Bioinformatics Structure Function and Applications 1st Edition Nicholas R. Markham
Bioinformatics Structure Function and Applications 1st Edition Nicholas R. Markham
Bioinformatics Structure Function and Applications 1st Edition Nicholas R. Markham
Bioinformatics Structure Function and Applications 1st Edition Nicholas R. Markham
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5. Bioinformatics Structure Function and Applications 1st
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Author(s): Nicholas R. Markham, Michael Zuker (auth.), Jonathan M. Keith
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Year: 2008
Language: english
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METHODS IN MOLECULAR BIOLOGY™
John M. Walker, SERIES EDITOR
9. ME T H O D S I N MO L E C U L A R BI O L O G Y ™
Bioinformatics
Volume II
Structure, Function and Applications
Edited by
Jonathan M. Keith, PhD
School of Mathematical Sciences, Queensland University of Technology,
Brisbane, Queensland,Australia
11. Preface
Bioinformatics is the management and analysis of data for the life sciences. As such, it
is inherently interdisciplinary, drawing on techniques from Computer Science, Statis-
tics, and Mathematics and bringing them to bear on problems in Biology. Moreover,
its subject matter is as broad as Biology itself. Users and developers of bioinformatics
methods come from all of these fields. Molecular biologists are some of the major
users of Bioinformatics, but its techniques are applicable across a range of life sciences.
Other users include geneticists, microbiologists, biochemists, plant and agricultural
scientists, medical researchers, and evolution researchers.
The ongoing exponential expansion of data for the life sciences is both the major
challenge and the raison d’être for twenty-first century Bioinformatics. To give one
example among many, the completion and success of the human genome sequencing
project, far from being the end of the sequencing era, motivated a proliferation of new
sequencing projects. And it is not only the quantity of data that is expanding; new types
of biological data continue to be introduced as a result of technological development
and a growing understanding of biological systems.
Bioinformatics describes a selection of methods from across this vast and expanding
discipline. The methods are some of the most useful and widely applicable in the field.
Most users and developers of bioinformatics methods will find something of value to
their own specialties here, and will benefit from the knowledge and experience of its 86 con-
tributing authors. Developers will find them useful as components of larger methods,
and as sources of inspiration for new methods. Volume II, Section IV in particular
is aimed at developers; it describes some of the “meta-methods”—widely applicable
mathematical and computational methods that inform and lie behind other more special-
ized methods—that have been successfully used by bioinformaticians. For users of bioin-
formatics, this book provides methods that can be applied as is, or with minor variations
to many specific problems. The Notes section in each chapter provides valuable insights
into important variations and when to use them. It also discusses problems that can arise
and how to fix them. This work is also intended to serve as an entry point for those who
are just beginning to discover and use methods in bioinformatics. As such, this book is
also intended for students and early career researchers.
As with other volumes in the Methods in Molecular Biology™ series, the intention
of this book is to provide the kind of detailed description and implementation advice
that is crucial for getting optimal results out of any given method, yet which often is not
incorporated into journal publications. Thus, this series provides a forum for the com-
munication of accumulated practical experience.
The work is divided into two volumes, with data, sequence analysis, and evolution
the subjects of the first volume, and structure, function, and application the subjects of
the second. The second volume also presents a number of “meta-methods”: techniques
that will be of particular interest to developers of bioinformatic methods and tools.
Within Volume I, Section I deals with data and databases. It contains chapters on
a selection of methods involving the generation and organization of data, including
v
12. sequence data, RNA and protein structures, microarray expression data, and func-
tional annotations.
Section II presents a selection of methods in sequence analysis, beginning with
multiple sequence alignment. Most of the chapters in this section deal with methods
for discovering the functional components of genomes, whether genes, alternative
splice sites, non-coding RNAs, or regulatory motifs.
Section III presents several of the most useful and interesting methods in phylogenetics
and evolution. The wide variety of topics treated in this section is indicative of the breadth
of evolution research. It includes chapters on some of the most basic issues in phylogenet-
ics: modelling of evolution and inferring trees. It also includes chapters on drawing infer-
ences about various kinds of ancestral states, systems, and events, including gene order,
recombination events and genome rearrangements, ancestral interaction networks, lateral
gene transfers, and patterns of migration. It concludes with a chapter discussing some of
the achievements and challenges of algorithm development in phylogenetics.
In Volume II, Section I, some methods pertinent to the prediction of protein and
RNA structures are presented. Methods for the analysis and classification of structures
are also discussed.
Methods for inferring the function of previously identified genomic elements
(chiefly protein-coding genes) are presented in Volume II, Section II. This is another
very diverse subject area, and the variety of methods presented reflects this. Some
well-known techniques for identifying function, based on homology, “Rosetta stone”
genes, gene neighbors, phylogenetic profiling, and phylogenetic shadowing are
discussed, alongside methods for identifying regulatory sequences, patterns of expres-
sion, and participation in complexes. The section concludes with a discussion of a
technique for integrating multiple data types to increase the confidence with which
functional predictions can be made. This section, taken as a whole, highlights the
opportunities for development in the area of functional inference.
Some medical applications, chiefly diagnostics and drug discovery, are described in
Volume II, Section III. The importance of microarray expression data as a diagnostic
tool is a theme of this section, as is the danger of over-interpreting such data. The case
study presented in the final chapter highlights the need for computational diagnostics
to be biologically informed.
The final section presents just a few of the “meta-methods” that developers of
bioinformatics methods have found useful. For the purpose of designing algorithms,
it is as important for bioinformaticians to be aware of the concept of fixed parameter
tractability as it is for them to understand NP-completeness, since these concepts often
determine the types of algorithms appropriate to a particular problem. Clustering is
a ubiquitous problem in Bioinformatics, as is the need to visualize data. The need to
interact with massive data bases and multiple software entities makes the development
of computational pipelines an important issue for many bioinformaticians. Finally, the
chapter on text mining discusses techniques for addressing the special problems of
interacting with and extracting information from the vast biological literature.
