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Bridge engineering substructure design 1st Edition W.F. Chen
Bridge engineering substructure design 1st Edition W.F.
Chen Digital Instant Download
Author(s): W.F. Chen, Lian Duan
ISBN(s): 9780849316814, 0849316812
Edition: 1
File Details: PDF, 8.42 MB
Year: 2003
Language: english
CRC PR ESS
Boca Raton London New York Washington, D.C.
EDITED BY
Wai-Fah Chen
Lian Duan
Substructure Design
BRIDGE
ENGINEERING
© 2003 by Taylor & Francis Group, LLC
The material in this book was first published in The Bridge Engineering Handbook, CRC Press, 2000.
This book contains information obtained from authentic and highly regarded sources. Reprinted material is quoted with
permission, and sources are indicated. A wide variety of references are listed. Reasonable efforts have been made to publish
reliable data and information, but the authors and the publisher cannot assume responsibility for the validity of all materials
or for the consequences of their use.
Neither this book nor any part may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical,
including photocopying, microfilming, and recording, or by any information storage or retrieval system, without prior
permission in writing from the publisher.
All rights reserved. Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use, or the personal or internal use of specific
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ISBN 0-8493-1681-2/02/$0.00+$1.50. The fee is subject to change without notice. For organizations that have been granted
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The consent of CRC Press LLC does not extend to copying for general distribution, for promotion, for creating new works,
or for resale. Specific permission must be obtained in writing from CRC Press LLC for such copying.
Direct all inquiries to CRC Press LLC, 2000 N.W. Corporate Blvd., Boca Raton, Florida 33431.
Trademark Notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for
identification and explanation, without intent to infringe.
Visit the CRC Press Web site at www.crcpress.com
© 2003 by CRC Press LLC
No claim to original U.S. Government works
International Standard Book Number 0-8493-1681-2
Library of Congress Card Number 2002041117
Printed in the United States of America 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 0
Printed on acid-free paper
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Bridge engineering : substructure design / edited by Wai-Fah Chen and Lian Duan.
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 0-8493-1681-2 (alk. paper)
1. Bridges—Foundations and piers—Design and construction. I. Chen, Wai-Fah, 1936-
II. Duan, Lian.
TG320 .B73 2003
624'.284—dc21 2002041117
1681_frame_FM Page iv Tuesday, January 21, 2003 2:04 PM
© 2003 by Taylor & Francis Group, LLC
Foreword
Among all engineering subjects, bridge engineering is probably the most difficult on which to compose
a handbook because it encompasses various fields of arts and sciences. It not only requires knowledge
and experience in bridge design and construction, but often involves social, economic, and political
activities. Hence, I wish to congratulate the editors and authors for having conceived this thick volume
and devoted the time and energy to complete it in such short order. Not only is it the first handbook of
bridge engineering as far as I know, but it contains a wealth of information not previously available to
bridge engineers. It embraces almost all facets of bridge engineering except the rudimentary analyses and
actual field construction of bridge structures, members, and foundations. Of course, bridge engineering
is such an immense subject that engineers will always have to go beyond a handbook for additional
information and guidance.
I may be somewhat biased in commenting on the background of the two editors, who both came from
China, a country rich in the pioneering and design of ancient bridges and just beginning to catch up
with the modern world in the science and technology of bridge engineering. It is particularly to the
editors’ credit to have convinced and gathered so many internationally recognized bridge engineers to
contribute chapters. At the same time, younger engineers have introduced new design and construction
techniques into the treatise.
This Handbook is divided into four volumes, namely:
Superstructure Design
Substructure Design
Seismic Design
Construction and Maintenance
There are 67 chapters,beginning with bridge concepts and aesthestics,two areas only recently emphasized
by bridge engineers. Some unusual features, such as rehabilitation, retrofit, and maintenance of bridges,
are presented in great detail. The section devoted to seismic design includes soil-foundation-structure
interaction. Another section describes and compares bridge engineering practices around the world. I am
sure that these special areas will be brought up to date as the future of bridge engineering develops.
May I advise each bridge engineer to have a desk copy of this volume with which to survey and examine
both the breadth and depth of bridge engineering.
T.Y. Lin
Professor Emeritus, University of California at Berkeley
Chairman, Lin Tung-Yen China, Inc.
1681_frame_FM Page v Tuesday, January 21, 2003 8:49 AM
© 2003 by Taylor & Francis Group, LLC
Preface
The Bridge Engineering Handbook is a unique, comprehensive, and the state-of-the-art reference work
and resource book covering the major areas of bridge engineering with the theme “bridge to the 21st
century.” It has been written with practicing bridge and structural engineers in mind. The ideal readers
will be M.S.-level structural and bridge engineers with a need for a single reference source to keep abreast
of new developments and the state-of-the-practice, as well as to review standard practices.
The areas of bridge engineering include planning, analysis and design, construction, maintenance, and
rehabilitation. To provide engineers a well-organized and user-friendly, easy to follow resource, the
Handbook is divided into four volumes: I, Superstructure Design II, Substructure Design III, Seismic
Design, and IV, Construction and Maintenance.
Volume II: Substructure Design addresses the various substructure components: bearings, piers and
columns, towers, abutments and retaining structures, geotechnical considerations, footing and founda-
tions, vessel collisions, and bridge hydraulics.
The Handbook stresses professional applications and practical solutions. Emphasis has been placed
on ready-to-use materials. It contains many formulas and tables that give immediate answers to questions
arising from practical work. It describes the basic concepts and assumptions omitting the derivations of
formulas and theories. It covers traditional and new, innovative practices. An overview of the structure,
organization, and content of the book can be seen by examining the table of contents presented at the
beginning of the book while an in-depth view of a particular subject can be seen by examining the
individual table of contents preceding each chapter. References at the end of each chapter can be consulted
for more detailed studies.
The chapters have been written by many internationally known authors from different countries
covering bridge engineering practices and research and development in North America, Europe, and the
Pacific Rim. This Handbook may provide a glimpse of a rapid global economy trend in recent years
toward international outsourcing of practice and competition in all dimensions of engineering.In general,
the Handbook is aimed toward the needs of practicing engineers, but materials may be reorganized to
accommodate undergraduate and graduate level bridge courses. The book may also be used as a survey
of the practice of bridge engineering around the world.
The authors acknowledge with thanks the comments, suggestions, and recommendations during the
development of the Handbook, by Fritz Leonhardt, Professor Emeritus, Stuttgart University, Germany;
Shouji Toma, Professor, Horrai-Gakuen University, Japan; Gerard F. Fox, Consulting Engineer; Jackson
L. Kurkee, Consulting Engineer; Michael J. Abrahams, Senior Vice President; Parsons Brinckerhoff Quade
& Douglas, Inc.; Ben C. Gerwick Jr., Professor Emeritus, University of California at Berkeley; Gregory F.
Fenves, Professor, University of California at Berkeley; John M. Kulicki, President and Chief Engineer,
Modjeski and Masters; James Chai, Supervising Transportation Engineer, California Department of
Transportation; Jinron Wang, Senior Bridge Engineer, California Department of Transportation; and
David W. Liu, Principal, Imbsen & Associates, Inc.
Wai-Fah Chen
Lian Duan
1681_frame_FM Page vii Monday, January 20, 2003 12:14 PM
© 2003 by Taylor & Francis Group, LLC
Editors
Wai-Fah Chen is presently Dean of the College of Engineering at
the University of Hawaii. He was a George E. Goodwin Distin-
guished Professor of Civil Engineering and Head of the Department
of Structural Engineering at Purdue University from 1976 to 1999.
He received his B.S. in civil engineering from the National
Cheng-Kung University, Taiwan in 1959; M.S. in structural engi-
neering from Lehigh University, Pennsylvania in 1963; and Ph.D.
in solid mechanics from Brown University, Rhode Island in 1966.
He received the Distinguished Alumnus Award from the National
Cheng-Kung University in 1988 and the Distinguished Engineering
Alumnus Medal from Brown University in 1999.
Dr. Chen’s research interests cover several areas, including con-
stitutive modeling of engineering materials, soil and concrete plas-
ticity, structural connections, and structural stability. He is the
recipient of several national engineering awards, including the Ray-
mond Reese Research Prize and the Shortridge Hardesty Award, both from the American Society of Civil
Engineers, and the T. R. Higgins Lectureship Award from the American Institute of Steel Construction.
In 1995, he was elected to the U.S. National Academy of Engineering. In 1997, he was awarded Honorary
Membership by the American Society of Civil Engineers. In 1998, he was elected to the Academia Sinica
(National Academy of Science) in Taiwan.
A widely respected author, Dr. Chen authored and coauthored more than 20 engineering books and
500 technical papers. His books include several classical works such as Limit Analysis and Soil Plasticity
(Elsevier, 1975), the two-volume Theory of Beam-Columns (McGraw-Hill, 1976–77), Plasticity in Rein-
forced Concrete (McGraw-Hill, 1982), and the two-volume Constitutive Equations for Engineering Materials
(Elsevier, 1994). He currently serves on the editorial boards of more than 10 technical journals. He has
been listed in more than 20 Who’s Who publications.
Dr. Chen is the editor-in-chief for the popular 1995 Civil Engineering Handbook (CRC Press), the 1997
Handbook of Structural Engineering (CRC Press), and the 2000 Bridge Engineering Handbook (CRC Press).
He currently serves as the consulting editor for McGraw-Hill’s Encyclopedia of Science and Technology.
He has been a longtime member of the Executive Committee of the Structural Stability Research
Council and the Specification Committee of the American Institute of Steel Construction. He has been
a consultant for Exxon Production Research on offshore structures; for Skidmore, Owings & Merrill in
Chicago on tall steel buildings; and for the World Bank on the Chinese University Development Projects,
among many others.
Dr. Chen has taught at Lehigh University, Purdue University, and the University of Hawaii.
1681_frame_FM Page ix Monday, January 20, 2003 12:14 PM
© 2003 by Taylor & Francis Group, LLC
x
Lian Duan is a Senior Bridge Engineer with the California Depart-
ment of Transportation (Caltrans) and Professor of Structural
Engineering at Taiyuan University of Technology, China.
He received his B.S. in civil engineering in 1975 and his M.S. in
structural engineering in 1981 from Taiyuan University of Tech-
nology. He received his Ph.D. in structural engineering from Pur-
due University, West Lafayette, Indiana in 1990. Dr. Duan worked
at the Northeastern China Power Design Institute from 1975 to
1978.
His research interests include inelastic behavior of reinforced
concrete and steel structures, structural stability, and seismic bridge
analysis and design. Dr. Duan has authored or coauthored more
than 60 papers, chapters, ad reports; his research focuses on the
development of unified interaction equations for steel beam columns, flexural stiffness of reinforced
concrete members, effective length factors of compression members, and design of bridge structures.
Dr. Duan is an esteemed practicing engineer and is registered as a P.E. in California. He has designed
numerous building and bridge structures. He was lead engineer for the development of the seismic retrofit
design criteria for the San Francisco-Oakland Bay Bridge west spans and made significant contributions
to this project. He is coeditor of the Structural Engineering Handbook CRCnetBase 2000 (CRC Press,
2000) and The Bridge Engineering Handbook (CRC Press, 2000), winner of Choice magazine’s Outstanding
Academic Title Award for 2000. Dr. Duan received the ASCE 2001 Arthur M. Wellington Prize for his
paper “Section Properties for Latticed Members of the San Francisco-Oakland Bay Bridge.” He currently
serves as Caltrans Structural Steel Committee Chairman and is a member of the Transportation Research
Board A2CO2 Steel Bridge Committee.
1681_frame_FM Page x Monday, January 20, 2003 12:14 PM
© 2003 by Taylor & Francis Group, LLC
Contributors
James Chai
California Department of
Transportation
Sacramento, California
Hong Chen
J. Muller International, Inc.
San Diego, California
Wai-Fah Chen
University of Hawaii at Manoa
Honolulu, Hawaii
Nan Deng
Bechtel Corporation
San Francisco, California
Lian Duan
California Department of
Transportation
Sacramento, California
Johnny Feng
J. Muller International, Inc.
Sacramento, California
Chao Gong
ICF Kaiser Engineers
Oakland, California
Michael Knott
Moffatt & Nichol Engineers
Richmond, Virginia
Youzhi Ma
Geomatrix Consultants, Inc.
Oakland, California
Thomas W. McNeilan
Fugro West, Inc.
Ventura, California
Zolan Prucz
Modjeski and Masters, Inc.
New Orleans, Louisiana
Charles Seim
T. Y. Lin International
San Francisco, California
Jim Springer
California Department of
Transportation
Sacramento, California
Jinrong Wang
California Department of
Transportation
Sacramento, California
Linan Wang
California Department of
Transportation
Sacramento, California
Ke Zhou
California Department of
Transportation
Sacramento, California
1681_frame_FM Page xi Monday, January 20, 2003 12:14 PM
© 2003 by Taylor & Francis Group, LLC
Contents
1 Bearings Johnny Feng and Hong Chen
1.1 Introduction.............................................................................................................................1-1
1.2 Types of Bearings .....................................................................................................................1-1
1.3 Selection of Bearings................................................................................................................1-5
1.4 Design of Elastomeric Bearings...............................................................................................1-7
2 Piers and Columns Jinrong Wang
2.1 Introduction.............................................................................................................................2-1
2.2 Structural Types .......................................................................................................................2-1
2.3 Design Loads ............................................................................................................................2-4
2.4 Design Criteria .........................................................................................................................2-7
3 Towers Charles Seim
3.1 Introduction.............................................................................................................................3-1
3.2 Functions..................................................................................................................................3-2
3.3 Aesthetics..................................................................................................................................3-2
3.4 Conceptual Design...................................................................................................................3-4
3.5 Final Design............................................................................................................................3-11
3.6 Construction ..........................................................................................................................3-14
3.7 Summary ................................................................................................................................3-15
4 Abutments and Retaining Structures Linan Wang and Chao Gong
4.1 Introduction.............................................................................................................................4-1
4.2 Abutments................................................................................................................................4-1
4.3 Retaining Structures...............................................................................................................4-22
5 Geotechnical Considerations Thomas W. McNeilan and James Chai
5.1 Introduction.............................................................................................................................5-1
5.2 Field Exploration Techniques .................................................................................................5-2
5.3 Defining Site Investigation Requirements............................................................................5-15
5.4 Development of Laboratory Testing Program .....................................................................5-17
5.5 Data Presentation and Site Characterization........................................................................5-19
6 Shallow Foundations James Chai
6.1 Introduction.............................................................................................................................6-1
6.2 Design Requirements...............................................................................................................6-2
1681_frame_FM Page xiii Monday, January 20, 2003 12:14 PM
© 2003 by Taylor & Francis Group, LLC
xiv
6.3 Failure Modes of Shallow Foundations ..................................................................................6-3
6.4 Bearing Capacity for Shallow Foundations ............................................................................6-3
6.5 Stress Distribution Due to Footing Pressures.......................................................................6-14
6.6 Settlement of Shallow Foundations ......................................................................................6-17
6.7 Shallow Foundations on Rock...............................................................................................6-28
6.8 Structural Design of Spread Footings ...................................................................................6-30
7 Deep Foundations Youzhi Ma and Nan Deng
7.1 Introduction.............................................................................................................................7-1
7.2 Classification and Selection.....................................................................................................7-2
7.3 Design Considerations...........................................................................................................7-10
7.4 Axial Capacity and Settlement — Individual Foundation..................................................7-14
7.5 Lateral Capacity and Deflection — Individual Foundation................................................7-25
7.6 Grouped Foundations............................................................................................................7-34
7.7 Seismic Design........................................................................................................................7-38
8 Effective Length of Compression Members Lian Duan and Wai-Fah Chen
8.1 Introduction.............................................................................................................................8-1
8.2 Isolated Columns .....................................................................................................................8-2
8.3 Framed Columns — Alignment Chart Method.....................................................................8-3
8.4 Modifications to Alignment Charts ........................................................................................8-8
8.5 Framed Columns — Alternative Methods ...........................................................................8-13
8.6 Crossing Bracing Systems......................................................................................................8-16
8.7 Latticed and Built-Up Members ...........................................................................................8-17
8.8 Tapered Columns...................................................................................................................8-20
8.9 Summary ................................................................................................................................8-20
9 Vessel Collision Design of Bridges Michael Knott and Zolan Prucz
9.1 Introduction.............................................................................................................................9-2
9.2 Initial Planning.........................................................................................................................9-4
9.3 Waterway Characteristics ........................................................................................................9-6
9.4 Vessel Traffic Characteristics...................................................................................................9-6
9.5 Collision Risk Analysis.............................................................................................................9-8
9.6 Vessel Impact Loads...............................................................................................................9-10
9.7 Bridge Analysis and Design ...................................................................................................9-14
9.8 Bridge Protection Measures...................................................................................................9-15
9.9 Conclusions............................................................................................................................9-16
10 Bridge Hydraulics Jim Springer and Ke Zhou
10.1 Introduction...........................................................................................................................10-1
10.2 Bridge Hydrology and Hydraulics.........................................................................................10-1
10.3 Bridge Scour .........................................................................................................................10-11
© 2003 by Taylor & Francis Group, LLC
1-1
0-8493-1681-2/03/$0.00+$1.50
© 2003 by CRC Press LLC
1
Bearings
1.1 Introduction .................................................................1-1
1.2 Types of Bearings.........................................................1-1
Sliding Bearings • Rocker and Pin Bearings • Roller
Bearings • Elastomeric Bearings • Curved
Bearings • Pot Bearings • Disk Bearings
1.3 Selection of Bearings....................................................1-5
Determination of Functional Requirements •
Evaluation of Bearings • Preliminary Bearing Design
1.4 Design of Elastomeric Bearings ..................................1-7
Design Procedure • Design Example
1.1 Introduction
Bearings are structural devices positioned between the bridge superstructure and the substructure.
Their principal functions are as follows:
1. To transmit loads from the superstructure to the substructure, and
2. To accommodate relative movements between the superstructure and the substructure.
The forces applied to a bridge bearing mainly include superstructure self-weight, traffic loads, wind
loads, and earthquake loads.
Movements in bearings include translations and rotations. Creep, shrinkage, and temperature
effects are the most common causes of the translational movements, which can occur in both
transverse and longitudinal directions. Traffic loading, construction tolerances, and uneven settle-
ment of the foundation are the common causes of the rotations.
Usually a bearing is connected to the superstructure through the use of a steel sole plate and rests
on the substructure through a steel masonry plate. The sole plate distributes the concentrated
bearing reactions to the superstructure. The masonry plate distributes the reactions to the substruc-
ture. The connections between the sole plate and the superstructure, for steel girders, are by bolting
or welding. For concrete girders, the sole plate is embedded into the concrete with anchor studs.
The masonry plate is typically connected to the substructure with anchor bolts.
1.2 Types of Bearings
Bearings may be classified as fixed bearings and expansion bearings. Fixed bearings allow rotations
but restrict translational movements. Expansion bearings allow both rotational and translational
movements. There are numerous types of bearings available. The following are the principal types
of bearings currently in use.
Johnny Feng
J. Muller International, Inc.
Hong Chen
J. Muller International, Inc.
1681_MASTER.book Page 1 Sunday, January 12, 2003 12:36 PM
© 2003 by Taylor & Francis Group, LLC
1-2 Bridge Engineering: Substructure Design
1.2.1 Sliding Bearings
A sliding bearing utilizes one plane metal plate sliding against another to accommodate translations.
The sliding bearing surface produces a frictional force that is applied to the superstructure, the
substructure, and the bearing itself. To reduce this friction force, PTFE (polytetrafluoroethylene) is
often used as a sliding lubricating material. PTFE is sometimes referred to as Teflon, named after
a widely used brand of PTFE, or TFE as appeared in AASHTO [1] and other design standards. In
its common application, one steel plate coated with PTFE slides against another plate, which is
usually of stainless steel.
Sliding bearings can be used alone or more often used as a component in other types of bearings.
Pure sliding bearings can only be used when the rotations caused by the deflection at the supports
are negligible. They are therefore limited to a span length of 15 m or less by ASHTTO [1].
A guiding system may be added to a sliding bearing to control the direction of the movement.
It may also be fixed by passing anchor bolts through the plates.
1.2.2 Rocker and Pin Bearings
A rocker bearing is a type of expansion bearing that comes in a great variety. It typically consists
of a pin at the top that facilitates rotations, and a curved surface at the bottom that accommodates
the translational movements (Figure 1.1a). The pin at the top is composed of upper and lower
semicircularly recessed surfaces with a solid circular pin placed between. Usually, there are caps at
both ends of the pin to keep the pin from sliding off the seats and to resist uplift loads if required.
The upper plate is connected to the sole plate by either bolting or welding. The lower curved plate
sits on the masonry plate. To prevent the rocker from walking, keys are used to keep the rocker in
place. A key can be a pintal which is a small trapezoidal steel bar tightly fitted into the masonry
plate on one end and loosely inserted into the recessed rocker bottom plate on the other end. Or
it can be an anchor bolt passing through a slotted hole in the bottom rocker plate.
A pin bearing is a type of fixed bearings that accommodates rotations through the use of a steel
pin. The typical configuration of the bearing is virtually the same as the rocker described above
except that the bottom curved rocker plate is now flat and directly anchored to the concrete pier
(Figure 1.1b).
Rocker and pin bearings are primarily used in steel bridges. They are only suitable for the
applications where the direction of the displacement is well defined since they can only accommo-
date translations and/or rotations in one direction. They can be designed to support relatively large
loads but a high vertical clearance is usually required when the load or displacement is large. The
practical limits of the load and displacement are about 1800 kN and ±100 mm, respectively, and
rotations of several degrees are achievable [3].
