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Communication Technology Update and Fundamentals
Communication
Technology
Update and
Fundamentals
16th Edition
Taylor & Francis
Taylor & Francis Group
http:/taylorandfrancis.com
Communication
Technology
Update and
Fundamentals
16th Edition
Editors
August E. Grant
Jennifer H. Meadows
In association with Technology Futures, Inc.
Routledge
Taylor & Francis Group
NEW YORK AND LONDON
ROUTLEDGE
Editors:
August E. Grant
Jennifer H. Meadows
Technology Futures, Inc.
Production & Graphics Editor:
Helen Mary V. Marek
Publisher: Ross Wagenhofer
Editorial Assistant: Nicole Salazar
Production Editor: Sian Cahill
Marketing Manager: Lynsey Nurthen
Sixteenth edition published 2018
by Routledge
711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017
and by Routledge
2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon, OX14 4RN
Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business
© 2018 Taylor & Francis
The right of August Grant and Jennifer Meadows to be identified as the authors of the editorial material, and
of the authors for their individual chapters, has been asserted in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the
Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilized in any form or by any
electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and
recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the
publishers.
Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks and are used only
for identification and explanation without intent to infringe.
Publisher’s note: This book has been prepared from camera‐ready copy provided by the editors. Typeset in
Palatino Linotype by H.M.V. Marek, Technology Futures, Inc.
[First edition published by Technology Futures, Inc. 1992]
[Fifteenth edition published by Focal Press 2016]
Library of Congress Cataloguing in Publication Data.
CIP data has been applied for.
HB: 9781138571334
Paper: 9781138571365
eBook: 9780203702871
v
Table of Contents
Preface vii
I Fundamentals ix
1 The Communication Technology Ecosystem, August E. Grant, Ph.D. 1
2 A History of Communication Technology, Yicheng Zhu, M.A. 9
3 Understanding Communication Technologies, Jennifer H. Meadows, Ph.D. 25
4 The Structure of the Communication Industries, August E. Grant, Ph.D. 37
5 Communication Policy & Technology, Lon Berquist, M.A. 49
II Electronic Mass Media 65
6 Digital Television & Video, Peter B. Seel, Ph.D. 67
7 Multichannel Television Services, Paul Driscoll, Ph.D. & Michel Dupagne, Ph.D. 77
8 Radio & Digital Audio, Heidi D. Blossom, Ph.D. 97
9 Digital Signage, Jennifer H. Meadows, Ph.D. 107
10 Cinema Technologies, Michael R. Ogden, Ph.D. 117
III Computers & Consumer Electronics 149
11 Computers, Glenda Alvarado, Ph.D. 151
12 Internet of Things (IoT), Jeffrey S. Wilkinson, Ph.D. 159
13 Automotive Telematics, Denise Belafonte‐Young, M.F.A. 169
14 Video Games, Isaac D. Pletcher, M.F.A. 179
toc
Table of Contents
vi
15 Virtual & Augmented Reality, Rebecca Ormond, M.F.A. 189
16 Home Video, Matthew J. Haught, Ph.D. 199
17 Digital Imaging & Photography, Michael Scott Sheerin, M.S. 207
18 eHealth, Heidi D. Blossom, Ph.D. & Alex Neal, M.A. 219
19 Esports, Jennifer H. Meadows, Ph.D. & Max Grubb, Ph.D. 233
20 Ebooks, Steven J. Dick, Ph.D. 241
IV Networking Technologies 251
21 Broadband & Home Networks, John J. Lombardi, Ph.D. 253
22 Telephony, William R. Davie, Ph.D. 271
23 The Internet, Stephanie Bor, Ph.D. & Leila Chelbi, M.M.C. 279
24 Social Media, Rachel A. Stuart, M.A. 291
25 Big Data, Tony R. DeMars, Ph.D. 305
V Conclusions 317
26 Other New Technologies, Jennifer H. Meadows, Ph.D. 319
27 Your Future & Communication Technologies, August E. Grant, Ph.D. 323
Index 327
Glossary and Updates can be found on the
Communication Technology Update and Fundamentals website
http://www.tfi.com/ctu/
vii
Preface
reat changes in technology are coming at a faster and faster pace, introducing new opportunities,
challenges, careers, and fields of study at a rate that hasn’t been experienced in human history. Keeping
up with these changes can simultaneously provide amusement and befuddlement, as well as economic
prosperity and ruin.
That’s where you come in. Whether you are trying to plan a lucrative investment or a career in media, or you
simply have to pass a particular class in order to graduate, the field of communication technologies has become
important enough to you that you are investing in the time to read this book. Be warned: the goal of the authors
in this book is to serve all of those needs. To do so, the book starts by explaining the Communication Technology
Ecosystem, then applies this ecosystem as a tool to help you understand each of the technologies presented.
This is the 16th edition of this book, and most of the book is changed from the 15th edition. In addition to
updating every chapter with the latest developments, we have a first‐time chapter exploring eSports (Chapter
19) and a chapter we haven’t seen in more than a decade discussing Virtual Reality (Chapter 15). A few other
chapters, including Video Games (Chapter 14), Home Video (Chapter 16), ebooks (Chapter 19), and Computers
(Chapter 11) have been rewritten from scratch to provide a more contemporary discussion.
One thing shared by all of the contributors to this book is a passion for communication technology. In order
to keep this book as current as possible we asked the authors to work under extremely tight deadlines. Authors
begin working in late 2017, and most chapters were submitted in February or March 2018 with the final details
added in April 2018. Individually, the chapters provide snapshots of the state of the field for individual
technologies, but together they present a broad overview of the role that communication technologies play in our
everyday lives. The efforts of these authors have produced a remarkable compilation, and we thank them for all
their hard work in preparing this volume.
The constant in production of this book is our editor extraordinaire, TFI’s Helen Mary V. Marek, who deftly
handled all production details, moving all 27 chapters from draft to camera‐ready in weeks. Helen Mary also
provided on‐demand graphics production, adding visual elements to help make the content more
understandable. Our editorial and marketing team at Routledge, including Ross Wagenhoffer and Nicole Salazar,
ensured that production and promotion of the book were as smooth as ever.
G
p
Preface
viii
We are most grateful to our spouses (and partners in life), Diane Grant and Floyd Meadows for giving us this
month every two years so that we can disappear into a haze of bits, pixels, toner, and topics to render the book
you are reading right now. They know that a strange compulsion arises every two years, with publication of the
book being followed immediately by the satisfaction we get from being part of the process of helping you
understand and apply new communications technologies.
You can keep up with developments on technologies discussed in this book by visiting our companion
website, where we use the same technologies discussed in the book to make sure you have the latest information.
The companion website for the Communication Technology Update and Fundamentals: www.tfi.com/ctu. The
complete Glossary for the book is on the site, where it is much easier to find individual entries than in the paper
version of the book. We have also moved the vast quantity of statistical data on each of the communication
technologies that were formerly printed in Chapter 2 to the site. As always, we will periodically update the
website to supplement the text with new information and links to a wide variety of information available over
the Internet.
Your interest and support is the reason we do this book every two years, and we listen to your suggestions
so that we can improve the book after every edition. You are invited to send us updates for the website, ideas for
new topics, and other contributions that will inform all members of the community. You are invited to
communicate directly with us via email, snail mail, social media, or voice.
Thank you for being part of the CTUF community!
Augie Grant and Jennifer Meadows
April 1, 2018
Augie Grant Jennifer H. Meadows
School of Journalism and Mass Communications Dept. of Media Arts, Design, and Technology
University of South Carolina California State University, Chico
Columbia, SC 29208 Chico, CA 95929‐0504
Phone: 803.777.4464 Phone: 530.898.4775
augie@sc.edu jmeadows@csuchico.edu
Twitter: @augiegrant Twitter: @mediaartsjen
ix
Section
Fundamentals
I
Taylor & Francis
Taylor & Francis Group
http:/taylorandfrancis.com
1
The Communication
Technology Ecosystem
August E. Grant, Ph.D.*
ommunication technologies are the nervous
system of contemporary society, transmitting
and distributing sensory and control infor‐
mation and interconnecting a myriad of interdepend‐
ent units. These technologies are critical to commerce,
essential to entertainment, and intertwined in our in‐
terpersonal relationships. Because these technologies
are so vitally important, any change in communica‐
tion technologies has the potential to impact virtually
every area of society.
One of the hallmarks of the industrial revolution
was the introduction of new communication technolo‐
gies as mechanisms of control that played an important
role in almost every area of the production and distri‐
bution of manufactured goods (Beniger, 1986). These
communication technologies have evolved throughout
the past two centuries at an increasingly rapid rate.
This evolution shows no signs of slowing, so an under‐
standing of this evolution is vital for any individual
wishing to attain or retain a position in business, gov‐
ernment, or education.
The economic and political challenges faced by the
United States and other countries since the beginning
of the new millennium clearly illustrate the central role
these communication systems play in our society. Just
* J. Rion McKissick Professor of Journalism, School of Journalism and Mass Communications, University of South Carolina (Columbia,
South Carolina).
as the prosperity of the 1990s was credited to advances
in technology, the economic challenges that followed
were linked as well to a major downturn in the technol‐
ogy sector. Today, communication technology is seen
by many as a tool for making more efficient use of a
wide range of resources including time and energy.
Communication technologies play as critical a
part in our private lives as they do in commerce and
control in society. Geographic distances are no longer
barriers to relationships thanks to the bridging power
of communication technologies. We can also be enter‐
tained and informed in ways that were unimaginable
a century ago thanks to these technologies—and they
continue to evolve and change before our eyes.
This text provides a snapshot of the state of tech‐
nologies in our society. The individual chapter au‐
thors have compiled facts and figures from hundreds
of sources to provide the latest information on more
than two dozen communication technologies. Each
discussion explains the roots and evolution, recent de‐
velopments, and current status of the technology as of
mid‐2018. In discussing each technology, we address
them from a systematic perspective, looking at a range
of factors beyond hardware.
C
1
Section I  Fundamentals
2
The goal is to help you analyze emerging technol‐
ogies and be better able to predict which ones will suc‐
ceed and which ones will fail. That task is more
difficult to achieve than it sounds. Let’s look at an ex‐
ample of how unpredictable technology can be.
The Alphabet Tale
As this book goes to press in mid‐2018, Alphabet,
the parent company of Google, is the most valuable
media company in the world in terms of market capi‐
talization (the total value of all shares of stock held in
the company). To understand how Alphabet attained
that lofty position, we have to go back to the late
1990s, when commercial applications of the Internet
were taking off. There was no question in the minds
of engineers and futurists that the Internet was going
to revolutionize the delivery of information, entertain‐
ment, and commerce. The big question was how it
was going to happen.
Those who saw the Internet as a medium for in‐
formation distribution knew that advertiser support
would be critical to its long‐term financial success.
They knew that they could always find a small group
willing to pay for content, but the majority of people
preferred free content. To become a mass medium
similar to television, newspapers, and magazines, an
Internet advertising industry was needed.
At that time, most Internet advertising was ban‐
ner ads—horizontal display ads that stretched across
most of the screen to attract attention, but took up
very little space on the screen. The problem was that
most people at that time accessed the Internet using
slow, dial‐up connections, so advertisers were limited
in what they could include in these banners to about
a dozen words of text and simple graphics. The dream
among advertisers was to be able to use rich media,
including full‐motion video, audio, animation, and
every other trick that makes television advertising so
successful.