Jonathan M. Keith
vi Preface
15. Contributors
BISSAN AL-LAZIKANI • Biofocus DPI, London, United Kingdom
FÁTIMA AL-SHAHROUR • Department of Bioinformatics, Centro de Investigación
Príncipe Felipe (CIPF), Valencia, Spain
JENS AUER • Department of Life Science Informatics, Bonn-Aachen International
Center for Information Technology (B-IT), Rheinische Friedrich-Wilhelms-University
Bonn, Bonn, Germany
JÜRGEN BAJORATH • Professor and Chair of Life Science Informatics, Department of
Life Science Informatics, Bonn-Aachen International Center for Information Technology
(B-IT), Rheinische Friedrich-Wilhelms-University Bonn, Bonn, Germany
RICHARD W. BEAN • ARC Centre of Excellence in Bioinformatics, and Institute for
Molecular Bioscience, The University of Queensland, Brisbane, Queensland, Australia
REGINA BERRETTA • Centre of Bioinformatics, Biomarker Discovery and Information-
Based Medicine, The University of Newcastle, Callaghan, New South Wales, Australia
DARIO BOFFELLI • Children’s Hospital Oakland Research Institute, Oakland, CA
ANDREW B. CLEGG • Institute of Structural Molecular Biology, School of Crystallography,
Birkbeck College, University of London, London, United Kingdom
WAGNER COSTA • School of Electrical Engineering and Computer Science, The University
of Newcastle, Callaghan, New South Wales, Australia
SHAILESH V. DATE • PENN Center for Bioinformatics, Department of Genetics, University
of Pennsylvania School of Medicine, Philadelphia, PA
JOAQUÍN DOPAZO • Department of Bioinformatics, Centro de Investigación Príncipe
Felipe (CIPF), Valencia, Spain
HANNA ECKERT • Department of Life Science Informatics, Bonn-Aachen International
Center for Information Technology (B-IT), Rheinische Friedrich-Wilhelms-University
Bonn, Bonn, Germany
RICHARD D. EMES • Department of Biology, University College London, London, United
Kingdom
MARIO FALCHI • Twin Research and Genetic Epidemiology Unit, King’s College London
School of Medicine, London, United Kingdom
NICOLAS GOFFARD • Research School of Biological Sciences and ARC Centre of Excellence
for Integrative Legume Research, The Australian National University, Canberra,
Australian Capital Territory, Australia
MARK HALLING-BROWN • Institute of Structural Molecular Biology, School of Crystallography,
Birkbeck College, University of London, London, United Kingdom
NICHOLAS HAMILTON • ARC Centre of Excellence in Bioinformatics, Institute for
Molecular Bioscience and Advanced Computational Modelling Centre, The University
of Queensland, Brisbane, Queensland, Australia
EMMA E. HILL • The Journal of Cell Biology, Rockefeller University Press, New York, NY
ix
16. MOU’ATH HOURANI • Newcastle Bioinformatics Initiative, School of Electrical Engineer-
ing and Computer Science, The University of Newcastle, Callaghan, New South Wales,
Australia
THOMAS HUBER • School of Molecular and Microbial Sciences and Australian Institute
for Bioengineering and Nanotechnology, The University of Queensland, Brisbane,
Queensland, Australia
FALK HÜFFNER • Institut für Informatik, Friedrich-Schiller-Universität Jena, Jena,
Germany
OLE N. JENSEN • Department of Biochemistry and Molecular Biology, University of
Southern Denmark, Odense, Denmark
JONATHAN M. KEITH • School of Mathematical Sciences, Queensland University of
Technology, Brisbane, Queensland, Australia
DENNIS KOSTKA • Max Planck Institute for Molecular Genetics and Berlin Center for
Genome-Based Bioinformatics, Berlin, Germany
INSUK LEE • Center for Systems and Synthetic Biology, Institute for Molecular Biology,
University of Texas at Austin, Austin, TX
CLAUDIO LOTTAZ • Max Planck Institute for Molecular Genetics and Berlin Center for
Genome-Based Bioinformatics, Berlin, Germany
EDWARD M. MARCOTTE • Center for Systems and Synthetic Biology, and Department of
Chemistry and Biochemistry, Institute for Molecular Biology, University of Texas at
Austin, Austin, TX
NICHOLAS R. MARKHAM • Xerox Litigation Services, Albany, NY
FLORIAN MARKOWETZ • Max Planck Institute for Molecular Genetics and Berlin Center
for Genome-Based Bioinformatics, Berlin, Germany
RUSSELL L. MARSDEN • Biochemistry and Molecular Biology Department, University
College London, London, United Kingdom
RUNE MATTHIESEN • CIC bioGUNE, Bilbao, Spain
GEOFFREY J. MCLACHLAN • ARC Centre of Excellence in Bioinformatics, Institute for
Molecular Bioscience, and Department of Mathematics, The University of Queensland,
Brisbane, Queensland, Australia
ALEXANDRE MENDES • Centre of Bioinformatics, Biomarker Discovery and Information-
Based Medicine, The University of Newcastle, Callaghan, New South Wales, Australia
VERONICA MOREA • National Research Council (CNR), Institute of Molecular Biology
and Pathology (IBPN), Rome, Italy
GABRIEL MORENO-HAGELSIEB • Department of Biology, Wilfrid Laurier University,
Waterloo, Ontario, Canada
PABLO MOSCATO • ARC Centre of Excellence in Bioinformatics, and Centre of Bioin-
formatics, Biomarker Discovery and Information-Based Medicine, The University of
Newcastle, Callaghan, New South Wales, Australia
SHU-KAY NG • Department of Mathematics, The University of Queensland, Brisbane,
Queensland, Australia
ROLF NIEDERMEIER • Institut für Informatik, Friedrich-Schiller-Universität Jena,
Jena, Germany
CHRISTINE A. ORENGO • Biochemistry and Molecular Biology Department, University
College London, London, United Kingdom
JOSÉ M. PEREGRÍN-ALVAREZ • Hospital for Sick Children, Toronto, Ontario, Canada
x Contributors
17. ALBIN SANDELIN • The Bioinformatics Centre, Department of Molecular Biology and
Biotech Research and Innovation Centre, University of Copenhagen, Copenhagen,
Denmark
FALK SCHREIBER • Leibniz Institute of Plant Genetics and Crop Plant Research (IPK)
Gatersleben, Germany and Institute for Computer Science, Martin-Luther University
Halle-Wittenberg, Germany
ADRIAN J. SHEPHERD • Institute of Structural Molecular Biology, School of Crystallography,
Birkbeck College, University of London, London, United Kingdom
RAINER SPANG • Max Planck Institute for Molecular Genetics and Berlin Center for
Genome-Based Bioinformatics, Berlin, Germany
GEORG F. WEILLER • Research School of Biological Sciences and ARC Centre of Excellence
for Integrative Legume Research, The Australian National University, Canberra,
Australian Capital Territory, Australia
SEBASTIAN WERNICKE • Institut für Informatik, Friedrich-Schiller-Universität Jena,
Jena, Germany
MICHAEL ZUKER • Mathematical Sciences and Biology Department, Rensselaer Polytechnic
Institute, Troy, NY
Contributors xi
18. Contents of Volume I
SECTION I: DATA AND DATABASES
1. Managing Sequence Data
Ilene Karsch Mizrachi
2. RNA Structure Determination by NMR
Lincoln G. Scott and Mirko Hennig
3. Protein Structure Determination by X-Ray Crystallography
Andrea Ilari and Carmelinda Savino
4. Pre-Processing of Microarray Data and Analysis
of Differential Expression
Steffen Durinck
5. Developing an Ontology
Midori A. Harris
6. Genome Annotation
Hideya Kawaji and Yoshihide Hayashizaki
SECTION II: SEQUENCE ANALYSIS
7. Multiple Sequence Alignment
Walter Pirovano and Jaap Heringa
8. Finding Genes in Genome Sequence
Alice Carolyn McHardy
9. Bioinformatics Detection of Alternative Splicing
Namshin Kim and Christopher Lee
10. Reconstruction of Full-Length Isoforms from Splice Graphs
Yi Xing and Christopher Lee
11. Sequence Segmentation
Jonathan M. Keith
12. Discovering Sequence Motifs
Timothy L. Bailey
SECTION III: PHYLOGENETICS AND EVOLUTION
13. Modeling Sequence Evolution
Pietro Liò and Martin Bishop
14. Inferring Trees
Simon Whelan
15. Detecting the Presence and Location of Selection in Proteins
Tim Massingham
16. Phylogenetic Model Evaluation
Lars Sommer Jermiin, Vivek Jayaswal, Faisal Ababneh,
and John Robinson
xiii
19. 17. Inferring Ancestral Gene Order
Julian M. Catchen, John S. Conery, and John H. Postlethwait
18. Genome Rearrangement by the Double Cut and Join Operation
Richard Friedberg, Aaron E. Darling, and Sophia Yancopoulos
19. Inferring Ancestral Protein Interaction Networks
José M. Peregrín-Alvarez
20. Computational Tools for the Analysis of Rearrangements
in Mammalian Genomes
Guillaume Bourque and Glenn Tesler
21. Detecting Lateral Genetic Transfer: A Phylogenetic Approach
Robert G. Beiko and Mark A. Ragan
22. Detecting Genetic Recombination
Georg F. Weiller
23. Inferring Patterns of Migration
Paul M.E. Bunje and Thierry Wirth
24. Fixed-Parameter Algorithms in Phylogenetics
Jens Gramm, Arfst Nickelsen, and Till Tantau
Index
xiv Contents of Volume I
21. 4 Markham and Zuker
free energy foldings only (2–6). It became clear early on that such
methods were unreliable in the sense that many different fold-
ings, with free energies close to the computed minimum, could
exist. Although constraints deduced from experiments or phylo-
genetic analyses could be applied to reduce uncertainty, a method
to compute a variety of close to optimal foldings was needed.