Normally, the moment and lateral forces induced from the movement of these bearings are very
small and negligible. However, metal bearings are susceptible to corrosion and deterioration. A
corroded joint may induce much larger forces. Regular inspection and maintenance are, therefore,
required.
1.2.3 Roller Bearings
Roller bearings are composed of one or more rollers between two parallel steel plates. Single roller
bearings can facilitate both rotations and translations in the longitudinal direction, while a group
of rollers would only accommodate longitudinal translations. In the latter case, the rotations are
provided by combining rollers with a pin bearing (Figure 1.1c).
Roller bearings have been used in both steel and concrete bridges. Single roller bearings are
relatively cheap to manufacture, but they only have a very limited vertical load capacity. Multiple
roller bearings, on the other hand, may be able to support very large loads, but they are much more
expensive.
1681_MASTER.book Page 2 Sunday, January 12, 2003 12:36 PM
© 2003 by Taylor & Francis Group, LLC
Bearings 1-3
Like rocker and pin bearings, roller bearings are also susceptible to corrosion and deterioration.
Regular inspection and maintenance are essential.
1.2.4 Elastomeric Bearings
An elastomeric bearing is made of elastomer (either natural or synthetic rubber). It accommodates
both translational and rotational movements through the deformation of the elastomer.
Elastomer is flexible in shear but very stiff against volumetric change. Under compressive load,
the elastomer expands laterally. To sustain large load without excessive deflection, reinforcement is
used to restrain lateral bulging of the elastomer. This leads to the development of several types of
elastomeric bearing pads — plain, fiberglass-reinforced, cotton duck-reinforced, and steel-rein-
forced elastomeric pads. Figure 1.2a shows a steel-reinforced elastomeric pad.
FIGURE 1.1 Typical rocker (a), pin (b), and roller bearings (c).
FIGURE 1.2 Elastomeric bearings. (a) Steel-reinforced elastomeric pad; (b) elastomeric pad with PTFE slider.
1681_MASTER.book Page 3 Sunday, January 12, 2003 12:36 PM
© 2003 by Taylor & Francis Group, LLC
1-4 Bridge Engineering: Substructure Design
Plain elastomeric pads are the weakest and most flexible because they are only restrained from
bulging by friction forces alone. They are typically used in short- to medium-span bridges, where
bearing stress is low. Fiberglass-reinforced elastomeric pads consist of alternate layers of elastomer
and fiberglass reinforcement. Fiberglass inhibits the lateral deformation of the pads under compres-
sive loads so that larger load capacity can be achieved. Cotton-reinforced pads are elastomeric pads
reinforced with closely spaced layers of cotton duck. They display high compressive stiffness and
strength but have very limited rotational capacities. The thin layers also lead to high shear stiffness,
which results in large forces in the bridge. So sometimes they are combined with a PTFE slider on
top of the pad to accommodate translations (Figure 1.2b). Steel-reinforced elastomeric pads are
constructed by vulcanizing elastomer to thin steel plates. They have the highest load capacity among
the different types of elastomeric pads, which is only limited by the manufacturer’s ability to
vulcanize a large volume of elastomer uniformly.
All above-mentioned pads except steel-reinforced pads can be produced in a large sheet and cut
to size for any particular application. Steel-reinforced pads, however, have to be custom-made for
each application due to the edge cover requirement for the protection of the steel from corrosion.
The steel-reinforced pads are the most expensive while the cost of the plain elastomeric pads is the
lowest.
Elastomeric bearings are generally considered the preferred type of bearings because they are low
cost and almost maintenance free. In addition, elastomeric bearings are extremely forgiving of loads
and movements exceeding the design values.
1.2.4 Curved Bearings
A curved bearing consists of two matching curved plates with one sliding against the other to
accommodate rotations. The curved surface can be either cylindrical which allows the rotation
about only one axis or spherical which allows the bearing to rotate about any axis.
Lateral movements are restrained in a pure curved bearing and a limited lateral resistance may
be developed through a combination of the curved geometry and the gravity loads. To accommodate
lateral movements, a PTFE slider must be attached to the bearings. Keeper plates are often used to
keep the superstructure moving in one direction. Large load and rotational capacities can be
designed for curved bearings. The vertical capacity is only limited by its size, which depends largely
on machining capabilities. Similarly, rotational capacities are only limited by the clearances between
the components.
Figure 1.3a shows a typical expansion curved bearing. The lower convex steel plate that has a
stainless steel mating surface is recessed in the masonry plate. The upper concave plate with a
matching PTFE sliding surface sits on top of the lower convex plate for rotations. Between the sole
plate and the upper concave plate there is a flat PTFE sliding surface that will accommodate lateral
movements.
1.2.5 Pot Bearings
A pot bearing comprises a plain elastomeric disk that is confined in a shallow steel ring, or pot
(Figure 1.3b). Vertical loads are transmitted through a steel piston that fits closely to the steel ring
(pot wall). Flat sealing rings are used to contain the elastomer inside the pot. The elastomer behaves
like a viscous fluid within the pot as the bearing rotates. Because the elastomeric pad is confined,
much larger load can be carried this way than through conventional elastomeric pads.
Translational movements are restrained in a pure pot bearing, and the lateral loads are transmitted
through the steel piston moving against the pot wall. To accommodate translational movement, a
PTFE sliding surface must be used. Keeper plates are often used to keep the superstructure moving
in one direction.
1681_MASTER.book Page 4 Sunday, January 12, 2003 12:36 PM
© 2003 by Taylor & Francis Group, LLC
Bearings 1-5
1.2.6 Disk Bearings
A disk bearing, as illustrated in Figure 1.3c, utilizes a hard elastomeric (polyether urethane) disk to
support the vertical loads and a metal key in the center of the bearing to resist horizontal loads.
The rotational movements are accommodated through the deformation of the elastomer. To accom-
modate translational movements, however, a PTFE slider is required. In this kind of bearings, the
polyether urethane disk must be hard enough to resist large vertical load without excessive defor-
mation and yet flexible enough to accommodate rotations easily.
1.3 Selection of Bearings
Generally the objective of bearing selection is to choose a bearing system that suits the needs with
a minimum overall cost. The following procedures may be used for the selection of the bearings.
1.3.1 Determination of Functional Requirements
First, the vertical and horizontal loads, the rotational and translational movements from all sources
including dead and live loads, wind loads, earthquake loads, creep and shrinkage, prestress, thermal
and construction tolerances need to be calculated. Table 1.1 may be used to tabulate these requirements.
FIGURE 1.3 Typical spherical (a), pot (b), and disk (c) bearings
1681_MASTER.book Page 5 Sunday, January 12, 2003 12:36 PM
© 2003 by Taylor & Francis Group, LLC
1-6 Bridge Engineering: Substructure Design
TABLE 1.1 Typical Bridge Bearing Schedule
Bridge Name of Reference
Bearing Identification mark
Number of bearings required
Seating Material Upper Surface
Lower Surface
Allowable average
contact pressure
(PSI)
Upper Surface Serviceability
Strength
Lower Surface Serviceability
Strength
Design Load
effects (KIP)
Service limit state Vertical max.
perm
min.
Transverse
Longitudinal
Strength
limit state
Vertical
Transverse
Longitudinal
Translation Service
limit state
Irreversible Transverse
Longitudinal
Reversible Transverse
Longitudinal
Strength
limit state
Irreversible Transverse
Longitudinal
Reversible Transverse
Longitudinal
Rotation (RAD) Service
limit state
Irreversible Transverse
Longitudinal
Reversible Transverse
Longitudinal
Strength
limit state
Irreversible Transverse
Longitudinal
Reversible Transverse
Longitudinal
Maximum
bearing
dimensions (IN)
Upper surface Transverse
Longitudinal
Lower surface Transverse
Longitudinal
Overall height
Tolerable movement of bearing
under transient loads (IN)
Vertical
Transverse
Longitudinal
Allowable resistance to translation
under service limit state (KIP)
Transverse
Longitudinal
Allowable resistance to rotation
under service limit state (K/FT)
Transverse
Longitudinal
Type of attachment to structure and substructure Transverse
Longitudinal
Source: AASHTO, LRFD Bridge Design Scecifications, American Association of State Highway and Transportation Officials,
Washington, D.C.
1681_MASTER.book Page 6 Sunday, January 12, 2003 12:36 PM
© 2003 by Taylor & Francis Group, LLC
Bearings 1-7
1.3.2 Evaluation of Bearings
The second step is to determine the suitable bearing types based on the above bridge functional
requirements, and other factors including available clearance, environment, maintenance, cost,
availability, and client’s preferences. Table 1.2 summarizes the load, movement capacities, and rel-
ative costs for each bearing type and may be used for the selection of the bearings.
It should be noted that the capacity values in Table 1.2 are approximate. They are the practical
limits of the most economical application for each bearing type. The costs are also relative, since
the true price can only be determined by the market. At the end of this step, several qualified bearing
systems with close cost ratings may be selected [5].
1.3 Preliminary Bearing Design
For the various qualified bearing alternatives, preliminary designs are performed to determine the
approximate geometry and material properties in accordance with design specifications. It is likely
that one or more of the previously acceptable alternatives will be eliminated in this step because of
an undesirable attribute such as excessive height, oversize footprint, resistance at low temperature,
sensitivity to installation tolerances, etc. [3].
At the end of this step, one or more bearing types may still be feasible and they will be included
in the bid package as the final choices of the bearing types.
1.4 Design of Elastomeric Bearings
1.4.1 Design Procedure
The design procedure is according to AASHTO-LRFD [1] and is as follows:
1. Determine girder temperature movement (Art. 5.4.2.2).
2. Determine girder shortenings due to post-tensioning, concrete shrinkage, etc.
3. Select a bearing thickness based on the bearing total movement requirements (Art. 14.7.5.3.4).
4. Compute the bearing size based on bearing compressive stress (Art. 14.7.5.3.2).
5. Compute instantaneous compressive deflection (Art. 14.7.5.3.3).
6. Combine bearing maximum rotation.
7. Check bearing compression and rotation (Art. 14.7.5.3.5).
8. Check bearing stability (Art. 14.7.5.3.6).
9. Check bearing steel reinforcement (Art. 14.7.5.3.7).
TABLE 1.2 Summary of Bearing Capacities [3,5]
Load Translation
Rotation
Max.
Min. Max. Min. Max. Costs
Bearing Type (KN) (KN) (mm) (mm) (rad) Initial Maintenance
Elastomeric pads
Plain 0 450 0 15 0.01 Low Low
Cotton duck reinforced 0 1,400 0 5 0.003 Low Low
Fiberglass reinforced 0 600 0 25 0.015 Low Low
Steel reinforced 225 3,500 0 100 0.04 Low Low
Flat PTFE slider 0 >10,000 25 >10
0
0 Low Moderate
Disk bearing 1,200 10,000 0 0 0.02 Moderate Moderate
Pot bearing 1,200 10,000 0 0 0.02 Moderate High
Pin bearing 1,200 4,500 0 0 >0.04 Moderate High
Rocker bearing 0 1,800 0 100 >0.04 Moderate High
Single roller 0 450 25 >10
0
>0.04 Moderate High
Curved PTFE bearing 1,200 7,000 0 0 >0.04 High Moderate
Multiple rollers 500 10,000 100 >10
0
>0.04 High High
1681_MASTER.book Page 7 Sunday, January 12, 2003 12:36 PM
© 2003 by Taylor & Francis Group, LLC
1-8 Bridge Engineering: Substructure Design
1.4.2 Design Example (Figure 1.4)
Given
L = expandable span length = 40 m
RDL = DL reaction/girder = 690 kN
RLL = LL reaction (without impact)/girder = 220 kN
qs = bearing design rotation at service limit state = 0.025 rad
DT = maximum temperature change = 21°C
DPT = girder shortening due to post tensioning = 21 mm
DSH = girder shortening due to concrete shrinkage = 2 mm
G = shear modulus of elastomer = 0.9 ~ 1.38 MPa
g = load factor for uniform temperature, etc. = 1.2
DFTH = constant amplitude fatigue threshold for Category A = 165 MPa
Using 60 durometer reinforced bearing:
Fy = yield strength of steel reinforcement = 350 MPa
Sliding bearing used:
1. Temperature Movement
From Art. 5.4.2.2, for normal density concrete, the thermal coefficient a is
a = 10.8 ¥ 10–6/˚C
DTEMP = (a)(DT)(L) = (10.8 ¥ 10–6/˚C)(21°C)(40,000 mm) = 9 mm
2. Girder Shortenings
DPT = 21 mm and DSH = 2 mm
3. Bearing Thickness
hrt = total elastomer thickness
hri = thickness of ith elastomeric layer
n = number of interior layers of elastomeric layer
DS = bearing maximum longitudinal movement = g · (DTEMP + DPT + DSH)
DS = 1.2 ¥ (9 mm + 21 mm + 2 mm) = 38.4 mm
hrt = bearing thickness ≥ 2DS (AASHTO Eq. 14.7.5.3.4-1)
hrt = 2 ¥ (38.4 mm) = 76.8
FIGURE 1.4 Bridge layout
Try =120 mm, = 20 mm and = 5
rt ri
h h n
1681_MASTER.book Page 8 Sunday, January 12, 2003 12:36 PM
© 2003 by Taylor & Francis Group, LLC
Bearings 1-9
4. Bearing Size
L = length of bearing
W = width of bearing
Si = shape factor of thickness layer of the bearing =
For a bearing subject to shear deformation, the compressive stresses should satisfy:
sS = average compressive stress due to the total load £ 1.66GS £ 11 (AASHTO Eq. 14.7.5.3.2-1)
sL = average compressive stress due to the live load £ 0.66 GS (AASHTO Eq. 14.7.5.3.2-1)
Assuming sS is critical, solve for L and W by error and trial.
L = 300 mm and W = 460 mm
OK
5. Instantaneous Compressive Deflection
For sS = 6.59 MPa and S = 4.54, one can determine the value of ei from Figure 1.5:
(AASHTO Eq. 14.7.5.3.3-1)
FIGURE 1.5 Stress–strain curves. (From AASHTO, Figure C14.7.5.3.3.1.)
LW
h L W
2 ri +
( )
ss
R
LW
--------
-
1.66GLW
2hri L W
+
( )
----------------------------
-
= =
S
LW
h L W
=
+
( )
=
( )( )
( )( )
=
2
300 460
2 20 300
4 54
ri
mm mm
mm mm + 460 mm
.
sL
RL
LW
--------
-
200,000 N
( )
300 mm
( ) 460 mm
( )
-------------------------------------------------
- 1.6 MPa
= = =
0.66 GS
£ 0.66 1.0 MPa
( ) 4.54
( ) 3.0 MPa
= =
ei 0.062
=
d eihri
Â
=
6 0.062
( ) 20 mm
( )
= 7.44 mm
=
1681_MASTER.book Page 9 Sunday, January 12, 2003 12:36 PM
© 2003 by Taylor & Francis Group, LLC
1-10 Bridge Engineering: Substructure Design
6. Bearing Maximum Rotation
The bearing rotational capacity can be calculated as
OK
7. Combined Bearing Compression and Rotation
a. Uplift requirement (AASHTO Eq. 14.7.5.3.5-1):
OK
b. Shear deformation requirement (AASHTO Eq. 14.7.5.3.5-2):
OK
8. Bearing Stability
Bearings shall be designed to prevent instability at the service limit state load combinations.
The average compressive stress on the bearing is limited to half the predicted buckling stress.
For this example, the bridge deck, if free to translate horizontally, the average compressive
stress due to dead and live load, ss, must satisfy:
(AASHTO Eq. 14.7.5.3.6-1)
where
(AASHTO Eq. 14.7.5.3.6-3)
qcapacity
2d
L
-----
-
2 7.44 mm
( )
300 mm
----------------------------- 0.05 rad qdesign
< 0.025 rad
= = = =
ss,uplift 1.0GS
qdesign
n
------------
-
Ë ¯
Á ˜
Ê ˆ L
hri
----
-
Ë ¯
Á ˜
Ê ˆ
2
=
1.0 1.2
( ) 4.54
( )
0.025
5
------------
-
Ë ¯
Ê ˆ 300
20
--------
-
Ë ¯
Ê ˆ
2
= 6.13 MPa ss
< 6.59 MPa
= =
ss,shear 1.875GS 1 0.20
qdesign
n
------------
-
Ë ¯
Á ˜
Ê ˆ L
hri
----
-
Ë ¯
Á ˜
Ê ˆ
2
–
Ë ¯
Á ˜
Á ˜
Ê ˆ
=
1.875 1.0
( ) 4.54
( ) 1 0.20
0.025
5
------------
-
Ë ¯
Á ˜
Ê ˆ 300
20
--------
-
Ë ¯
Á ˜
Ê ˆ
2
–
Ë ¯
Á ˜
Á ˜
Ê ˆ
= 6.60 MPa ss
> 6.59 MPa
= =
ss
G
A B
£
-
2
A
1.92
hrt
L
-----
-
S 1
2.0 L
W
------------
-
+
-----------------------------
-
1.92
120 mm
( )
300 mm
( )
------------------------
-
4.54
( ) 1
2.0 300 mm
( )
460 mm
( )
--------------------------------
+
-------------------------------------------------------------
- 0.11
=
= =
1681_MASTER.book Page 10 Sunday, January 12, 2003 12:36 PM
© 2003 by Taylor & Francis Group, LLC
Bearings 1-11
(AASHTO Eq. 14.7.5.3.6-4)
OK
9. Bearing Steel Reinforcement
The bearing steel reinforcement must be designed to sustain the tensile stresses induced by
compression of the bearing. The thickness of steel reinforcement, hs, should satisfy:
a. At the service limit state:
(AASHTO Eq. 14.7.5.3.7-1)
(governs)
b. At the fatigue limit state:
(AASHTO Eq. 14.7.5.3.7-2)
where hmax = thickness of thickest elastomeric layer in elastomeric bearing = hri.
Elastomeric Bearings Details
Five interior lays with 20 mm thickness each layer
Two exterior lays with 10 mm thickness each layer
Six steel reinforcements with 1.2 mm each
Total thickness of bearing is 127.2 mm
Bearing size: 300 mm (longitudinal) ¥ 460 mm (transverse)
B
S S
L
W
=
+
( ) +
=
( ) +
( ) +
( )
( )
=
2 67
2 0 1
4 0
2 67
4 54 4 54 2 0 1
300
4 0 460
0 08
.
.
.
.
. . .
.
.
mm
mm
G
2A B
–
----------------
-
1.0 MPa
( )
2 0.11
( ) 0.08
( )
–
---------------------------------------
- 6.87 ss
>
= =
hs
3hmaxss
Fy
-----------------
-
≥
=
( )( )
( )
=
3 20 6 59
350
1 13
mm MPa
MPa
mm
.
.
hs
2hmaxsL
ÄFy
------------------
-
≥
=
( )( )
( )
=
2 20mm 1.6MPa
165MPa
0.39mm
1681_MASTER.book Page 11 Sunday, January 12, 2003 12:36 PM
© 2003 by Taylor & Francis Group, LLC
Discovering Diverse Content Through
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intrigues. In some villages there were only 12 girls to 79 boys under
twelve years of age. In one hamlet of 20 people not one female was
living. It is probable, nevertheless, that much exaggeration has been
put forward on this subject, especially in reference to Rajpootana, as
the seclusion of the females there rendered it impossible accurately
to know the number of births. Undoubtedly, however, it was
practised to a great extent; but by means of funds, for the reward
and encouragement of those parents who reared all their children,
as well as by the gradual introduction of laws, a mighty reform has
been effected in India. In Odessa and the east of Bengal children
were formerly sacrificed to the goddess Gunga, and for this purpose
cast into the sacred river. In most countries infanticide has been
chiefly the resort of the poor, but in parts of India it was the practice
of the rich, being caused by pride rather than indigence. In Bengal,
however, the peasantry were occasionally guilty of this device to rid
themselves of a burden. A mother would sometimes expose her
infant to be starved or devoured, and visit the place after three days
had passed. If the child were still living—a very rare case—she took
it home and nursed it.
Another unnatural crime was that of procuring abortion, which is still
practised, though in a clandestine manner, since it is a breach of the
law. It was formerly very prevalent. Ward was assured by a pundit, a
professor, that in Bengal 100,000 children were thus destroyed in the
womb every month. This was a startling exaggeration, but there is
no doubt the offence was of frequent occurrence.
Whether the Hindus and other inhabitants of India are remarkable
for their chasteness or immorality is a question much disputed.
Unfortunately, men with a favourite theory to support, have been so
extravagant in their assertions on either side that it is difficult, or
even impossible, to form a just opinion on the subject. Many have
represented the Hindus as a sensual, lascivious, profligate race; but
we have the weighty testimony of Professor Wilson to the contrary.
There is no doubt that the manners of the people have undergone a
remarkable improvement since the establishment of British rule. The
original institutions of the people were opposed to morality. The
prohibition against the marriage of widows was a direct
encouragement to prostitution. Many enlightened Hindus long ago
recognised the demoralizing influence of this law, and exerted
themselves to abolish it. A wealthy native in Calcutta once offered a
dowry of 10,000 rupees to any woman who would brave the ancient
prejudices of her race, and marry a second husband. A claim was
soon made for the liberal donation. A learned Brahmin of Nagpoor,
high in rank and opulence, wrote against the law. Among one tribe,
the Bunyas, it was long ago abolished; not, however, from a moral
persuasion of its injustice, but under the pressure of circumstances.