When broadband Internet access started to spread,
advertisers were quick to add rich media to their ban‐
ners, as well as create other types of ads using graphics,
video, and sound. These ads were a little more effec‐
tive, but many Internet users did not like the intrusive
nature of rich media messages.
At about the same time, two Stanford students, Ser‐
gey Brin and Larry Page, had developed a new type of
search engine, Google, that ranked results on the basis
of how often content was referred to or linked from
other sites, allowing their computer algorithms to cre‐
ate more robust and relevant search results (in most
cases) than having a staff of people indexing Web con‐
tent. What they needed was a way to pay for the costs
of the servers and other technology.
According to Vise & Malseed (2006), their budget
did not allow the company, then known as Google, to
create and distribute rich media ads. They could do
text ads, but they decided to do them differently from
other Internet advertising, using computer algorithms
to place these small text ads on the search results that
were most likely to give the advertisers results. With
a credit card, anyone could use this “AdWords” ser‐
vice, specifying the search terms they thought should
display their ads, writing the brief ads (less than 100
characters total—just over a dozen words), and even
specifying how much they were willing to pay every
time someone clicked on their ad. Even more revolu‐
tionary, the Google team decided that no one should
have to pay for an ad unless a user clicked on it.
For advertisers, it was as close to a no‐lose propo‐
sition as they could find. Advertisers did not have to
pay unless a person was interested enough to click on
the ad. They could set a budget that Google computers
could follow, and Google provided a control panel for
advertisers that gave a set of measures that was a
dream for anyone trying to make a campaign more ef‐
fective. These measures indicated not only the overall
effectiveness of the ad, but also the effectiveness of
each message, each keyword, and every part of every
campaign.
The result was remarkable. Google’s share of the
search market was not that much greater than the
companies that had held the #1 position earlier, but
Google was making money—lots of money—from
these little text ads. Wall Street investors noticed, and,
once Google went public, investors bid up the stock
price, spurred by increases in revenues and a very
large profit margin. Today, Google’s parent company,
renamed Alphabet, is involved in a number of other
ventures designed to aggregate and deliver content
ranging from text to full‐motion video, but its little
Chapter 1  The Communication Technology Ecosystem
3
text ads on its Google search engine are still the pri‐
mary revenue generator.
In retrospect, it was easy to see why Google was
such a success. Their little text ads were effective be‐
cause of context—they always appeared where they
would be the most effective. They were not intrusive,
so people did not mind the ads on Google pages, and
later on other pages that Google served ads to through
its “content network.” Plus, advertisers had a degree
of control, feedback, and accountability that no adver‐
tising medium had ever offered before (Grant & Wil‐
kinson, 2007).
So what lessons should we learn from this story?
Advertisers have their own set of lessons, but there are
a separate set of lessons for those wishing to under‐
stand new media. First, no matter how insightful, no
one is ever able to predict whether a technology will
succeed or fail. Second, success can be due as much to
luck as to careful, deliberate planning and investment.
Third, simplicity matters—there are few advertising
messages as simple as the little text ads you see when
doing a Google search.
The Alphabet tale provides an example of the util‐
ity of studying individual companies and industries, so
the focus throughout this book is on individual tech‐
nologies. These individual snapshots, however, com‐
prise a larger mosaic representing the communication
networks that bind individuals together and enable
them to function as a society. No single technology can
be understood without understanding the competing
and complementary technologies and the larger social
environment within which these technologies exist. As
discussed in the following section, all of these factors
(and others) have been considered in preparing each
chapter through application of the “technology ecosys‐
tem.” Following this discussion, an overview of the re‐
mainder of the book is presented.
The Communication
Technology Ecosystem
The most obvious aspect of communication tech‐
nology is the hardware—the physical equipment re‐
lated to the technology. The hardware is the most
tangible part of a technology system, and new technol‐
ogies typically spring from developments in hardware.
However, understanding communication technology
requires more than just studying the hardware. One of
the characteristics of today’s digital technologies is that
most are based upon computer technology, requiring
instructions and algorithms more commonly known as
“software.”
In addition to understanding the hardware and soft‐
ware of the technology, it is just as important to un‐
derstand the content communicated through the
technology system. Some consider the content as an‐
other type of software. Regardless of the terminology
used, it is critical to understand that digital technolo‐
gies require a set of instructions (the software) as well
as the equipment and content.
Figure 1.1
The Communication Technology
Ecosystem
Source: A. E. Grant
The hardware, software, and content must also be
studied within a larger context. Rogers’ (1986) defini‐
tion of “communication technology” includes some of
these contextual factors, defining it as “the hardware
equipment, organizational structures, and social val‐
ues by which individuals collect, process, and ex‐
change information with other individuals” (p. 2). An
even broader range of factors is suggested by Ball‐
Rokeach (1985) in her media system dependency the‐
ory, which suggests that communication media can be
understood by analyzing dependency relations within
and across levels of analysis, including the individual,
organizational, and system levels. Within the system
Section I  Fundamentals
4
level, Ball‐Rokeach identifies three systems for analy‐
sis: the media system, the political system, and the
economic system.
These two approaches have been synthesized into
the “Technology Ecosystem” illustrated in Figure 1.1.
The core of the technology ecosystem consists of the
hardware, software, and content (as previously de‐
fined). Surrounding this core is the organizational in‐
frastructure: the group of organizations involved in
the production and distribution of the technology.
The next level moving outwards is the system level,
including the political, economic, and media systems,
as well as other groups of individuals or organizations
serving a common set of functions in society. Finally,
the individual users of the technology cut across all of
the other areas, providing a focus for understanding
each one. The basic premise of the technology ecosys‐
tem is that all areas of the ecosystem interact and must
be examined in order to understand a technology.
(The technology ecosystem is an elaboration of
the “umbrella perspective” (Grant, 2010) that was ex‐
plicated in earlier editions of this book to illustrate the
elements that need to be studied in order to under‐
stand communication technologies.)
Adding another layer of complexity to each of the
areas of the technology ecosystem is also helpful. In
order to identify the impact that each individual char‐
acteristic of a technology has, the factors within each
area of the ecosystem may be identified as “enabling,”
“limiting,” “motivating,” and “inhibiting” depending
upon the role they play in the technology’s diffusion.
Enabling factors are those that make an application
possible. For example, the fact that the coaxial cable
used to deliver traditional cable television can carry
dozens of channels is an enabling factor at the hard‐
ware level. Similarly, the decision of policy makers to
allocate a portion of the radio frequency spectrum for
cellular telephony is an enabling factor at the system
level (political system). One starting point to use in ex‐
amining any technology is to make a list of the under‐
lying factors from each area of the technology ecosys‐
tem that make the technology possible in the first place.
Limiting factors are the opposite of enabling fac‐
tors; they are those factors that create barriers to the
adoption or impacts of a technology. A great example
is related to the cellular telephone illustration in the
previous paragraph. The fact that the policy makers
discussed above initially permitted only two compa‐
nies to offer cellular telephone service in each market
was a system level limitation on that technology. The
later introduction of digital technology made it possi‐
ble for another four companies to compete for mobile
phone service. To a consumer, six telephone compa‐
nies may seem to be more than is needed, but to a
start‐up company wanting to enter the market, this
system‐level factor represents a definite limitation.
Again, it is useful to apply the technology ecosystem
to create a list of factors that limit the adoption, use,
or impacts of any specific communication technology.
Motivating factors are a little more complicated.
They are those factors that provide a reason for the
adoption of a technology. Technologies are not adopted
just because they exist. Rather, individuals, organiza‐
tions, and social systems must have a reason to take ad‐
vantage of a technology. The desire of local telephone
companies for increased profits, combined with the fact
that growth in providing local telephone service is lim‐
ited, is an organizational factor motivating the telcos to
enter the markets for new communication technolo‐
gies. Individual users desiring information more quickly
can be motivated to adopt electronic information tech‐
nologies. If a technology does not have sufficient moti‐
vating factors for its use, it cannot be a success.
Inhibiting factors are the opposite of motivating
ones, providing a disincentive for adoption or use of
a communication technology. An example of an inhib‐
iting factor at the organizational level might be a com‐
pany’s history of bad customer service. Regardless of
how useful a new technology might be, if customers
don’t trust a company, they are not likely to purchase
its products or services. One of the most important in‐
hibiting factors for most new technologies is the cost
to individual users. Each potential user must decide
whether the cost is worth the service, considering
their budget and the number of competing technolo‐
gies. Competition from other technologies is one of
the biggest barriers any new (or existing) technology
faces. Any factor that works against the success of a
technology can be considered an inhibiting factor. As
you might guess, there are usually more inhibiting
factors for most technologies than motivating ones.
And if the motivating factors are more numerous and
Chapter 1  The Communication Technology Ecosystem
5
stronger than the inhibiting factors, it is an easy bet
that a technology will be a success.
All four factors—enabling, limiting, motivating,
and inhibiting—can be identified at the individual
user, organizational, content, and system levels. How‐
ever, hardware and software can only be enabling or
limiting; by themselves, hardware and software do
not provide any motivating factors. The motivating
factors must always come from the messages trans‐
mitted or one of the other areas of the ecosystem.
The final dimension of the technology ecosystem
relates to the environment within which communica‐
tion technologies are introduced and operate. These
factors can be termed “external” factors, while ones
relating to the technology itself are “internal” factors.
In order to understand a communication technology
or be able to predict how a technology will diffuse,
both internal and external factors must be studied.
Applying the Communication
Technology Ecosystem
The best way to understand the communication
technology ecosystem is to apply it to a specific tech‐
nology. One of the fastest diffusing technologies dis‐
cussed later in this book is the “personal assistant,”
such as the Amazon Alexa or Google Home—these
devices provide a great application of the communi‐
cation technology ecosystem.
Let’s start with the hardware. Most personal as‐
sistants are small or medium‐sized units, designed to
sit on a shelf or table. Studying the hardware reveals
that the unit contains multiple speakers, a micro‐
phone, some computer circuitry, and a radio transmit‐
ter and receiver. Studying the hardware, we can get
clues about the functionality of the device, but the key
to the functionality is the software.
The software related to the personal assistant en‐
ables conversion of speech heard by the microphone
into text or other commands that connect to another
set of software designed to fulfill the commands given
to the system. From the perspective of the user, it
doesn’t matter whether the device converts speech to
commands or whether the device transmits speech to
a central computer where the translation takes place—
the device is designed so that it doesn’t matter to the
user. The important thing that becomes apparent is
that the hardware used by the system extends well be‐
yond the device through the Internet to servers that
are programmed to deliver answers and content re‐
quested through the personal assistant.
So, who owns these servers? To answer that ques‐
tion, we have to look at the organizational infrastruc‐
ture. It is apparent that there are two distinct sets of
organizations involved—one set that makes and dis‐
tributes the devices themselves to the public and the
other that provides the back‐end processing power to
find answers and deliver content. For the Amazon
Alexa, Amazon has designed and arranged for the
manufacture of the device. (Note that few companies
specialize in making hardware; rather, most commu‐
nication hardware is made by companies that special‐
ize in manufacturing on a contract basis.) Amazon
also owns and controls the servers that interpret and
seek answers to questions and commands. But to get
to those servers, the commands have to first pass
through cable or phone networks owned by other
companies, with answers or content provided by serv‐
ers on the Internet owned by still other companies. At
this point, it is helpful to examine the economic rela‐
tionships among the companies involved. The users’
Internet Service Provider (ISP) passes all commands
and content from the home device to the cloud‐based
servers, which are, in turn, connected to servers
owned by other companies that deliver content.
