the fanatics acknowledged
that he had but one fault: “Why is he not legitimate?” they were
frequently heard to say. Austerlitz staggered us, though it did not
subdue us; but Tilsit prostrated every thing. “Your Majesty,” said I,
“might yourself have judged of this, and have enjoyed on your
return the unanimity of homage, acclamation, and good wishes.”
“That is to say,” observed the Emperor, smiling, “if, at that time, I
could or would have indulged in repose and pleasure; if I had
resigned myself to indolence, if every thing had resumed its old
course, you would have adored me? But if such had been my taste
and inclination, and certainly nothing was more opposite to my

natural disposition, circumstances would not have permitted me to
act as I pleased.”
The Emperor then adverted to the numerous difficulties by which he
had been incessantly surrounded and controlled; and, alluding to the
Spanish war, he said, “That unlucky war ruined me; it divided my
forces, obliged me to multiply my efforts, and caused my principles
to be assailed: and yet it was impossible to leave the Peninsula a
prey to the machinations of the English, the intrigues, the hopes,
and the pretensions of the Bourbons. Besides, the Spanish Bourbons
were not calculated to inspire much fear. Nationally they were
foreign to us, and we to them. At the castle of Marrach, and at the
Bayonne, I observed that Charles IV. the Queen knew no difference
between Madame de Montmorency and the new ladies: the names
of the latter were indeed rendered more familiar to them by the
newspapers and public documents. The Empress Josephine, who
had the most delicate tact on matters of this sort, never ceased
alluding to the circumstance. The Spanish Royal Family implored me
to adopt a daughter, and to create her a Princess of the Asturias.
They pointed out Mademoiselle de Tascher, afterwards Duchess of
Aremberg; but I had personal reasons for objecting to this choice.
For a moment I decided on Mademoiselle de la Rochefoucault,
afterwards Princess Aldobrandini; but I wanted some one sincerely
devoted to my interests, a true Frenchwoman, possessing talent and
information, and I could not fix on one endowed with all the qualities
I wished for.”
Then returning to the war in Spain, the Emperor resumed:—"This
combination ruined me. All the circumstances of my disasters are
connected with that fatal knot: it destroyed my moral power in
Europe, rendered my embarrassments more complicated, and
opened a school for the English soldiers. It was I who trained the
English army in the Peninsula.
"Events have proved that I committed a great fault in the choice of
my means; for the fault lies in the means much more than in the
principles. It cannot be doubted that, in the crisis in which France

then was, in the struggle of new ideas, in the great cause of the age
against the rest of Europe, we could not leave Spain behind, at the
disposal of our enemies: it was absolutely necessary to enchain her,
voluntarily, or by force, in our system. The destiny of France
required this: and the code of the welfare of nations is not always
that of individuals. Besides, to political necessity was here
superadded for me the force of right. Spain, when she saw me in
danger, Spain, when she knew that my hands were full at Jena, had
almost declared war against me. The insult ought not to pass
unpunished: I could declare war in my turn, and assuredly the
success could not be doubtful. It was this very facility that misled
me. The nation despised its government: it called loudly for a
regeneration. From the height to which Fortune had raised me, I
considered myself called, I considered it worthy of me to accomplish
in peace so great an event. I was solicitous to spare blood, that not
a drop should stain the Castilian emancipation. I therefore delivered
the Spaniards from their abominable institutions; I gave them a
liberal constitution; I deemed it necessary, perhaps too lightly, to
change their dynasty. I placed one of my brothers at their head; but
he was the only foreigner among them. I respected the integrity of
their territory, their independence, their manners, the remnant of
their laws. The new monarch gained the capital, having no other
ministers, no other councillors, no other courtiers, but those of the
late Court. My troops were about to withdraw: I had done the
greatest benefit that ever was conferred on a nation—so I said to
myself, and so I still say. The Spaniards themselves, as I have been
assured, thought so in their hearts, and never complained of any
thing but the forms. I expected their blessings, but I was
disappointed: disdaining interest, they thought only of the insult:
they were indignant at the idea of an affront, enraged at the sight of
force, and all flew to arms. The Spaniards, collectively, behaved like
men of honour. I have nothing to say on that head: but, if they
triumphed, they have been cruelly punished for it. Perhaps they are
to be pitied.... They deserved better."