Even then, however, in Bhopal, the hereditary dignitaries of the
priestly order, naturally attached to ancient prejudices, sought to re-
establish the prohibition. There were very few exceptions of this kind
among all the millions of the Hindu race. Even the Mohammedans,
with the precept and example of their own prophet to encourage
them, held the marriage of a widow disgraceful. Temporary reform
took place at Delhi, but the old custom was, until recently, supreme.
The moral evils were, that it led to depravity of conduct on the part
of the widow, caused a frightful amount of infanticide and abortion,
and induced these women by their practice to corrupt all others with
whom they came in contact. Female children being married so early,
hundreds and thousands were left widows before they had ripened
into puberty. The crowded house—containing men of all shades of
consanguinity, grandfathers, fathers-in-law, uncles, brothers-in-law,
and cousins, all dwelling with the young widow in the inclosure of
the family mansion—led to illicit and incestuous connections being
continually formed. Pregnancies were removed by abortion. The
Bombay code took cognisance of this, and punished it severely.
When a woman was known to be pregnant she was narrowly
watched, and if the father could be found he was compelled to
support his child.
A boy might be betrothed to a child. If she died he was free from
the engagement; but if he died she was condemned to remain a
maiden widow, and subject to the humiliating laws attached to that
condition. It is easy to imagine the demoralizing effects of such an
institution. Under the old system the hardships and indignities
imposed on the widow made her prefer suttee, or the sacrifice by
fire, or else a retreat in a brothel. Another corrupting custom is that
of early marriages. Men seldom have sentiments of affection for any
woman, or, if at all, it is for some fascinating dancing girl, for their
wives are chosen while too young to feel or excite the passion of
love. They therefore—and the Brahmins in particular—resorted to
the company of the prostitutes, who are all dedicated, more or less,
to the service of some temple.
All the dancing women and musicians of Southern India formerly
belonged to the Corinlar, a low caste, of which the respectable
members, however, disdain connection with them.
They thus formed a separate order, and a certain number were
attached to every temple of any consequence, receiving very small
allowances. They were mostly prostitutes, at least to the Brahmins.
Those attached to the edifices of great sanctity were entirely
reserved for these priestly sensualists, who would have dismissed
any one connecting herself with a Christian, a Mussulman, or a
person of inferior caste. The others hired themselves out
indiscriminately, and were greatly sought after. Their
accomplishments seduced the men. The respectable women,
ignorant, insipid, and tasteless, were neglected for the more
attractive prostitutes. Under the rule of the Mohammedans, who
were much addicted to this class of pleasures, the Brahmins did not
dare enforce their exclusive privileges, but afterwards resumed their
sway with great energy. A set of dancers was usually hired out at
prices varying from twelve shillings to six pounds sterling. They
performed at private entertainments as well as public festivals. Each
troop was under a chief. When one became old she was turned away
without provision, unless she had a handsome daughter following
the same occupation, and in this case was usually treated by the girl
with liberality and affection. Buchanan tells us that all he saw were
of very ordinary appearance, inelegant in their dress, and dirty in
their person. Many had the itch, and some were vilely diseased.
In the temples of Tulava, near Mangalore, a curious custom
prevailed. Any woman of the four pure castes who was tired of her
husband, or as a widow was weary of chastity, or as a maiden, of
celibacy, went to the sacred building and ate some of the rice
offered to the idol. She was then publicly questioned as to the cause
of her resolution, and allowed the option of living within or without
the precincts of the temple. If she chose the former, she got a daily
allowance of food and annually a piece of cloth. She swept the holy
building, fanned the image of the god, and confined her prostitution
to the Brahmins. Usually some priestly officer of the revenue
appropriated one of these women to himself, paying her a small fee
or sum, and would flog her, in the most insulting manner, if she
cohabited with any other man while under his care. Part of the
daughters were given away in marriage, and part followed their
mother’s calling.
The Brahminy women who chose to live outside of the temple might
cohabit with any men they pleased, but were obliged to pay a
sixteenth part of their profits to the Brahmins. They were an
infamous class. This system still obtains, though in a modified
degree. In other parts of the region it prevails more or less. In Sindh
every town of importance has a troop of dancing girls. No
entertainment is complete without them. Under the native
government this vice was largely encouraged. The girls swallowed
spirits to stimulate their zeal. They are, many of them, very
handsome, and are all prostitutes. To show the system of manners
prevailing before the British conquest, it may be remarked that
numbers of these women accumulated great fortunes, and that the
voices of a band of prostitutes were louder than all other sounds at
the Durbars of the debauched Amirs. In consequence of this the
people of Sindh were hideously demoralized. Intrigues were carried
on to an extraordinary extent in private life, and women generally
were very lax. An evident reform is already perceptible.
Among the Hindus immorality is not a distinguishing characteristic,
though many men of high grade pass their nights with dancers and
prostitutes. In the temples of the south lascivious ceremonies still
occur, but in Hindustan Proper such scenes are not often enacted.
This decency of public manners appears of recent introduction,
which is indeed a reasonable supposition, for the people have now
aims in life, which they never enjoyed in security under their former
rulers. It was for the interest of the princes that their subjects
should be indolent and sensual. It is for the interest of the new
government that they should be industrious and moral. Great efforts
have been made with this object, and much good has resulted.
Towards the close of the last century an official report was made by
Mr. Grant, and addressed to the Court of Directors. It was the result
of an inquiry instituted into the morals of British India. India and
Bengal were especially held in view. Much laxity of morals in private
life then prevailed, and he believed that many intrigues were
altogether concealed, while many that were discovered were hushed
up. Receptacles for women of infamous character everywhere
abounded, and were licensed. The prostitutes had a place in society,
making a principal figure at all the entertainments of the great. They
were admitted even into the zenanas to exhibit their dances. Lord
Cornwallis, soon after his arrival in Bengal, was invited by the Nawab
to one of these entertainments, but refused to go. The frightful
punishments against adultery appeared enacted far more to protect
the sanctity of caste than public or private virtue. A man committing
the crime was threatened with the embraces, after death, of an iron
figure of a woman made red hot. Connection, however, with
prostitutes and dancing girls was permitted by the written law.
If that account was correct—and it is corroborated by many others—
an immense amelioration must have taken place. The Hindus are
now generally chaste, and the profligacy of their large cities does not
exceed that of large cities in Europe. In Benares, in 1800, out of a
population of 180,000, there were 1500 regular prostitutes, besides
264 Nach or dancing girls. They were all of the Sudra, which is a
very low caste. In Dacca there were, out of a population of 35,238
Mohammedans and 31,429 Hindus, 234 Mohammedan and 539
Hindu prostitutes.
At Hurdwar it was one of the duties of the female pilgrims to the
sacred stream to bathe stark naked before hundreds of men, which
does not indicate any great modesty.
The better order of Nach girls are of the highest grace and
fascination, with much personal charm, which they begin to lose at
20 years of age. They mostly dress in very modest attire, and many
are decent in their manners.
The Gipsies of India, many of whom are Thugs, have numbers of
handsome women in their camps, whom they send out as
prostitutes to gain money, or seduce the traveller from his road.
It is said that many of the Europeans scattered over India encourage
immorality, taking temporary companions. A large class of half-caste
children has been certainly growing up in the country, whose
mothers are not all the children of white men.
The institution of slavery in Malwa was principally confined to
women. Almost all the prostitutes were of this class. They were
purchased when children by the heads of companies, who trained
them for the calling, and lived upon the gains of their prostitution.
The system is even at present nearly similar, the girls being
bargained away by their parents into virtual servitude. Many of the
wealthy Brahmins, with from 50 to 200 slaves, employed them all
day in the menial labours of the establishment, and at night
dispersed them to separate dwellings, where they were permitted to
prostitute themselves as they pleased. A large proportion of the
profits, however, which accrued from this vile traffic formed the
share of the master, who also claimed as slaves the children which
might spring from this vile intercourse. The female slaves and
dancing girls could not marry, and were often harshly used. Society
was disorganized by the vast bastard breed produced by this system.
The Europeans at Madras, a few years ago, did not consider their
liaisons with the native women so immoral as they would have been
considered in England. The concubines were generally girls from the
lower ranks, purchased from their mothers. Their conduct usually
depends on the treatment they receive. Many of them become
exceedingly faithful and attached, being bitterly jealous of any other
native women interfering with their master’s affections, but never
complaining of being superseded by an English wife. They are often,
however, extravagant gamblers, and involve their “lovers” in heavy
debts.
An Indian mother will sometimes dedicate her female child to
prostitution at the temple; and those who are not appropriated by
the Brahmins may go with any one, though the money must be paid
into a general fund for the support of the establishment.
Some of the ceremonies performed in the temples of the south, by
the worshippers of the female deities, were simply orgies of the
impurest kind. When a man desired to be initiated into these rites,
he went with a priest, after various preliminary rites, to some house,
taking nine females (one a Brahmin) and nine men—one woman for
himself, and another for his sacerdotal preceptor. All being seated,
numerous ceremonies were performed until twelve o’clock at night,
when they gratified their inflamed passions in the most libidinous
manner. The women, of course, were prostitutes by habit or
profession. Men and women danced naked before thousands of
spectators at the worship of the goddess Doorga. The impurities
originated usually with the priests. Many of the Brahmins persuaded
their disciples to allow them to gratify their lust upon their young
wives, declaring it was a meritorious sacrifice. At the temple of
Juggernaut, during the great festivals, a number of females were
paid to dance and sing before the god daily. These were all
prostitutes. They lived in separate houses, not in the temple.
The daughters of Brahmins, until eight years old, were declared by
the religious code to be objects of worship, as forms of goddesses.
Horrid orgies took place at the devotions paid them. Other women
might be chosen as objects of adoration. A man must select from a
particular class—his own wife or a prostitute: she must be stripped
naked while the ceremony is performed, and this is done in a
manner too revolting to describe. The clothes of the prostitutes hired
to dance before the idols are so thin that they may almost be said to
have been naked. Thus the immorality of the Hindoos, as far as it
extended, was encouraged by their religion.
In another way some classes of Brahmins contributed to demoralize
the people. A man of this profession would marry from three to 120
wives, in different parts of the country. Many, indeed, earned a living
in this manner; for as often as they visited any woman, her father
was obliged to make a present. Some go once after their marriage,
and never go again; while others visit their wives once in three or
four years. Some of the more respectable Brahmins never hold
sexual intercourse with any of their wives, who dwell at home, but
treat them with great respect. These neglected women often take to
prostitution. The brothels of Calcutta and other large cities are
crowded with such cast-off mistresses of the Brahmins. They procure
abortion when pregnant. In the city of Bombay a whole quarter is
inhabited chiefly by prostitutes. Riding in the environs, the European
resident is frequently assailed by men, or sometimes boys, who
inquire by signs or words, whether he desires a companion; should
he assent, the woman is privately brought to his house in a close
palanquin, or he is taken to a regular place of resort, in one of these
vehicles, which are contrived for secrecy.
Among the Nairs, on the coast of Malabar, the institution of marriage
has never been strictly or completely introduced. Polyandrism is
practised. A woman receives four or five brothers as her husbands,
and a slipper left at the door is a signal that she is engaged with one
of them. The mother is thus the only parent known, and the children
inherit the property of the family in equal divisions. In some cases
the Nairs marry a particular woman, who never leaves her mother’s
home, but has intercourse with any men she pleases, subject to the
sacred law of caste. In the mountain community of Tibet the same
custom prevails. It is to be regretted that our information on this
subject is not more explicit and full.
The venereal disease is known in most parts of Hindustan. Some,
with little reason, suppose it was carried there after the discovery of
America. Had it been so, its introduction would probably have been
noticed in history or by some tradition. It is not, indeed, called by
any Sanscrit word, but is known by a Persian name[73].
Of Prostitution in Ceylon.
In Ceylon the influence of Christianity, accompanied by the moral
law of England, is working a reform in the manners of large classes
among the people. Under the original institutions of the Singhalese,
they never licensed public prostitution; and whatever effect the
Buddhist religion produced, it produced in the cause of virtue. The
temples were never made brothels; but the character of the people
is naturally sensual, and the capital vices of society widely prevail
among them. The Buddhist code, indeed, abounds with precepts
inculcating not only chastity, but rigid continence. Profligacy,
however, among the men, and want of chastity among the women,
are general characteristics of all classes, from the highest to the
humblest caste. To this day the disregard of virtue is a crying sin of
the women, even of those who profess Christianity. Murders often
occur from the jealousy of husbands or lovers detecting their wives
or mistresses with a paramour.
In Ceylon, as in continental India, the division of castes is by the
ancient and sacred law absolute, though custom sometimes infringes
the enactments of the holy code. Marriage from a higher into a
lower caste is peremptorily forbidden; though occasionally it is
tolerated, but never approved, between a man of honourable and a
woman of inferior rank. If a female of noble blood engage in a
criminal intrigue with a plebeian, his life has on many occasions
been sacrificed to wash out the stain, and formerly hers was also
required to obliterate the disgrace. A recent and striking instance of
this kind came to the knowledge of Mr. Charles Sirr. The daughter of
a high-caste Kandian, enjoying the liberty which in Ceylon is allowed
to women of all grades, became attached to a young man of lower
caste, and entreated her parents’ consent to the match, begging
them to excuse her for her affection’s sake, and declaring she could
not live unless permitted to fulfil the design on which her heart was
set. They refused, and, though the petition was again and again
renewed, remained obdurate in their denial. The girl was some time
after found to have sacrificed her honour to the man whom she
loved, but dared not wed. He was all the while willing and desirous
to marry her, and would have married her then, but her parents
were inexorable. To preserve the honour of the family, the father
slew his daughter with his own hand. The English authorities at once
arrested the murderer, brought him to trial, and condemned him to
death. He resolutely asserted his right to do as he pleased with the
girl, protesting against any judicial interference of the English with
his family arrangements. He was, nevertheless, executed, as a
warning; and several of these examples have had a most salutary
influence in restraining the passions of the natives in various parts of
the island. It was undoubtedly the man’s sense of honour that
impelled him to murder his daughter; and she was thus the victim of
caste prejudices, which in Ceylon are so rigid that a man could not
force his slave to marry into a rank below him, whether free-born or
otherwise.
In Ceylon, as in most other parts of Asia, marriages are contracted
at a very early age. A man, by the law, “attains his majority” when
sixteen years old, and thenceforward is released from paternal
control; all engagements, however, which he may form previous to
that time, without the consent of his friends in authority, are null and
void. A girl, as soon as she is marriageable according to nature, is
marriageable according to law; and her parents, or, if she be an
orphan, her nearest kindred, give a feast—grand or humble,
according to their means—when she is introduced to a number of
unmarried male friends. If she be handsome or rich, a crowd of
suitors is sure to be attracted. Free as women are in Ceylon after
their marriage, they are rarely consulted beforehand on the choice of
a partner. That is settled for the girl. To this custom much of the
immorality prevalent in the island, as well as in all parts of the East,
may without a doubt be ascribed. Where the sexes are not free to
form what lawful unions they please, it may be taken as an axiom
that they will have recourse to irregular intrigues.
When the feast is given at which a young girl is introduced as
marriageable—a custom very similar in form and object to that
which obtains in our own country—numerous young unmarried men
of the same caste are invited to the house. In a short time after, a
relative or friend of any young man who may desire to take the
maiden as his wife, calls upon her family, and insinuates that a
rumour of the intended union is flying abroad. If this be denied,
quietly or otherwise, the match-maker loses no time in withdrawing;
but if it is answered in a jocular bantering strain, he takes his leave,
with many compliments, to announce his reception to the father of
the bridegroom. This personage, after a day or two, makes his call,
inquires into the amount of the marriage dowry, and carries the
negotiation a few steps further. Mutual visits are exchanged, and all
arrangements made, with great precision. The mother of the young
man, with several other matrons, take the girl into an inner room,
where she is stripped, and her person examined, to see that it is
free from any corporal defect, from ulcers, and from any cutaneous
disease. Should this investigation prove satisfactory, numerous
formalities succeed, and an auspicious day is fixed upon for the
wedding. This takes place with much ceremony, the stars being in all
things consulted. Should the bridegroom’s horoscope refuse to agree
with that of the bride, his younger brother may wed her for him by a
species of proxy. The whole is a tedious succession of formal
observances, not so much the ordinance of religion as the details of
an ancient ritual etiquette. This is the Buddhaical custom; but it is
immensely expensive, and cannot be followed by the very poor
classes. It is also forbidden to people of extremely low caste, even
though they should be wealthy enough to afford, or sufficiently
improvident to risk it. Among the humble and indigent the marriage
is confirmed by the mutual consent of the parents and the young
couple passing a night together.
One of the most remarkable features in the social aspect of Ceylon is
the institution of polyandrism, which among the Kandians is
permitted and practised to a great extent. A Kandian matron of high
caste is sometimes the wife of eight brothers. The custom is justified
upon various grounds. Sirr expressed to a Kandian chief of no mean
rank his abhorrence of this revolting practice. The man was
surprised at these sentiments, and replied that on the contrary it
was an excellent custom. Among the rich it prevented litigation; it
saved property from minute subdivision; it concentrated family
influence. Among the poor it was absolutely necessary, for several
brothers could not each maintain a separate wife, or bear the
expense of a whole family, which jointly they could easily do. The
offspring of these strange unions call all the brothers alike their
fathers, though preference is given to the eldest, and are equal heirs
to the family property; should litigation, however, arise concerning
the inheritance, they often all claim the senior brother as a parent,
and the Kandian laws recognise this claim.
Although, when a plurality of husbands is adopted, they are usually
brothers, a man may, with the woman’s consent, bring home
another, who enjoys all the marital rights, and is called an associated
husband. In fact, the first may, subject to his wife’s pleasure, bring
home as many strangers as he pleases, and the children inherit their
property equally. It is rare, however, to meet one of these associated
husbands among the Kandians of higher and purer caste, though
two or more brothers continually marry the same woman. This
revolting custom is now confined to the province of Kandy, though
some writers assert that it was formerly prevalent throughout the
maritime districts. In these, however, monogamy is at present
practised, except by the Mohammedans, who are polygamists.
Statements to the contrary have been laid before us; but Sirr
positively asserts that he never saw a Kandian or Singhalese who
had acknowledged himself to have more than a single wife. The
Muslims, though long settled in the island, preserve their peculiar
characteristics, their religion, habits, and manners, which they have
not communicated to the rest of the population.
There are two kinds of marriage in Kandy, the one called “Bema,”
the other “Deega.” In the first of these the husband goes to live at
his wife’s residence, and the woman shares with her brothers the
family inheritance. He, however, who is married after this fashion,
enjoys little respect from his bride’s relations; and if he gives offence
to her father, or the head of the household, may be at once ejected
from the abode. In reference to this precarious and doubtful
lodgement there is an ancient proverb still popular in Kandy. It says
that a man wedded according to the Bema process should only take
to his bride’s dwelling four articles of property—a pair of sandals to
protect his feet, a palm-leaf to shield his head from the fiery rays of
the sun, a walking staff to support him if he be sick, and a lantern to
illuminate his path should he chance to be ejected during darkness.
He may thus be prepared to depart at any hour of the day or night.
Deega, the other kind of marriage, is that in which the wife passes
from underneath the parental roof to dwell in her husband’s own
house. In this case she relinquishes all claim to a share in her family
inheritance, but acquires a contingent right to some of her husband’s
property. The man’s authority is, under this form of contract, far
greater than under that of Bema. He cannot be divorced without his
own consent, while, in the other case, separation, as we have seen,
is a summary process, entirely depending on the caprice of the
woman or her family. In a country where the female population is
considerably less numerous than the male, and where women
generally enjoy much freedom, a certain degree of indulgence will
always be granted to the fickle quality in their character. In Ceylon
this liberty in the one sex involves a certain kind of slavery in the
other. Women frequently seek for divorces upon the most frivolous
and trifling pretexts, and as these are too easily attainable by the
simple return of the marriage gifts, they continually occur. Should a
child be born within nine months from the day of the final
separation, the husband is bound to maintain it for the first three
years of its life, after which it is considered sufficiently old to be
taken from its mother. If, however, while under the marriage pledge,
the woman defiles herself by adultery, the husband, if with his own
eyes he was the witness of her infidelity, might with his own hands,
under the native law, take away the life of her paramour.
Notwithstanding this terrible privilege, it is asserted with consistency
by many authorities that, in all parts of Ceylon, from the highest to
the lowest caste, the want of conjugal faith in the married, and
chastity in the unmarried people, is frightful to consider. When a
man puts away his wife for adulterous intrigue, he may disinherit her
and the whole of her offspring, notwithstanding that he may feel and
acknowledge them all to be his own children. When, however, he
seeks a divorce from caprice, he renounces all claim to his wife’s
inheritance or actual property, and must divide with her whatever
may have been jointly accumulated during the period of their
cohabitation. The men of Ceylon do not always, however, exercise
their privileges. They are generally very indulgent husbands. Many of
them, indeed, are uxorious to an offensive extreme, and forgive
offences which, by most persons, are held unpardonable. A short
time since a Kandian applied to the British judicial authorities to
compel the return to him and his children of an unfaithful wife, who
had deserted her home for that of a paramour. The husband pleaded
his love for her, implored her for her children’s sake to come back,
and promised to forgive her offence; but she turned away from him,
and coolly asked the judge if he could force her to return. He
answered that unfortunately he could not, but advised her to return
to the home of her lawful partner, who was ready to forgive and
embrace her. She disregarded equally the entreaties of the one and
the exhortation of the other, and returned to her paramour, whom
she shortly afterwards deserted for another.