So, if a person requests a weather forecast, the
servers connect to a weather service for content. A
person might also request music, finding themselves
connected to Amazon’s own music service or to an‐
other service such as Pandora or Sirius/XM. A person
ordering a pizza will have their message directed to
the appropriate pizza delivery service, with the only
content returned being a confirmation of the order,
perhaps with status updates as the order is fulfilled.
The pizza delivery example is especially important
because it demonstrates the economics of the system.
The servers used are expensive to purchase and oper‐
ate, so the company that designs and sells personal as‐
sistants has a motivation to contract with individual
pizza delivery services to pay a small commission
Section I  Fundamentals
6
every time someone orders a pizza. Extending this ex‐
ample to multiple other services will help you under‐
stand why some services are provided for free but
others must be paid, with the pieces of the system
working together to spread revenue to all of the com‐
panies involved.
The point is that it is not possible to understand
the personal assistant without understanding all of
the organizations implicated in the operation of the
device. And if two organizations decide not to coop‐
erate with each other, content or service may simply
not be available.
The potential conflicts among these organizations
can move our attention to the next level of the ecosys‐
tem, the social system level. The political system, for
example, has the potential to enable services by allow‐
ing or encouraging collaboration among organiza‐
tions. Or it can do the opposite, limiting or inhibiting
cooperation with regulations. (Net neutrality, dis‐
cussed in Chapter 5, is a good example of the role
played by the political system in enabling or limiting
capabilities of technology.) The system of retail stores
enables distribution of the personal assistant devices
to local retail stores, making it easier for a user to be‐
come an “adopter” of the device.
Studying the personal assistant also helps under‐
stand the enabling and limiting functions. For exam‐
ple, the fact that Amazon has programmed the Alexa
app to accept commands in dozens of languages from
Spanish to Klingon is an enabling factor, but the fact
that there are dozens of other languages that have not
been programming is definitely a limiting factor.
Similarly, the ease of ordering a pizza through
your personal assistant is a motivating factor, but hav‐
ing your device not understand your commands is an
inhibiting factor.
Finally, examination of the environment gives us
more information, including competitive devices,
public sentiment, and general economic environment.
All of those details help us to understand how
personal assistants work and how companies can
profit in many different ways from their use. But we
can’t fully understand the role that these devices play
in the lives of their users without studying the indi‐
vidual user. We can examine what services are used,
why they are used, how often they are used, the im‐
pacts of their use, and much more.
Applying the Communication Technology Eco‐
system thus allows us to look at a technology, its uses,
and its effects by giving a multidimensional perspec‐
tive that provides a more comprehensive insight than
we would get from just examining the hardware or
software.
Each communication technology discussed in this
book has been analyzed using the technology ecosys‐
tem to ensure that all relevant factors have been in‐
cluded in the discussions. As you will see, in most
cases, organizational and system‐level factors (espe‐
cially political factors) are more important in the de‐
velopment and adoption of communication technol‐
ogies than the hardware itself. For example, political
forces have, to date, prevented the establishment of a
single world standard for high‐definition television
(HDTV) production and transmission. As individual
standards are selected in countries and regions, the
standard selected is as likely to be the product of po‐
litical and economic factors as of technical attributes
of the system.
Organizational factors can have similar powerful
effects. For example, as discussed in Chapter 4, the en‐
try of a single company, IBM, into the personal com‐
puter business in the early 1980s resulted in funda‐
mental changes in the entire industry, dictating stand‐
ards and anointing an operating system (MS‐DOS) as
a market leader. Finally, the individuals who adopt
(or choose not to adopt) a technology, along with their
motivations and the manner in which they use the
technology, have profound impacts on the develop‐
ment and success of a technology following its initial
introduction.
Perhaps the best indication of the relative im‐
portance of organizational and system‐level factors is
the number of changes individual authors made to the
chapters in this book between the time of the initial
chapter submission in January 2018 and production of
the final, camera‐ready text in April 2018. Very little
new information was added regarding hardware, but
numerous changes were made due to developments
at the organizational and system levels.
Chapter 1  The Communication Technology Ecosystem
7
To facilitate your understanding of all of the ele‐
ments related to the technologies explored, each chap‐
ter in this book has been written from the perspective
of the technology ecosystem. The individual writers
have endeavored to update developments in each
area to the extent possible in the brief summaries pro‐
vided. Obviously, not every technology experienced
developments in each area of the ecosystem, so each
report is limited to areas in which relatively recent de‐
velopments have taken place.
Why Study New Technologies?
One constant in the study of media is that new
technologies seem to get more attention than tradi‐
tional, established technologies. There are many rea‐
sons for the attention. New technologies are more
dynamic and evolve more quickly, with greater po‐
tential to cause change in other parts of the media sys‐
tem. Perhaps the reason for our attention is the natural
attraction that humans have to motion, a characteristic
inherited from our most distant ancestors.
There are a number of other reasons for studying
new technologies. Maybe you want to make a lot of
money—and there is a lot of money to be made (and
lost!) on new technologies. If you are planning a career
in the media, you may simply be interested in know‐
ing how the media are changing and evolving, and
how those changes will affect your career.
Or you might want to learn lessons from the failure
of new communication technologies so you can avoid
failure in your own career, investments, etc. Simply
put, the majority of new technologies introduced do
not succeed in the market. Some fail because the tech‐
nology itself was not attractive to consumers (such as
the 1980s’ attempt to provide AM stereo radio). Some
fail because they were far ahead of the market, such as
Qube, the first interactive cable television system, intro‐
duced in the 1970s. Others failed because of bad timing
or aggressive marketing from competitors that suc‐
ceeded despite inferior technology.
The final reason for studying new communication
technologies is to identify patterns of adoption, ef‐
fects, economics, and competition so that we can be
prepared to understand, use, and/or compete with the
next generation of media. Virtually every new tech‐
nology discussed in this book is going to be one of
those “traditional, established technologies” in a few
short years, but there will always be another genera‐
tion of new media to challenge the status quo.
Overview of Book
The key to getting the most out of this book is
therefore to pay as much attention as possible to the
reasons that some technologies succeed and others
fail. To that end, this book provides you with a num‐
ber of tools you can apply to virtually any new tech‐
nology that comes along. These tools are explored in
the first five chapters, which we refer to as the Com‐
munication Technology Fundamentals. You might be
tempted to skip over these to get to the latest develop‐
ments about the individual technologies that are mak‐
ing an impact today, but you will be much better
equipped to learn lessons from these technologies if
you are armed with these tools.
The first of these is the “technology ecosystem”
discussed previously that broadens attention from the
technology itself to the users, organizations, and sys‐
tem surrounding that technology. To that end, each of
the technologies explored in this book provides de‐
tails about all of the elements of the ecosystem.
Of course, studying the history of each technology
can help you find patterns and apply them to different
technologies, times, and places. In addition to includ‐
ing a brief history of each technology, the next chapter,
A History of Communication Technologies, provides a
broad overview of most of the technologies discussed
later in the book, allowing comparisons along a num‐
ber of dimensions: the year introduced, growth rate,
number of current users, etc. This chapter highlights
commonalties in the evolution of individual technolo‐
gies, as well as presents the “big picture” before we
delve into the details. By focusing on the number of
users over time, this chapter also provides a useful ba‐
sis of comparison across technologies.
Another useful tool in identifying patterns across
technologies is the application of theories related to
new communication technologies. By definition, theo‐
ries are general statements that identify the underlying
Section I  Fundamentals
8
mechanisms for adoption and effects of these new tech‐
nologies. Chapter 3 provides an overview of a wide
range of these theories and provides a set of analytic
perspectives that you can apply to both the technolo‐
gies in this book and any new technologies that follow.
The structure of communication industries is then
addressed in Chapter 4. This chapter then explores the
complexity of organizational relationships, along with
the need to differentiate between the companies that
make the technologies and those that sell the technol‐
ogies. The most important force at the system level of
the ecosystem, regulation, is introduced in Chapter 5.
These introductory chapters provide a structure
and a set of analytic tools that define the study of com‐
munication technologies. Following this introduction,
the book then addresses the individual technologies.
The technologies discussed in this book are orga‐
nized into three sections: Electronic Mass Media,
Computers & Consumer Electronics, and Networking
Technologies. These three are not necessarily exclu‐
sive; for example, Digital Signage could be classified
as either an electronic mass medium or a computer
technology. The ultimate decision regarding where to
put each technology was made by determining which
set of current technologies most closely resemble the
technology. Thus, Digital Signage was classified with
electronic mass media. This process also locates the
discussion of a cable television technology—cable mo‐
dems—in the Broadband and Home Networks chap‐
ter in the Networking Technologies section.
Each chapter is followed by a brief bibliography
that represents a broad overview of literally hundreds
of books and articles that provide details about these
technologies. It is hoped that the reader will not only
use these references but will examine the list of source
material to determine the best places to find newer in‐
formation since the publication of this Update.
To help you find your place in this emerging tech‐
nology ecosystem, each technology chapter includes a
paragraph or two discussing how you can get a job in
that area of technology. And to help you imagine the
future, some authors have also added their prediction
of what that technology will be like in 2033—or fifteen
years after this book is published. The goal is not to be
perfectly accurate, but rather to show you some of the
possibilities that could emerge in that time frame.
Most of the technologies discussed in this book are
continually evolving. As this book was completed, many
technological developments were announced but not re‐
leased, corporate mergers were under discussion, and
regulations had been proposed but not passed. Our goal
is for the chapters in this book to establish a basic under‐
standing of the structure, functions, and background
for each technology, and for the supplementary Internet
site to provide brief synopses of the latest developments
for each technology. (The address for the website is
www.tfi.com/ctu.)
The final chapter returns to the “big picture” pre‐
sented in this book, attempting to place these discus‐
sions in a larger context, exploring the process of
starting a company to exploit or profit from these
technologies. Any text such as this one can never be
fully comprehensive, but ideally this text will provide
you with a broad overview of the current develop‐
ments in communication technology.
Bibliography
Ball‐Rokeach, S. J. (1985). The origins of media system dependency: A sociological perspective. Communication Research, 12
(4), 485‐510.
Beniger, J. (1986). The control revolution. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
Grant, A. E. (2010). Introduction to communication technologies. In A. E. Grant & J. H. Meadows (Eds.) Communication
Technology Update and Fundamentals (12th ed). Boston: Focal Press.
Grant, A. E. & Wilkinson, J. S. (2007, February). Lessons for communication technologies from Web advertising. Paper
presented to the Mid‐Winter Conference of the Association of Educators in Journalism and Mass Communication, Reno.
Rogers, E. M. (1986). Communication technology: The new media in society. New York: Free Press.
Vise, D. & Malseed, M. (2006). The Google story: Inside the hottest business, media, and technology success of our time. New York: Delta.
9
A History of
Communication
Technology
Yicheng Zhu, Ph.D.
he other chapters in this book provide details re‐
garding the history of one or more communica‐
tion technologies. However, one needs to under‐
stand that history works, in some ways, like a telescope.
The closer an observer looks at the details, i.e. the par‐
ticular human behaviors that changed communication
technologies, the less they can grasp the big picture.
This chapter attempts to provide the big picture by
discussing recent advancements along with a review of
happenings “before we were born.” Without the un‐
derstanding of the collective memory of the trailblazers
of communication technology, we will be “children for‐
ever” when we make interpretations and implications
from history records. (Cicero, 1876).