The mfold software (7–10) computes a collection of optimal
and suboptimal foldings as well as a triangular-shaped plot called
an energy dot plot (EDP). The EDP contains a dot or other
symbol in row i and column j (i < j) to indicate that the base pair
between the ith and jth nucleotides can occur in a folding within
some user prescribed free energy increment from the minimum.
The Vienna RNA Package (Vienna RNA) (11–13) differs funda-
mentally from mfold because the underlying algorithm computes
partition functions, rather than minimum free energies. This
leads naturally to the computation of base pair probabilities (14)
and what they call “boxplots.” We call these triangular shaped
plots probability dot plots (PDPs). In this case, all base pairs with
probabilities above a certain threshold are plotted as boxes (or
other symbols) whose area is proportional to the probability of
that base pair. This software can compute all possible foldings
close to optimal. The sfold package (15–17) also computes parti-
tion functions, but it uses a simpler algorithm than the Vienna
RNA package because base pair probabilities are not computed
directly (exactly). Instead, it computes a “statistically valid sam-
ple” (Gibbs sample) that permits the estimation of not only base
pair probabilities, but probabilities of any desired motif(s). UNA-
Fold encompasses all three methods by computing minimum and
suboptimal foldings in the mfold style, and full partition func-
tions that allow both exact base pair computations as well as sto-
chastic sampling. In addition, stochastic sampling may be used to
compute both ensemble enthalpy and ensemble heat capacity for
single sequence folding.
For practical applications, it is common to use crude methods,
often ad hoc, to compute melting temperatures for dimers. It is
usual to assume that hybridized strands are perfectly complementary.
When mismatches are permitted, they are few and isolated. There is
no question about base pairs and no computations are required to
determine the hybridization. For example, the simple case:
5′-ACGGtCCAGCAA-3′
3′-TGCCgGGTCGTT-5′
shows the dimerization of two almost complementary 12-mers.
Note the single T⋅G wobble pair. A computer is not needed to
compute the hybridization. A calculator would be helpful in add-
ing up nearest neighbor free energies and enthalpies from pub-
lished tables (18–20), and a computer would be needed to process
thousands of these dimers. In any case, free energy at 37°C, ∆G
22. UNAFold 5
(or DG37
) and enthalpy, ∆H, are easily computed. From this, the
entropy, ∆S, is easily computed as:
∆ ×
∆ − ∆
S =
H G
T
1000 ,
where T is the hybridization temperature (K) and the factor of 1000
expresses ∆S in e.u. (entropy units; 1 e.u. = 1cal/mol/K). The
terms “free energy,” “enthalpy,” and “entropy” are really changes in
free energy, enthalpy, and entropy with respect to the “random coil
state.” In reality, “random coil” is a large ensemble of states. The free
energy and enthalpy of this ensemble of states may be (and is) set to
zero. Only entropy cannot be arbitrarily assigned. Thus a ∆S term
is Rln(N/Nref
), where R is the universal gas constant, 1.9872 e.u.;
N is the number of states consistent with hybridization; and Nref
is the
number of states, always larger, in the unconstrained “random coil.”
The simplest model for hybridization assumes that there are
two states: hybridized, where the structure is unique and known,
and “random coil.” It is then a simple matter to deduce a melt-
ing temperature, Tm
, at which half of the dimers have dissociated.
The formula is given by:
T
f
m =
H
S + R
1000
ln(Ct
×
∆
∆ )
, [1]
where ∆H, ∆S (expressed in e.u.) and R have already been defined, Ct
is the total strand concentration, and f = 4 when the two strands are
different and f = 1 when self-hybridization takes place. This formula
implicitly assumes that both strands are present in equal concentra-
tions. Competition with folding and with other possible hybridiza-
tions, such as homodimer formation, is not considered at all.
UNAFold offers a number of increasingly sophisticated ways
to compute melting temperatures and also computes entire melt-
ing profiles: UV absorbance at 260nm, heat capacity (Cp
), and
mole fractions of various single and double-stranded molecu-
lar species as a function of temperature. Even when Equation
[1] is used, the hybridization is computed by minimizing free
energy. The various levels of complexity and choice of methods
are described in the following.
It is important to issue a warning to those who wish to apply
these methods to microarrays. Hybridization on microarrays is
complicated by the fact that one of each hybridizing pair is immo-
bilized. It is difficult to compute the effective “solution concentra-
tion” for such molecules, and diffusion is probably an important
factor in slowing the time necessary to reach equilibrium. How-
ever, even for hybridization in solution, kinetic simulations that
treat different probe-target pairs independently can lead to totally
incorrect results for the time required to reach equilibrium as well
as the equilibrium concentrations themselves (21).
23. 6 Markham and Zuker
It is important to emphasize that the computations used by
the UNAFold software are based on a number of assumptions.
1. The simulations are for molecules in solution. For microar-
rays, computing an effective concentration of the immobilized
oligos is necessary. One needs to estimate the “surface phase
concentration,” c, in units such as “molecules/cm2
,” and the
solution volume per cm2
of surface area, n (L/cm2
) (21).
2. The system contains one or two different molecules. If, for
example, a true system contains three different oligos, A, B
and C, then some common sense must be used. If A and B
do not hybridize with each other over the temperature range
of interest, then A and C could be simulated separately from
B and C if, in addition, the concentration of C is a couple of
orders of magnitude greater than that for both A and B.
3. The computations assume that the system is in equilibrium.
Thus, the melting profile predictions assume that tempera-
ture changes are slow enough so that the system is always at
equilibrium. When this is not true, observed melting profiles
depend on the rate of temperature change. In particular, a
hysteresis effect can be observed. For example, even if the
temperature is raised at a uniform rate from T0
to T1
, and
then brought down to T0
at the same rate, the measured UV
absorbance profiles for melting and cooling may differ.
The UNAFold package compiles and runs on many platforms.
Table 1.1 lists a few operating system/architecture combinations
under which the package is known to work.
In fact, the UNAFold package is not known not to run on
any platform. The software should function on any system having
the following basic tools:
● A Unix-style shell.
● Make.
● A C compiler.
● A Perl interpreter.
As noted, UNAFold requires only some very basic tools to build
and run. However, there are several optional libraries and pro-
grams that provide additional functionality when installed:
● gnuplot: If gnuplot is detected, the hybrid2.pl script will use
it to produce several plots in Postscript format.
● OpenGL/glut: If OpenGL and the glut library (22) are
detected, the hybrid-plot program will be built.
2. Materials: The
UNAFold Software
2. Materials: The
UNAFold Software
2.1. Supported
Platforms
2.1. Supported
Platforms
2.2. Dependencies
2.2. Dependencies
24. UNAFold 7
● gd: If the gd library is detected, the hybrid-plot-ng program
will use it to create images in GIF, JPEG, and/or PNG for-
mats directly. (With or without this library, hybrid-plot-ng
creates Postscript files which can be converted to virtually
any other image format.)
The UNAFold software is available for download at http:/
/www.
bioinfo.rpi.edu/applications/hybrid/download.php. Binaries
for Linux (in RPM format) and Windows (in EXE format) are
available along with the source code.
After downloading and unpacking, building the software
consists of three steps:
● Configuration: Usually this is as simple as typing ./config-
ure. Running ./configure --help lists options that may be
used to configure installation locations, specify locations of
libraries, and set compiler options.
● Compilation: A single command—make—compiles and links
all programs.
● Installation: Typing make install copies the programs, scripts,
documentation, and data files to the location set with the
configure script.
The core programs in UNAFold are written in C and are opti-
mized when compiled since they are computationally intensive.
Man pages exist for all of these programs. In addition, invoking
any program with the --help option will generate an abbreviated
set of instructions. Some programs have counterparts formed by
2.3. Downloading
and Installing
2.3. Downloading
and Installing
2.4. Core Programs
2.4. Core Programs
Table 1.1
Some platforms supported by the
UNAFold package
Operating system Architecture
Linux x86
Linux x86_64
FreeBSD x86
SunOS sparc
IRIX mips
IRIX64 mips
AIX powerpc
MacOS powerpc
MS Windows x86
25. 8 Markham and Zuker
adding the suffix -same. When simulating a one-sequence ensem-
ble (in which the dominant dimer is a homodimer rather than a
heterodimer) the -same version replaces the regular one.