The numerous instances of this kind which happen in the island have
encouraged a swarm of satirical effusions upon the faithlessness of
the female sex; but if the women were also poets, they might echo
every note of the song. In illustration of the estimate formed of
them, we may quote a few lines translated from the original by Sirr.
They apply to the fraudulent disposition of women, and have
become proverbial among the people.
“I’ve seen the adumbra tree in flower, white plumage on the crow,
And fishes’ footsteps on the deep have traced through ebb and flow.
If man it is who thus asserts, his words you may believe;
But all that woman says distrust—she speaks but to deceive.”
The adumbra is a species of fig-tree, and the natives assert that no
mortal has ever seen its bloom.
Under the native kings the Singhalese were forbidden to contract
marriage with any one of nearer affinity than the second cousin;
such an union was incestuous, and severely punished. Under the
English government, however, many of these old restrictions have
been modified. Among the Christian population, on the other hand—
Catholic as well as Protestant—many traces of their old idolatry are
still distinctly visible in the ceremony of marriage.
The Buddhist law allows to every man, whatever his grade, only one
wife; but the ancient Kandian princes, of course, broke this law and
took as many wives or concubines as they pleased.
We have alluded to the numerical difference between the sexes. The
population of Ceylon is about 1,500,000, and the males exceed the
females by nearly a tenth. In 1814 it was 476,000; there were
20,000 more males than females. In 1835 there was a population of
646,000 males, and 584,000 females. At both these periods the
disparity was greatest in the poorest places. In the fishing villages,
where wholesome food abounded, there were more females than
males. The same circumstance is true at the present day. Some
writers attribute this to a gracious provision of Nature, which checks
the increase of the people; but Nature makes no provision against
unnatural things, and starvation is a monstrous thing in a fertile
country. We may with more safety assign as a cause the open or
secret infanticide, which, under the old laws, was common. Female
children, except the first born, born under a malignant star, were
sure to be sacrificed. It was hardly considered an offence; but being,
under the British rule, denounced as murder, has been gradually
abolished. The easier means of life, which in Ceylon and throughout
the rest of our Asiatic dominions are afforded to the people under
English sway, take away the incentive of poverty to crime. The
population has enormously increased, an unfailing sign of good
government, if misery does not increase with it.
The social position of the Singhalese women is not so degraded as in
many other parts of the East; the poor labouring hard, but as
partners rather than as slaves. This superior condition does not,
unhappily, elevate their moral character, for it is unaccompanied by
other essential circumstances. Profligacy, we have said, is widely
prevalent in Ceylon; yet prostitution, at least of the avowed and
public kind, is not so. Under the Kandian dynasty it was peremptorily
forbidden; a common harlot had her hair and ears cut off and was
whipped naked. If, however, we accept the general definition of the
word prostitution as any obscene traffic in a woman’s person, we
shall find much of it clandestinely practised. The women are skilful in
procuring abortion, and thus rid themselves of the consequences
which follow their intrigues. Of course, in the sea-port towns
prostitution exists, but we have no account of it. It is fair, however,
to notice the opinions of Sir Emerson Tennent, that the morals of the
people in these and in all other parts of the islands are rapidly
improving, and that marriage is becoming a more sacred tie[74].
Of Prostitution in China.
In the immense empire of China, the civilization of which has been
cast in a mould fashioned by despotism, a general uniformity of
manners is prevalent. Singular as many of its customs are, they vary
very little in the different provinces, for although the population be
composed of a mixture of races, the iron discipline of the
government forces all to bend to one universal fashion. The
differences which are remarked between the practice of the people
in one district, and those of another, spring only from the nature of
circumstances. It is more easy, therefore, to take an outline view of
this vast empire, than it is to sketch many smaller countries, where
the uniformity of manners is not so absolute.
China affords a wide and interesting field for our inquiry. Were our
information complete, there is perhaps no state in the world with
reference to which so curious an account might be written as China,
with its prostitution system. Unfortunately, however, the negligence
or prudery of travellers has allowed the subject to be passed over.
We know that a remarkable system of this kind does exist, that
prostitutes abound in the cities of the Celestial Empire, and that they
form a distinct order; we know something of the classes from which
they are taken, how they are procured, in what their education
consists, where and in what manner they live, and how and by
whom they are encouraged. But this information is to be derived,
not from any full account by an intelligent and observing inquirer,
but from isolated facts scattered through a hundred books which
require to be connected, and then only form a rough and incomplete
view of the subject. Statistics we have positively none, though ample
opportunities must be afforded travellers for arriving at something
near the truth in such cities as Canton. However, from what
knowledge we possess it is evident the social economy of the
Chinese with respect to prostitution presents clear points of analogy
with our own.
In conformity with the plan of this inquiry, we proceed first to
ascertain the general condition of the female sex in China. Abundant
information has been supplied us on this subject, as well by the
written laws, and by the literature of the country, as by the travellers
who have visited and described it.
As in all Asiatic, indeed in all barbarous, countries, women in China
are counted inferior to men. The high example of Confucius taught
the people—though their own character inclined them before, and
was reflected from him—that the female sex was created for the
convenience of the male. The great philosopher spoke of women
and slaves as belonging to the same class, and complained that they
were equally difficult to govern. That ten daughters are not equal in
value to one son is a proverb which strongly expresses the Chinese
sentiment upon this point, and the whole of their manners is
pervaded by the same spirit. Feminine virtue, indeed, is severely
guarded by the law, but not for its own sake. The well-being of the
state, and the interest of the male sex, are sought to be protected
by the rigorous enactments on the subject of chastity; but the
morality, like the charity of that nation, is contained principally in its
codes, essays, and poems, for in practice they are among the most
demoralised on the earth.
The spirit of the Salic law might naturally be looked for in the
political code of such a state. It is so. The throne can be occupied
only by a man. An illegitimate son is held in more respect than a
legitimate daughter. The constitution provides that if the principal
wife fail to bear male children, the son of the next shall succeed, and
if she be barren also, of the next, and so on, according to their
seniority, the son of each has a contingent claim to the sovereignty.
Thus in the most important department of their public economy the
national sentiment is manifested. We may now examine the laws
which regulate the intercourse of the sexes, and then inquire into
the actual state of manners. It will be useful to remember the truth,
which has already been stated, that no language is so full of moral
axioms and honourable sentiments as the Chinese, while no nation is
more flagitious in its practice.
The government of China, styled paternal because it rules with the
rod, regulates the minutest actions of a man’s career. He is governed
in everything—in the temple, in the street, at his own table, in all the
relations of life. The law of marriage, for instance, is full, rigid, and
explicit. The young persons about to be wedded know little or
nothing of the transaction.
Parental authority is supreme, and alliances are contracted in which
the man and wife do not see each others’ faces until they occupy the
same habitation and are mutually pledged for life. Match-making in
China is a profession followed by old women, who earn what we
may term a commission upon the sales they effect. When a union
between two families is intended, its particulars must be fully
explained on either side, so that no deceit shall be practised. The
engagement is then drawn and the amount of presents determined,
for in all countries where women hold this position, marriage is more
or less a mercantile transaction. When once the contract is made, it
is irrevocable. If the friends of the girl repent and desire to break the
match, the man among them who had authority to give her away is
liable to receive fifty strokes of the bamboo, and the marriage must
proceed. Whatever other engagements have been entered into are
null and punishable, and the original bridegroom has in all cases a
decisive claim. If he, on the other hand, or the friend who
represents and controls him, desire to dissolve the compact, giving a
marriage present to another woman, he is chastised with fifty blows,
and compelled to fulfil the terms of his first engagement, while his
second favourite is at liberty to marry as she pleases. If either of the
parties is incontinent after the ceremony of betrothal, the crime is
considered as adultery, and so punished. But if any deceit be
practised, and either family represent the person about to marry
under a false description, they become liable to severe penalties,
and on the part of the man most strictly.
The husband, finding that a girl had been palmed off on him by
fraud, is permitted to release himself from the tie. Such incidents,
nevertheless, do occasionally occur. One of rather an amusing nature
is alluded to by several writers. A young man who had been
promised in marriage the youngest daughter of a large family was
startled when, after the ceremony was complete, he unveiled his
bride, to find the eldest sister, very ugly and deeply pitted with the
small pox. The law would have allowed him to escape from such an
union, but he submitted, and soon afterwards consoled himself with
a handsome concubine.
Although the girl, when once betrothed, is absolutely bound to the
husband selected for her, he dare not, under pain of the bastinado,
force her away before the specified time. On the other hand, her
friends must not, under similar penalties, detain her after that time.
Thus the law regulates the whole transaction, and the parents
dispose as they will of their children. Occasionally, however, a young
man, not yet emancipated from paternal authority, contracts a
marriage according to his own inclination, and if the rites have
actually been performed, it cannot be dissolved; but if he be only
betrothed, and his parents have in the meanwhile agreed upon an
alliance for him, he must relinquish his own design and obey their
choice.
Polygamy is allowed in China, but under certain regulations. The first
wife is usually chosen from a family equal in rank and riches to that
of the husband, and is affianced with as much splendour and
ceremony as the parties can afford. She acquires all the rights which
belong to the chief wife in any Asiatic country. The man may then
take as many as he pleases, who are inferior in rank to the first, but
equal to each other. The term inferior wife is more applicable than
that of concubine, as there is a form of espousal, and their children
have a contingent claim to the inheritance. The practice, however,
brings no honour, if it brings no positive shame, though now
sanctioned by long habit. Originally it appears to have been
condemned by the stricter moralists, and it has been observed that
the Chinese term to describe this kind of companion is, curiously
enough, compounded of the words crime and woman. It is a
derogatory position, and such as only the poor and humble will
consent to occupy. One of the national sayings, and the feeling with
many of the women, is, that it is more honourable to be a poor
man’s wife than the concubine of an emperor. A man cannot, under
the penalty of a hundred blows, degrade his first wife to this
position, or raise an inferior wife to hers—no such act is valid before
the law.
None but the rich can afford, and none but the loose and luxurious
will practise, polygamy except when the first wife fails to bear a son.
Unless some such reason exists, the opinion of moralists is against
it. Men with too many wives lose the Emperor’s confidence, since he
accuses them of being absorbed in domestic concerns. In this case it
is usual to take an inferior wife, who is purchased from the lower
ranks for a sum of money, that an heir may be born to the house.
The situation of these poor creatures is aggravated or softened
according to the disposition of their chief, for they are virtually her
servants, and are not allowed even to eat in her presence. They
receive no elevation by her decease, but are for ever the mere
slaves of their master’s lust. At the same time their inferior position,
and therefore inferior consequence, gains them some agreeable
privileges. The principal wife is not allowed to indulge in
conversation or any free intercourse with strangers—a pleasure
which is sometimes enjoyed with little restraint by the others, as well
as by the female domestics. Not much jealousy appears to be
entertained by these women, who are easily to be procured. Their
sons receive half as much patrimony as the sons of the mistress of
the household.
The social laws of China inculcate the good treatment of wives; but
the main solicitude of the legislator has been with respect to the
fixity of the law, and the rights of the male or supreme sex. Leaving
her parents’ home, the girl is transferred into bondage. Some men,
however, go to the house of their bride’s father, which is contrary to
the established form; but when once received across the threshold
as a son-in-law, he cannot be ejected, and leaves only when he is
inclined.
A man may not marry within a certain period of his chief wife’s
death; but if he takes a woman who has already been his concubine,
the punishment is two degrees milder. So also with widows, who
cannot be forced by their friends to make any new engagement at
all, but are protected by the law. Women left in this position have a
powerful dissuasive against a fresh union, in the entire
independence which they enjoy, and which they could enjoy under
no other circumstances.
With respect to the laws relating to consanguinity, the Chinese
system is particularly rigid. The prohibited limits lie very widely
apart. In this a change appears to have been effected under the
Mantchus, for among the traces of ancient manners which become
visible at a remoter period, revealed only, however, by the twilight of
tradition, a profligate state of public morals is indicated. We find
parents giving both their daughters in marriage to one man, while
the intercourse of the sexes was all but entirely unrestrained. The
strictness of the modern law is attended with some inconvenient
results, for in China the number of family names is very small, while
it enacted that all marriages between persons of the same family
names are not only null and void, but punishable by blows and a
fine. All such contracts between individuals previously related by
marriage within four degrees, are denounced as incestuous. A man
may not marry his father’s or his mother’s sister-in-law, his father’s
or mother’s aunt’s daughter, his son-in-law’s or daughter-in-law’s
sister, his grandson’s wife’s sister, his mother’s brother’s or sister’s
daughter, or any blood relations whatever, to any degree, however
remote. Such offences are punished with the bamboo. Death by
strangling is enacted against one who marries a brother’s widow,
while with a grandfather’s or father’s wife it is more particularly
infamous, and the criminal suffers the extreme disgrace of
decapitation.
These regulations apply to the first wife, similar offences with regard
to the inferior being visited with penalties two degrees less severe.
Not only, however, are the degrees of consanguinity strictly defined,
but the union of classes is under restriction. An officer of
government within the third order marrying into a family under his
jurisdiction, or in which legal proceedings are under his
investigation, is subject to heavy punishment. The family of the girl,
if they voluntarily aid him, incur the chastisement also; but if they
have submitted under fear of his authority, they are exempt. To
marry an absconded female, flying from justice, is prohibited. To
take forcibly as a wife a freeman’s daughter, subjects the offender to
death by strangulation. An officer of government, or the son of any
high functionary with hereditary honours, who takes as his first or
inferior wife a female comedian or musician, or any member of a
disreputable class, is punished by sixty strokes of the bamboo. An
equal punishment is inflicted on any priest who marries at all; and,
in addition to this, he is expelled his order. If he delude a woman
under false pretences, he incurs the penalty of the worst incest.
Slaves and free persons are forbidden to intermarry. Any person,
conniving at, or neglecting to denounce, such illegal contracts, are
criminals before the law.
The union after the betrothal must be completed; but it may also be
broken. Seven causes, according to the law, justify a man in
repudiating his first wife. These are—barrenness, lasciviousness,
disregard of her husband’s parents, talkativeness, thievish
propensities, an envious suspicious temper, and inveterate infirmity.
If, however, any of the three legal reasons against divorce can be
proved by the woman, she cannot be put away—first, that she has
mourned three years for her husband’s family; second, that the
family has become rich after having been poor before and at the
time of marriage; third, her having no father or mother living to
receive her. She is thus protected, in some measure, from her
husband’s caprice. If she commit adultery, however, he dare not
retain, but must dismiss her. If she abscond against his will, she may
be severely flogged; if she commit bigamy, she is strangled. When a
man leaves his home, his wife must remain in it three years before
she can sue for a divorce, and then give notice of her intention
before a public tribunal. It is forbidden, under peremptory
enactments, to harbour a fugitive wife or female servant.
A man finding his wife in the act of adultery may kill her with her
paramour, provided he does it immediately, but only on that
condition. If the guilty wife adds to her crime by intriguing against
her husband’s life, she dies by a slow and painful execution. If even
the adulterer slay her husband without her knowledge, she is
strangled. The privilege of putting a wife to death is not allowed for
any inferior offence. To strike a husband, is punishable by a hundred
blows and divorce; to disable him, with strangulation. In all these
circumstances the inferior wife is punished one degree more
severely. Thus offences against them are less harshly, and offences
by them more rigidly, chastised. In addition to these legal visitations
the bamboo is at hand to preserve discipline among the women.
One of the laws of China exhibits a peculiar feature of depravity in
the people. It is enacted, that whoever lends his wife or daughter
upon hire is to be severely punished, and any one falsely bargaining
away his wife or his sister is to be similarly dealt with. All persons
consenting to the transaction share the penalty. Nor is this an
obsolete enactment against an unknown crime. Instances do not
unfrequently occur of poor men selling their wives as concubines to
their wealthier neighbours. Others prostitute them for gain; but
these instances of profligacy usually occur in the large and crowded
cities. Sometimes the woman consents, but sometimes also opposes
the infamous design.
In 1832 a woman was condemned to strangulation for killing her
husband by accident, while resisting an adulterer whom he had
introduced for her to prostitute herself to him. These incidents occur
only in the lowest class. Some men are as jealous as Turks, and
maintain eunuchs to guard their wives.
Under this system many restrictions are imposed on the women of
China. They form no part of what is called society, enjoying little
companionship, even with persons of their own sex. Those of the
better class are instructed in embroidering and other graceful but
useless accomplishments. They are seldom educated to any extent,
though some instances have occurred of learned women and elegant
poetesses, who have been praised and admired throughout the
country. Fond of gay clothes, of gaudy furniture, and brilliant
decoration, they love nothing so much as display; and though
assuming a demure and timid air, cannot be highly praised on this
account, for their bashfulness is, in such cases, more apparent than
real. Still they are generally described as faithful partners. Religious
services are performed for them in the temple, to which women are
admitted. The wives of the poorer sort labour in the fields, and
perform all the drudgery of the house, an occupation which is held
as suited to their nature. “Let my daughter sweep your house” is the
expression made use of in offering a wife. It should be mentioned,
however, to relieve the darkness of this picture, that husbands often
present offerings at the temples, with prayers to the gods for the
recovery of their sick wives. The idea may indeed suggest itself, that
this is with a view to economy, as girls are costly purchases; but no
man is the greater philosopher for asserting that a whole nation
exists without the commonest sentiments of human nature. Indeed,
many instances occur even in China of husbands and wives living as
dear friends together, especially when polygamy has not been
adopted in the dwelling. The obedience to old habits is not to be
confounded with characteristic harshness in the individual; nor does
it seem impossible, when we examine the variety of manners in the
world, to believe in a strong and tender attachment between a man
and the woman whom, in adherence to ancient usage, he would not
allow to eat at the same table with himself. A privilege belongs to
the female sex here which it enjoys in no other barbarian country. A
strong authority is recognised in the widow over her son. She is
acknowledged to have the right to be supported by him, and it is a
proverbial saying, that “a woman is thrice dependent—before
marriage on her father, after marriage on her husband, when a
widow on her son.”
From this view of the condition of women, and the regulations of
marriage, we proceed to an important part of the subject—the
infanticide for which China has been so infamously celebrated. It is
impossible to conceive a more contradictory confusion of
statements, than we have seen put forward with reference to this
question. Weighing the various authorities, however, we are inclined
to adopt a moderate view, rejecting the extravagant pictures of one,
and the broad denials of the other set of writers. Infanticide, it
cannot be disputed, is practised in the country, and to a considerable
extent; but it is, and always will be impossible, to acquire the exact
statistics, or even an approximation to the precise truth.
Two causes appear to have operated in encouraging this practice—
the poverty of the lower classes, and the severity of the law with
respect to the illicit intercourse of the sexes. The former is the
principal cause. There is a strong maternal feeling in the woman’s
breast, and children are only destroyed when the indigence of the
parents allows no hope of rearing them well. It is invariably the
female child which is, under these circumstances, slain; for the son
can always, after a few years, earn his livelihood, and be an
assistance, instead of a burden, to the family. The birth of a female
child is regarded as a calamity, and brings mourning into the house.
One of the national proverbs expresses this fact in a striking manner,
exhibiting also the inferior estimation in which that sex is viewed. It
says, that to a female infant a common tile may be given as a toy,
while to a male a gem should be presented.
When it is determined to destroy the offspring thus born under the
roof of poverty, a choice of method is open. It may be drowned in
warm water; its throat may be pinched; it may be stifled by a wet
cloth tied over its mouth; it may be choked by grains of rice. Another
plan is to carry the child, immediately after its birth, and bury it
alive. Captain Collins, of the Plover sloop-of-war, relates that some of
his company, while visiting the coast of China, saw a boat full of men
and women, with four infants. They landed and dug two pits, in
which they were about to inter their living but feeble victims, when
they were disturbed. They then made off rapidly, and passed round
a headland, beyond which they, no doubt, accomplished their
purpose without interruption. When the missionary Smith was in the
suburbs of Canton, in 1844, he was presented by a native with a
work written by a mandarin, and published gratuitously at the
expense of government, to discourage the practice of infanticide.
When questioned upon the actual prevalence of the custom, the
native said that, taking a circle with a radius of ten miles from the
spot they then occupied, the number of infanticides within the space
thus included would not exceed five hundred in a year. It was
confined to the very poor, and originated in the difficulty of rearing
and providing for their female offspring. The rich never encouraged,
and the poor were ashamed, of the practice. He knew men who had
drowned their daughters, but would not confess the act, speaking of
their children as though they had died of disease. In Fokien
province, on the contrary, infanticides were numerous. At a place
called Kea-King-Chow, about five days’ journey from Canton, there
were computed to be 500 or 600 cases in a month. The comparative
immunity of Canton from the contagion of this crime was the
government foundling-hospital established there. About 500 female
children, born of parents in poverty and want, were annually
received, to have temporary provision and sustenance. From time to
time, the more wealthy merchants and gentry visit the institution to
select some of the children, whom they take home to educate as
concubines or servants. The hospital has accommodation for at least
1000 infants, each of which is usually removed after three months,
either to the house of some voluntary guardian, or to wet nurses in
other districts. This is the only important institution of the kind in the
province. Infanticide is still, even by the most favourable accounts,
lamentably prevalent. The foundling-hospitals, of which there is one
in every great town, do certainly oppose a check to the practice.
That at Shanghae receives annually about 200 infants.