The Emperor dined with us to-day; it was long since we had enjoyed
his company. After dinner he read to us Florian’s novel of Claudine,
and some extracts from Paul and Virginia, a work which he says he
is very fond of, on account of early recollections.
The Adamant transport has arrived. This vessel a short time ago
missed the island. She formed part of a convoy, the remainder of
which arrived nearly a month back. These ships brought the famous
wooden palace, accounts of which have filled all the newspapers in
England, and probably in Europe; and also the furniture, about
which the papers have also made a great parade. The wooden
palace proved to be nothing more than a number of rough planks,
which no one knows how to put together at St. Helena, and which it
would require several years to fit up. The splendour of the other
articles was of course well suited to our situation. Ostentation,
pomp, and luxury, were for Europe; truth and wretchedness for St.
Helena.
THE ILIAD.—HOMER.
7th.—The Governor came to Longwood about four o’clock, and went
over the establishment without asking to see any one. His ill-humour
was visibly increased, his manners had become fierce and brutal.
About five o’clock the Emperor sent for me; the Grand Marshal had
been with him for some time. When he went away, the Emperor
began to talk with me upon literature; and we reviewed almost
every epic poem, ancient and modern. When conversing on the
Iliad, he took up an edition of Homer, and read aloud several cantos.
The Emperor greatly admired the Iliad. “It was,” he said, "like the
Books of Moses, the token and the pledge of the age in which it was
produced. Homer, in his epic poem, has proved himself a poet, an
orator, an historian, a legislator, a geographer, and a theologist. He
may be justly called the encyclopedist of the period in which he
flourished.”

The Emperor considered Homer inimitable. Father Hardouin had
ventured to question the authenticity of of the Iliad, and to attribute
that sacred monument of antiquity to a monk of the tenth century.
This the Emperor said was perfect absurdity. He added that he had
never been so struck with the beauties of the Iliad as at that very
moment; and that the sensations with which it then inspired him
fully convinced him of the justice of the universal approbation
bestowed on it. One thing which particularly struck him, he
observed, was the combination of rudeness of manners with
refinement of ideas. Heroes were described killing animals for their
food, cooking their meat with their own hands, and yet delivering
speeches distinguished for singular eloquence and denoting a high
degree of civilization.
The Emperor desired me to stay and dine with him. “Yet,” said he,
“you would probably fare better at the table of the household; you
will be starved with me.” “Sire,” I replied, “I know that you are ill
provided; but I prefer privation shared with you to luxury enjoyed
elsewhere.”
During the day, the Emperor was ill with the head-ache, of which
some individuals of his suite also complained. I regretted that he
was unable to go out, for the weather was very fine. After dinner,
the Emperor summoned the whole of his suite into his own chamber,
and we remained with him until ten o’clock.
8th.—About five o’clock the Emperor took an airing in the calash. On
his return he was visited by several English gentlemen, of whom,
according to custom, he asked a multitude of questions. These
gentlemen had arrived by the Cornwall: they were proceeding to
China, and were expected to touch at St. Helena in the following
January on their passage back to Europe.
After dinner one of the suite remarked to the Emperor that his
feelings had been painfully excited in the morning when writing out
a fair copy of his dictation respecting the battle of Waterloo, to find
that the result had depended, as it were, on a hair. The Emperor
made no reply, but, turning to Emmanuel, said, in a tone expressing