● Folding:
— hybrid-ss: Computes full partition functions for folding
RNA or DNA. It may be run using the --energyOnly
option, in which case the probabilities of base pairs and
of single-stranded nucleotides and dinucleotides will
not be computed, saving significant time and memory.
It may also be run with the --tracebacks option to gen-
erate a stochastic sample of foldings. UNAFold also
includes two simplified versions of hybrid-ss: hybrid-
ss-simple and hybrid-ss-noml. hybrid-ss-simple assigns
fixed entropic costs to multibranch loops and ignores
single-base stacking, while hybrid-ss-noml does not
allow multibranch loops at all.
— hybrid-ss-min: Computes minimum energy foldings. It
can predict a single, minimum free energy folding or,
using an extended algorithm, generate an mfold-like
collection of foldings and an EDP. For fast folding of
many sequences with the same parameters, the --stream
option reads sequences, one at a time, from standard
input and writes free energies to standard output.
● Hybridization:
— hybrid: Computes full partition functions for hybridiz-
ing RNA or DNA (without intramolecular base pairs).
The --energyOnly and --tracebacks options function as
in hybrid-ss.
— hybrid-min: Computes minimum energy hybridiza-
tions. The --mfold and --stream options function as in
hybrid-ss-min.
● Ensemble computations:
These programs rely on the output of the core programs.
— concentration(-same): Computes the mole fractions
of different molecular species using the already com-
puted free energies for individual monomer (folded)
and dimer (hybridized) species.
— ensemble-dg(-same): Computes ensemble free ener-
gies using species free energies and computed mole
fractions.
— ensemble-ext(-same): Computes UV absorbance at
260nm using computed probabilities for single-strand-
edness of nucleotides and (optionally) dinucleotides,
computed mole fractions, and published extinction
coefficients (23).
27. 3. The quantity of water in the air was 1/20th less than the
average, at the same time that the mean weight of a cubic foot of
air was 2 grains above the average.
4. An unusual alternation of heat and cold, yet the heat
predominating to such an extent that in particular localities it rose as
much as from 2° to 8° above the average. These excesses were
most striking at night, particularly in the parts of London on a level
with the Thames, where the night temperatures ranged from 7°, 8°,
9°, and 10° above the temperature of the country, and even of the
suburban districts. These temperatures were highest, especially the
night ones, when the mortality was greatest; and the mortality was
greatest where the temperatures were highest.
5. A remarkable increase above the average in the temperature of
the water of the Thames. From a long series of observations it had
been found that the normal temperature of the Thames is 51.7°.
During the prevalence of the epidemic it rose to 60°, 66°, and once
to 70°. At this temperature the “simmering” water must have poured
enormous quantities of vapour into the surrounding atmosphere; not
the pure vapour of water, for that cannot arise from a river which is
the recipient of the foul contents of all the sewers and cesspools of
the metropolis. In some instances there was an excess of 20° of the
temperature of the water above that of the air. For twenty-eight
continuous nights during the height of the epidemic, the average
excess exceeded 16.5°.
6. An unusual prevalence of haze, mist, and fog; the fog being
sometimes so dense that London could not be discerned from
Greenwich.
7. An extraordinary stillness and stagnation of the air, both by day
and night. Sometimes in the low-lying districts not a breath could be
observed. Even when at more elevated stations the wind was
moving with a force of 1 lb 7 oz., the pressure was only ¼ lb in the
heart of London.
28. Wind is the ventilator of nature. Artificial ventilation, as far as it is
successful, is an imitation of nature’s process. It is stated on
undoubted authority (Maitland’s History of London) that for several
weeks before the Great Plague broke out in London, there was an
uninterrupted calm, so that there was not sufficient motion of the air
to stir a vane. Baynard, a contemporary physician, confirms this fact.
The like circumstance is mentioned by Diemerbroeck in giving an
account of the plague at Nimeguen. At the period when the last
plague visited Vienna, according to Sir Gilbert Blane, there had been
no wind for three months. The terrific outbreak of the cholera at
Kurrachee was preceded for some days by such a stagnation of the
atmosphere that an oppression scarcely to be endured affected the
whole population. It is obvious that calms must favour the
accumulation and concentration of effluvia from every source from
which they arise.
8. A general deficiency in the tension of common positive
electricity.
9. A deficiency of one fourth of the rain-fall for the year. During
118 consecutive days there was scarcely any rain, and not a single
drop for 18 days at the period of the highest mortality.
10. A total absence of ozone at all the stations near the river,
while at stations of high elevation it was of general occurrence.
These observations relate particularly to the epidemic of 1854,
which was more carefully watched than the two former; but the
results are similar for each.
“The three epidemics,” says Mr Glashier, in summing up the results
of his inquiry, “were attended with a particular state of atmosphere,
characterized by a prevalent mist, thin in high places, dense in low.
During the height of the epidemic, in all cases, the reading of the
barometer was remarkably high, the atmosphere thick; and in 1849
and 1854 the temperature above its average. A total absence of rain,
and a stillness of air amounting almost to calm, accompanied the
progress of the disease on each occasion. In places near the river,
29. the night temperatures were high, with small diurnal range, with a
dense torpid mist and air charged with the many impurities arising
from the exhalations of the Thames, and adjoining marshes; a
deficiency of electricity, and, as shown in 1854, a total absence of
ozone, most probably destroyed by the decomposition of the organic
matter with which the air in these situations is so strongly charged.
“In both 1849 and 1854, the first decline of the disease was
marked by a decrease in the readings of the barometer, and in the
temperature of the air and water; the air, which previously had for a
long time continued calm, was succeeded by a strong S. W. wind,
which soon dissipated the former stagnant and poisonous
atmosphere.”
We knew before that such influences were in operation, but they
had not been weighed and measured. We now know definitely
something of an epidemic atmosphere, and the information obtained
is most significant; for it shows that the several meteorological
changes that take place during the prevalence of an epidemic concur
to produce a heavy, warm, moist, and stagnant atmosphere, with
disturbed electricity: conditions highly favourable to the
decomposition of organic matter.
Under the influence of such an atmosphere, over the moist and
warmed surface of every filthy place, over the entire mass of all
accumulations of filth in streets, lanes, and courts, and within and
about houses, and over the heated surface of all foul water,
decomposition goes on with the utmost activity, and the products
are poured into the stagnant air.
Against such products the human body has no defence. The lungs
admit whatever is brought to them—poisonous and salubrious
substances alike. They are guarded by none of those protective
contrivances which we see in some other parts of the body.
Whatever is capable of suspension in the respired air passes with it
directly into the current of the circulation, and when once there, is
carried with astonishing rapidity into the very substance of the vital
organs.
30. From the quantity of air which the lungs receive, some conception
may be formed of the amount of obnoxious matter which may be
introduced into the system through these portals.
At each inspiration there enter the lungs of an ordinary-sized
person about 20 cubic inches of air. There are 20 respirations in a
minute: 400 cubic inches of air must therefore enter in one minute;
14 cubic feet in one hour, and 366 cubic feet, or 36 hogsheads, in
one day. To meet this the heart sends into the lungs at each
contraction two ounces of blood; there are 75 pulsations in a
minute, during which 150 ounces are propelled into the lungs; a
quantity which gives 562 pounds in one hour and 24 hogsheads in
24 hours.