The villagers in the neighbourhood of Amoy confessed that female
infanticide was generally practised among them, and their
statements were expressed in a manner which left no doubt that
they considered it an innocent and proper expedient for lightening
the evils of poverty. Two out of every four, they said, were
destroyed; but rich people, who could afford to bring them up never
resorted to, because they never needed, such a means of relief.
Some killed three, four, or even five out of six; it depended entirely
on the circumstances of the individual. The object was effected
immediately after the infant’s birth. If sons, however, were born in
alternate succession, it was regarded as an omen of happy fortune
for the parents, and the daughters were spared. None of the
villagers denied to any of their questioners the generality of the
custom, but few would confess personally to the actual fact. In some
districts one-half was reported as the average destruction of the
female population, and in the cities some declared the crime was
equally prevalent, though we may take this as the exaggeration
which always attends the loose statements of ignorant men, who,
having little idea of figures, are required to furnish a number, and
speak at random.
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Bridge engineering substructure design 1st Edition W.F. Chen

  • 1. Bridge engineering substructure design 1st Edition W.F. Chen pdf download https://ebookfinal.com/download/bridge-engineering-substructure- design-1st-edition-w-f-chen/ Explore and download more ebooks or textbooks at ebookfinal.com
  • 2. We believe these products will be a great fit for you. Click the link to download now, or visit ebookfinal to discover even more! Bridge Engineering Seismic Design Principles and Applications in Engineering 1st Edition W.F. Chen https://ebookfinal.com/download/bridge-engineering-seismic-design- principles-and-applications-in-engineering-1st-edition-w-f-chen/ Earthquake engineering for structural design 1st Edition W.F. Chen https://ebookfinal.com/download/earthquake-engineering-for-structural- design-1st-edition-w-f-chen/ Principles of Structural Design W.F. Chen https://ebookfinal.com/download/principles-of-structural-design-w-f- chen/ Handbook of Structural Engineering Second Edition W.F. Chen https://ebookfinal.com/download/handbook-of-structural-engineering- second-edition-w-f-chen/
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  • 5. Bridge engineering substructure design 1st Edition W.F. Chen Digital Instant Download Author(s): W.F. Chen, Lian Duan ISBN(s): 9780849316814, 0849316812 Edition: 1 File Details: PDF, 8.42 MB Year: 2003 Language: english
  • 6. CRC PR ESS Boca Raton London New York Washington, D.C. EDITED BY Wai-Fah Chen Lian Duan Substructure Design BRIDGE ENGINEERING © 2003 by Taylor & Francis Group, LLC
  • 7. The material in this book was first published in The Bridge Engineering Handbook, CRC Press, 2000. This book contains information obtained from authentic and highly regarded sources. Reprinted material is quoted with permission, and sources are indicated. A wide variety of references are listed. Reasonable efforts have been made to publish reliable data and information, but the authors and the publisher cannot assume responsibility for the validity of all materials or for the consequences of their use. Neither this book nor any part may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, microfilming, and recording, or by any information storage or retrieval system, without prior permission in writing from the publisher. All rights reserved. Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use, or the personal or internal use of specific clients, may be granted by CRC Press LLC, provided that $1.50 per page photocopied is paid directly to Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Danvers, MA 01923 USA The fee code for users of the Transactional Reporting Service is ISBN 0-8493-1681-2/02/$0.00+$1.50. The fee is subject to change without notice. For organizations that have been granted a photocopy license by the CCC, a separate system of payment has been arranged. The consent of CRC Press LLC does not extend to copying for general distribution, for promotion, for creating new works, or for resale. Specific permission must be obtained in writing from CRC Press LLC for such copying. Direct all inquiries to CRC Press LLC, 2000 N.W. Corporate Blvd., Boca Raton, Florida 33431. Trademark Notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation, without intent to infringe. Visit the CRC Press Web site at www.crcpress.com © 2003 by CRC Press LLC No claim to original U.S. Government works International Standard Book Number 0-8493-1681-2 Library of Congress Card Number 2002041117 Printed in the United States of America 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 0 Printed on acid-free paper Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Bridge engineering : substructure design / edited by Wai-Fah Chen and Lian Duan. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-8493-1681-2 (alk. paper) 1. Bridges—Foundations and piers—Design and construction. I. Chen, Wai-Fah, 1936- II. Duan, Lian. TG320 .B73 2003 624'.284—dc21 2002041117 1681_frame_FM Page iv Tuesday, January 21, 2003 2:04 PM © 2003 by Taylor & Francis Group, LLC
  • 8. Foreword Among all engineering subjects, bridge engineering is probably the most difficult on which to compose a handbook because it encompasses various fields of arts and sciences. It not only requires knowledge and experience in bridge design and construction, but often involves social, economic, and political activities. Hence, I wish to congratulate the editors and authors for having conceived this thick volume and devoted the time and energy to complete it in such short order. Not only is it the first handbook of bridge engineering as far as I know, but it contains a wealth of information not previously available to bridge engineers. It embraces almost all facets of bridge engineering except the rudimentary analyses and actual field construction of bridge structures, members, and foundations. Of course, bridge engineering is such an immense subject that engineers will always have to go beyond a handbook for additional information and guidance. I may be somewhat biased in commenting on the background of the two editors, who both came from China, a country rich in the pioneering and design of ancient bridges and just beginning to catch up with the modern world in the science and technology of bridge engineering. It is particularly to the editors’ credit to have convinced and gathered so many internationally recognized bridge engineers to contribute chapters. At the same time, younger engineers have introduced new design and construction techniques into the treatise. This Handbook is divided into four volumes, namely: Superstructure Design Substructure Design Seismic Design Construction and Maintenance There are 67 chapters,beginning with bridge concepts and aesthestics,two areas only recently emphasized by bridge engineers. Some unusual features, such as rehabilitation, retrofit, and maintenance of bridges, are presented in great detail. The section devoted to seismic design includes soil-foundation-structure interaction. Another section describes and compares bridge engineering practices around the world. I am sure that these special areas will be brought up to date as the future of bridge engineering develops. May I advise each bridge engineer to have a desk copy of this volume with which to survey and examine both the breadth and depth of bridge engineering. T.Y. Lin Professor Emeritus, University of California at Berkeley Chairman, Lin Tung-Yen China, Inc. 1681_frame_FM Page v Tuesday, January 21, 2003 8:49 AM © 2003 by Taylor & Francis Group, LLC
  • 9. Preface The Bridge Engineering Handbook is a unique, comprehensive, and the state-of-the-art reference work and resource book covering the major areas of bridge engineering with the theme “bridge to the 21st century.” It has been written with practicing bridge and structural engineers in mind. The ideal readers will be M.S.-level structural and bridge engineers with a need for a single reference source to keep abreast of new developments and the state-of-the-practice, as well as to review standard practices. The areas of bridge engineering include planning, analysis and design, construction, maintenance, and rehabilitation. To provide engineers a well-organized and user-friendly, easy to follow resource, the Handbook is divided into four volumes: I, Superstructure Design II, Substructure Design III, Seismic Design, and IV, Construction and Maintenance. Volume II: Substructure Design addresses the various substructure components: bearings, piers and columns, towers, abutments and retaining structures, geotechnical considerations, footing and founda- tions, vessel collisions, and bridge hydraulics. The Handbook stresses professional applications and practical solutions. Emphasis has been placed on ready-to-use materials. It contains many formulas and tables that give immediate answers to questions arising from practical work. It describes the basic concepts and assumptions omitting the derivations of formulas and theories. It covers traditional and new, innovative practices. An overview of the structure, organization, and content of the book can be seen by examining the table of contents presented at the beginning of the book while an in-depth view of a particular subject can be seen by examining the individual table of contents preceding each chapter. References at the end of each chapter can be consulted for more detailed studies. The chapters have been written by many internationally known authors from different countries covering bridge engineering practices and research and development in North America, Europe, and the Pacific Rim. This Handbook may provide a glimpse of a rapid global economy trend in recent years toward international outsourcing of practice and competition in all dimensions of engineering.In general, the Handbook is aimed toward the needs of practicing engineers, but materials may be reorganized to accommodate undergraduate and graduate level bridge courses. The book may also be used as a survey of the practice of bridge engineering around the world. The authors acknowledge with thanks the comments, suggestions, and recommendations during the development of the Handbook, by Fritz Leonhardt, Professor Emeritus, Stuttgart University, Germany; Shouji Toma, Professor, Horrai-Gakuen University, Japan; Gerard F. Fox, Consulting Engineer; Jackson L. Kurkee, Consulting Engineer; Michael J. Abrahams, Senior Vice President; Parsons Brinckerhoff Quade & Douglas, Inc.; Ben C. Gerwick Jr., Professor Emeritus, University of California at Berkeley; Gregory F. Fenves, Professor, University of California at Berkeley; John M. Kulicki, President and Chief Engineer, Modjeski and Masters; James Chai, Supervising Transportation Engineer, California Department of Transportation; Jinron Wang, Senior Bridge Engineer, California Department of Transportation; and David W. Liu, Principal, Imbsen & Associates, Inc. Wai-Fah Chen Lian Duan 1681_frame_FM Page vii Monday, January 20, 2003 12:14 PM © 2003 by Taylor & Francis Group, LLC
  • 10. Editors Wai-Fah Chen is presently Dean of the College of Engineering at the University of Hawaii. He was a George E. Goodwin Distin- guished Professor of Civil Engineering and Head of the Department of Structural Engineering at Purdue University from 1976 to 1999. He received his B.S. in civil engineering from the National Cheng-Kung University, Taiwan in 1959; M.S. in structural engi- neering from Lehigh University, Pennsylvania in 1963; and Ph.D. in solid mechanics from Brown University, Rhode Island in 1966. He received the Distinguished Alumnus Award from the National Cheng-Kung University in 1988 and the Distinguished Engineering Alumnus Medal from Brown University in 1999. Dr. Chen’s research interests cover several areas, including con- stitutive modeling of engineering materials, soil and concrete plas- ticity, structural connections, and structural stability. He is the recipient of several national engineering awards, including the Ray- mond Reese Research Prize and the Shortridge Hardesty Award, both from the American Society of Civil Engineers, and the T. R. Higgins Lectureship Award from the American Institute of Steel Construction. In 1995, he was elected to the U.S. National Academy of Engineering. In 1997, he was awarded Honorary Membership by the American Society of Civil Engineers. In 1998, he was elected to the Academia Sinica (National Academy of Science) in Taiwan. A widely respected author, Dr. Chen authored and coauthored more than 20 engineering books and 500 technical papers. His books include several classical works such as Limit Analysis and Soil Plasticity (Elsevier, 1975), the two-volume Theory of Beam-Columns (McGraw-Hill, 1976–77), Plasticity in Rein- forced Concrete (McGraw-Hill, 1982), and the two-volume Constitutive Equations for Engineering Materials (Elsevier, 1994). He currently serves on the editorial boards of more than 10 technical journals. He has been listed in more than 20 Who’s Who publications. Dr. Chen is the editor-in-chief for the popular 1995 Civil Engineering Handbook (CRC Press), the 1997 Handbook of Structural Engineering (CRC Press), and the 2000 Bridge Engineering Handbook (CRC Press). He currently serves as the consulting editor for McGraw-Hill’s Encyclopedia of Science and Technology. He has been a longtime member of the Executive Committee of the Structural Stability Research Council and the Specification Committee of the American Institute of Steel Construction. He has been a consultant for Exxon Production Research on offshore structures; for Skidmore, Owings & Merrill in Chicago on tall steel buildings; and for the World Bank on the Chinese University Development Projects, among many others. Dr. Chen has taught at Lehigh University, Purdue University, and the University of Hawaii. 1681_frame_FM Page ix Monday, January 20, 2003 12:14 PM © 2003 by Taylor & Francis Group, LLC
  • 11. x Lian Duan is a Senior Bridge Engineer with the California Depart- ment of Transportation (Caltrans) and Professor of Structural Engineering at Taiyuan University of Technology, China. He received his B.S. in civil engineering in 1975 and his M.S. in structural engineering in 1981 from Taiyuan University of Tech- nology. He received his Ph.D. in structural engineering from Pur- due University, West Lafayette, Indiana in 1990. Dr. Duan worked at the Northeastern China Power Design Institute from 1975 to 1978. His research interests include inelastic behavior of reinforced concrete and steel structures, structural stability, and seismic bridge analysis and design. Dr. Duan has authored or coauthored more than 60 papers, chapters, ad reports; his research focuses on the development of unified interaction equations for steel beam columns, flexural stiffness of reinforced concrete members, effective length factors of compression members, and design of bridge structures. Dr. Duan is an esteemed practicing engineer and is registered as a P.E. in California. He has designed numerous building and bridge structures. He was lead engineer for the development of the seismic retrofit design criteria for the San Francisco-Oakland Bay Bridge west spans and made significant contributions to this project. He is coeditor of the Structural Engineering Handbook CRCnetBase 2000 (CRC Press, 2000) and The Bridge Engineering Handbook (CRC Press, 2000), winner of Choice magazine’s Outstanding Academic Title Award for 2000. Dr. Duan received the ASCE 2001 Arthur M. Wellington Prize for his paper “Section Properties for Latticed Members of the San Francisco-Oakland Bay Bridge.” He currently serves as Caltrans Structural Steel Committee Chairman and is a member of the Transportation Research Board A2CO2 Steel Bridge Committee. 1681_frame_FM Page x Monday, January 20, 2003 12:14 PM © 2003 by Taylor & Francis Group, LLC
  • 12. Contributors James Chai California Department of Transportation Sacramento, California Hong Chen J. Muller International, Inc. San Diego, California Wai-Fah Chen University of Hawaii at Manoa Honolulu, Hawaii Nan Deng Bechtel Corporation San Francisco, California Lian Duan California Department of Transportation Sacramento, California Johnny Feng J. Muller International, Inc. Sacramento, California Chao Gong ICF Kaiser Engineers Oakland, California Michael Knott Moffatt & Nichol Engineers Richmond, Virginia Youzhi Ma Geomatrix Consultants, Inc. Oakland, California Thomas W. McNeilan Fugro West, Inc. Ventura, California Zolan Prucz Modjeski and Masters, Inc. New Orleans, Louisiana Charles Seim T. Y. Lin International San Francisco, California Jim Springer California Department of Transportation Sacramento, California Jinrong Wang California Department of Transportation Sacramento, California Linan Wang California Department of Transportation Sacramento, California Ke Zhou California Department of Transportation Sacramento, California 1681_frame_FM Page xi Monday, January 20, 2003 12:14 PM © 2003 by Taylor & Francis Group, LLC
  • 13. Contents 1 Bearings Johnny Feng and Hong Chen 1.1 Introduction.............................................................................................................................1-1 1.2 Types of Bearings .....................................................................................................................1-1 1.3 Selection of Bearings................................................................................................................1-5 1.4 Design of Elastomeric Bearings...............................................................................................1-7 2 Piers and Columns Jinrong Wang 2.1 Introduction.............................................................................................................................2-1 2.2 Structural Types .......................................................................................................................2-1 2.3 Design Loads ............................................................................................................................2-4 2.4 Design Criteria .........................................................................................................................2-7 3 Towers Charles Seim 3.1 Introduction.............................................................................................................................3-1 3.2 Functions..................................................................................................................................3-2 3.3 Aesthetics..................................................................................................................................3-2 3.4 Conceptual Design...................................................................................................................3-4 3.5 Final Design............................................................................................................................3-11 3.6 Construction ..........................................................................................................................3-14 3.7 Summary ................................................................................................................................3-15 4 Abutments and Retaining Structures Linan Wang and Chao Gong 4.1 Introduction.............................................................................................................................4-1 4.2 Abutments................................................................................................................................4-1 4.3 Retaining Structures...............................................................................................................4-22 5 Geotechnical Considerations Thomas W. McNeilan and James Chai 5.1 Introduction.............................................................................................................................5-1 5.2 Field Exploration Techniques .................................................................................................5-2 5.3 Defining Site Investigation Requirements............................................................................5-15 5.4 Development of Laboratory Testing Program .....................................................................5-17 5.5 Data Presentation and Site Characterization........................................................................5-19 6 Shallow Foundations James Chai 6.1 Introduction.............................................................................................................................6-1 6.2 Design Requirements...............................................................................................................6-2 1681_frame_FM Page xiii Monday, January 20, 2003 12:14 PM © 2003 by Taylor & Francis Group, LLC
  • 14. xiv 6.3 Failure Modes of Shallow Foundations ..................................................................................6-3 6.4 Bearing Capacity for Shallow Foundations ............................................................................6-3 6.5 Stress Distribution Due to Footing Pressures.......................................................................6-14 6.6 Settlement of Shallow Foundations ......................................................................................6-17 6.7 Shallow Foundations on Rock...............................................................................................6-28 6.8 Structural Design of Spread Footings ...................................................................................6-30 7 Deep Foundations Youzhi Ma and Nan Deng 7.1 Introduction.............................................................................................................................7-1 7.2 Classification and Selection.....................................................................................................7-2 7.3 Design Considerations...........................................................................................................7-10 7.4 Axial Capacity and Settlement — Individual Foundation..................................................7-14 7.5 Lateral Capacity and Deflection — Individual Foundation................................................7-25 7.6 Grouped Foundations............................................................................................................7-34 7.7 Seismic Design........................................................................................................................7-38 8 Effective Length of Compression Members Lian Duan and Wai-Fah Chen 8.1 Introduction.............................................................................................................................8-1 8.2 Isolated Columns .....................................................................................................................8-2 8.3 Framed Columns — Alignment Chart Method.....................................................................8-3 8.4 Modifications to Alignment Charts ........................................................................................8-8 8.5 Framed Columns — Alternative Methods ...........................................................................8-13 8.6 Crossing Bracing Systems......................................................................................................8-16 8.7 Latticed and Built-Up Members ...........................................................................................8-17 8.8 Tapered Columns...................................................................................................................8-20 8.9 Summary ................................................................................................................................8-20 9 Vessel Collision Design of Bridges Michael Knott and Zolan Prucz 9.1 Introduction.............................................................................................................................9-2 9.2 Initial Planning.........................................................................................................................9-4 9.3 Waterway Characteristics ........................................................................................................9-6 9.4 Vessel Traffic Characteristics...................................................................................................9-6 9.5 Collision Risk Analysis.............................................................................................................9-8 9.6 Vessel Impact Loads...............................................................................................................9-10 9.7 Bridge Analysis and Design ...................................................................................................9-14 9.8 Bridge Protection Measures...................................................................................................9-15 9.9 Conclusions............................................................................................................................9-16 10 Bridge Hydraulics Jim Springer and Ke Zhou 10.1 Introduction...........................................................................................................................10-1 10.2 Bridge Hydrology and Hydraulics.........................................................................................10-1 10.3 Bridge Scour .........................................................................................................................10-11 © 2003 by Taylor & Francis Group, LLC
  • 15. 1-1 0-8493-1681-2/03/$0.00+$1.50 © 2003 by CRC Press LLC 1 Bearings 1.1 Introduction .................................................................1-1 1.2 Types of Bearings.........................................................1-1 Sliding Bearings • Rocker and Pin Bearings • Roller Bearings • Elastomeric Bearings • Curved Bearings • Pot Bearings • Disk Bearings 1.3 Selection of Bearings....................................................1-5 Determination of Functional Requirements • Evaluation of Bearings • Preliminary Bearing Design 1.4 Design of Elastomeric Bearings ..................................1-7 Design Procedure • Design Example 1.1 Introduction Bearings are structural devices positioned between the bridge superstructure and the substructure. Their principal functions are as follows: 1. To transmit loads from the superstructure to the substructure, and 2. To accommodate relative movements between the superstructure and the substructure. The forces applied to a bridge bearing mainly include superstructure self-weight, traffic loads, wind loads, and earthquake loads. Movements in bearings include translations and rotations. Creep, shrinkage, and temperature effects are the most common causes of the translational movements, which can occur in both transverse and longitudinal directions. Traffic loading, construction tolerances, and uneven settle- ment of the foundation are the common causes of the rotations. Usually a bearing is connected to the superstructure through the use of a steel sole plate and rests on the substructure through a steel masonry plate. The sole plate distributes the concentrated bearing reactions to the superstructure. The masonry plate distributes the reactions to the substruc- ture. The connections between the sole plate and the superstructure, for steel girders, are by bolting or welding. For concrete girders, the sole plate is embedded into the concrete with anchor studs. The masonry plate is typically connected to the substructure with anchor bolts. 1.2 Types of Bearings Bearings may be classified as fixed bearings and expansion bearings. Fixed bearings allow rotations but restrict translational movements. Expansion bearings allow both rotational and translational movements. There are numerous types of bearings available. The following are the principal types of bearings currently in use. Johnny Feng J. Muller International, Inc. Hong Chen J. Muller International, Inc. 1681_MASTER.book Page 1 Sunday, January 12, 2003 12:36 PM © 2003 by Taylor & Francis Group, LLC