deep emotion: “My son (which was his usual mode of addressing
him) go and get Iphigenia in Aulis, it will be a more pleasing
subject.” He then read to us that beautiful drama, which he admires
exceedingly.
CHARACTERISTIC REMARKS MADE BY THE EMPEROR.
9th.—I went to dine at Briars with my son and General Gourgaud;
and we staid to a little ball. I met the Admiral there, and I never
found him in a more agreeable humour. This was the first time I had
seen him since the adventure of Noverraz; I was aware how much
the circumstance had hurt him. He was on the point of departing for
Europe, and I knew the Emperor’s sentiments. I was twenty times
almost tempted freely to enter upon the subject, and thus to be the
means of reconciling him with Napoleon. Truth, justice, and our own
interest, demanded this; but I was deterred by considerations that
were doubtless trivial. How often have I blamed myself since!... But
I had not received this delicate mission, and I could not venture to
take it upon myself. The admiral might have given publicity to the
affair, and perhaps have represented it in a way that would have
highly displeased the Emperor, and possibly have exposed him to
fresh vexations. On this subject I will note down the following
remarks which were made by the Emperor, and which characterize
him too well to be omitted.
He was one day describing to me evils attendant on weakness and
credulity in a sovereign; the intrigues which they engender in the
interior of the palace; and the fickleness which they create. He
demonstrated very clearly that a sovereign distinguished for these
qualities must inevitably become the dupe of courtiers and the victim
of calumny. “Of this I will give you a proof,” said he. “You yourself,
who have sacrificed every thing to follow me; you, who have evinced
such noble and affecting devotedness, how do you think your
conduct is viewed? How do you imagine your character is estimated?
You are regarded merely as one of the old nobility, an emigrant, an
agent of the Bourbons, maintaining correspondence with the

English. It is said that you concurred in betraying me to them, and
that you followed me hither only to be a spy upon me and to sell me
to my enemies. The aversion and animosity which you evince
towards the Governor are affirmed to be only false appearances
agreed upon between you for the purpose of disguising your
treachery.” When I smiled at the lively turn of his fancy, and the
volubility with which he expressed himself: “You may laugh,”
resumed he “but I assure you that I am not inventing, I am merely
echoing the reports that have reached my ears. And can you
imagine,” continued he, “that a silly, feeble, and credulous being
would not be influenced by such stories and contrivances? My dear
Las Cases, if I had not been superior to the majority of legitimates, I
might already have been deprived of your services here, and your
upright heart would perhaps have been doomed to suffer the cruel
stings of ingratitude.” He concluded by saying: “how wretched is the
lot of man! He is the same every where: on the summit of a rock or
within the walls of a palace! Man is always man!...”
REMARKS ON HOCHE AND VARIOUS OTHER GENERALS.
10th.—The weather was very bad, and the Emperor, finding it
impossible to go out, walked up and down in the dining-room. He
afterwards ordered a fire to be kindled in the drawing-room, and sat
down to play at chess with the Grand Marshal. After dinner he read
to us the history of Joseph from the Bible, and the Andromache of
Racine.
The Bengal fleet arrived yesterday evening. The Countess of Loudon
and Moira, the wife of the Governor-General of India, was among
the passengers.
To-day, in the course of conversation, the name of Hoche having
been mentioned, some one observed that at a very early age he had
inspired great hope. “And what is still better,” said the Emperor, “you
may add that he fulfilled that hope.” Hoche and Napoleon had seen
each other, and had conversed twice or thrice together. Hoche
esteemed him even to admiration. Napoleon did not hesitate to say

that he possessed over Hoche the advantages of extensive
information and the principles of a good education. There was, he
said, in other respects a great difference between them. “Hoche,”
said he, “endeavoured to raise a party for himself, and gained only
servile adherents. For my part, I had created for myself an immense
number of partisans, without in any way seeking popularity. Hoche
possessed a hostile provoking kind of ambition; he was the sort of
man who could conceive the idea of coming from Strasburg, with
25,000 men, to seize the reins of government by force. But my
policy was always of a patient kind, led on by the spirit of the age,
and the circumstances of the moment.”
The Emperor added that Hoche would ultimately either have yielded
to him, or must have subdued him, and, as he was fond of money
and pleasure, he doubted not that he would have yielded to him.
Moreau, observed he, in similar circumstances, knew not how to
decide. Thus Napoleon attached but little importance to him, and
regarded him as totally wanting in ability; without however
extending this opinion to his military talent. “But he was a weak
man,” said the Emperor, "guided by those who surrounded him, and
slavishly subject to the control of his wife: he was a general of the
old monarchy.
“Hoche,” continued the Emperor, "died suddenly and under singular
circumstances; and as there existed a party who seemed to think
that all crimes belonged to me of right, endeavours were made to
circulate a report that I had poisoned him. There was a time when
no mischief could happen that was not imputed to me; thus, when in
Paris, I caused Kleber to be assassinated in Egypt; I blew out
Desaix’s brains at Marengo: I strangled and cut the throats of
persons who were confined in prisons; I seized the Pope by the hair
of his head: and a hundred similar absurdities were affirmed.
However, as I paid not the least attention to all this, the fashion
passed away, and I do not see that my successors have been very
eager to revive it; and yet, if any of the crimes imputed to me had
had any real existence, the documents, the perpetrators, the
accomplices, &c. might have been brought forward.