The main purpose for bringing these enormous quantities of air
and blood together, with such velocity, is to provide for the
enormous waste which is caused by the rapid and unceasing
mutation of organic matter. The activity of an organ is sustained at
the expense of the matter of which it is composed. No thought
passes through the mind, but an equivalent portion of the substance
of the brain is consumed; no nervous current flows along the
nervous conducters, but a corresponding portion of nervous tissue is
used up; no muscular movement, no glandular secretion, takes place
without a proportionate waste of muscle and of gland. What must be
the amount of supply required to meet this waste, when able-bodied
men employed in their ordinary labour lose from 2 lbs. to 5 lbs. and
upwards of their weight twice a day.[8]
Some physiologists of
eminence have estimated that in order to supply that waste, there
passes in the course of every 24 hours as much fluid through the
thoracic duct[9]
as equals the whole quantity of blood in the body.
8. See Experiments on the daily loss of weight sustained by workmen employed
in gas-works.—Philosophy of Health, 11th Edit. p. 284, et seq.
9. The tube which conveys the debris of the body, together with the nutritious
part of the food,—both measures of change or waste.
The results of the highly interesting experiments recently made by
Professor Graham on the part taken by the active agent in all these
31. processes—organic membrane, of which the organic cell is the type,
demonstrates that all the phenomena known as Endosmose and
Exosmose depend on a chemical action involving the destruction of
organic membrane. In this process chemical action is set up
dependent upon active chemical agents, neutral substances being
inoperative. Out of this chemical action a new force is induced, the
Osmotic force; a purely chemical being converted into an equivalent
mechanical force, which is made subservient to the essential
phenomena of organic and animal life: a vis motrix, a force which is
to the extra-vascular movements of the body, what the contraction
of the heart is to the vascular.
In a frame so constructed, any particles contaminating the
circulating fluid most rapidly pervade and contaminate every part of
the system.
It has been sometimes imagined that the quantity of matter
suspended in the atmosphere and conveyed into the system in
respired air, must be too minute to exert any serious influence upon
the body.
One single puncture of the finger, so small as not to be visible
without the aid of a lens, has introduced into the system a sufficient
quantity of putrid matter to cause death with the most violent
symptoms.
A few drops of the liquid matter obtained by a condensation of the
air of a foul locality, introduced into the vein of a dog, is stated to
have produced death with the usual phenomena of typhus fever.
It is certain that on the introduction into the body of an
inappreciable portion of the matter of cow-pox, or of small-pox,
those specific forms of fever are produced.
From these and similar facts it is inferred, that when putrescent or
decomposing organic matter is introduced into the blood it acts as a
poison and produces the phenomena of fever, and that all the
predisposing causes of epidemics act in this way—by overcharging
the blood with the products of decomposing organic matter.
32. Strictly speaking, however, all that we really know is this—that
where certain conditions exist, epidemics break out and spread; that
where those conditions do not exist, epidemics do not break out and
spread; and that where those conditions did exist, but have been
removed, thereupon epidemics cease.
We call those conditions Causes, Predisposing or Localizing
Causes, but how they act, whether by accumulating decomposing
organic matter in the blood, or in what other way, we have no
certain knowledge.
One further fact however is ascertained, that where any one of
these predisposing causes is present, epidemics break out and
spread just as readily as when all are present together.
Where there is overcrowding alone, for example, epidemics break
out and spread. Where there is decomposing filth alone, epidemics
break out and spread; and so of the whole number. The removal of
one of these causes, therefore, or the removal of two or three of
them, will not suffice for safety; every one must be removed before
there can be safety.
This we know; all beyond this is conjecture, but as to the most
probable of these conjectures, some who have thought on this
subject believe that the preponderance of evidence justifies the
conclusion that the predisposing causes may themselves become
efficient causes; that instances in which they actually do so, are
constantly passing before our eyes; that it is practicable to
manufacture fever and even epidemic fever to any amount by
placing a population under certain known conditions; that it is
practicable to prevent the outbreak of epidemics altogether by
placing the population under certain other conditions;[10]
that the
prevalence of the predisposing causes in particular localities, in
certain intensities, is sufficient to produce local epidemic outbreaks;
that the prevalence of such causes in such intensities, joined to
some general conditions of the atmosphere, such as the
meteorological conditions which have been enumerated, particularly
those which favour the accumulation and concentration of the
33. products of organic decomposition, are all that is required to
engender wide-spread epidemics. Those who adopt this view
contend that the existence of a primary cause as a distinct and
separate entity is not necessary to account for the phenomena.
The more common opinion however is, that joined to the
predisposing causes there must always be present a primary cause,
having a distinct existence, capable of travelling from one part of the
globe to another; capable of spreading over any space however
extended, or of confining itself to any space however small—a
district, a street, a house, a room.
10. See Baltimore case, p. 78.
It is urged that though we are unacquainted with the physical
form or chemical properties of this body, this is no reason why we
should not understand its force as a special agent in the production
of disease, just as we know the forces of other physical bodies,
though not their nature.
The existence of such a body being assumed, it is conceived that
it exists not in a gaseous but in a liquid state. It is supposed that it
cannot exist in a gaseous state because a gas is readily diffused and
dissipated; because when organic matter is reduced to a gaseous
state, it has passed from the organic into the inorganic kingdom,
and there is no evidence that the elementary bodies belonging to
this kingdom are capable of producing any form of fever; and
because there is indubitable evidence that organic matter in a recent
state of putrescence—the more recent the more potent—is capable
of producing the most deadly forms of fever. From these
considerations it is conjectured that the primary cause, whatever it
be, is some subtle fluid which has not wholly lost its organic
composition, and that it consists of particles of extreme minuteness,
capable of attaching itself to the surfaces of other bodies, and even
of increasing under favourable circumstances.
It is further thought that this body is not equally diffused through
the atmosphere, but is only partially distributed, and that this
34. accounts for the local distribution of epidemics, and for their
occasional absence from places which apparently present all the
conditions favourable to their development.
Lastly, the opinion is gaining ground, that this body acts in the
manner of a ferment. It is urged in favour of this view, that a
ferment being an azotized substance in a state of putrefactive
alteration, the body in question must find, in the decomposing
organic compounds with which impure blood is charged, precisely
the materials for taking on the fermenting process. The advocates
for this view think that the term “zymotic” is not only the appropriate
name of the whole of this class of diseases, but that it also declares
an interesting fact connected with them. Whatever may be the truth
with respect to these points, on which at present we have no
positive knowledge, one thing is certain, that practically our concern
is with the known causes,—the ascertained conditions. These are
palpable, definite, and capable of complete removal and prevention.
Overcrowding, for example, we can prevent; the accumulation of
filth in towns and houses we can prevent; the supply of light, air,
and water, together with the several other appliances included in the
all-comprehensive word Cleanliness, we can secure. To the extent to
which it is in our power to do this, it is in our power to prevent
epidemics.
The human family have now lived together in communities more
than six thousand years, yet they have not learnt to make their
habitations clean. At last we are beginning to learn the lesson. When
we shall have mastered it, we shall have conquered epidemics. Our
duties, then, and our hopes in this respect, I shall proceed to show.
The principal constituents of the atmosphere maintain their
equilibrium steadily over the whole surface of the globe. There is
scarcely any difference in the relative proportion of its oxygen and
nitrogen in the torrid zone and in the arctic regions. Whatever
influence the atmosphere may have on climate must consequently
depend on something adventitious to it and not in anything forming
35. a part of it. Possibly therefore that something may be, in some
degree, under human control.
The main constituents of climate are temperature and moisture,
and these are the climatic conditions that exercise the greatest
influence on epidemics.
Minor but still important conditions are the nature of the soil, the
proportion of land that is cleared and under cultivation, the extent of
forests, lakes, and rivers, the prevailing winds, the electrical state of
the atmosphere, and so on.
The temperature is highest where the sun’s rays are vertical, or
nearly so; where the sky is cloudless; where the day is longest; and
where there is the smallest difference between the fervid noon-tide
heat and the temperature of the short night.
The moisture is greatest where in addition to all the other sources
of humidity there are periodical rains. In the countries subject to
these rains, the entire extent of the level and low land is often
covered a foot deeper with water than before the rain set in.