  • 16. 1-2 Bridge Engineering: Substructure Design 1.2.1 Sliding Bearings A sliding bearing utilizes one plane metal plate sliding against another to accommodate translations. The sliding bearing surface produces a frictional force that is applied to the superstructure, the substructure, and the bearing itself. To reduce this friction force, PTFE (polytetrafluoroethylene) is often used as a sliding lubricating material. PTFE is sometimes referred to as Teflon, named after a widely used brand of PTFE, or TFE as appeared in AASHTO [1] and other design standards. In its common application, one steel plate coated with PTFE slides against another plate, which is usually of stainless steel. Sliding bearings can be used alone or more often used as a component in other types of bearings. Pure sliding bearings can only be used when the rotations caused by the deflection at the supports are negligible. They are therefore limited to a span length of 15 m or less by ASHTTO [1]. A guiding system may be added to a sliding bearing to control the direction of the movement. It may also be fixed by passing anchor bolts through the plates. 1.2.2 Rocker and Pin Bearings A rocker bearing is a type of expansion bearing that comes in a great variety. It typically consists of a pin at the top that facilitates rotations, and a curved surface at the bottom that accommodates the translational movements (Figure 1.1a). The pin at the top is composed of upper and lower semicircularly recessed surfaces with a solid circular pin placed between. Usually, there are caps at both ends of the pin to keep the pin from sliding off the seats and to resist uplift loads if required. The upper plate is connected to the sole plate by either bolting or welding. The lower curved plate sits on the masonry plate. To prevent the rocker from walking, keys are used to keep the rocker in place. A key can be a pintal which is a small trapezoidal steel bar tightly fitted into the masonry plate on one end and loosely inserted into the recessed rocker bottom plate on the other end. Or it can be an anchor bolt passing through a slotted hole in the bottom rocker plate. A pin bearing is a type of fixed bearings that accommodates rotations through the use of a steel pin. The typical configuration of the bearing is virtually the same as the rocker described above except that the bottom curved rocker plate is now flat and directly anchored to the concrete pier (Figure 1.1b). Rocker and pin bearings are primarily used in steel bridges. They are only suitable for the applications where the direction of the displacement is well defined since they can only accommo- date translations and/or rotations in one direction. They can be designed to support relatively large loads but a high vertical clearance is usually required when the load or displacement is large. The practical limits of the load and displacement are about 1800 kN and ±100 mm, respectively, and rotations of several degrees are achievable [3]. Normally, the moment and lateral forces induced from the movement of these bearings are very small and negligible. However, metal bearings are susceptible to corrosion and deterioration. A corroded joint may induce much larger forces. Regular inspection and maintenance are, therefore, required. 1.2.3 Roller Bearings Roller bearings are composed of one or more rollers between two parallel steel plates. Single roller bearings can facilitate both rotations and translations in the longitudinal direction, while a group of rollers would only accommodate longitudinal translations. In the latter case, the rotations are provided by combining rollers with a pin bearing (Figure 1.1c). Roller bearings have been used in both steel and concrete bridges. Single roller bearings are relatively cheap to manufacture, but they only have a very limited vertical load capacity. Multiple roller bearings, on the other hand, may be able to support very large loads, but they are much more expensive. 1681_MASTER.book Page 2 Sunday, January 12, 2003 12:36 PM © 2003 by Taylor & Francis Group, LLC
  • 17. Bearings 1-3 Like rocker and pin bearings, roller bearings are also susceptible to corrosion and deterioration. Regular inspection and maintenance are essential. 1.2.4 Elastomeric Bearings An elastomeric bearing is made of elastomer (either natural or synthetic rubber). It accommodates both translational and rotational movements through the deformation of the elastomer. Elastomer is flexible in shear but very stiff against volumetric change. Under compressive load, the elastomer expands laterally. To sustain large load without excessive deflection, reinforcement is used to restrain lateral bulging of the elastomer. This leads to the development of several types of elastomeric bearing pads — plain, fiberglass-reinforced, cotton duck-reinforced, and steel-rein- forced elastomeric pads. Figure 1.2a shows a steel-reinforced elastomeric pad. FIGURE 1.1 Typical rocker (a), pin (b), and roller bearings (c). FIGURE 1.2 Elastomeric bearings. (a) Steel-reinforced elastomeric pad; (b) elastomeric pad with PTFE slider. 1681_MASTER.book Page 3 Sunday, January 12, 2003 12:36 PM © 2003 by Taylor & Francis Group, LLC
  • 18. 1-4 Bridge Engineering: Substructure Design Plain elastomeric pads are the weakest and most flexible because they are only restrained from bulging by friction forces alone. They are typically used in short- to medium-span bridges, where bearing stress is low. Fiberglass-reinforced elastomeric pads consist of alternate layers of elastomer and fiberglass reinforcement. Fiberglass inhibits the lateral deformation of the pads under compres- sive loads so that larger load capacity can be achieved. Cotton-reinforced pads are elastomeric pads reinforced with closely spaced layers of cotton duck. They display high compressive stiffness and strength but have very limited rotational capacities. The thin layers also lead to high shear stiffness, which results in large forces in the bridge. So sometimes they are combined with a PTFE slider on top of the pad to accommodate translations (Figure 1.2b). Steel-reinforced elastomeric pads are constructed by vulcanizing elastomer to thin steel plates. They have the highest load capacity among the different types of elastomeric pads, which is only limited by the manufacturer’s ability to vulcanize a large volume of elastomer uniformly. All above-mentioned pads except steel-reinforced pads can be produced in a large sheet and cut to size for any particular application. Steel-reinforced pads, however, have to be custom-made for each application due to the edge cover requirement for the protection of the steel from corrosion. The steel-reinforced pads are the most expensive while the cost of the plain elastomeric pads is the lowest. Elastomeric bearings are generally considered the preferred type of bearings because they are low cost and almost maintenance free. In addition, elastomeric bearings are extremely forgiving of loads and movements exceeding the design values. 1.2.4 Curved Bearings A curved bearing consists of two matching curved plates with one sliding against the other to accommodate rotations. The curved surface can be either cylindrical which allows the rotation about only one axis or spherical which allows the bearing to rotate about any axis. Lateral movements are restrained in a pure curved bearing and a limited lateral resistance may be developed through a combination of the curved geometry and the gravity loads. To accommodate lateral movements, a PTFE slider must be attached to the bearings. Keeper plates are often used to keep the superstructure moving in one direction. Large load and rotational capacities can be designed for curved bearings. The vertical capacity is only limited by its size, which depends largely on machining capabilities. Similarly, rotational capacities are only limited by the clearances between the components. Figure 1.3a shows a typical expansion curved bearing. The lower convex steel plate that has a stainless steel mating surface is recessed in the masonry plate. The upper concave plate with a matching PTFE sliding surface sits on top of the lower convex plate for rotations. Between the sole plate and the upper concave plate there is a flat PTFE sliding surface that will accommodate lateral movements. 1.2.5 Pot Bearings A pot bearing comprises a plain elastomeric disk that is confined in a shallow steel ring, or pot (Figure 1.3b). Vertical loads are transmitted through a steel piston that fits closely to the steel ring (pot wall). Flat sealing rings are used to contain the elastomer inside the pot. The elastomer behaves like a viscous fluid within the pot as the bearing rotates. Because the elastomeric pad is confined, much larger load can be carried this way than through conventional elastomeric pads. Translational movements are restrained in a pure pot bearing, and the lateral loads are transmitted through the steel piston moving against the pot wall. To accommodate translational movement, a PTFE sliding surface must be used. Keeper plates are often used to keep the superstructure moving in one direction. 1681_MASTER.book Page 4 Sunday, January 12, 2003 12:36 PM © 2003 by Taylor & Francis Group, LLC
  • 19. Bearings 1-5 1.2.6 Disk Bearings A disk bearing, as illustrated in Figure 1.3c, utilizes a hard elastomeric (polyether urethane) disk to support the vertical loads and a metal key in the center of the bearing to resist horizontal loads. The rotational movements are accommodated through the deformation of the elastomer. To accom- modate translational movements, however, a PTFE slider is required. In this kind of bearings, the polyether urethane disk must be hard enough to resist large vertical load without excessive defor- mation and yet flexible enough to accommodate rotations easily. 1.3 Selection of Bearings Generally the objective of bearing selection is to choose a bearing system that suits the needs with a minimum overall cost. The following procedures may be used for the selection of the bearings. 1.3.1 Determination of Functional Requirements First, the vertical and horizontal loads, the rotational and translational movements from all sources including dead and live loads, wind loads, earthquake loads, creep and shrinkage, prestress, thermal and construction tolerances need to be calculated. Table 1.1 may be used to tabulate these requirements. FIGURE 1.3 Typical spherical (a), pot (b), and disk (c) bearings 1681_MASTER.book Page 5 Sunday, January 12, 2003 12:36 PM © 2003 by Taylor & Francis Group, LLC
  • 20. 1-6 Bridge Engineering: Substructure Design TABLE 1.1 Typical Bridge Bearing Schedule Bridge Name of Reference Bearing Identification mark Number of bearings required Seating Material Upper Surface Lower Surface Allowable average contact pressure (PSI) Upper Surface Serviceability Strength Lower Surface Serviceability Strength Design Load effects (KIP) Service limit state Vertical max. perm min. Transverse Longitudinal Strength limit state Vertical Transverse Longitudinal Translation Service limit state Irreversible Transverse Longitudinal Reversible Transverse Longitudinal Strength limit state Irreversible Transverse Longitudinal Reversible Transverse Longitudinal Rotation (RAD) Service limit state Irreversible Transverse Longitudinal Reversible Transverse Longitudinal Strength limit state Irreversible Transverse Longitudinal Reversible Transverse Longitudinal Maximum bearing dimensions (IN) Upper surface Transverse Longitudinal Lower surface Transverse Longitudinal Overall height Tolerable movement of bearing under transient loads (IN) Vertical Transverse Longitudinal Allowable resistance to translation under service limit state (KIP) Transverse Longitudinal Allowable resistance to rotation under service limit state (K/FT) Transverse Longitudinal Type of attachment to structure and substructure Transverse Longitudinal Source: AASHTO, LRFD Bridge Design Scecifications, American Association of State Highway and Transportation Officials, Washington, D.C. 1681_MASTER.book Page 6 Sunday, January 12, 2003 12:36 PM © 2003 by Taylor & Francis Group, LLC
  • 21. Bearings 1-7 1.3.2 Evaluation of Bearings The second step is to determine the suitable bearing types based on the above bridge functional requirements, and other factors including available clearance, environment, maintenance, cost, availability, and client’s preferences. Table 1.2 summarizes the load, movement capacities, and rel- ative costs for each bearing type and may be used for the selection of the bearings. It should be noted that the capacity values in Table 1.2 are approximate. They are the practical limits of the most economical application for each bearing type. The costs are also relative, since the true price can only be determined by the market. At the end of this step, several qualified bearing systems with close cost ratings may be selected [5]. 1.3 Preliminary Bearing Design For the various qualified bearing alternatives, preliminary designs are performed to determine the approximate geometry and material properties in accordance with design specifications. It is likely that one or more of the previously acceptable alternatives will be eliminated in this step because of an undesirable attribute such as excessive height, oversize footprint, resistance at low temperature, sensitivity to installation tolerances, etc. [3]. At the end of this step, one or more bearing types may still be feasible and they will be included in the bid package as the final choices of the bearing types. 1.4 Design of Elastomeric Bearings 1.4.1 Design Procedure The design procedure is according to AASHTO-LRFD [1] and is as follows: 1. Determine girder temperature movement (Art. 5.4.2.2). 2. Determine girder shortenings due to post-tensioning, concrete shrinkage, etc. 3. Select a bearing thickness based on the bearing total movement requirements (Art. 14.7.5.3.4). 4. Compute the bearing size based on bearing compressive stress (Art. 14.7.5.3.2). 5. Compute instantaneous compressive deflection (Art. 14.7.5.3.3). 6. Combine bearing maximum rotation. 7. Check bearing compression and rotation (Art. 14.7.5.3.5). 8. Check bearing stability (Art. 14.7.5.3.6). 9. Check bearing steel reinforcement (Art. 14.7.5.3.7). TABLE 1.2 Summary of Bearing Capacities [3,5] Load Translation Rotation Max. Min. Max. Min. Max. Costs Bearing Type (KN) (KN) (mm) (mm) (rad) Initial Maintenance Elastomeric pads Plain 0 450 0 15 0.01 Low Low Cotton duck reinforced 0 1,400 0 5 0.003 Low Low Fiberglass reinforced 0 600 0 25 0.015 Low Low Steel reinforced 225 3,500 0 100 0.04 Low Low Flat PTFE slider 0 >10,000 25 >10 0 0 Low Moderate Disk bearing 1,200 10,000 0 0 0.02 Moderate Moderate Pot bearing 1,200 10,000 0 0 0.02 Moderate High Pin bearing 1,200 4,500 0 0 >0.04 Moderate High Rocker bearing 0 1,800 0 100 >0.04 Moderate High Single roller 0 450 25 >10 0 >0.04 Moderate High Curved PTFE bearing 1,200 7,000 0 0 >0.04 High Moderate Multiple rollers 500 10,000 100 >10 0 >0.04 High High 1681_MASTER.book Page 7 Sunday, January 12, 2003 12:36 PM © 2003 by Taylor & Francis Group, LLC
  • 22. 1-8 Bridge Engineering: Substructure Design 1.4.2 Design Example (Figure 1.4) Given L = expandable span length = 40 m RDL = DL reaction/girder = 690 kN RLL = LL reaction (without impact)/girder = 220 kN qs = bearing design rotation at service limit state = 0.025 rad DT = maximum temperature change = 21°C DPT = girder shortening due to post tensioning = 21 mm DSH = girder shortening due to concrete shrinkage = 2 mm G = shear modulus of elastomer = 0.9 ~ 1.38 MPa g = load factor for uniform temperature, etc. = 1.2 DFTH = constant amplitude fatigue threshold for Category A = 165 MPa Using 60 durometer reinforced bearing: Fy = yield strength of steel reinforcement = 350 MPa Sliding bearing used: 1. Temperature Movement From Art. 5.4.2.2, for normal density concrete, the thermal coefficient a is a = 10.8 ¥ 10–6/˚C DTEMP = (a)(DT)(L) = (10.8 ¥ 10–6/˚C)(21°C)(40,000 mm) = 9 mm 2. Girder Shortenings DPT = 21 mm and DSH = 2 mm 3. Bearing Thickness hrt = total elastomer thickness hri = thickness of ith elastomeric layer n = number of interior layers of elastomeric layer DS = bearing maximum longitudinal movement = g · (DTEMP + DPT + DSH) DS = 1.2 ¥ (9 mm + 21 mm + 2 mm) = 38.4 mm hrt = bearing thickness ≥ 2DS (AASHTO Eq. 14.7.5.3.4-1) hrt = 2 ¥ (38.4 mm) = 76.8 FIGURE 1.4 Bridge layout Try =120 mm, = 20 mm and = 5 rt ri h h n 1681_MASTER.book Page 8 Sunday, January 12, 2003 12:36 PM © 2003 by Taylor & Francis Group, LLC
  • 23. Bearings 1-9 4. Bearing Size L = length of bearing W = width of bearing Si = shape factor of thickness layer of the bearing = For a bearing subject to shear deformation, the compressive stresses should satisfy: sS = average compressive stress due to the total load £ 1.66GS £ 11 (AASHTO Eq. 14.7.5.3.2-1) sL = average compressive stress due to the live load £ 0.66 GS (AASHTO Eq. 14.7.5.3.2-1) Assuming sS is critical, solve for L and W by error and trial. L = 300 mm and W = 460 mm OK 5. Instantaneous Compressive Deflection For sS = 6.59 MPa and S = 4.54, one can determine the value of ei from Figure 1.5: (AASHTO Eq. 14.7.5.3.3-1) FIGURE 1.5 Stress–strain curves. (From AASHTO, Figure C14.7.5.3.3.1.) LW h L W 2 ri + ( ) ss R LW -------- - 1.66GLW 2hri L W + ( ) ---------------------------- - = = S LW h L W = + ( ) = ( )( ) ( )( ) = 2 300 460 2 20 300 4 54 ri mm mm mm mm + 460 mm . sL RL LW -------- - 200,000 N ( ) 300 mm ( ) 460 mm ( ) ------------------------------------------------- - 1.6 MPa = = = 0.66 GS £ 0.66 1.0 MPa ( ) 4.54 ( ) 3.0 MPa = = ei 0.062 = d eihri  = 6 0.062 ( ) 20 mm ( ) = 7.44 mm = 1681_MASTER.book Page 9 Sunday, January 12, 2003 12:36 PM © 2003 by Taylor & Francis Group, LLC
  • 24. 1-10 Bridge Engineering: Substructure Design 6. Bearing Maximum Rotation The bearing rotational capacity can be calculated as OK 7. Combined Bearing Compression and Rotation a. Uplift requirement (AASHTO Eq. 14.7.5.3.5-1): OK b. Shear deformation requirement (AASHTO Eq. 14.7.5.3.5-2): OK 8. Bearing Stability Bearings shall be designed to prevent instability at the service limit state load combinations. The average compressive stress on the bearing is limited to half the predicted buckling stress. For this example, the bridge deck, if free to translate horizontally, the average compressive stress due to dead and live load, ss, must satisfy: (AASHTO Eq. 14.7.5.3.6-1) where (AASHTO Eq. 14.7.5.3.6-3) qcapacity 2d L ----- - 2 7.44 mm ( ) 300 mm ----------------------------- 0.05 rad qdesign < 0.025 rad = = = = ss,uplift 1.0GS qdesign n ------------ - Ë ¯ Á ˜ Ê ˆ L hri ---- - Ë ¯ Á ˜ Ê ˆ 2 = 1.0 1.2 ( ) 4.54 ( ) 0.025 5 ------------ - Ë ¯ Ê ˆ 300 20 -------- - Ë ¯ Ê ˆ 2 = 6.13 MPa ss < 6.59 MPa = = ss,shear 1.875GS 1 0.20 qdesign n ------------ - Ë ¯ Á ˜ Ê ˆ L hri ---- - Ë ¯ Á ˜ Ê ˆ 2 – Ë ¯ Á ˜ Á ˜ Ê ˆ = 1.875 1.0 ( ) 4.54 ( ) 1 0.20 0.025 5 ------------ - Ë ¯ Á ˜ Ê ˆ 300 20 -------- - Ë ¯ Á ˜ Ê ˆ 2 – Ë ¯ Á ˜ Á ˜ Ê ˆ = 6.60 MPa ss > 6.59 MPa = = ss G A B £ - 2 A 1.92 hrt L ----- - S 1 2.0 L W ------------ - + ----------------------------- - 1.92 120 mm ( ) 300 mm ( ) ------------------------ - 4.54 ( ) 1 2.0 300 mm ( ) 460 mm ( ) -------------------------------- + ------------------------------------------------------------- - 0.11 = = = 1681_MASTER.book Page 10 Sunday, January 12, 2003 12:36 PM © 2003 by Taylor & Francis Group, LLC
  • 25. Bearings 1-11 (AASHTO Eq. 14.7.5.3.6-4) OK 9. Bearing Steel Reinforcement The bearing steel reinforcement must be designed to sustain the tensile stresses induced by compression of the bearing. The thickness of steel reinforcement, hs, should satisfy: a. At the service limit state: (AASHTO Eq. 14.7.5.3.7-1) (governs) b. At the fatigue limit state: (AASHTO Eq. 14.7.5.3.7-2) where hmax = thickness of thickest elastomeric layer in elastomeric bearing = hri. Elastomeric Bearings Details Five interior lays with 20 mm thickness each layer Two exterior lays with 10 mm thickness each layer Six steel reinforcements with 1.2 mm each Total thickness of bearing is 127.2 mm Bearing size: 300 mm (longitudinal) ¥ 460 mm (transverse) B S S L W = + ( ) + = ( ) + ( ) + ( ) ( ) = 2 67 2 0 1 4 0 2 67 4 54 4 54 2 0 1 300 4 0 460 0 08 . . . . . . . . . mm mm G 2A B – ---------------- - 1.0 MPa ( ) 2 0.11 ( ) 0.08 ( ) – --------------------------------------- - 6.87 ss > = = hs 3hmaxss Fy ----------------- - ≥ = ( )( ) ( ) = 3 20 6 59 350 1 13 mm MPa MPa mm . . hs 2hmaxsL ÄFy ------------------ - ≥ = ( )( ) ( ) = 2 20mm 1.6MPa 165MPa 0.39mm 1681_MASTER.book Page 11 Sunday, January 12, 2003 12:36 PM © 2003 by Taylor & Francis Group, LLC
  • 26. Discovering Diverse Content Through Random Scribd Documents
  • 27. intrigues. In some villages there were only 12 girls to 79 boys under twelve years of age. In one hamlet of 20 people not one female was living. It is probable, nevertheless, that much exaggeration has been put forward on this subject, especially in reference to Rajpootana, as the seclusion of the females there rendered it impossible accurately to know the number of births. Undoubtedly, however, it was practised to a great extent; but by means of funds, for the reward and encouragement of those parents who reared all their children, as well as by the gradual introduction of laws, a mighty reform has been effected in India. In Odessa and the east of Bengal children were formerly sacrificed to the goddess Gunga, and for this purpose cast into the sacred river. In most countries infanticide has been chiefly the resort of the poor, but in parts of India it was the practice of the rich, being caused by pride rather than indigence. In Bengal, however, the peasantry were occasionally guilty of this device to rid themselves of a burden. A mother would sometimes expose her infant to be starved or devoured, and visit the place after three days had passed. If the child were still living—a very rare case—she took it home and nursed it. Another unnatural crime was that of procuring abortion, which is still practised, though in a clandestine manner, since it is a breach of the law. It was formerly very prevalent. Ward was assured by a pundit, a professor, that in Bengal 100,000 children were thus destroyed in the womb every month. This was a startling exaggeration, but there is no doubt the offence was of frequent occurrence. Whether the Hindus and other inhabitants of India are remarkable for their chasteness or immorality is a question much disputed. Unfortunately, men with a favourite theory to support, have been so extravagant in their assertions on either side that it is difficult, or even impossible, to form a just opinion on the subject. Many have represented the Hindus as a sensual, lascivious, profligate race; but we have the weighty testimony of Professor Wilson to the contrary. There is no doubt that the manners of the people have undergone a remarkable improvement since the establishment of British rule. The original institutions of the people were opposed to morality. The
  • 28. prohibition against the marriage of widows was a direct encouragement to prostitution. Many enlightened Hindus long ago recognised the demoralizing influence of this law, and exerted themselves to abolish it. A wealthy native in Calcutta once offered a dowry of 10,000 rupees to any woman who would brave the ancient prejudices of her race, and marry a second husband. A claim was soon made for the liberal donation. A learned Brahmin of Nagpoor, high in rank and opulence, wrote against the law. Among one tribe, the Bunyas, it was long ago abolished; not, however, from a moral persuasion of its injustice, but under the pressure of circumstances. Even then, however, in Bhopal, the hereditary dignitaries of the priestly order, naturally attached to ancient prejudices, sought to re- establish the prohibition. There were very few exceptions of this kind among all the millions of the Hindu race. Even the Mohammedans, with the precept and example of their own prophet to encourage them, held the marriage of a widow disgraceful. Temporary reform took place at Delhi, but the old custom was, until recently, supreme. The moral evils were, that it led to depravity of conduct on the part of the widow, caused a frightful amount of infanticide and abortion, and induced these women by their practice to corrupt all others with whom they came in contact. Female children being married so early, hundreds and thousands were left widows before they had ripened into puberty. The crowded house—containing men of all shades of consanguinity, grandfathers, fathers-in-law, uncles, brothers-in-law, and cousins, all dwelling with the young widow in the inclosure of the family mansion—led to illicit and incestuous connections being continually formed. Pregnancies were removed by abortion. The Bombay code took cognisance of this, and punished it severely. When a woman was known to be pregnant she was narrowly watched, and if the father could be found he was compelled to support his child. A boy might be betrothed to a child. If she died he was free from the engagement; but if he died she was condemned to remain a maiden widow, and subject to the humiliating laws attached to that condition. It is easy to imagine the demoralizing effects of such an
  • 29. institution. Under the old system the hardships and indignities imposed on the widow made her prefer suttee, or the sacrifice by fire, or else a retreat in a brothel. Another corrupting custom is that of early marriages. Men seldom have sentiments of affection for any woman, or, if at all, it is for some fascinating dancing girl, for their wives are chosen while too young to feel or excite the passion of love. They therefore—and the Brahmins in particular—resorted to the company of the prostitutes, who are all dedicated, more or less, to the service of some temple. All the dancing women and musicians of Southern India formerly belonged to the Corinlar, a low caste, of which the respectable members, however, disdain connection with them. They thus formed a separate order, and a certain number were attached to every temple of any consequence, receiving very small allowances. They were mostly prostitutes, at least to the Brahmins. Those attached to the edifices of great sanctity were entirely reserved for these priestly sensualists, who would have dismissed any one connecting herself with a Christian, a Mussulman, or a person of inferior caste. The others hired themselves out indiscriminately, and were greatly sought after. Their accomplishments seduced the men. The respectable women, ignorant, insipid, and tasteless, were neglected for the more attractive prostitutes. Under the rule of the Mohammedans, who were much addicted to this class of pleasures, the Brahmins did not dare enforce their exclusive privileges, but afterwards resumed their sway with great energy. A set of dancers was usually hired out at prices varying from twelve shillings to six pounds sterling. They performed at private entertainments as well as public festivals. Each troop was under a chief. When one became old she was turned away without provision, unless she had a handsome daughter following the same occupation, and in this case was usually treated by the girl with liberality and affection. Buchanan tells us that all he saw were of very ordinary appearance, inelegant in their dress, and dirty in their person. Many had the itch, and some were vilely diseased.