“However, such is the influence of report that these stories, however
absurd, were credited by the vulgar, and are perhaps still believed by
a numerous class of persons. Happily the statements of the historian
who reasons are divested of this pernicious effect.”
Then, returning to the former topic of conversation, he said, "What a
number of great Generals arose suddenly during the revolution:
Pichegru, Kleber, Massena, Marceau, Desaix, Hoche, &c., and almost
all were originally private soldiers. But here the efforts of nature
seem to have been exhausted; for she has produced nothing since,
or at least nothing so great. At that period every thing was
submitted to competition among thirty millions of men, and nature
necessarily asserted her rights: whereas, subsequently, we were
again confined within the narrower limits of order and the forms of
society. I was even accused of having surrounded myself, in military
and civil posts, with men of inferior ability, the better to display my
own superiority. But now, when the competition will not certainly be
renewed, it remains for those who are in power to make a better
selection. We shall see what they will do.
"Another circumstance, not less remarkable, was the extreme youth
of some of these Generals, who seemed to have started ready made
from the hands of nature. Their characters were perfectly suited to
the circumstances in which they were placed, with the exception of
Hoche, whose morals were by no means pure. The others had no
object in view save glory and patriotism, which formed their whole
circle. They were men after the antique model.
"Desaix was surnamed by the Arabs the Just Sultan; at the funeral of
Marceau, the Austrians observed an armistice, on account of the
respect they entertained for him: and young Duphot was the
emblem of perfect virtue.
"But the same commendations cannot be bestowed on those who
were farther advanced in life: for they belonged in some measure to
the era that had just passed away. Massena, Augereau, Brune, and
many others, were merely intrepid plunderers. Massena was,
moreover, distinguished for the most sordid avarice. It was asserted

that I played him a trick which might have proved a hanging matter;
that, being one day indignant at his last depredations, I drew on his
banker for 2 or 3,000,000. Great embarrassment ensued: for my
name was not without its weight. The banker wrote to intimate that
he could not pay the sum without the authority of Massena. On the
other hand, he was urged to pay it without hesitation, as Massena, if
he were wronged, could appeal to the courts of law for justice.
Massena however resorted to no legal measures, and suffered the
money to be paid.
"O ——, Murat, and Ney, were common-place Generals, having no
recommendation but personal courage.
"Moncey was an honest man: Macdonald was distinguished for firm
integrity; I was deceived with respect to the character of B——.
"S—— also had his faults as well as his merits. The whole of his
campaign in the south of France was admirably conducted. It will
scarcely be credited that this man, whose deportment and manners
denoted a lofty character, was the slave of his wife. When I learned
at Dresden our defeat at Vittoria, and the loss of all Spain through
the mismanagement of poor Joseph, whose plans and measures
were not suited to the present age, and seemed rather to belong to
a Soubise than to me, I looked about for some one capable of
repairing these disasters, and I cast my eyes on S—— who was near
me. He said that he was ready to undertake what I wished; but
entreated that I would speak to his wife, by whom, he said, he
expected to be reproached. I desired him to send her to me. She
assumed an air of hostility, and decidedly told me that her husband
should certainly not return to Spain; that he had already performed
important services, and was now entitled to a little repose. ‘Madam,’
said I to her: ‘I did not send for you with the view of enduring your
scolding. I am not your husband, and if I were I should not be the
more inclined to bear with you.’ These few words confounded her;
she became as pliant as a glove, turned quite obsequious, and was
only eager to obtain a few conditions. To these, however, I by no
means acceded, and merely contented myself with congratulating