Elevated temperature and excessive moisture are combined in
tropical countries; and they are concentrated in those parts of the
tropics in which there are extensive forests having an undergrowth
of luxuriant vegetation; in which the tides of the ocean penetrate
deeply into the interior of the land, and mix with the waters of the
rivers; and in which the rivers constantly overflow their banks and
form marshes and swamps.
In tropical countries there are tracts such as these that extend in
unbroken continuity hundreds of leagues. The western coast of
Africa (the Bight of Benin) presents an unbroken area of upwards of
100,000 square miles, consisting of one vast alluvial and densely-
wooded forest, irrigated by Atlantic tides, and intersected by
numerous rivers and creeks, whose muddy banks are constantly
overflowed.
In describing a tropical forest, Humboldt says, “Under the bushy,
deep, green verdure of trees of stupendous height and size, there
36. reigns constantly a kind of half daylight, a sort of obscurity, of which
our forests of pines, oaks, and beech trees afford no example;
forming a carpet of verdure, the dark tint of which augments the
splendour of the aërial light.”
With this luxuriance of vegetation is combined a corresponding
abundance of animal life. The earth and air teem with living
creatures.
“The mould,” observes the same distinguished traveller, “contains
the spoils of innumerable quantities of reptiles, worms, and insects.
Wherever the soil is turned up we are struck with a mass of organic
substances, which by turns are developed, transformed, and
decomposed. Nature in these climates appear more active, more
fruitful, we might say more prodigal of life.”
The air is still more alive than the land. Insects fill the lower strata
of the atmosphere to the height of fifteen or twenty feet, like a
condensed vapour. It is estimated that a cubic foot of air is often
peopled by a million of winged insects, which contain a caustic and
venomous liquid, several species being nearly two lines (1.8) long.
When two persons who have their home in these regions meet in
the morning, the first questions they address to each other are,
“How did you find the zancudoes during the night?” “How are we to-
day for the mosquitoes?” An ancient form of Chinese politeness,
showing the ancient state of that country, was—“Have you been
incommoded in the night by serpents?”
It appears that there are still inhabited places in which the
Chinese compliment on the serpents might be added to that of the
mosquitoes.
Proportionate to this prodigality of organic life is the amount of
organic decomposition, the products of which are poured into the
atmosphere and suspended in the surrounding vapour and fog,[11]
to
which they give a decided and often a highly offensive odour.
11. See note, p. 16.
37. “On fixing our eyes on the tops of the trees,” describes Humboldt,
“we discovered streams of vapour wherever a solar ray penetrated
and traversed the dense atmosphere, exhaling, together with the
aromatic odour yielded by the flowers, the fruit, and even the wood,
that peculiar odour which we perceive in autumn in foggy seasons.
It might be said, that notwithstanding the elevated temperature the
air cannot dissolve the quantity of water exhaled from the surface of
the soil and of the vegetation.”
“At the distance of several miles from the coast,” says Dr Daniell,
in describing the western shores of Africa, “the peculiar odour arising
from swampy exhalations and the decomposition of vegetable
matter is very perceptible, and sometimes even offensive. The water
also is frequently of a dusky hue, with leaves, branches, and other
vegetable debris floating on the surface, brought down from the
interior by innumerable narrow channels that empty their turbid
streams into the open ocean.”
It is under these climatic conditions that the worst forms of
epidemics are engendered: the most sudden in their attack, the
most rapid in their development, the most general in their
prevalence, and the most mortal.
The form of the epidemic prevalent in any particular district is
dependent on the physical characters of the immediate
neighbourhood. Thus intermittents prevail chiefly in marshy and
swampy districts: remittents also chiefly there, though not
exclusively; while in other localities other forms arise approximating
to the continued type of temperate climates.
For the most part these epidemics are strictly endemic, and are
confined to the particular regions in which they are engendered.
They never pass the limit of the equatorial or tropical zone. Yellow
Fever, one of the most common and destructive of these diseases, is
still more restricted in its range, being confined within a definite line
determined by temperature. It is incapable of existing where the
average range of the thermometer is greater than from 76° to 86° of
Fahrenheit, or where the temperature varies more than from 5° to
38. 10° night and day. Extreme heat and moderate cold immediately
stop it; nay, even the prevalence of a cold wind for a few hours only.
In other instances these epidemics pass beyond the regions in
which they are produced, and sometimes extend to all the other
quarters of the globe. The Black Death, the range of which we have
seen, was engendered in China; the Cholera of our own day,
generated in the delta of the Ganges, the great source and centre of
Indian epidemics, ravaged that country long before it directed its
course to Europe.
When these tropical epidemics advance into more temperate
climes, they lay aside nothing of their nature; they lose but little of
their power. Wherever they go they decimate the populations which
they attack.
One remarkable peculiarity of some of these epidemics is, that
natives of the region in which they prevail are for the most part
unsusceptible to them. This is true however only of particular forms
of pestilence. Some of them acknowledge no acclimation. Cholera,
for example, attacks equally natives and new comers. On the other
hand, yellow fever rarely attacks the natives who reside permanently
within its zone. Its chief victims are strangers who have recently
arrived within its sphere, particularly the inhabitants of northern
climates. The susceptibility to its influence appears to be strictly
proportionate to the degree of northern latitude from which the
stranger has arrived, and the shortness of the interval that has
passed since he left the European for the Equatorial regions.
We see something of the same kind in the wide-spread epidemics
of our own country. During the prevalence of Cholera it was
observed over and over again, that persons coming directly from the
pure air of the country into the infected part of a town, were seized
with the disease. The explanation is not obvious. It would seem,
however, to be connected with the suddenness of the shock on the
system. Priestley found, that after shutting up a mouse in a given
quantity of air a considerable time, it seemed to be weak, and to be
slowly dying. If at this period he put a fresh mouse into the same air,
39. it instantly died. It seems as if the system can bear a pestiferous
atmosphere better when gradually than when suddenly exposed to
it.
I do not know that I can give a more vivid picture of a tropical
epidemic than that which is afforded by the outbreak of Cholera in
the 86th regiment at Kurrachee in June, 1846.
On this occasion the atmosphere was very peculiar,—damp, hot,
stagnant, and oppressive. Not a breath of air was stirring. A few
isolated cases of cholera had occurred for some days. The utmost
alarm was excited in the minds of experienced persons, who felt
certain that an epidemic was at hand. Their fears were too fully
realized. On the night of the 15th, upwards of 40 men were seized
with cholera in its severest form; in two days more 256 were
attacked, of whom 131 were already dead.
“The floors of the hospital,” says Dr Thom, the surgeon of the
regiment, “were literally strewed with the livid bodies of men
labouring under the pangs of premature dissolution. Many were
brought in with the cold and clammy damp of death; as if sudden
obstruction of every vital function had taken place, and the fountains
of life had been arrested by an invisible but instantaneous shock. It
was indeed a sight never to be forgotten, to behold the powerful
frames of the finest men of a fine corps, who had that morning been
in apparent good health, and most of them on the evening parade,
as if at once stricken down, and striving, with the last efforts of
gigantic strength, to resist a death-call that would not be refused.”
In describing a river on the west coast of Africa, Dr Daniell says
—“When I visited it, I found two vessels moored a short distance
from its mouth, one of which within the space of five months had
buried two entire crews, a solitary person alone surviving. The other,
which had arrived at a much later period, had been similarly
deprived of one-half of its men, and the remainder were in such a
debilitated condition as to be incapable of undertaking any active or
laborious duty. Immediately before, another vessel had sailed from
40. this port in such a deplorable state as to be solely dependent on the
aid of Kroomen to perform the voyage.”
In the statistical report of Sir Alexander Tulloch it is stated, that
out of 1658 white troops sent out to military stations on the western
coast of Africa, 1271 perished from climatic diseases; while of the
387 who remained to be sent home, 17 died on their passage; 157
were reported as incapable of further service; and 180 as qualified
only for garrison service; thus leaving only 33 out of 1658 men who
were fit for active service.