  • 30. In the temples of Tulava, near Mangalore, a curious custom prevailed. Any woman of the four pure castes who was tired of her husband, or as a widow was weary of chastity, or as a maiden, of celibacy, went to the sacred building and ate some of the rice offered to the idol. She was then publicly questioned as to the cause of her resolution, and allowed the option of living within or without the precincts of the temple. If she chose the former, she got a daily allowance of food and annually a piece of cloth. She swept the holy building, fanned the image of the god, and confined her prostitution to the Brahmins. Usually some priestly officer of the revenue appropriated one of these women to himself, paying her a small fee or sum, and would flog her, in the most insulting manner, if she cohabited with any other man while under his care. Part of the daughters were given away in marriage, and part followed their mother’s calling. The Brahminy women who chose to live outside of the temple might cohabit with any men they pleased, but were obliged to pay a sixteenth part of their profits to the Brahmins. They were an infamous class. This system still obtains, though in a modified degree. In other parts of the region it prevails more or less. In Sindh every town of importance has a troop of dancing girls. No entertainment is complete without them. Under the native government this vice was largely encouraged. The girls swallowed spirits to stimulate their zeal. They are, many of them, very handsome, and are all prostitutes. To show the system of manners prevailing before the British conquest, it may be remarked that numbers of these women accumulated great fortunes, and that the voices of a band of prostitutes were louder than all other sounds at the Durbars of the debauched Amirs. In consequence of this the people of Sindh were hideously demoralized. Intrigues were carried on to an extraordinary extent in private life, and women generally were very lax. An evident reform is already perceptible. Among the Hindus immorality is not a distinguishing characteristic, though many men of high grade pass their nights with dancers and prostitutes. In the temples of the south lascivious ceremonies still
  • 31. occur, but in Hindustan Proper such scenes are not often enacted. This decency of public manners appears of recent introduction, which is indeed a reasonable supposition, for the people have now aims in life, which they never enjoyed in security under their former rulers. It was for the interest of the princes that their subjects should be indolent and sensual. It is for the interest of the new government that they should be industrious and moral. Great efforts have been made with this object, and much good has resulted. Towards the close of the last century an official report was made by Mr. Grant, and addressed to the Court of Directors. It was the result of an inquiry instituted into the morals of British India. India and Bengal were especially held in view. Much laxity of morals in private life then prevailed, and he believed that many intrigues were altogether concealed, while many that were discovered were hushed up. Receptacles for women of infamous character everywhere abounded, and were licensed. The prostitutes had a place in society, making a principal figure at all the entertainments of the great. They were admitted even into the zenanas to exhibit their dances. Lord Cornwallis, soon after his arrival in Bengal, was invited by the Nawab to one of these entertainments, but refused to go. The frightful punishments against adultery appeared enacted far more to protect the sanctity of caste than public or private virtue. A man committing the crime was threatened with the embraces, after death, of an iron figure of a woman made red hot. Connection, however, with prostitutes and dancing girls was permitted by the written law. If that account was correct—and it is corroborated by many others— an immense amelioration must have taken place. The Hindus are now generally chaste, and the profligacy of their large cities does not exceed that of large cities in Europe. In Benares, in 1800, out of a population of 180,000, there were 1500 regular prostitutes, besides 264 Nach or dancing girls. They were all of the Sudra, which is a very low caste. In Dacca there were, out of a population of 35,238 Mohammedans and 31,429 Hindus, 234 Mohammedan and 539 Hindu prostitutes.
  • 32. At Hurdwar it was one of the duties of the female pilgrims to the sacred stream to bathe stark naked before hundreds of men, which does not indicate any great modesty. The better order of Nach girls are of the highest grace and fascination, with much personal charm, which they begin to lose at 20 years of age. They mostly dress in very modest attire, and many are decent in their manners. The Gipsies of India, many of whom are Thugs, have numbers of handsome women in their camps, whom they send out as prostitutes to gain money, or seduce the traveller from his road. It is said that many of the Europeans scattered over India encourage immorality, taking temporary companions. A large class of half-caste children has been certainly growing up in the country, whose mothers are not all the children of white men. The institution of slavery in Malwa was principally confined to women. Almost all the prostitutes were of this class. They were purchased when children by the heads of companies, who trained them for the calling, and lived upon the gains of their prostitution. The system is even at present nearly similar, the girls being bargained away by their parents into virtual servitude. Many of the wealthy Brahmins, with from 50 to 200 slaves, employed them all day in the menial labours of the establishment, and at night dispersed them to separate dwellings, where they were permitted to prostitute themselves as they pleased. A large proportion of the profits, however, which accrued from this vile traffic formed the share of the master, who also claimed as slaves the children which might spring from this vile intercourse. The female slaves and dancing girls could not marry, and were often harshly used. Society was disorganized by the vast bastard breed produced by this system. The Europeans at Madras, a few years ago, did not consider their liaisons with the native women so immoral as they would have been considered in England. The concubines were generally girls from the lower ranks, purchased from their mothers. Their conduct usually
  • 33. depends on the treatment they receive. Many of them become exceedingly faithful and attached, being bitterly jealous of any other native women interfering with their master’s affections, but never complaining of being superseded by an English wife. They are often, however, extravagant gamblers, and involve their “lovers” in heavy debts. An Indian mother will sometimes dedicate her female child to prostitution at the temple; and those who are not appropriated by the Brahmins may go with any one, though the money must be paid into a general fund for the support of the establishment. Some of the ceremonies performed in the temples of the south, by the worshippers of the female deities, were simply orgies of the impurest kind. When a man desired to be initiated into these rites, he went with a priest, after various preliminary rites, to some house, taking nine females (one a Brahmin) and nine men—one woman for himself, and another for his sacerdotal preceptor. All being seated, numerous ceremonies were performed until twelve o’clock at night, when they gratified their inflamed passions in the most libidinous manner. The women, of course, were prostitutes by habit or profession. Men and women danced naked before thousands of spectators at the worship of the goddess Doorga. The impurities originated usually with the priests. Many of the Brahmins persuaded their disciples to allow them to gratify their lust upon their young wives, declaring it was a meritorious sacrifice. At the temple of Juggernaut, during the great festivals, a number of females were paid to dance and sing before the god daily. These were all prostitutes. They lived in separate houses, not in the temple. The daughters of Brahmins, until eight years old, were declared by the religious code to be objects of worship, as forms of goddesses. Horrid orgies took place at the devotions paid them. Other women might be chosen as objects of adoration. A man must select from a particular class—his own wife or a prostitute: she must be stripped naked while the ceremony is performed, and this is done in a manner too revolting to describe. The clothes of the prostitutes hired
  • 34. to dance before the idols are so thin that they may almost be said to have been naked. Thus the immorality of the Hindoos, as far as it extended, was encouraged by their religion. In another way some classes of Brahmins contributed to demoralize the people. A man of this profession would marry from three to 120 wives, in different parts of the country. Many, indeed, earned a living in this manner; for as often as they visited any woman, her father was obliged to make a present. Some go once after their marriage, and never go again; while others visit their wives once in three or four years. Some of the more respectable Brahmins never hold sexual intercourse with any of their wives, who dwell at home, but treat them with great respect. These neglected women often take to prostitution. The brothels of Calcutta and other large cities are crowded with such cast-off mistresses of the Brahmins. They procure abortion when pregnant. In the city of Bombay a whole quarter is inhabited chiefly by prostitutes. Riding in the environs, the European resident is frequently assailed by men, or sometimes boys, who inquire by signs or words, whether he desires a companion; should he assent, the woman is privately brought to his house in a close palanquin, or he is taken to a regular place of resort, in one of these vehicles, which are contrived for secrecy. Among the Nairs, on the coast of Malabar, the institution of marriage has never been strictly or completely introduced. Polyandrism is practised. A woman receives four or five brothers as her husbands, and a slipper left at the door is a signal that she is engaged with one of them. The mother is thus the only parent known, and the children inherit the property of the family in equal divisions. In some cases the Nairs marry a particular woman, who never leaves her mother’s home, but has intercourse with any men she pleases, subject to the sacred law of caste. In the mountain community of Tibet the same custom prevails. It is to be regretted that our information on this subject is not more explicit and full. The venereal disease is known in most parts of Hindustan. Some, with little reason, suppose it was carried there after the discovery of
  • 35. America. Had it been so, its introduction would probably have been noticed in history or by some tradition. It is not, indeed, called by any Sanscrit word, but is known by a Persian name[73]. Of Prostitution in Ceylon. In Ceylon the influence of Christianity, accompanied by the moral law of England, is working a reform in the manners of large classes among the people. Under the original institutions of the Singhalese, they never licensed public prostitution; and whatever effect the Buddhist religion produced, it produced in the cause of virtue. The temples were never made brothels; but the character of the people is naturally sensual, and the capital vices of society widely prevail among them. The Buddhist code, indeed, abounds with precepts inculcating not only chastity, but rigid continence. Profligacy, however, among the men, and want of chastity among the women, are general characteristics of all classes, from the highest to the humblest caste. To this day the disregard of virtue is a crying sin of the women, even of those who profess Christianity. Murders often occur from the jealousy of husbands or lovers detecting their wives or mistresses with a paramour. In Ceylon, as in continental India, the division of castes is by the ancient and sacred law absolute, though custom sometimes infringes the enactments of the holy code. Marriage from a higher into a lower caste is peremptorily forbidden; though occasionally it is tolerated, but never approved, between a man of honourable and a woman of inferior rank. If a female of noble blood engage in a criminal intrigue with a plebeian, his life has on many occasions been sacrificed to wash out the stain, and formerly hers was also required to obliterate the disgrace. A recent and striking instance of this kind came to the knowledge of Mr. Charles Sirr. The daughter of a high-caste Kandian, enjoying the liberty which in Ceylon is allowed to women of all grades, became attached to a young man of lower
  • 36. caste, and entreated her parents’ consent to the match, begging them to excuse her for her affection’s sake, and declaring she could not live unless permitted to fulfil the design on which her heart was set. They refused, and, though the petition was again and again renewed, remained obdurate in their denial. The girl was some time after found to have sacrificed her honour to the man whom she loved, but dared not wed. He was all the while willing and desirous to marry her, and would have married her then, but her parents were inexorable. To preserve the honour of the family, the father slew his daughter with his own hand. The English authorities at once arrested the murderer, brought him to trial, and condemned him to death. He resolutely asserted his right to do as he pleased with the girl, protesting against any judicial interference of the English with his family arrangements. He was, nevertheless, executed, as a warning; and several of these examples have had a most salutary influence in restraining the passions of the natives in various parts of the island. It was undoubtedly the man’s sense of honour that impelled him to murder his daughter; and she was thus the victim of caste prejudices, which in Ceylon are so rigid that a man could not force his slave to marry into a rank below him, whether free-born or otherwise. In Ceylon, as in most other parts of Asia, marriages are contracted at a very early age. A man, by the law, “attains his majority” when sixteen years old, and thenceforward is released from paternal control; all engagements, however, which he may form previous to that time, without the consent of his friends in authority, are null and void. A girl, as soon as she is marriageable according to nature, is marriageable according to law; and her parents, or, if she be an orphan, her nearest kindred, give a feast—grand or humble, according to their means—when she is introduced to a number of unmarried male friends. If she be handsome or rich, a crowd of suitors is sure to be attracted. Free as women are in Ceylon after their marriage, they are rarely consulted beforehand on the choice of a partner. That is settled for the girl. To this custom much of the immorality prevalent in the island, as well as in all parts of the East,
  • 37. may without a doubt be ascribed. Where the sexes are not free to form what lawful unions they please, it may be taken as an axiom that they will have recourse to irregular intrigues. When the feast is given at which a young girl is introduced as marriageable—a custom very similar in form and object to that which obtains in our own country—numerous young unmarried men of the same caste are invited to the house. In a short time after, a relative or friend of any young man who may desire to take the maiden as his wife, calls upon her family, and insinuates that a rumour of the intended union is flying abroad. If this be denied, quietly or otherwise, the match-maker loses no time in withdrawing; but if it is answered in a jocular bantering strain, he takes his leave, with many compliments, to announce his reception to the father of the bridegroom. This personage, after a day or two, makes his call, inquires into the amount of the marriage dowry, and carries the negotiation a few steps further. Mutual visits are exchanged, and all arrangements made, with great precision. The mother of the young man, with several other matrons, take the girl into an inner room, where she is stripped, and her person examined, to see that it is free from any corporal defect, from ulcers, and from any cutaneous disease. Should this investigation prove satisfactory, numerous formalities succeed, and an auspicious day is fixed upon for the wedding. This takes place with much ceremony, the stars being in all things consulted. Should the bridegroom’s horoscope refuse to agree with that of the bride, his younger brother may wed her for him by a species of proxy. The whole is a tedious succession of formal observances, not so much the ordinance of religion as the details of an ancient ritual etiquette. This is the Buddhaical custom; but it is immensely expensive, and cannot be followed by the very poor classes. It is also forbidden to people of extremely low caste, even though they should be wealthy enough to afford, or sufficiently improvident to risk it. Among the humble and indigent the marriage is confirmed by the mutual consent of the parents and the young couple passing a night together.
  • 38. One of the most remarkable features in the social aspect of Ceylon is the institution of polyandrism, which among the Kandians is permitted and practised to a great extent. A Kandian matron of high caste is sometimes the wife of eight brothers. The custom is justified upon various grounds. Sirr expressed to a Kandian chief of no mean rank his abhorrence of this revolting practice. The man was surprised at these sentiments, and replied that on the contrary it was an excellent custom. Among the rich it prevented litigation; it saved property from minute subdivision; it concentrated family influence. Among the poor it was absolutely necessary, for several brothers could not each maintain a separate wife, or bear the expense of a whole family, which jointly they could easily do. The offspring of these strange unions call all the brothers alike their fathers, though preference is given to the eldest, and are equal heirs to the family property; should litigation, however, arise concerning the inheritance, they often all claim the senior brother as a parent, and the Kandian laws recognise this claim. Although, when a plurality of husbands is adopted, they are usually brothers, a man may, with the woman’s consent, bring home another, who enjoys all the marital rights, and is called an associated husband. In fact, the first may, subject to his wife’s pleasure, bring home as many strangers as he pleases, and the children inherit their property equally. It is rare, however, to meet one of these associated husbands among the Kandians of higher and purer caste, though two or more brothers continually marry the same woman. This revolting custom is now confined to the province of Kandy, though some writers assert that it was formerly prevalent throughout the maritime districts. In these, however, monogamy is at present practised, except by the Mohammedans, who are polygamists. Statements to the contrary have been laid before us; but Sirr positively asserts that he never saw a Kandian or Singhalese who had acknowledged himself to have more than a single wife. The Muslims, though long settled in the island, preserve their peculiar characteristics, their religion, habits, and manners, which they have not communicated to the rest of the population.
  • 39. There are two kinds of marriage in Kandy, the one called “Bema,” the other “Deega.” In the first of these the husband goes to live at his wife’s residence, and the woman shares with her brothers the family inheritance. He, however, who is married after this fashion, enjoys little respect from his bride’s relations; and if he gives offence to her father, or the head of the household, may be at once ejected from the abode. In reference to this precarious and doubtful lodgement there is an ancient proverb still popular in Kandy. It says that a man wedded according to the Bema process should only take to his bride’s dwelling four articles of property—a pair of sandals to protect his feet, a palm-leaf to shield his head from the fiery rays of the sun, a walking staff to support him if he be sick, and a lantern to illuminate his path should he chance to be ejected during darkness. He may thus be prepared to depart at any hour of the day or night. Deega, the other kind of marriage, is that in which the wife passes from underneath the parental roof to dwell in her husband’s own house. In this case she relinquishes all claim to a share in her family inheritance, but acquires a contingent right to some of her husband’s property. The man’s authority is, under this form of contract, far greater than under that of Bema. He cannot be divorced without his own consent, while, in the other case, separation, as we have seen, is a summary process, entirely depending on the caprice of the woman or her family. In a country where the female population is considerably less numerous than the male, and where women generally enjoy much freedom, a certain degree of indulgence will always be granted to the fickle quality in their character. In Ceylon this liberty in the one sex involves a certain kind of slavery in the other. Women frequently seek for divorces upon the most frivolous and trifling pretexts, and as these are too easily attainable by the simple return of the marriage gifts, they continually occur. Should a child be born within nine months from the day of the final separation, the husband is bound to maintain it for the first three years of its life, after which it is considered sufficiently old to be taken from its mother. If, however, while under the marriage pledge, the woman defiles herself by adultery, the husband, if with his own
  • 40. eyes he was the witness of her infidelity, might with his own hands, under the native law, take away the life of her paramour. Notwithstanding this terrible privilege, it is asserted with consistency by many authorities that, in all parts of Ceylon, from the highest to the lowest caste, the want of conjugal faith in the married, and chastity in the unmarried people, is frightful to consider. When a man puts away his wife for adulterous intrigue, he may disinherit her and the whole of her offspring, notwithstanding that he may feel and acknowledge them all to be his own children. When, however, he seeks a divorce from caprice, he renounces all claim to his wife’s inheritance or actual property, and must divide with her whatever may have been jointly accumulated during the period of their cohabitation. The men of Ceylon do not always, however, exercise their privileges. They are generally very indulgent husbands. Many of them, indeed, are uxorious to an offensive extreme, and forgive offences which, by most persons, are held unpardonable. A short time since a Kandian applied to the British judicial authorities to compel the return to him and his children of an unfaithful wife, who had deserted her home for that of a paramour. The husband pleaded his love for her, implored her for her children’s sake to come back, and promised to forgive her offence; but she turned away from him, and coolly asked the judge if he could force her to return. He answered that unfortunately he could not, but advised her to return to the home of her lawful partner, who was ready to forgive and embrace her. She disregarded equally the entreaties of the one and the exhortation of the other, and returned to her paramour, whom she shortly afterwards deserted for another. The numerous instances of this kind which happen in the island have encouraged a swarm of satirical effusions upon the faithlessness of the female sex; but if the women were also poets, they might echo every note of the song. In illustration of the estimate formed of them, we may quote a few lines translated from the original by Sirr. They apply to the fraudulent disposition of women, and have become proverbial among the people.