We will visit the print era, the electronic era, and
the digital era in this chapter. To provide a useful per‐
spective, we compare numerical statistics of adoption
and use of these technologies across time. To that end,
this chapter follows patterns adopted in previous sum‐
maries of trends in U.S. communications media (Brown

Doctoral candidate in the School of Journalism and Mass Communications at the University of South Carolina (Columbia, SC).
(Zhu and the editors acknowledge the contributions of the late Dan Brown, Ph.D., who created the first versions of this chapter and the
related figures and tables).
& Bryant, 1989; Brown, 1996, 1998, 2000, 2002, 2004,
2006, 2008, 2010, 2012, 2014; Zhu & Brown, 2016). Non‐
monetary units are reported when possible, although
dollar expenditures appear as supplementary measures.
A notable exception is the de facto standard of measur‐
ing motion picture acceptance in the market: box office
receipts.
Government sources are preferred for consistency
in this chapter. However, they have recently become
more volatile in terms of format, measurement and
focus due to the shortened life circle of technologies
(for example, some sources don’t distinguish laptops
from tablets when calculating PC shipments). Readers
should use caution in interpreting data for individual
years and instead emphasize the trends over several
years. One limitation of this government data is the lag
time before statistics are reported, with the most recent
data being a year or more older. The companion web‐
site for this book (www.tfi.com/ctu) reports more detailed
statistics than could be printed in this chapter.
T
2
Section I  Fundamentals
10
Communication technologies are evolving at a
much faster pace today than they used to be, and the
way in which we differentiate technologies is more
about concepts rather than products. For example, au‐
diocassettes and compact discs seem doomed in the
face of rapid adoption of newer forms of digital audio
recordings. But what fundamentally changed our daily
experience is the surge of individual power brought by
technological convenience: digitized audios empow‐
ered our mobility and efficiency both at work or at play.
Quadraphonic sound, CB radios, 8‐track audiotapes,
and 8mm film cameras ceased to exist as standalone
products in the marketplace, and we exclude them, not
because they disappeared, but because their concepts
were converted or integrated into newer and larger
concepts. This chapter traces trends that reveal clues
about what has happened and what may happen in the
use of respective media forms.
To illustrate the growth rates and specific statis‐
tics regarding each technology, a large set of tables
and figures have been placed on the companion web‐
site for this book at www.tfi.com/ctu. Your understand‐
ing of each technology will be aided by referring to the
website as you read each section.
The Print Era
Printing began in China thousands of years before
Johann Gutenberg developed the movable type print‐
ing press in 1455 in Germany. Gutenberg’s press trig‐
gered a revolution that began an industry that re‐
mained stable for another 600 years (Rawlinson, 2011).
Printing in the United States grew from a one‐issue
newspaper in 1690 to become the largest print industry
in the world (U.S. Department of Commerce/Interna‐
tional Trade Association, 2000). This enterprise in‐
cludes newspapers, periodicals, books, directories,
greeting cards, and other print media.
Newspapers
Publick Occurrences, Both Foreign and Domestick was
the first newspaper produced in North America, ap‐
pearing in 1690 (Lee, 1917). Table 2.1 and Figure 2.1
from the companion website (www.tfi.com/ctu) for this
book show that U.S. newspaper firms and newspaper
circulation had extremely slow growth until the 1800s.
Early growth suffered from relatively low literacy rates
and the lack of discretionary cash among the bulk of the
population. The progress of the industrial revolution
brought money for workers and improved mechanized
printing processes. Lower newspaper prices and the
practice of deriving revenue from advertisers encour‐
aged significant growth beginning in the 1830s. News‐
papers made the transition from the realm of the edu‐
cated and wealthy elite to a mass medium serving a
wider range of people from this period through the
Civil War era (Huntzicker, 1999).
The Mexican and Civil Wars stimulated public de‐
mand for news by the middle 1800s, and modern jour‐
nalism practices, such as assigning reporters to cover
specific stories and topics, began to emerge. Circulation
wars among big city newspapers in the 1880s featured
sensational writing about outrageous stories. Both the
number of newspaper firms and newspaper circulation
began to soar. Although the number of firms would
level off in the 20th century, circulation continued to
rise.
The number of morning newspapers more than
doubled after 1950, despite a 16% drop in the number
of daily newspapers over that period. Overall newspa‐
per circulation remained higher at the start of the new
millennium than in 1950, although it inched downward
throughout the 1990s. Although circulation actually in‐
creased in many developing nations, both U.S. newspa‐
per circulation and the number of U.S. newspaper firms
are lower today than the respective figures posted in
the early 1990s. Many newspapers that operated for
decades are now defunct, and many others offer only
online electronic versions.
The newspaper industry shrunk as we entered the
21st century when new technologies such as the Internet
became popular outlets for advertising. Newspaper
publishing revenue declined from $29 billion in 2010 to
$23 billion in 2017 (US Census Bureau, 2016). In the
meantime, percentage of revenue generated from
online newspapers rose from 5.6% to 15.2%. (US Cen‐
sus Bureau, 2016). Advertising as a source of revenue
for newspaper publishers dropped by 27% from $20.4
billion to $14.9 billion (U.S. Census Bureau, 2017).
Chapter 2  A History of Communication Technology
11
Figure 2.A
Communication Technology Timeline
Source: Technology Futures, Inc.
Periodicals
“The first colonial magazines appeared in Philadel‐
phia in 1741, about 50 years after the first newspapers”
(Campbell, 2002, p. 310). Few Americans could read in
that era, and periodicals were costly to produce and cir‐
culate. Magazines were often subsidized and distrib‐
uted by special interest groups, such as churches
(Huntzicker, 1999). The Saturday Evening Post, the long‐
est running magazine in U.S. history, began in 1821 and
became the first magazine to both target women as an
audience and to be distributed to a national audience.
By 1850, nearly 600 magazines were operating.
By early in the 20th century, national magazines
became popular with advertisers who wanted to reach
wide audiences. No other medium offered such oppor‐
tunity. However, by the middle of the century, the
many successful national magazines began dying in the
face of advertiser preferences for the new medium of
television and the increasing costs of periodical distribu‐
tion. Magazines turned to smaller niche audiences that
were more effectively targeted. Table 2.2, Figure 2.2, and
Figure 2.3 on the companion website (www.tfi.com/ctu)
show the number of American periodical titles by year,
revealing that the number of new periodical titles
nearly doubled from 1958 to 1960.
Single copy magazine sales were mired in a long
period of decline in 2009 when circulation fell by
17.2%. However, subscription circulation fell by only
5.9%. In 2010, the Audit Bureau of Circulation re‐
ported that, among the 522 magazine titles monitored
by the Bureau, the number of magazine titles in the
United States fell by 8.7% (Agnese, 2011).
In 2010, 20,707 consumer magazines were pub‐
lished in North America, reaching a paid circulation of
$8.8 billion. Subscriptions accounted for $6.2 billion
(71%) of that circulation. During that year, 193 new
North American magazines began publishing, but 176
magazines closed. Many print magazines were also
available in digital form, and many had eliminated
print circulation in favor of digital publishing. In 2009,
81 North American magazines moved online, but the
number of additional magazines that went online in
2010 dropped to 28 (Agnese, 2011).
Books
Stephen Daye printed the first book in colonial
America, The Bay Psalm Book, in 1640 (Campbell, 2002).
Books remained relatively expensive and rare until af‐
ter the printing process benefited from the industrial
revolution. Linotype machines developed in the 1880s
allowed for mechanical typesetting. After World War II,
the popularity of paperback books helped the industry
Section I  Fundamentals
12
expand. The U.S. book publishing industry includes
87,000 publishers, most of which are small businesses.
Many of these literally operate as “mom‐and‐pop desk‐
top operations” (Peters & Donald, 2007, p. 11).
Table 2.3 and Figures 2.3 and 2.4 from the com‐
panion website (www.tfi.com/ctu) show new book titles
published by year from the late 1800s through 2016.
While times of war negatively affected the book in‐
dustry, the number of book titles in the U.S. has been
generally increasing with short‐lived fluctuations like
those in 1983‐1986 and 1997‐1999. The U.S. Bureau of
the Census reports furnished data based on material
from R. R. Bowker, which changed its reporting meth‐
ods beginning with the 1998 report. Ink and Grabois
(2000) explained the increase as resulting from the
change in the method of counting titles “that results
in a more accurate portrayal of the current state of
American book publishing” (p. 508). The older count‐
ing process included only books included by the Li‐
brary of Congress Cataloging in Publication program.
This program included publishing by the largest
American publishing companies, but omitted such
books as “inexpensive editions, annuals, and much of
the output of small presses and self‐publishers” (Ink
& Grabois, 2000, p. 509). Ink and Grabois observed
that the U.S. ISBN (International Standard Book Num‐
ber) Agency assigned more than 10,000 new ISBN
publisher prefixes annually.
Books have long been available for reading via
computers, but dedicated e‐book readers have trans‐
formed the reading experience by bringing many
readers into the digital era. By the end of 2009, 3.7 mil‐
lion Americans were reading e‐books. In 2010, the
readership grew to more than 10.3 million, an increase
of 178%, and surveys reported by the Book Industry
Study Group (BISG) reported that 20% of respondents
had stopped buying printed books in favor of e‐books
within a year. By July 2010, Amazon reported that
sales of e‐books surpassed that of print hardcover
sales for the first time, with “143 e‐books sold for
every 100 print hardcover books” (Dillon, 2011, p. 5).
From mid‐December 2011 through January 2012, the
proportion of Americans owning both e‐book readers
and tablet computers nearly doubled from 10% to
19%, with 29% owning at least one of the devices
(Rainie, 2012). In January 2014, e‐book penetration
rate in the U.S. reached 32% (Pew Research Center,
2014), and 51% of U.S. households owned a tablet in
April 2015 (Nielsen, 2015a). However, e‐book sales
revenue in the United States reached its peak in 2014
($1.6 billion) and continued to drop in 2015 ($1.4 bil‐
lion) and 2016 ($1.1 billion) (Association of American
Publishers, 2017).
The Electronic Era
The telegraph transitioned from the print era to a
new period by introducing a means of sending mes‐
sages far more rapidly than was previously possible.
Soon, Americans and people around the world enjoyed
a world enhanced by such electronic media as wired
telephones, motion pictures, audio recording, radio,
television, cable television, and satellite television.
Telephone
With the telephone, Alexander Graham Bell be‐
came the first to transmit speech electronically in 1876.
By June 30, 1877, 230 telephones were in use, and the
number rose to 1,300 by the end of August, mostly to
avoid the need for a skilled interpreter of telegraph
messages. The first switching office connected three
company offices in Boston beginning on May 17, 1877,
reflecting a focus on business rather than residential
use during the telephone’s early decades. Hotels be‐
came early adopters of telephones as they sought to re‐
duce the costs of employing human messengers, and
New York’s 100 largest hotels had 21,000 telephones by
1909. After 1894, non‐business telephone use became
common, in part because business use lowered the cost
of telephone service. By 1902, 2,315,000 telephones
were in service in the United States (Aronson, 1977). Ta‐
ble 2.4 and Figure 2.4 on the companion website
(www.tfi.com/ctu) document the growth to near ubiquity
of telephones in U.S. households and the expanding
presence of wireless telephones.