her on her willingness to listen to reason. In critical circumstances,
Madam, said I, it is a wife’s duty to endeavour to smooth difficulties;
go home to your husband, and do not torment him by your
opposition."
RIDICULOUS INVITATION SENT BY SIR HUDSON LOWE.
11th.—At four o’clock I attended the Emperor. The Grand Marshal
entered the room, and gave him a note. The Emperor, after glancing
it over, returned it, shrugging up his shoulders and saying: “This is
too absurd! There is no answer; give it to Las Cases.”
Will it be credited? This was a note from the Governor to the Grand
Marshal, inviting General Bonaparte to dine at Plantation House to
meet Lady Loudon, the wife of Lord Moria. I blushed at the
indecorum. Could any thing be more ridiculous. Sir Hudson Lowe
doubtless thought the thing perfectly natural; and yet he had resided
for a long time at the head-quarters of armies on the Continent; and
taken part in the diplomatic transactions of the time!!...
Mr. Skelton, the Deputy-Governor of the island, who was about to
depart for Europe, came accompanied by his wife, to take leave of
the Emperor. They staid to dine at Longwood.
This worthy family, whom, contrary to our inclination, we had
removed from Longwood, whose prospects we had overthrown by
the suppression of the post of Deputy-Governor on our arrival—this
excellent family, to whom we had been the occasion of real personal
injury, is, however, the only one in the island from whom we have
experienced invariable respect and politeness. We therefore bade
them adieu with sincere wishes for their welfare. We shall always
remember them with sentiments of the deepest interest.
NAPOLEON AT THE INSTITUTE.—AT THE COUNCIL OF STATE.—THE CIVIL CODE.
—MESSAGE TO LORD ST. VINCENT.—ON THE INTERIOR OF AFRICA.—THE
MARINE DEPARTMENT.—DECRÉS.

12th.—The Emperor, while walking in the garden and discoursing on
various subjects, spoke of the Institute, the manner in which it was
composed, the spirit of its members, &c. When he took his place in
the Institute, on his return from the army of Italy, he said that he
might consider himself as the tenth member in his class, which
consisted of about fifty.
Lagrange, Laplace, and Monge, were at the head of this class. It was
rather a remarkable circumstance, and one which attracted
considerable notice at the time, to see the young General of the
army of Italy take his place in the Institute, and publicly discuss
profound metaphysical subjects with his colleagues. He was then
called the Geometrician of battles, and Mechanician of victory, &c.
On becoming First Consul, Napoleon caused no less sensation in the
Council of State. He constantly presided at the sittings for drawing
up the civil code. “Tronchet,” he said, “was the soul of this code, and
he, Napoleon, was its demonstrator.” Tronchet was gifted with a
singularly profound and correct understanding; but he could not
descend to developments. He spoke badly, and could not defend
what he proposed. “The whole council,” said the Emperor, “at first
opposed his suggestions;” but Napoleon, with his shrewdness and
facility of seizing and creating luminous and new relations, arose,
and without any other knowledge of the subject than the correct
basis furnished by Tronchet, developed his ideas, set aside
objections, and brought every one over to his opinions.
The Minutes of the Council of State have transmitted to us the
extempore speeches of the First Consul on most of the articles of the
civil code. At every line, we are struck with the correctness of his
observations, the depth of his views, and in particular the liberality
of his sentiments.
Thus, in spite of the opposition that was set up to it, we are
indebted to him for that article of the Code which enacts that every
individual born in France is a Frenchman. “I should like to know,”
said he, "what inconvenience can possibly arise from acknowledging
every man born in France to be a Frenchman? The extension of the