As we pass out of the torrid zone a remarkable change takes place
in the general character of epidemics. They lose more and more of
their intermittent type, and become either remittent or continued.
The remittent keeps its hold over the southern part of Europe, and
continually breaks out in the form of Yellow Fever. As we proceed
northward out of the yellow fever zone, that disease wholly
disappears, and typhus and its kindred maladies take its place;
typhus commencing precisely at the point where yellow fever ends.
There is, indeed, one of the ordinary diseases of temperate climes,
and only one, which appears capable of penetrating within the torrid
zone, and of committing greater ravages there than in lower
temperatures, and that is Small-pox. With this exception, the
ordinary epidemics of temperate climates do not enter the tropics,
while, on the other hand, the ordinary epidemics of the tropics every
now and then decimate the temperate regions.
“In these our latitudes,” says Dr William Fergusson, “cold and
fatigue, and sorrow and hunger, will generate fever anywhere; but
every region, every climate, will exhibit its own form of fever. With
us it is Typhus; in the warmer countries of Europe, Remittent; in the
upper Mediterranean, Plague; in the Antilles and Western Africa,
Yellow Fever; this last being restricted to particular localities,
temperatures, and elevation. While typhus fever goes out when you
enter the tropics, it is there that yellow fever commences; the pure
epidemic of a hot climate that cannot be transported or
communicated upon any other ground. Places, not persons,
41. constitute the rule of its existence. Places, not persons, comprehend
the whole history, the etiology of the disease. Places, not persons!
Let the emphatic words be dinned into the ears of the Lords of the
Treasury, of Trade and Plantations, until they acquire the force of a
creed, which will save them hereafter from the absurdity of
enforcing a quarantine[12]
in England against an amount of solar heat
of which its climate is insusceptible. Let them further be repeated in
the Schools of Medicine until the Professors become ashamed of
imbuing the minds of the young with prejudice and false belief,
which, should they ever visit warmer climates, may cause them to
be eminently mischievous in vexing the commerce and deeply and
injuriously agitating the public mind of whatever community may
have received them.”
12. See Cases of the Eclair, Dygden, &c., post.
Climate differs not only in different countries but in different parts
of the same country. The climate of the country is different from that
of the city. The climate of every city, town, and village, differs from
that of every other. The temperature, the moisture, and the other
meteorological conditions of different districts, nay, even of different
streets in the same town, vary to such a degree as to influence
materially their relative salubrity and the prevalence or absence of
particular classes of disease. These local climatic conditions and their
connection with prevalent diseases, have not as yet received due
attention: when they shall have received it—and they will receive it—
a new light will be shed on local epidemics.
I pass now to Civilization.
We have no sufficient knowledge of the state of the people and of
their diseases, in any of the civilized nations of antiquity, to trace the
relation between them. The authentic history of periods,
comparatively near to our own time, as far as concerns the diseases
of the people, goes scarcely further back than the 14th century. The
first great epidemic, to which I have so often called attention,
occurred in that century, and we have reliable evidence, both of the
42. phenomena attending this plague and the condition of the people at
that time. I assume this period therefore as my starting-point.
I take a civilized community to be one in which there exist—
1. A sovereign authority.
2. Laws incorruptibly administered.
3. Physical comfort generally diffused.
4. Intellectual development and activity generally diffused.
5. Recognition of the fundamental principles of religion and
morality.
Without the two first, there can be no security for life and
property, both of which must be placed in absolute and
unquestionable safety before a single step can be taken out of the
lowest depth of barbarism. Without the two last, none of the others
can be acquired. These conditions are therefore the basis of the
pyramid of society.
Taking these then as the essential constituents of civilization, and
applying them as a test to Great Britain, we shall see that at the
commencement of the 14th century England was in a state of
barbarism, since every one of these elements was wanting, although
the foundation of political and social institutions containing the
germs of liberty and progress had been already laid.
Practically, however, at that period there was no sovereign
authority, for the king had no sufficient power to maintain order, to
protect the rights and liberties of the people, or to defend his own
throne against armed men nominally his subjects; while the lord of
every feudal castle exercised a more perfect sovereignty over his
vassals than the so-called monarch over the nation.
Every town was a fortress, and every house in which it was safe to
dwell a castle, the inmates of which, like people in a garrison,
constantly held themselves prepared to resist attack, from which
they were never secure. They slept with arms at their side.
43. Marauders openly encamped on the public roads for the plunder of
the wayfarer, which often ended in his murder. Few persons
ventured to travel alone, and none without the reasonable
apprehension that they might never return alive.
Scarcely a third part of the area of the kingdom was under
cultivation. The remainder consisted of moor, forest, and fen. Vast
tracts were under water during the greater part of the year, and at
other times formed morasses, marshes, and swamps.
Immediately beyond the walls that encompassed the towns were
large stagnant ditches, which being the nearest receptacles for
refuse, were full of all sorts of decomposing filth.
The streets were narrow, unpaved, undrained, uncleansed, and
unlighted. There was no provision for the removal of the town
refuse. Gutters were formed at the sides of the streets, as in Bethnal
Green and the neglected parts of all our towns at the present time,
into which the inhabitants threw the refuse of their houses; forming
in dry weather a semi-fluid mass of corrupting animal and vegetable
matter, and in rainy weather black turbid rivulets which ultimately
poured their contents into some water-course.
The houses were mean and squalid, built of wood and wattles,
thatched with straw, without chimneys, the windows without glass,
the floors without boards, the furniture of the rudest description; the
use of linen was scarcely known; common straw formed the king’s
bed. “The floors,” says Erasmus, writing two centuries later,
“generally are made of nothing but loam, and are strewed with
rushes, which being constantly put on fresh, without a removal of
the old, remain lying there, in some cases for twenty years; with fish
bones, broken victuals, the dregs of tankards, and impregnated with
other filth underneath, from dogs and men.” Contemporary writers
concur in representing the offensive odour of decaying straw and
rushes as universal in the houses.
There was no knowledge of the art of collecting, preserving, and
storing fodder. The animals for winter food were slaughtered in
44. autumn, and their flesh salted or smoked. It was only during three
months of the year, from Midsummer to Michaelmas, that any fresh
animal food, excepting game and river fish, was tasted even by the
nobles of the land. The common people subsisted chiefly on salted
beef, veal, and pork, the price of which was one-half less than that
of wheat in the time of Henry VIII.
There were no fresh vegetables. As late as the 18th century salads
were sent from Holland for the table of Queen Caroline. Sir John
Pringle, writing in the middle of the last century, states that his
father’s gardener told him that in the time of his grandfather
cabbages were sold for a crown a-piece. It was not until towards the
close of the 16th century (1585) that the potato was first brought to
England, where it was limited to the garden for at least a century
and a half after it had been planted by Sir Walter Raleigh in his own
garden. It was first cultivated as a field crop in Scotland so recently
as the year 1752.
For many centuries England remained in the condition of country
in which no more subsistence is produced than is barely sufficient for
the necessities of the people. Consequently every year of scarcity
became a year of famine, and such years, about one in ten, occurred
for ages with great regularity, and often equalled in their terrible
results the worst famines of antiquity.
In a cold climate fuel is nearly as important as food, for which
indeed it is a substitute. A large portion of our daily food is used up
in supporting that internal fire by which the heat of the human body
in every climate, and under every variety of external temperature, is
maintained at the 98th degree of Fahrenheit. The greater the loss of
heat by cooling, the greater the amount of heat which the body
itself must generate to maintain its temperature at this elevated
point. This demand for additional heat cannot be supplied without
additional quantities of food, and unless these supplies are afforded,
the substance of the body itself, its very tissues and organs, are
consumed; a process which cannot be continued long without
exhaustion, disease, and death. The phrase “starved by cold”
45. expresses a more literal fact than is commonly understood.