Wireless Telephones
Guglielmo Marconi sent the first wireless data
messages in 1895. The growing popularity of teleph‐
ony led many to experiment with Marconi’s radio
technology as another means for interpersonal com‐
munication. By the 1920s, Detroit police cars had mo‐
bile radiophones for voice communication (ITU,
1999). The Bell system offered radio telephone service
Chapter 2  A History of Communication Technology
13
in 1946 in St. Louis, the first of 25 cities to receive the
service. Bell engineers divided reception areas into
cells in 1947, but cellular telephones that switched ef‐
fectively among cells as callers moved did not arrive
until the 1970s. The first call on a portable, handheld
cell phone occurred in 1973. However, in 1981, only 24
people in New York City could use their mobile
phones at the same time, and only 700 customers
could have active contracts. To increase the number of
people who could receive service, the Federal Com‐
munications Commission (FCC) began offering cellu‐
lar telephone system licenses by lottery in June 1982
(Murray, 2001). Other countries, such as Japan in 1979
and Saudi Arabia in 1982, operated cellular systems
earlier than the United States (ITU, 1999).
The U.S. Congress promoted a more advanced
group of mobile communication services in 1993 by
creating a classification that became known as Com‐
mercial Mobile Radio Service. This classification al‐
lowed for consistent regulatory oversight of these
technologies and encouraged commercial competi‐
tion among providers (FCC, 2005). By the end of 1996,
about 44 million Americans subscribed to wireless tel‐
ephone services (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 2008).
The new century brought an explosion of wireless
telephones, and phones morphed into multipurpose
devices (i.e., smartphones) with capabilities previ‐
ously limited to computers. By the end of 2016, wire‐
less phone penetration in the United States reached
395.9 million subscribers (CTIA, 2017), it further
trended up to 417.5 million by 2017 (FierceWireless,
2017). CTIA‐The Wireless Association (CTIA, 2017) re‐
ported that more than half (50.8%) of all American
households were wireless‐only by the end of 2016 up
from about 10% in 2006. By 2017, worldwide ship‐
ments of smartphones exceeded 1.5 billion units (IDC,
2017), five times the quantity shipped in 2010 (IDC as
cited by Amobi, 2013). As the Chinese smartphone
market gradually matured, IDC (2015a) also fore‐
casted that India would replace China as the leading
driver of shipment increases.
Nevertheless, a factor that may trouble the ad‐
vancement of smartphone sales and development is
trade policy conflicts. Some governments are setting
up barriers to foreign smartphone imports for trade or
national security reasons. Without these obstacles,
technological competition could have been fairer in
the global market place and may lead to higher pene‐
tration rates and revenues for companies, with better
services and products for ordinary customers.
Motion Pictures
In the 1890s, George Eastman improved on work
by and patents purchased from Hannibal Goodwin in
1889 to produce workable motion picture film. The
Lumière brothers projected moving pictures in a Paris
café in 1895, hosting 2,500 people nightly at their mov‐
ies. William Dickson, an assistant to Thomas Edison,
developed the kinetograph, an early motion picture
camera, and the kinetoscope, a motion picture view‐
ing system. A New York movie house opened in 1894,
offering moviegoers several coin‐fed kinetoscopes.
Edison’s Vitascope, which expanded the length of
films over those shown via kinetoscopes and allowed
larger audiences to simultaneously see the moving
images, appeared in public for the first time in 1896.
In France in that same year, Georges Méliès started the
first motion picture theater. Short movies became part
of public entertainment in a variety of American ven‐
ues by 1900 (Campbell, 2002), and average weekly
movie attendance reached 40 million people by 1922.
Average weekly motion picture theater attend‐
ance, as shown in Table 2.5 and Figure 2.6 on the com‐
panion website (www.tfi.com/ctu), increased annually
from the earliest available census reports on the sub‐
ject in 1922 until 1930. After falling dramatically dur‐
ing the Great Depression, attendance regained growth
in 1934 and continued until 1937. Slight declines in the
prewar years were followed by a period of strength
and stability throughout the World War II years. After
the end of the war, average weekly attendance
reached its greatest heights: 90 million attendees
weekly from 1946 through 1949. After the introduc‐
tion of television, weekly attendance would never
again reach these levels.
Although a brief period of leveling off occurred in
the late 1950s and early 1960s, average weekly attend‐
ance continued to plummet until a small recovery be‐
gan in 1972. This recovery signaled a period of relative
stability that lasted into the 1990s. Through the last
decade of the century, average weekly attendance en‐
joyed small but steady gains.
Section I  Fundamentals
14
Box office revenues, which declined generally for
20 years after the beginning of television, began a re‐
covery in the late 1960s, then began to skyrocket in the
1970s. The explosion continued until after the turn of
the new century. However, much of the increase in
revenues came from increases in ticket prices and in‐
flation, rather than from increased popularity of films
with audiences, and total motion picture revenue
from box office receipts declined during recent years,
as studios realized revenues from television and vid‐
eocassettes (U.S. Department of Commerce/Interna‐
tional Trade Association, 2000).
As shown in Table 2.5 on the companion website
(www.tfi.com/ctu), American movie fans spent an aver‐
age of 12 hours per person per year from 1993 through
1997 going to theaters. That average stabilized through
the first decade of the 21st century (U.S. Bureau of the
Census, 2010), despite the growing popularity of
watching movies at home with new digital tools. In
2011, movie rental companies were thriving, with Net‐
flix boasting 25 million subscribers and Redbox having
32,000 rental kiosks in the United States (Amobi,
2011b). However, recent physical sales and rental of
home entertainment content suffered from the rise of
web streaming services and consumer behavior
change (Digital Entertainment Group, 2017). Redbox
kiosk rentals started to decline in 2013 ($1.97 billion)
to $1.76 billion in 2015 (Outerwall, 2016).
The record‐breaking success of Avatar in 2009 as a
3D motion picture triggered a spate of followers who
tried to revive the technology that was a brief hit in the
1950s. Avatar earned more than $761 million at Ameri‐
can box offices and nearly $2.8 billion worldwide.
In the United States, nearly 8,000 of 39,500 theater
screens were set up for 3D at the end of 2010, half of
them having been installed in that year. The ticket
prices for 3D films ran 20‐30% higher than that of 2D
films, and 3D films comprised 20% of the new films
released. Nevertheless, American audiences preferred
subsequent 2D films to 3D competitors, although 3D
response remained strong outside the United States,
where 61% of the world’s 22,000 3D screens were in‐
stalled. In 2014, there were 64,905 3D screens world‐
wide, except for the Asian Pacific region (55% annual
growth), the annual growth rates of 3D screen num‐
bers have stabilized around 6%‐10% (HIS quoted in
MPAA, 2015). Another factor in the lack of success of
3D in America might have been the trend toward
viewing movies at home, often with digital playback.
In 2010, home video purchases and rentals reached
$18.8 billion in North America, compared with only
$10.6 billion spent at theaters (Amobi, 2011b). U.S.
home entertainment spending rose to $20.8 billion in
2017, with revenues in the physical market shrinking
($12 billion in 2016) and digital subscriptions to web
streaming (e.g. Netflix) soaring (Digital Entertain‐
ment Group, 2018). In the meantime, the 2014 U.S. do‐
mestic box office slipped 1.4% to $10.44 billion (Nash
Information Services quoted in Willens, 2015) and re‐
mained at a similar level for the next three years (Dig‐
ital Entertainment Group, 2017).
Globally, the Asian Pacific region and Latin
America have been the main contributors to global
box office revenue since 2004 (MPAA, 2017). And the
bloom of the Chinese movie market has been a major
reason for the increase of global revenue. Chinese box
office revenue continued to soar to $6.78 billion in
2015, this figure was only $1.51 billion in 2011, and a
48.7% annual growth rate in 2015 was also a new his‐
torical record for the Chinese movie market (State Ad‐
ministration of Press, Publication, Radio, Film and TV,
2016).
Audio Recording
Thomas Edison expanded on experiments from
the 1850s by Leon Scott de Martinville to produce a
talking machine or phonograph in 1877 that played
back sound recordings from etchings in tin foil. Edi‐
son later replaced the foil with wax. In the 1880s, Em‐
ile Berliner created the first flat records from metal
and shellac designed to play on his gramophone,
providing mass production of recordings. The early
standard recordings played at 78 revolutions per mi‐
nute (rpm). After shellac became a scarce commodity
because of World War II, records were manufactured
from polyvinyl plastic. In 1948, CBS Records pro‐
duced the long‐playing record that turned at 33‐1/3
rpm, extending the playing time from three to four
minutes to 10 minutes. RCA countered in 1949 with 45
rpm records that were incompatible with machines
that played other formats. After a five‐year war of for‐
mats, record players were manufactured that would
play recordings at all of the speeds (Campbell, 2002).
Other documents randomly have
different content
had never seen these rooms before, and did not see them again
until the fall of King Louis-Philippe, in 1848.
During the eighteen years' reign of the Younger Branch I never set
foot in the Tuileries, except to visit the Duc d'Orléans. But, be it
understood, the Marsan pavilion is not in the least degree part of the
Tuileries, and it was very often a reason for not going to the Tuileries
if one were sent for to the Marsan pavilion. Forgive the digression,
but I am glad to flout those who might say they had seen me with
the king.
The crowd had, as I say, reached the Salle des Maréchaux. The
frame of the portrait of M. de Bourmont, who had recently been
made a marshal, already occupied its position on one of the panels;
but although the name had even been printed on the frame, the
portrait had not yet been inserted. In place of the canvas, by way of
substitute no doubt, there was a large piece of scarlet taffetas. This
was torn down and used to make the red portion of the tricolour
favours which each person wore in his buttonhole. I detached a
morsel which had been diverted to this end. As I was disputing with
my neighbours over this strip of stuff, I heard the sound of several
gunshots. They were shooting at the portrait of the Duc de Raguse
in lieu of the original. Four balls had pierced the canvas, one through
the head, two in the breast and the fourth through the background
of the picture. A man of the people climbed up on the shoulders of a
comrade and, with his knife, cut out the portrait in the shape of a
medallion; then, passing his bayonet through the breast and head,
he carried it as the Roman lictors used to carry the S.P.Q.R. at their
triumphs. The portrait had been painted by Gérard. I went up to the
man and offered him a hundred francs for his trophy.
"Oh! citizen," he said, "I would not let you have it if you offered me
a thousand."
Alophe Pourrat next went up to him and offered him his gun in
exchange and got the portrait. He probably has it still.
As I entered the library of the Duchesse de Berry, I noticed a copy of
Christine, bound in purple morocco and stamped with the duchess's
arms, lying upon a little work-table. I thought I had a right to
appropriate it. I afterwards gave it to my cousin Félix Deviolaine;
who has probably lost it. I had gone in by the pavilion de Flore and I
went out by the pavilion Marsan. In the courtyard there was a
quadrille of four men, dancing to the piping of a fife and a violin: it
was an early Cancan that was being danced. They were dressed in
court dress, with plumed hats, and the wardrobes of Mesdames les
Duchesses d'Angoulême and de Berry had furnished the costumes
for the masquerade. One of these men had a cashmere shawl on his
shoulders worth quite a thousand crowns. It would have been
perfectly safe to bet that he had not a five-franc piece in his pocket.
By the end of the country dance the shawl was in tatters.
Now, how did it come to pass that the Louvre and the Tuileries and
Carrousel, with their Cuirassiers and Lancers and Swiss, their Royal
Guard and artillery, with three or four thousand men in garrison
besides, had been taken by four or five hundred insurgents? This is
what happened.