French civil laws can only be attended by advantageous
consequences; thus instead of ordaining that individuals born in
France of a foreign father shall obtain civil privileges only when they
declare themselves willing to enjoy them, it may be decreed that
they will be deprived of those privileges only when they formally
renounce them.
"If individuals born in France of a foreign father were not to be
considered as enjoying the full privileges of Frenchmen, we cannot
subject to the conscription and other public duties the sons of those
foreigners who have married in France through the events of the
war.
“I am of opinion that the question should be considered only with
reference to the interests of France. Though individuals born in
France possess no property, they are at least animated by French
spirit, and they follow French customs. They cherish that attachment
which every one naturally feels for the country that gave him birth;
finally, they help to maintain the public burthens.”
The First Consul distinguished himself no less by his support of the
article which preserves the privileges of Frenchmen to children born
of Frenchmen settled in foreign countries, and this law he extended
in spite of powerful opposition. “The French people,” said he, "who
are a numerous and industrious people, are scattered over every
part of the world; and in course of time they will be scattered about
in still greater numbers. But the French visit foreign countries only to
make their fortunes. The acts by which they seem momentarily to
attach themselves to foreign governments have for their object only
to obtain the protection necessary for their various speculations. If
they should intend to return to France, after realizing a fortune,
would it be proper to exclude them?
“If it should happen that a country in the possession of France were
to be invaded by the enemy, and afterwards ceded to him by a
treaty, would it be just to say to those of the inhabitants who might
come to settle on the territory of the republic, that they had forfeited
their rights as Frenchmen, for not having quitted their former

country at the moment it was ceded; and because they had sworn
temporary allegiance to a new Sovereign, in order to gain time to
dispose of their property and transfer their wealth to France?”
In another debate on the decease of soldiers, some difficulties
having arisen relative to those who might die in a foreign country,
the First Consul exclaimed with vivacity;—"The soldier is never
abroad when he is under the national banner. The spot where the
standard of France is unfurled becomes French ground!"
On the subject of divorce, the First Consul was for the adoption of
the principle, and spoke at great length on the ground of
incompatibility, which it was attempted to repel.
“It is pretended,” said he, "that divorce is contrary to the interests of
women and children, and to the spirit of families; but nothing is
more at variance with the interests of married persons, when their
humours are incompatible, than to reduce them to the alternative of
either living together, or of separating with publicity. Nothing is more
opposite to domestic happiness than a divided family. Separation
had formerly, with regard to the wife, the husband, and the children,
nearly the same effect as divorce, and yet it was not so frequent as
divorce now is. It was only attended with this additional
inconvenience, that a woman of bad character might continue to
dishonour her husband’s name because she was permitted to retain
it."
When opposing the drawing up of an article to specify the causes for
which divorce would be admissible, he said; "But is it not a great
misfortune to be compelled to expose these causes, and reveal even
the most minute and private family details?
“Besides, will these causes, even in the event of their real existence,
be always sufficient to obtain divorce? That of adultery, for instance,
can only be successfully maintained by proofs, which it is always
very difficult, and sometimes even impossible, to produce. Yet the
husband, who should not be able to bring forward these proofs,
would be compelled to live with a woman whom he abhors and

despises, and who introduces illegitimate children into his family. His
only resource would be separation from bed and board; but this
would not shield his name from dishonour.”
Resuming the support of the principle of divorce, and opposing
certain restrictions, he continued; "Marriage is not always, as is
supposed, the result of affection. A young female consents to marry
for the sake of conforming to the fashion, and obtaining
independence and an establishment of her own. She accepts a
husband of a disproportionate age, and whose tastes and habits do
not accord with hers. The law then should provide for her a resource
against the moment when, the illusion having ceased, she finds that
she is united in ill-assorted bonds, and that her expectations have
been disappointed.
"Marriage takes its form from the manners, customs, and religion, of
every people. Thus its forms are not everywhere alike. In some
countries, wives and concubines live under the same roof; and
slaves are treated like children: the organization of families is
therefore not deduced from the law of nature. The marriages of the
Romans were not like those of the French.
"The precautions established by law for preventing persons from
contracting unthinkingly at the age of fifteen or eighteen an
engagement which extends to the whole of their lives, are certainly
wise. But are they sufficient?
"That after ten years passed in wedlock, divorce should not be
admitted but for very weighty reasons, is also a proper regulation.
Since, however, marriages contracted in early youth are rarely the
choice of the parties themselves, but are brought about by their
families for interested views, it is proper that, if the parties
themselves perceive that they are not formed for one another, they
should be enabled to dissolve a union on which they had no
opportunity of reflecting. The facility thus afforded them, however,
should not tend to favour either levity or passion. It should be
surrounded by every precaution and every form calculated to
prevent its abuse. The parties, for example, might be heard by a