Unhappily the circumstances which deprive a population of the
means of counteracting cold limit also the supplies of food at their
command, and the pressure of the twofold privation, want of food
and want of fuel, commonly occurs at the very season when both
these indispensable supports of life are most needed. Some
conception may be formed of the suffering to which our ancestors
were exposed from this cause, from the fact that their prejudice
against the use of coal as an article of fuel was such that a law was
passed rendering it a capital offence to burn it within the City, and
there is a record in the Tower importing that a person was tried,
convicted, and executed for this offence in the reign of Edward the
First. It was not until the reign of Charles the First that there was a
regular supply of coals to London.
The habits of the people increased the force of these privations.
Intemperance was a national vice. Excessive carousing at home, or
days and nights spent in taverns, was the usual practice among all
classes, and the physical and moral evils resulting from the custom
were neither redeemed nor lessened by the epithet which these
habitual convivialities appear to have conferred upon the nation of
“Merrie England.” Caius, indeed, one of the most celebrated
physicians of the sixteenth century, couples Germany and the
Netherlands with England in this common reproach. “These three
nations,” he says, “destroy more meats and drynkes without all
order, convenient time, reason, and necessitie, than all other
countries under the son, to the great annoyance of their bodies and
wittes.”
This condition of the country and this mode of life themselves
constitute the most powerful causes of epidemics; and an
extraordinary concurrence and concentration of these causes are
manifested in the combination of the circumstances which have been
enumerated, namely, in the malarious state of the greater part of
the kingdom, in the confined space of the towns, in the deficiency
and putrescency of the food, in the inadequacy of the means of
protection from cold, and in the intemperance of the people. These
46. were the true sources of the malignity and mortality of the
pestilences of that age.
We have no reliable evidence of the actual mortality produced by
these terrible diseases; for no physician has left such an account of
the epidemics of which he was an eye-witness as enables us to
determine it, and there was no Registrar-General to fill up the
momentous columns included in his death-roll. We can therefore
only take the statements of the time as we find them.
According to the accounts of contemporary writers, the Black
Death swept away, within the space of four years, a fourth part of
the population of Europe. Some towns in England are stated to have
lost two-thirds of their inhabitants, and it is computed that one-half
of the entire population of the country perished.
Of the Sweating Sickness, Bacon says it “destroyed infinite
persons;” Stowe “a wonderful number;” and other writers reckon the
deaths in the places attacked by thousands.
Similar representations are given of the ravages of the Plague, of
the Petechial Fever, and even occasionally of Intermittent Fever; and
the substantial correctness of these statements is confirmed by
entries in parish registers still extant, which tell the story of the local
outbreaks of those days with graphic and touching simplicity.
During some of the worst of these visitations, contemporary
writers concur in stating that the living were insufficient to bury the
dead; business was suspended; the courts of law were closed; the
churches were deserted for want of a sufficient number of clergy to
perform the service; and ships were seen driving about on the ocean
and drifting on shore, whose crews had perished to the last man.
We can form no adequate conception of the terror inspired by
these events. We have seen alarm in our own day, but then it
bordered on maniacal despair. It seemed as if the last judgment had
come upon the world, and men abandoned alike their possessions
and their friends. The rich gave up their treasures and laid them at
the foot of the altars; neighbour abandoned neighbour; parents their
47. offspring, and brothers their sisters. “If” says one of the chroniclers,
“in a circle of friends any one only by a single word happened to
bring the plague to mind, first one and then another of the company
was seized with a tormenting anguish; certain that they were
attacked with a mortal sickness, they slunk away home, and there
soon yielded up the ghost.”
These fearful forms of pestilence were accompanied by moral
epidemics more appalling than the physical. Of these the two
following may serve as examples:—
Vast assemblages of men and women formed circles hand in
hand, dancing, leaping, shouting, insensible to external impressions;
some seeing visions and spirits whose names they shrieked out;
others in epileptic convulsions with foaming at the mouth; all
continuing to make the most violent muscular exertions for hours
together, until they fell to the ground in a state of exhaustion.
Lookers-on were seized with an uncontrollable impulse to join in
these wild revels. Peasants left their ploughs, mechanics their
workshops, servants their masters, boys and girls their parents,
women their domestic duties, and men their business, thus to spend
days and nights; these infatuated crowds passing furiously through
streets, along highways, over fields, and from town to town. This
madness pervaded the least barbarous countries of Europe for
upwards of two centuries, under the name of the “Dancing Mania.” It
was universally attributed to demoniacal possession, and its cure
was attempted by exorcism. It was one expression and outlet of the
violent passions of that time, imposture and profligacy playing
principal parts in this strange drama.
More pernicious than this madness was the mania of cruelty, an
especial manifestation of which was the ferocious persecution of the
Jews, who were put to death by hundreds and thousands, under the
accusation that they had poisoned the wells. At Basle a number of
this nation, whose European history proves them to have been
everywhere amongst the most inoffensive of the people, were
enclosed in a wooden building and burnt with it. At Strasburg two
48. thousand were burnt alive. Whoever showed them compassion and
endeavoured to protect them were put upon the rack and burnt with
them. In numerous instances these unhappy people, driven to
despair, assembled in their own habitations, to which they set fire
and consumed themselves with their families. The noble and the
mean bound themselves by an oath to extirpate them from the face
of the earth by fire and sword.
In England this relentless cruelty took particularly the shape of
burning innocent people under the name of witches; an infatuation
which pervaded all classes from the highest to the lowest, affording
a melancholy exemplification of the close alliance between credulity
and cruelty.[13]
13. The number of wretched beings condemned and executed for this imaginary
crime at the Assizes of Suffolk and Essex alone, in the year 1646, amounted
to two hundred. Dr Zachary Gray affirms that he had seen an authentic
account of persons who had so suffered in the whole of England, amounting
to from three to four thousand. So late as the year 1697 seven persons,
three men and four women, were burnt at Paisley for this alleged crime. We
seldom sufficiently consider how near we are to those times of dreadful
superstition and cruelty! How short a period it is since the light of a brighter
day dawned upon us!
But in the midst of these terrible disorders, changes which had
been in silent operation during several centuries began to produce
visible results. The independent power of the nobles had been
suppressed; the feuds that raged between them, filling the country
with disorder and bloodshed, had been put down; the supremacy of
the law had been established; property and life had become more
secure; industry had taken a surprising start; the practical abolition
of serfdom had been to a large extent effected; and at last came the
final breaking up of the feudal system in the reign of Henry VII. by
the passing of the law authorizing the alienation of land.
About the middle of the fifteenth century improvements in the
condition of the people, which had been gradually effected by these
changes, were accelerated by a succession of events that gave an
extraordinary impulse to the human mind, just aroused from the
49. long and deep sleep of the middle ages—that dark night which was
now passing away.
Among the most memorable of these was the invention of
printing, which the three immortal masters of the art had now
completed (1436–1442), giving untiring and undying wings to
thought;—
The diffusion over the West of Europe of the remains of a former
civilization, by the dispersion of the treasures of classical art,
literature, and science, which before Constantinople fell into the
hands of barbarians (1453) had been confined within the walls of
that city;—
The cessation of the long and disastrous struggle between the
East and the West, by the expulsion of the Moors from Spain (1492);
—
The discovery of the New World;—
And lastly, the Reformation, that stupendous work which with
giant strength burst asunder the chain which consummate skill and
supreme power had spent ages in forging and riveting: that
stupendous work, which was not merely emancipation from spiritual
bondage, but the re-communication of the long-lost spirit of religion;
the noble men who achieved it being ever, even in their day of
triumph, less intent on demolishing the gorgeous edifice that had
held the mind enthralled, than on erecting a pure temple in which it
might worship with sincerity and freedom.
The time when the foundation was laid for this intellectual and
spiritual renovation was also that of the commencement of physical
improvement. The towns being no longer fortresses, it became
unnecessary to maintain their fortifications. Walls were thrown
down; stagnant moats were filled up; broader streets were opened;
more convenient houses were erected. Forests were cleared;
marshes and swamps were drained; more land was brought under
cultivation; more vegetable matter was produced; the art of
collecting, storing, and preserving fodder was discovered. Fresh
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