Four attacks were directed upon the Louvre: the first by the Palais-
Royal; the second from the rue des Poulies, the rue des Prêtres-
Saint-Germain-l'Auxerrois and the quai de l'École; the third by the
Pont des Arts, and the fourth by the Pont Royal. The first was led by
Lothon, whom, as it will be remembered, we left at the top of rue
Guénégaud. He had been hit in the head by a bullet and had fallen
unconscious in the place du Palais-Royal. The second was conducted
by Godefroy Cavaignac, Joubert, Thomas, Bastide, Degousée,
Grouvelle and the brothers Lebon, etc. It was they who took the
Louvre, as will be seen presently. The third was that which had
taken place by the Pont des Arts—the result is known. The fourth,
that of the rue du Bac, did not cross the bridge in reality, until the
Tuileries was taken.
We have given an account of the second attack which captured the
Louvre. This success was due, in the first case, to the admirable
courage shown by the assailants and, afterwards, it must be
confessed, by chance, to a false manœuvre: we will call it so in
consideration of the feelings of those who decline to recognise the
intervention of Providence in human affairs.
One anecdote will be sufficient to give an idea of the courage of the
assailants. A child of twelve had climbed, like a chimney-sweep, up
one of the wooden shafts which are erected against the Colonnade
to put rubbish in, and he had planted a tricolour flag on the Louvre
in the face of the Swiss. Fifty shots had been fired at him and he
had been lucky enough to escape without a single one disturbing
him! Just at this moment, as enthusiastic shouts greeted the
successful issue of the child's mad feat, the Duc de Raguse, who had
concentrated his forces round the Carrousel for a last struggle, learnt
that the soldiers stationed on the place Vendôme had begun to enter
into communication with the people.
The capture of the place Vendôme meant the occupation of the rue
de Rivoli, of the conquest of the place Louis XV.,—meant, in a word,
that retreat on Saint-Cloud and Versailles was cut off. The Louvre
was especially guarded by two battalions of Swiss. One alone would
have been enough for its defence. So the marshal conceived the
notion of replacing the troops on the place Vendôme (who, as we
have just said, were threatening defection) by one of these two
battalions of Swiss. He despatched his aide-de-camp, M. de Guise, to
M. de Salis, who was in command of the two battalions. M. de Guise
carried orders to bring back these two battalions. M. de Salis, on
receipt of this order, saw no objection to carrying it out. He was the
more ready to follow it, as one single battalion was enough to
defend the Louvre, and that one had, indeed, been defending it
successfully since the morning. The other battalion had been
standing in the courtyard with arms at rest. M. de Salis next
conceived the very natural idea of sending the Duc de Raguse, not
the reserve battalion stationed in the courtyard, but the one which
had been fighting since the morning from the balcony of Charles IX.
and the windows of the picture galleries, on the Colonnade du
Louvre side. He therefore commanded the fresh battalion to the
place of the fatigued one. But he made this mistake—instead of
ordering the fresh battalion to come up, he first ordered the tired
battalion to go down. This manœuvre was executed just at the
moment of the highest enthusiasm and the greatest efforts of the
assailants. They saw the Swiss retire, the firing grow feebler and
then cease altogether; they believed their enemies were beating a
retreat and they sprang forward. The movement was so impetuous
that, before the second battalion had taken the place of those who
were being withdrawn, the people had entered by all the wicket
gates and gratings, had spread over the deserted rooms on the
ground floor and were firing from the windows on the court.
When the Swiss saw the flames and smoke, they thought the awful
and bloody scenes of the 10th of August were about to be repeated.
Uneasy, surprised and taken unprepared, not knowing if their
comrades had retired by superior orders or were beating a retreat,
they recoiled and tumbled hurriedly over one another, never
attempting even to return the fire that was decimating their ranks;
they crushed through the door leading out on the place du
Carrousel, suffocating and treading one another down and flying in
complete rout as soon as they were through the gateway. The Duc
de Raguse vainly flung himself into their midst to try to rally them.
Most did not understand French, so could not tell what was said to
them; moreover, fear had turned to terror and fright to panic. You
know what the angel of fear can do when he shakes his wings over
the mob: the fugitives drove everything before them,—cuirassiers,
lancers, police,—crossed that huge space, the place du Carrousel,
without stopping, cleared the Tuileries gate and scattered
themselves in every direction over the garden. Meanwhile, the
assailants had reached the first landing, rushed through the picture
gallery, which they found without defenders, and proceeded to break
in the door at the end of the galleries that leads from the Louvre to
the Tuileries. After that, resistance was no longer possible: the
defenders of the château fled as best they could; the garden and
both the terraces were crowded; the Duc de Raguse was among the
last to withdraw and left the gate de l'Horloge just when Joubert was
planting the Tricolour above his head, and when the people were
raining down from the windows papers from the king's study. The
marshal found a piece of cannon being taken away at the top of the
jardin d'Hippomène and d'Atalante; and, at his command, it was
replaced in its battery and a final volley was fired from it towards the
Tuileries, which had ceased to be the dwelling-place of kings and
had become the people's prize; one of its bullets, a posthumous
present from Monarchy, as it were, cut one of the charming little
grooved pillars on the first floor in two. This last cannon shot did no
harm except to Philibert Delorme's masterpiece, but seemed as
though it saluted the Tricolour which was waving over the pavilion
de l'Horloge.
The Revolution of 1830 was accomplished. Accomplished (we will
repeat it, print it, engrave it if necessary on iron and brass, on
bronze and steel), accomplished, not alone by the cautious actors of
the past fifteen years' comedy, who hid, as it were, behind the
wings, whilst the people played that Three Days' bloody drama; not
only by Casimir Périer, Laffitte, Benjamin Constant, Sébastiani,
Guizot, Mauguin, by Choiseul, Odilon Barrot and the three Dupins.
No! those actors were not even behind the wings; that would have
been too near the stage for them! They kept at home, carefully
guarded, hermetically sealed. With such as they, there was never
any mention of resistance other than one legally organised, and,
when the Louvre and Tuileries were being taken, they still went on
discussing in their drawing-rooms the terms of a protest which many
of them yet considered too risky a step to forward. The people who
accomplished the Revolution of 1830 were those I saw at work, and
who saw me there in their midst; those who entered the Louvre and
the Tuileries by the broken doors and windows were, alas! (I may be
pardoned this mournful exclamation, since most of them are now
either dead or prisoners or exiled), Godefroy Cavaignac, Baude,
Degousée, Higonnet, Grouvelle, Coste, Guinard, Charras, Étienne
Arago, Lothon, Millotte, d'Hostel, Chalas, Gauja, Baduel, Bixio,
Goudchaux, Bastide, the three brothers Lebon (Olympiade, Charles
and Napoleon: the first was killed and the other two wounded in the
attack on the Louvre), Joubert, Charles Teste, Taschereau, Béranger
and others whose forgiveness I ask if I have either forgotten or not
named them. I also ask pardon of some of those whom I name and
who would perhaps prefer not to have been mentioned. Those who
accomplished the Revolution of 1830 were the fiery youths of the
heroic Proletariat which, it is true, lit the fires, but extinguished them
with their own blood; those men of the people who are scattered
when the work is achieved, and who die of hunger after having
mounted guard by the Treasury gates, who stand on tiptoe with bare
feet, in the streets, to watch the convivial parasites of power
admitted to the care of offices, to the plums of good posts and to a
share in all high honours, to the detriment of their less fortunate
brethren.
The men who made the Revolution of 1830 were the same who, two
years later, were killed at Saint-Mery for the same cause. But, this
time, a change of name was given them just because they
themselves had not changed their principles, and, instead of being
called "heroes," they were styled "rebels." Only those renegades
who change their opinions to suit the times can avoid the epithet of
rebel, when different powers succeed one another.
BOOK III
CHAPTER I
I go in search of Oudard—The house at the corner of the rue de
Rohan—Oudard is with Laffitte—Degousée—General Pajol and
M. Dupin—The officers of the 53rd Regiment—Interior of
Laffitte's salon—Panic—A deputation comes to offer La Fayette
the command of Paris—He accepts—Étienne Arago and the
tricoloured cockade—History of the Hôtel de Ville from eight in
the morning to half-past three in the afternoon
Now would you like to know what was going on at M. Laffitte's, in
the same drawing-room where, two days later, a King of France, or
rather, a King of the French, was to be created, just at the moment
that the Tuileries had been taken? I can tell you: and this is why.
When I left the Tuileries, I had been seized with a burning desire to
find out whether Oudard was still, on the evening of 29 July, of the
same opinion as on the morning of the 28th, with respect to the Duc
d'Orléans' devotion to His Majesty Charles X. So I went to No. 216
rue Saint-Honoré. At the place de l'Odéon I had been very nearly
knocked down by a Gradus ad Parnassum; and, as I approached No.
216, I was also nearly knocked down by a dead body. They were
throwing the Swiss out of the windows at the corner of the rue de
Rohan. This was happening at a hatter's, the front of whose house
was riddled with bullets. A post of Swiss had been placed by it as an
advance guard and they had forgotten to relieve them, but the
guards had kept their post with true Swiss courage, and no higher
praise than that could be given. The house had been carried by
storm, a dozen men had been killed and the bodies were being
thrown out from the windows, as I have said, without even a
warning cry being given to the passers beneath. I went up the stairs
to the offices of the Palais-Royal. Now, my rifle, that had caused
such consternation on the previous day, was received with
acclamation. I found the office-boy busily occupied in putting things
a little straight in our establishment. That portion of the palace
having been invaded, they had fired from the windows, and this had
not been done without causing some disorder among the papers.
But there was no sign of Oudard! I inquired after him from the
office-boy and learnt, in confidence, that I should, in all probability,
find him at Laffitte's house. I have said already how I had made
acquaintance with the famous banker through the service he had
rendered me. I therefore made my way to his mansion, where I felt
sure I should not altogether be looked upon as an intruder. It took
me more than an hour to get from the Palais-Royal to the Hôtel
Laffitte, so crowded were the streets and so many acquaintances did
one meet on the way.
At the door I ran into Oudard.
"Ah! by Jove!" I said, laughing, "you are just the man I am looking
for!"
"I! what do you want with me?"
"To know whether your views on the present situation are
unchanged."
"I shall not express any opinion until to-morrow," he replied.
And, making a sign of farewell, he disappeared as fast as he could.
Where was he off to? I did not know until three days later: he went
to Neuilly to carry this short ultimatum to the Duc d'Orléans:—
"Choose between a crown and a passport!"
The ultimatum was drawn up by M. Laffitte.
I had flattered myself with vain hope in believing I should be able to
enter Laffitte's house: courts, gardens, antechambers, drawing-
rooms were all crammed; there were even curious spectators on the
roofs of the houses opposite that looked down over the Hôtel
courtyard. But it must be said that the men gathered together there
were not all in a state of enthusiasm and appreciative of the
situation. Certain stories of what was passing inside filtered through
to the crowd outside, at which they grumbled loudly as they
listened. One story will give an idea of the cautious prudence of the
deputies assembled at Laffitte's house.
When Degousée had, that morning, seen the Hôtel de Ville fall into
the hands of the people, he left Baude installed there and rushed off
to General Pajol to offer him the command of the National Guard.
But General Pajol replied that he could not take any such decided
steps without the authorisation of the deputies.
"Then where the devil are there any deputies?" asked Degousée.
"Look for them at M. de Choiseul's," General Pajol replied.