  • 41. “I’ve seen the adumbra tree in flower, white plumage on the crow, And fishes’ footsteps on the deep have traced through ebb and flow. If man it is who thus asserts, his words you may believe; But all that woman says distrust—she speaks but to deceive.” The adumbra is a species of fig-tree, and the natives assert that no mortal has ever seen its bloom. Under the native kings the Singhalese were forbidden to contract marriage with any one of nearer affinity than the second cousin; such an union was incestuous, and severely punished. Under the English government, however, many of these old restrictions have been modified. Among the Christian population, on the other hand— Catholic as well as Protestant—many traces of their old idolatry are still distinctly visible in the ceremony of marriage. The Buddhist law allows to every man, whatever his grade, only one wife; but the ancient Kandian princes, of course, broke this law and took as many wives or concubines as they pleased. We have alluded to the numerical difference between the sexes. The population of Ceylon is about 1,500,000, and the males exceed the females by nearly a tenth. In 1814 it was 476,000; there were 20,000 more males than females. In 1835 there was a population of 646,000 males, and 584,000 females. At both these periods the disparity was greatest in the poorest places. In the fishing villages, where wholesome food abounded, there were more females than males. The same circumstance is true at the present day. Some writers attribute this to a gracious provision of Nature, which checks the increase of the people; but Nature makes no provision against unnatural things, and starvation is a monstrous thing in a fertile country. We may with more safety assign as a cause the open or secret infanticide, which, under the old laws, was common. Female children, except the first born, born under a malignant star, were sure to be sacrificed. It was hardly considered an offence; but being, under the British rule, denounced as murder, has been gradually
  • 42. abolished. The easier means of life, which in Ceylon and throughout the rest of our Asiatic dominions are afforded to the people under English sway, take away the incentive of poverty to crime. The population has enormously increased, an unfailing sign of good government, if misery does not increase with it. The social position of the Singhalese women is not so degraded as in many other parts of the East; the poor labouring hard, but as partners rather than as slaves. This superior condition does not, unhappily, elevate their moral character, for it is unaccompanied by other essential circumstances. Profligacy, we have said, is widely prevalent in Ceylon; yet prostitution, at least of the avowed and public kind, is not so. Under the Kandian dynasty it was peremptorily forbidden; a common harlot had her hair and ears cut off and was whipped naked. If, however, we accept the general definition of the word prostitution as any obscene traffic in a woman’s person, we shall find much of it clandestinely practised. The women are skilful in procuring abortion, and thus rid themselves of the consequences which follow their intrigues. Of course, in the sea-port towns prostitution exists, but we have no account of it. It is fair, however, to notice the opinions of Sir Emerson Tennent, that the morals of the people in these and in all other parts of the islands are rapidly improving, and that marriage is becoming a more sacred tie[74]. Of Prostitution in China. In the immense empire of China, the civilization of which has been cast in a mould fashioned by despotism, a general uniformity of manners is prevalent. Singular as many of its customs are, they vary very little in the different provinces, for although the population be composed of a mixture of races, the iron discipline of the government forces all to bend to one universal fashion. The differences which are remarked between the practice of the people in one district, and those of another, spring only from the nature of
  • 43. circumstances. It is more easy, therefore, to take an outline view of this vast empire, than it is to sketch many smaller countries, where the uniformity of manners is not so absolute. China affords a wide and interesting field for our inquiry. Were our information complete, there is perhaps no state in the world with reference to which so curious an account might be written as China, with its prostitution system. Unfortunately, however, the negligence or prudery of travellers has allowed the subject to be passed over. We know that a remarkable system of this kind does exist, that prostitutes abound in the cities of the Celestial Empire, and that they form a distinct order; we know something of the classes from which they are taken, how they are procured, in what their education consists, where and in what manner they live, and how and by whom they are encouraged. But this information is to be derived, not from any full account by an intelligent and observing inquirer, but from isolated facts scattered through a hundred books which require to be connected, and then only form a rough and incomplete view of the subject. Statistics we have positively none, though ample opportunities must be afforded travellers for arriving at something near the truth in such cities as Canton. However, from what knowledge we possess it is evident the social economy of the Chinese with respect to prostitution presents clear points of analogy with our own. In conformity with the plan of this inquiry, we proceed first to ascertain the general condition of the female sex in China. Abundant information has been supplied us on this subject, as well by the written laws, and by the literature of the country, as by the travellers who have visited and described it. As in all Asiatic, indeed in all barbarous, countries, women in China are counted inferior to men. The high example of Confucius taught the people—though their own character inclined them before, and was reflected from him—that the female sex was created for the convenience of the male. The great philosopher spoke of women and slaves as belonging to the same class, and complained that they
  • 44. were equally difficult to govern. That ten daughters are not equal in value to one son is a proverb which strongly expresses the Chinese sentiment upon this point, and the whole of their manners is pervaded by the same spirit. Feminine virtue, indeed, is severely guarded by the law, but not for its own sake. The well-being of the state, and the interest of the male sex, are sought to be protected by the rigorous enactments on the subject of chastity; but the morality, like the charity of that nation, is contained principally in its codes, essays, and poems, for in practice they are among the most demoralised on the earth. The spirit of the Salic law might naturally be looked for in the political code of such a state. It is so. The throne can be occupied only by a man. An illegitimate son is held in more respect than a legitimate daughter. The constitution provides that if the principal wife fail to bear male children, the son of the next shall succeed, and if she be barren also, of the next, and so on, according to their seniority, the son of each has a contingent claim to the sovereignty. Thus in the most important department of their public economy the national sentiment is manifested. We may now examine the laws which regulate the intercourse of the sexes, and then inquire into the actual state of manners. It will be useful to remember the truth, which has already been stated, that no language is so full of moral axioms and honourable sentiments as the Chinese, while no nation is more flagitious in its practice. The government of China, styled paternal because it rules with the rod, regulates the minutest actions of a man’s career. He is governed in everything—in the temple, in the street, at his own table, in all the relations of life. The law of marriage, for instance, is full, rigid, and explicit. The young persons about to be wedded know little or nothing of the transaction. Parental authority is supreme, and alliances are contracted in which the man and wife do not see each others’ faces until they occupy the same habitation and are mutually pledged for life. Match-making in China is a profession followed by old women, who earn what we
  • 45. may term a commission upon the sales they effect. When a union between two families is intended, its particulars must be fully explained on either side, so that no deceit shall be practised. The engagement is then drawn and the amount of presents determined, for in all countries where women hold this position, marriage is more or less a mercantile transaction. When once the contract is made, it is irrevocable. If the friends of the girl repent and desire to break the match, the man among them who had authority to give her away is liable to receive fifty strokes of the bamboo, and the marriage must proceed. Whatever other engagements have been entered into are null and punishable, and the original bridegroom has in all cases a decisive claim. If he, on the other hand, or the friend who represents and controls him, desire to dissolve the compact, giving a marriage present to another woman, he is chastised with fifty blows, and compelled to fulfil the terms of his first engagement, while his second favourite is at liberty to marry as she pleases. If either of the parties is incontinent after the ceremony of betrothal, the crime is considered as adultery, and so punished. But if any deceit be practised, and either family represent the person about to marry under a false description, they become liable to severe penalties, and on the part of the man most strictly. The husband, finding that a girl had been palmed off on him by fraud, is permitted to release himself from the tie. Such incidents, nevertheless, do occasionally occur. One of rather an amusing nature is alluded to by several writers. A young man who had been promised in marriage the youngest daughter of a large family was startled when, after the ceremony was complete, he unveiled his bride, to find the eldest sister, very ugly and deeply pitted with the small pox. The law would have allowed him to escape from such an union, but he submitted, and soon afterwards consoled himself with a handsome concubine. Although the girl, when once betrothed, is absolutely bound to the husband selected for her, he dare not, under pain of the bastinado, force her away before the specified time. On the other hand, her friends must not, under similar penalties, detain her after that time.
  • 46. Thus the law regulates the whole transaction, and the parents dispose as they will of their children. Occasionally, however, a young man, not yet emancipated from paternal authority, contracts a marriage according to his own inclination, and if the rites have actually been performed, it cannot be dissolved; but if he be only betrothed, and his parents have in the meanwhile agreed upon an alliance for him, he must relinquish his own design and obey their choice. Polygamy is allowed in China, but under certain regulations. The first wife is usually chosen from a family equal in rank and riches to that of the husband, and is affianced with as much splendour and ceremony as the parties can afford. She acquires all the rights which belong to the chief wife in any Asiatic country. The man may then take as many as he pleases, who are inferior in rank to the first, but equal to each other. The term inferior wife is more applicable than that of concubine, as there is a form of espousal, and their children have a contingent claim to the inheritance. The practice, however, brings no honour, if it brings no positive shame, though now sanctioned by long habit. Originally it appears to have been condemned by the stricter moralists, and it has been observed that the Chinese term to describe this kind of companion is, curiously enough, compounded of the words crime and woman. It is a derogatory position, and such as only the poor and humble will consent to occupy. One of the national sayings, and the feeling with many of the women, is, that it is more honourable to be a poor man’s wife than the concubine of an emperor. A man cannot, under the penalty of a hundred blows, degrade his first wife to this position, or raise an inferior wife to hers—no such act is valid before the law. None but the rich can afford, and none but the loose and luxurious will practise, polygamy except when the first wife fails to bear a son. Unless some such reason exists, the opinion of moralists is against it. Men with too many wives lose the Emperor’s confidence, since he accuses them of being absorbed in domestic concerns. In this case it is usual to take an inferior wife, who is purchased from the lower
  • 47. ranks for a sum of money, that an heir may be born to the house. The situation of these poor creatures is aggravated or softened according to the disposition of their chief, for they are virtually her servants, and are not allowed even to eat in her presence. They receive no elevation by her decease, but are for ever the mere slaves of their master’s lust. At the same time their inferior position, and therefore inferior consequence, gains them some agreeable privileges. The principal wife is not allowed to indulge in conversation or any free intercourse with strangers—a pleasure which is sometimes enjoyed with little restraint by the others, as well as by the female domestics. Not much jealousy appears to be entertained by these women, who are easily to be procured. Their sons receive half as much patrimony as the sons of the mistress of the household. The social laws of China inculcate the good treatment of wives; but the main solicitude of the legislator has been with respect to the fixity of the law, and the rights of the male or supreme sex. Leaving her parents’ home, the girl is transferred into bondage. Some men, however, go to the house of their bride’s father, which is contrary to the established form; but when once received across the threshold as a son-in-law, he cannot be ejected, and leaves only when he is inclined. A man may not marry within a certain period of his chief wife’s death; but if he takes a woman who has already been his concubine, the punishment is two degrees milder. So also with widows, who cannot be forced by their friends to make any new engagement at all, but are protected by the law. Women left in this position have a powerful dissuasive against a fresh union, in the entire independence which they enjoy, and which they could enjoy under no other circumstances. With respect to the laws relating to consanguinity, the Chinese system is particularly rigid. The prohibited limits lie very widely apart. In this a change appears to have been effected under the Mantchus, for among the traces of ancient manners which become
  • 48. visible at a remoter period, revealed only, however, by the twilight of tradition, a profligate state of public morals is indicated. We find parents giving both their daughters in marriage to one man, while the intercourse of the sexes was all but entirely unrestrained. The strictness of the modern law is attended with some inconvenient results, for in China the number of family names is very small, while it enacted that all marriages between persons of the same family names are not only null and void, but punishable by blows and a fine. All such contracts between individuals previously related by marriage within four degrees, are denounced as incestuous. A man may not marry his father’s or his mother’s sister-in-law, his father’s or mother’s aunt’s daughter, his son-in-law’s or daughter-in-law’s sister, his grandson’s wife’s sister, his mother’s brother’s or sister’s daughter, or any blood relations whatever, to any degree, however remote. Such offences are punished with the bamboo. Death by strangling is enacted against one who marries a brother’s widow, while with a grandfather’s or father’s wife it is more particularly infamous, and the criminal suffers the extreme disgrace of decapitation. These regulations apply to the first wife, similar offences with regard to the inferior being visited with penalties two degrees less severe. Not only, however, are the degrees of consanguinity strictly defined, but the union of classes is under restriction. An officer of government within the third order marrying into a family under his jurisdiction, or in which legal proceedings are under his investigation, is subject to heavy punishment. The family of the girl, if they voluntarily aid him, incur the chastisement also; but if they have submitted under fear of his authority, they are exempt. To marry an absconded female, flying from justice, is prohibited. To take forcibly as a wife a freeman’s daughter, subjects the offender to death by strangulation. An officer of government, or the son of any high functionary with hereditary honours, who takes as his first or inferior wife a female comedian or musician, or any member of a disreputable class, is punished by sixty strokes of the bamboo. An equal punishment is inflicted on any priest who marries at all; and,
  • 49. in addition to this, he is expelled his order. If he delude a woman under false pretences, he incurs the penalty of the worst incest. Slaves and free persons are forbidden to intermarry. Any person, conniving at, or neglecting to denounce, such illegal contracts, are criminals before the law. The union after the betrothal must be completed; but it may also be broken. Seven causes, according to the law, justify a man in repudiating his first wife. These are—barrenness, lasciviousness, disregard of her husband’s parents, talkativeness, thievish propensities, an envious suspicious temper, and inveterate infirmity. If, however, any of the three legal reasons against divorce can be proved by the woman, she cannot be put away—first, that she has mourned three years for her husband’s family; second, that the family has become rich after having been poor before and at the time of marriage; third, her having no father or mother living to receive her. She is thus protected, in some measure, from her husband’s caprice. If she commit adultery, however, he dare not retain, but must dismiss her. If she abscond against his will, she may be severely flogged; if she commit bigamy, she is strangled. When a man leaves his home, his wife must remain in it three years before she can sue for a divorce, and then give notice of her intention before a public tribunal. It is forbidden, under peremptory enactments, to harbour a fugitive wife or female servant. A man finding his wife in the act of adultery may kill her with her paramour, provided he does it immediately, but only on that condition. If the guilty wife adds to her crime by intriguing against her husband’s life, she dies by a slow and painful execution. If even the adulterer slay her husband without her knowledge, she is strangled. The privilege of putting a wife to death is not allowed for any inferior offence. To strike a husband, is punishable by a hundred blows and divorce; to disable him, with strangulation. In all these circumstances the inferior wife is punished one degree more severely. Thus offences against them are less harshly, and offences by them more rigidly, chastised. In addition to these legal visitations the bamboo is at hand to preserve discipline among the women.
  • 50. One of the laws of China exhibits a peculiar feature of depravity in the people. It is enacted, that whoever lends his wife or daughter upon hire is to be severely punished, and any one falsely bargaining away his wife or his sister is to be similarly dealt with. All persons consenting to the transaction share the penalty. Nor is this an obsolete enactment against an unknown crime. Instances do not unfrequently occur of poor men selling their wives as concubines to their wealthier neighbours. Others prostitute them for gain; but these instances of profligacy usually occur in the large and crowded cities. Sometimes the woman consents, but sometimes also opposes the infamous design. In 1832 a woman was condemned to strangulation for killing her husband by accident, while resisting an adulterer whom he had introduced for her to prostitute herself to him. These incidents occur only in the lowest class. Some men are as jealous as Turks, and maintain eunuchs to guard their wives. Under this system many restrictions are imposed on the women of China. They form no part of what is called society, enjoying little companionship, even with persons of their own sex. Those of the better class are instructed in embroidering and other graceful but useless accomplishments. They are seldom educated to any extent, though some instances have occurred of learned women and elegant poetesses, who have been praised and admired throughout the country. Fond of gay clothes, of gaudy furniture, and brilliant decoration, they love nothing so much as display; and though assuming a demure and timid air, cannot be highly praised on this account, for their bashfulness is, in such cases, more apparent than real. Still they are generally described as faithful partners. Religious services are performed for them in the temple, to which women are admitted. The wives of the poorer sort labour in the fields, and perform all the drudgery of the house, an occupation which is held as suited to their nature. “Let my daughter sweep your house” is the expression made use of in offering a wife. It should be mentioned, however, to relieve the darkness of this picture, that husbands often present offerings at the temples, with prayers to the gods for the
  • 51. recovery of their sick wives. The idea may indeed suggest itself, that this is with a view to economy, as girls are costly purchases; but no man is the greater philosopher for asserting that a whole nation exists without the commonest sentiments of human nature. Indeed, many instances occur even in China of husbands and wives living as dear friends together, especially when polygamy has not been adopted in the dwelling. The obedience to old habits is not to be confounded with characteristic harshness in the individual; nor does it seem impossible, when we examine the variety of manners in the world, to believe in a strong and tender attachment between a man and the woman whom, in adherence to ancient usage, he would not allow to eat at the same table with himself. A privilege belongs to the female sex here which it enjoys in no other barbarian country. A strong authority is recognised in the widow over her son. She is acknowledged to have the right to be supported by him, and it is a proverbial saying, that “a woman is thrice dependent—before marriage on her father, after marriage on her husband, when a widow on her son.” From this view of the condition of women, and the regulations of marriage, we proceed to an important part of the subject—the infanticide for which China has been so infamously celebrated. It is impossible to conceive a more contradictory confusion of statements, than we have seen put forward with reference to this question. Weighing the various authorities, however, we are inclined to adopt a moderate view, rejecting the extravagant pictures of one, and the broad denials of the other set of writers. Infanticide, it cannot be disputed, is practised in the country, and to a considerable extent; but it is, and always will be impossible, to acquire the exact statistics, or even an approximation to the precise truth. Two causes appear to have operated in encouraging this practice— the poverty of the lower classes, and the severity of the law with respect to the illicit intercourse of the sexes. The former is the principal cause. There is a strong maternal feeling in the woman’s breast, and children are only destroyed when the indigence of the parents allows no hope of rearing them well. It is invariably the
  • 52. female child which is, under these circumstances, slain; for the son can always, after a few years, earn his livelihood, and be an assistance, instead of a burden, to the family. The birth of a female child is regarded as a calamity, and brings mourning into the house. One of the national proverbs expresses this fact in a striking manner, exhibiting also the inferior estimation in which that sex is viewed. It says, that to a female infant a common tile may be given as a toy, while to a male a gem should be presented. When it is determined to destroy the offspring thus born under the roof of poverty, a choice of method is open. It may be drowned in warm water; its throat may be pinched; it may be stifled by a wet cloth tied over its mouth; it may be choked by grains of rice. Another plan is to carry the child, immediately after its birth, and bury it alive. Captain Collins, of the Plover sloop-of-war, relates that some of his company, while visiting the coast of China, saw a boat full of men and women, with four infants. They landed and dug two pits, in which they were about to inter their living but feeble victims, when they were disturbed. They then made off rapidly, and passed round a headland, beyond which they, no doubt, accomplished their purpose without interruption. When the missionary Smith was in the suburbs of Canton, in 1844, he was presented by a native with a work written by a mandarin, and published gratuitously at the expense of government, to discourage the practice of infanticide. When questioned upon the actual prevalence of the custom, the native said that, taking a circle with a radius of ten miles from the spot they then occupied, the number of infanticides within the space thus included would not exceed five hundred in a year. It was confined to the very poor, and originated in the difficulty of rearing and providing for their female offspring. The rich never encouraged, and the poor were ashamed, of the practice. He knew men who had drowned their daughters, but would not confess the act, speaking of their children as though they had died of disease. In Fokien province, on the contrary, infanticides were numerous. At a place called Kea-King-Chow, about five days’ journey from Canton, there were computed to be 500 or 600 cases in a month. The comparative
  • 53. immunity of Canton from the contagion of this crime was the government foundling-hospital established there. About 500 female children, born of parents in poverty and want, were annually received, to have temporary provision and sustenance. From time to time, the more wealthy merchants and gentry visit the institution to select some of the children, whom they take home to educate as concubines or servants. The hospital has accommodation for at least 1000 infants, each of which is usually removed after three months, either to the house of some voluntary guardian, or to wet nurses in other districts. This is the only important institution of the kind in the province. Infanticide is still, even by the most favourable accounts, lamentably prevalent. The foundling-hospitals, of which there is one in every great town, do certainly oppose a check to the practice. That at Shanghae receives annually about 200 infants. The villagers in the neighbourhood of Amoy confessed that female infanticide was generally practised among them, and their statements were expressed in a manner which left no doubt that they considered it an innocent and proper expedient for lightening the evils of poverty. Two out of every four, they said, were destroyed; but rich people, who could afford to bring them up never resorted to, because they never needed, such a means of relief. Some killed three, four, or even five out of six; it depended entirely on the circumstances of the individual. The object was effected immediately after the infant’s birth. If sons, however, were born in alternate succession, it was regarded as an omen of happy fortune for the parents, and the daughters were spared. None of the villagers denied to any of their questioners the generality of the custom, but few would confess personally to the actual fact. In some districts one-half was reported as the average destruction of the female population, and in the cities some declared the crime was equally prevalent, though we may take this as the exaggeration which always attends the loose statements of ignorant men, who, having little idea of figures, are required to furnish a number, and speak at random.
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