secret family council, held under the presidency of the magistrate. In
addition to this, it might, if thought necessary, be determined that a
woman should only once be allowed to procure divorce, and that she
should not be suffered to re-marry in less than five years, lest the
idea of a second marriage should induce her to dissolve the first;
that, after married persons have lived together for ten years, the
dissolution should be rendered very difficult, &c.
“To grant divorce only on account of adultery publicly proved, is to
proscribe it completely; for, on the one hand, few cases of adultery
can be proved, and, on the other, there are few men shameless
enough to expose the infamy of their wives. Besides, it would be
scandalous, and contrary to the honour of the nation, to reveal the
scenes that pass in some families; it might be concluded, though
erroneously, that they afford a picture of our French manners.”
The first lawyers of the council were of opinion that civil death
should carry along with it the dissolution of the civil contract of
marriage. The question was warmly discussed. The First Consul, with
great animation, opposed it in these terms; "A woman is then to be
forbidden, though fully convinced of her husband’s innocence, to
follow in exile the man to whom she is most tenderly united; or, if
she should yield to her conviction, and to her duty, she is to be
regarded only as a concubine! Why deprive an unfortunate married
couple of the right of living together under the honourable title of
lawful husband and wife?
"If the law permits a woman to follow her husband, without allowing
her the title of wife, it permits adultery.
"Society is sufficiently avenged by the sentence of condemnation,
when the criminal is deprived of his property and torn from his
friends and his connections. Is there any need to extend the
punishment to the wife, and violently to dissolve a union which
identifies her existence with that of her husband? Would she not
say:—‘You had better have taken his life, I should then have been
permitted at least to cherish his memory; but you ordain that he
shall live, and you will not allow me to console him in his misery.’

Alas! how many men have been led into guilt only through their
attachment to their wives! Those therefore who have caused their
misfortunes should at least be permitted to share them. If a woman
fulfils this duty, you esteem her virtue, and yet you are allowing her
no greater indulgence than would be extended to the infamous
wretch who prostitutes herself!" Volumes might be filled with
quotations of this sort.
In 1815, after the restoration, as I was conversing with M. Bertrand
de Molleville, formerly Minister of the Marine under Louis XVI., a
man of great abilities, and who has distinguished himself in more
ways than one, he said:—"Your Bonaparte, your Napoleon, was a
very extraordinary man, it must be confessed. How little did we
know him on the other side of the water! We could not but yield to
the conviction of his victories and his invasions, it is true; but
Genseric, Attila, and Alaric, were as victorious as he. Thus he
produced on me an impression of terror rather than of admiration.
But, since I have been here, I have taken the trouble to look over
the debates on the civil code, and I have ever since been filled with
profound veneration for him. But where in the world did he collect all
his knowledge?... I discover something new every day. Ah! Sir, what
a man you had at the head of your government. Really, he was
nothing less than a prodigy!..."
About five o’clock the Emperor received Captain Bowen, of the
Salsette frigate, which is to sail to-morrow. He behaved very
condescendingly to him. In the course of conversation the name of
Lord St. Vincent, who the Captain said was his patron, happened to
be mentioned, on which the Emperor remarked: “You will see him on
your return to England, and I commission you to present my
compliments to him, as to a good sailor, a brave and worthy
veteran.”
About 7 o’clock the Emperor took a bath. He sent for me, and we
conversed for a long time, first on the events of the day, then on
literary subjects, and lastly on geography. He expressed his
astonishment that we possessed no certain knowledge of the interior

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