So Degousée went there. M. de Choiseul was at his wits' end: he
had just learnt that he had been made a member of the Provisional
Government the night before, and that, during the night, he had
signed a seditious proclamation. M. Dupin, senior, was with the
duke, doubtless having a consultation upon this unexpected bit of
French legislation. The idea proposed by Degousée of reorganising a
corps that could not fail to become a Conservative power delighted
M. Dupin immensely. He took a pen and wrote these words:—
"The deputies assembled in Paris authorise General Pajol to take the
command of the Parisian Militia."
"The Parisian Militia!" Degousée repeated. "Why do you call them by
that name?"
"Because the National Guard has been legally dissolved by the
Ordinance of King Charles X.," was M. Dupin's reply.
"Come, come," Degousée went on to say, "don't let us quibble over
terms. Sign this quickly and kindly tell me where I shall find your
deputies assembled in Paris."
"At the house of M. Laffitte," M. Dupin replied.
And he signed the authorisation without making any further
difficulties.
The deputies were, indeed, assembled with Laffitte. And Degousée,
more fortunate than I, thanks, no doubt, to the paper which he
carried, had been able to reach the room where the deliberations
were going on. The deputies looked at the afore-mentioned three
lines and, seeing M. Dupin's signature, signed in their turn; but they
had no sooner done so than they were seized with terror: Degousée,
who never let the grass grow under his feet, and who, besides, was
aching to be at the assault of the Louvre, had already reached the
street door when a deputy caught him up.
"Monsieur," he said, "will you permit me to look at that paper once
again?"
"Certainly," Degousée replied unsuspectingly.
The deputy stepped aside and tore off the signatures, then returned
the paper, folded up, to Degousée, who took it, not discovering the
missing signatures subtracted by the clever conjurer, until he
reached General Pajol's door.
My readers remember La Fontaine's fable of le Lièvre et les
Grenouilles (The hare and the frog)? The worthy man foresaw
everything, even that which was thought almost impossible, namely,
that M. Dupin would find a greater coward than himself! That was
the story going the round of the knots of people standing about
outside.
But let us hasten to add that La Fayette had not yet arrived at the
Hôtel Laffitte when the incident took place that we have just related.
He arrived as a man of the populace, gun in hand and face
blackened with powder, was running in to announce the taking of
the Louvre. A sergeant of the 53rd Regiment of the line had made
such good use of his feet and hands that he had got into the
drawing-room, where he announced that that regiment was on the
point of fraternising with the people. The officers only asked that
some person of high position might be sent them in order that their
going over to the Revolutionary cause might not look like an ordinary
defection. They sent Colonel Heymès, in civilian dress, and M. Jean-
Baptiste Laffitte, with several members of the National Guard, whom
they had recruited as they came along the boulevard. The regiment
was arriving just as I came: five officers entered the council hall and
I with them. M. Laffitte was near the garden window, which was
open, although the outside blinds were closed; he was seated in a
large arm-chair with his leg resting on a footstool. He had sprained
his foot the morning before. Behind him was Béranger, leaning upon
the back of his chair, and, on one side, stood General La Fayette,
inquiring after his health; in the recess of a second window, Georges
La Fayette was talking with M. Laroche, M. Laffitte's nephew. Thirty
or forty deputies conversing in groups filled up the rest of the
drawing-room. Suddenly, a fearful sound of firing was heard and the
cry resounded—
"The Royal Guard is marching towards the Hôtel!"
I have seen many spectacles, from that of Paul et Virginie, at the
Opéra-Comique, the first I ever saw and admired, down to la
Barrière de Clichy, at the Cirque, one of the latest I have managed,
but I never saw such a change of scene as that! One could have
imagined that every deputy had been on a trap-door and had
disappeared at a whistle. In the turn of a hand there was absolutely
not a single person left in the salon but Laffitte, who remained still
seated, without a trace of emotion apparent in his face; Béranger,
who remained steadfast where he stood; M. Laroche, who came to
his uncle's side; La Fayette, who raised his noble and venerable head
and took one step towards the door, which meant facing danger;
Georges La Fayette, who rushed towards his father; and the five
officers who formed a bodyguard round M. Laffitte. All the others
had disappeared by the private doors or had jumped out through the
windows. M. Méchin had distinguished himself by being among the
latter. I was intending to take advantage of the situation to present
my compliments to the master of the house, but General La Fayette
stopped me on the way.
"What the deuce is the matter?" he asked me.
"I have no idea, General," I replied; "but I can confidently affirm that
neither the Swiss nor the Royal Guard are here.... I saw them leave
the Tuileries, and, at the rate they were going, they must, by this
time, be nearer Saint-Cloud than the Hôtel Laffitte."
"Never mind! try and find out what it is all about."
I was advancing towards the door when an officer came in and
brought the solution to the riddle.
The soldiers of the 6th Regiment of the line had met those of the
53rd and had followed the example of the latter in siding with the
popular cause; in sign of their joy they had discharged their rifles in
the air. This explanation given, we went in search of the missing
deputies whom we at last found here, there and everywhere. Only
two failed to answer the roll-call. However, by dint of further
hunting, they were discovered hiding in a stable. If you wish it, I am
quite ready to give their names. A deputation was introduced a few
minutes later; Garnier-Pagès was of its number, if I remember
rightly. This deputation had taken Taschereau's placards and
proclamation as genuine, and had come to entreat Generals La
Fayette and Gérard to enter upon their duties. General Gérard, who
had but just arrived, eluded the proposition. Gérard's dream was to
become a minister of Charles X. with M. de Mortemart, and not a
member of a temporary and Revolutionary Government. La Fayette's
response to the deputation was nearly the same that he had given
me the night before.
"My friends, if you think I can be useful to the cause of liberty, make
use of me"; and he placed himself in the hands of the deputation.
The cry of "Vive La Fayette!" echoed through the salons of the Hôtel
Laffitte and were taken up in the street outside. La Fayette turned
towards the deputies.
"You see, gentlemen," he said, "I am being offered the command of
Paris and I think I ought to accept it."
It was not the moment for dissent, and adherence was unanimous.
Everybody present, including even M. Bertin de Vaux, went up to La
Fayette to offer him congratulations, but I could not catch the words.
I was already in the antechamber, courtyard and street shouting—
"Make room for General La Fayette, who is going to the Hôtel de
Ville!"
The unanimity of the shouts of "Vive La Fayette!" proved that the
hero of 1789 had not lost an atom of his popularity in 1830.
What a splendid thing is Liberty! an immortal and infallible goddess!
The Convention had its day, the Directory, the Consulate, the Empire
and the Restoration all passed away too and heads and crowns fell
with them; but the man whom Liberty had consecrated King of the
people in 1789 found himself once more King of the people in 1830.
La Fayette went out, leaning upon Carbonnel, accompanied by a
deputy, whose name I did not know until I inquired: it was Audry de
Puyraveau. Everybody, men, women and children, formed a
procession after the illustrious old man, whom we honoured and
glorified because we knew that in his person he embodied the chief
principle of Revolution. And yet, although he was so advanced in his
views, he was then far out-distanced by those of younger people!
At the door of the National offices in the rue Neuve-Saint-Marc, La
Fayette caught sight of Étienne Arago, wearing a tricolour cockade.
"Monsieur Poque," he said, addressing one of the persons who
accompanied him, "go and beg that young man to take off his
cockade."
Arago came to La Fayette.
"I ask pardon, General," he said, "but I do not think I can have
understood."
"My young friend, I beg you to take off that cockade."
"Why, General?"
"Because it is a little premature.... Later, later we will see."
"General," replied Étienne, "I have been wearing a tricolour in my
buttonhole since yesterday, and in my hat since this morning. There
they are and there they will remain!"
"Obstinate fellow!" murmured the general, as he went on his way.
They suggested he should have a horse from Pellier's livery stables,
but he refused. So it took nearly an hour and a half to go from the
rue d'Artois to the Hôtel de Ville. He reached it about half-past three.
But I must give the history of the Hôtel de Ville from eight that
morning, when it had been definitely taken by the people, to the
moment when General La Fayette came to occupy it at half-past
three. About seven in the morning, the people noticed that the Hôtel
had been evacuated by the troops. The news was instantly carried to
the National offices. It was important that possession should be
É
taken of it, so Baude and Étienne Arago went. At nine o'clock they
were installed inside. From that very moment, and visionary as it
was, the Provisional Government was installed in office. A man had
risen up who did not shrink before the terrible responsibility which
made so many people hang back. That man was Baude. He
constituted himself Secretary of a non-existent Government. He
issued numberless orders, proclamations and decrees, which he
signed
"BAUDE, Secretary to the Provisional Government."
We said that he had entered the Hôtel de Ville at nine o'clock. By
eleven, the municipal safe was examined and found to contain five
million francs. At eleven o'clock, the master bakers were summoned,
and they declared on their own responsibility that Paris was
provisioned for a month. Moreover, at eleven o'clock, commissions
were set up in all the twelve arrondissements of Paris, with
instructions to put themselves into communication with the Hôtel de
Ville. Five or six devoted patriots rallied round Baude and were
sufficient for his working staff. Étienne Arago was one of these.
Reports, orders, decrees and proclamations were placed between
the barrel and the ramrod of Arago's rifle and carried to the National
offices. He went by way of the rue de la Vannerie, the market of the
Innocents, and the rue Montmartre. From ten that morning not a
single obstacle had impeded his course. In accordance with Marshal
Marmont's order the whole of the troops had concentrated round the
Tuileries.
While Étienne was carrying off the proclamation announcing the
downfall of the Bourbons, signed "BAUDE, Secretary of the
Provisional Government," he met a former actor named Charlet, in
the market of the Innocents, who was walking in front of an
immense crowd of people which filled up the whole of the square.
The two principal personages in that crowd, those who appeared to
be conducting it or to be conducted by it, were a man dressed as a
captain, and another in the uniform of a general. The man in
captain's uniform was Évariste Dumoulin, the editor of the
Constitutionnel, to whom I have referred apropos of Madame
Valmonzey and Christine. The man in the general's uniform was
General Dubourg. Nobody knew who General Dubourg was or where
he sprang from, or whether he had been to an old-clothes shop and
either borrowed or hired or bought his general's uniform. But the
epaulettes were wanting, and this was too important an accessory to
be neglected. Charlet, the actor, went and fetched a pair of
epaulettes from the property stores of the Opéra-Comique and
brought them to the general. And, thus complete, he set off at the
head of his procession.
"What is all this crowd? Étienne asked of Charlet.
"It is General Dubourg's procession starting for the Hôtel de Ville."
"Who is General Dubourg?"
"General Dubourg is General Dubourg," said Charlet.
And there was indeed no other explanation to be offered.
General Dubourg had presented himself before Higonnet and
Degousée at the Mairie des Petits-Pères the previous day.
"Gentlemen," he asked, "do you require a general?"
"A general?" Degousée repeated. "In Revolutionary times it only
needs a tailor to make anything or anybody—and, given sufficient
tailors, there will be no lack of generals."
The general made a mental note of the expression, but, instead of
applying to a tailor, he did what was more economical and
expeditious. He went to a second-hand clothes dealer! But then it
was fitting that a general of fortune should have a makeshift for a
uniform.
Well, the general and his uniform combined went to the Hôtel de
Ville. Now, it is the proper thing for processions to march at a slow
pace, and this particular one did not depart from the usual custom.
Étienne had time to go and deposit his despatch at the offices of the
National and, by hurrying slightly, he was able to return to the Hôtel
de Ville before General Dubourg had effected his entrance.
"Baude," he said, "do you know what is coming?"
"No."
"A general!"
"What general?"
"General Dubourg.... Do you know the person?"
"Not from Adam or Eve! Is he in uniform?"
"Yes."
"A uniform will go down well! Hurrah for General Dubourg! We will
put him in a back room and show him off when occasion offers."
General Dubourg entered to the shouts of "Vive le general Dubourg!"
They took him to the back room Baude pointed out, and when he
was there—
"What do you wish, General?" they asked him.
"A bit of bread and a chamber-pot," replied the general. "I am dying
of hunger, and desire to make water!"
They gave him what he wanted. Whilst he devoured his piece of
bread Baude brought him two proclamations to sign. He signed one
without difficulty, but refused to sign the other. Baude took it and
signed it with a shrug of his shoulders—"BAUDE, Secretary to the
Provisional Government."
Poor Provisional Government! It would have been curious to see
what its behaviour would have been if Charles X. had returned to
Paris.
Arago was on his way carrying these two proclamations, when he
met a new troop near Saint-Eustache, proceeding to an attack on
the Louvre. He could not refrain from joining it.
"Bah!" he said, "the proclamations will wait; let us go to the most
pressing business first." And to the Louvre he went.
When the Louvre was taken, he took his proclamations to the
National and there announced the people's victory. It was here that
General La Fayette had seen him with a tricolour cockade and was
made uneasy by his boldness.
When Étienne heard that the general was going to the Hôtel de Ville
he did the same for him that he had done for General Dubourg: he
ran to the Hôtel to announce to Baude the arrival of General La
Fayette. In fairness to General Dubourg be it said that he did not
even attempt to dispute the position of the new arrival, although he
had come later than himself. He came forward to receive him on the
steps and, bowing respectfully, said—
"À tout seigneur, tout honneur!"
For five hours, he had been master of Paris; and, for two of those
five, his name had been on all lips. He was to reappear a second
time to be hounded out of the Hôtel de Ville, and a third when he
was very nearly assassinated. When he arrived, he sent for the
tricolour tent and an upholsterer.
When the latter came—"Monsieur," the general said to him, "I want
a flag."
"What colour?" the man asked.
"Black!" replied the general; "black shall be the colour of France until
she shall have regained her liberty!"
And ten minutes afterwards a black flag floated over the Hôtel de
Ville.
CHAPTER II
General La Fayette at the Hôtel de Ville—Charras and his men
—"The Prunes of Monsieur"—The Municipal Commission—Its
first Act—Casimir Périer's bank—General Gérard—The Duc de
Choiseul—What happened at Saint-Cloud—The three negotiators
—It is too late—M. d'Argout with Laffitte
As soon as General La Fayette was installed at the Hôtel de Ville, it
immediately became as full of people as it had been deserted before
his arrival. In the midst of all the shouts of joy, clamouring
enthusiasm and yells of triumph, the poor general did not know to
whom to listen. Men of the people, students, pupils from the École
polytechnique, all came with their own particular tale. The general
replied—
"Very good! very good!" and shook hands with the messenger, who
rushed off down the stairs, delighted, shouting—
"General La Fayette shook hands with me! Hurrah for General La
Fayette!"
Charras arrived, in due course, with his hundred or hundred and fifty
men.
"Here I am, General," he said.
"Ah! You, my young friend!" said La Fayette. "You are welcome"; and
he embraced him.
"Yes, General, I am here, but I am not alone."
"Who have you with you?"
"My hundred and fifty men."
"And what have they done?"
"They have acted like heroes, General! They took the prison
Montaigu, the barrack de l'Estrapade and the one in the rue de
Babylone."
"Bravo!"
"Yes, you may indeed say so! But now there is nothing left for them
to take, what must I do with them?"
"Why, tell them to return quietly to their homes."
Charras laughed.
"Homes? You don't really mean that, General!"
"I do, really; they must be fatigued after the tasks they have
performed."
"But, General, three-quarters of the brave fellows have no homes to
go to, and the other quarter, if they went home, would not find
either a morsel of bread or a halfpenny to buy any with."
"Ah! the deuce! that alters the case," said the general. "Then let
them have a hundred sous per head."
Charras submitted the general's proposal to his men.
"Oh!... Come now!" they said, "does he think we are fighting for the
sake of money?"
Baude ordered a distribution of bread and meat and, when it was
done, Charras camped with his troop upon the square of the Hôtel
de Ville.
Madame Guyet-Desfontaines' cup of chocolate and bottle of
Bordeaux wine were now things of the past, and I felt as pressing a
desire for a piece of bread to eat as had General Dubourg when he
reached the Hôtel de Ville. I went to a wine merchant's at the corner
of la place de Grève and the quai Pelletier and asked for some
dinner. His house was riddled with bullets and he had become the
possessor of a fine selection of grapeshot. He meant to set them up
above his door as a future sign, with the following words inscribed
above them:—
AUX PRUNES DE MONSIEUR
You know that the Comte d'Artois, as in the case of all the younger
brothers of the kings of France, was styled "Monsieur" before he
became Charles X. I approved the happy notion of the wine
merchant, and flattered him so cleverly that I wheedled him out of a
bottle of wine, a piece of bread and a sausage.
I was fully determined not to lose sight of the Hôtel de Ville and to
take note of all that passed there. I found that Revolutions had an
extremely amusing side. Pray excuse me, it was the first I had seen.
Now that I have lived to see a third I do not find them quite so
funny.
But, as we have many incidents to relate in these humble Memoirs
which that arch-prude History leaves untold and as we have,
therefore, no time to lose, let us say, on the one hand, what was
happening at Saint-Cloud and, on the other, what was being plotted
at M. Laffitte's, whilst I was drinking my bottle of wine and eating
my bread and sausage at the sign of the Prunes de Monsieur, and
whilst General La Fayette was busy installing himself in his dictatorial
chair in the Hôtel de Ville, embracing Charras and sending his men
to bed, since he thought they must badly need to rest.
Let us begin at the Hôtel Laffitte. La Fayette had scarcely left the
salon to take up the dictatorship of Paris, when they began to be
afraid of leaving the hero of the battle of the Federation twenty-four
hours alone at the head of affairs, and set to work to discover some
efficacious method of counterbalancing his power. They appointed
General Gérard Director of active operations (an unknown office
which they had invented for the occasion); and he was to be backed
up by a Municipal Commission composed of MM. Casimir Périer,
Laffitte, Odier, Lobau, Audry de Puyraveau and Mauguin. But, to
form a part of a Municipal Commission was much too bold a step for
M. Odier; and he refused. M. de Schonen was appointed in his
stead. M. Laffitte's sprained foot was made the pretext for
establishing the Commission at his house. Thus, everything was
organised to combat General La Fayette's revolutionary sway. This
was how the bourgeoisie began its reactionary work the very same
day that popular enthusiasm and triumph was at its height.
Make friends again, rejoice, approach one another with shouts of
joy, embrace, you men of the faubourgs, young people from the
colleges, students, poets and artists! Raise your hands to heaven,
thank God, and cry hosannahs! Your dead are not yet buried, your
wounds not yet healed; your lips are yet black with powder, your
hearts still beat joyfully at the thought of liberty, and already
intriguing men, financial men and those in uniforms who went and
hid trembling and praying whilst you were fighting, are shamelessly
approaching to snatch victory and liberty out of your hands, to wrest
the palms from the one, and to clip the wings of the other; to ravish
your two chaste goddesses. Whilst you are shooting a man in the
place du Louvre, for having stolen a silver-gilt vase, whilst you are
shooting a man under the Pont d'Arcole for stealing some silver
plate, you are insulted and slandered out there in that big fine
mansion, which you will some day buy back by a national
subscription (you short-memoried children with hearts of gold!), and
give it back to its owner when he is ruined and has only an income
left of four hundred thousand francs! Audite et intelligite! Listen and
learn! Here is the first Act of that Municipal Commission which had
just been self-elected:—
"The deputies present in Paris have had to assemble in order to
remedy the grave dangers which are threatening the security of
persons and property. A Municipal Commission has been formed
to watch over the interests of all in the absence of regular
organisation.".
Royalists, beware! there is an edict of good King Saint-Louis giving
power to pierce the tongue of blasphemers with a red-hot iron! This
Commission had to have a secretary at the Hôtel de Ville and Odilon
Barrot was appointed. It happened that, at the same time as the
Commission was signing this insulting decree, they came and
announced to it that half the combatants were dying of hunger in
the public squares and were asking for bread. They turned towards
M. Casimir Périer with one accord—the man who had offered the
Duc de Raguse four millions the previous day.
"Well, messieurs," he replied, "I am truly sorry for the poor devils,
but it is past four o'clock and my cash-room is closed."
And that was a man who had been a Minister and governed the
French people—a man whose sons had been ambassadors to and
representatives of the French nation!
At five o'clock, General Gérard condescended to show himself to the
crowd. He still wore the white cockade in his hat, and it excited such
comment that the general was forced to take it out; but no amount
of persuasion could make him don the tricolour cockade in its place.
The Duc de Choiseul entered the Hôtel Laffitte as General Gérard
was leaving it; the poor duke, whose complexion at ordinary times
was quite yellow, now looked green. He had had enough to make
him so! He had been taking part in the Provisional Government since
the morning, signing proclamations and issuing decrees! Whilst
fighting was going on in the streets, he had not dared to venture out
of doors; he was too much in fear of being compromised and still
more afraid of being killed. When the firing was stopped, M. de
Choiseul had half opened his shutters, and he perceived that
everybody was in the streets and that the city was in a state of
rejoicing: he had descended his carpeted stairs step by step, had
ventured one foot outside his Hôtel and had finally risked going as
far as M. Laffitte's. What did he want to do there? By Jove! that is
not a difficult question to answer: he came to protest against the
abominable forger who had abused his name and who had held it in
so little respect as to link it with that of M. Motié de La Fayette! True,
M. de Choiseul; although descended from a good Auvergnese family,
M. Motié de La Fayette did not spring from Raymond III., Count of
Langres, and from Alix de Dreux, granddaughter of Louis le Gros;
but I do not know that he could number among his ancestors any
accused of poisoning a Dauphin of France, at the instigation of
Austria. That fact should have been taken into consideration and
should have made the duke more lenient to the poor gentleman and
his family.
Now that we have seen what was passing at the Hôtel Laffitte, let us
see what was happening at Saint-Cloud. They were furious against
the Duc de Raguse; and they had not merely said that he had not
defended Paris properly, but that he had betrayed them. Luckless
fate pursued this man, accused by all sides, even by that to which
he had devoted himself! The dauphin was substituted to take
command in his place. All knew what a grand general the dauphin
was! Did he not conquer Spain and drive out that lucky, foolhardy
fellow of a Napoleon? His repartees, too, were they not most
felicitously turned? He came to the bois de Boulogne to receive the
troops and went up to a captain, asking—
"How many men have you lost, Captain? How many men have you
lost?"
The dauphin had a habit of saying his sentences twice over.
"Many, monseigneur!" the officer replied sorrowfully.
"But you have plenty left still—plenty left?" His Highness said, with
the tactful manner that was natural to him!
The troops continued their retreat and reached Saint-Cloud
depressed with fatigue, broken down with heat and dying with
hunger. They were not expected and nothing was prepared for them.
The Duc de Bordeaux dined, and M. de Damas ordered the dishes
that came from the prince's table to be sent out to the soldiers. The
child took the dishes and himself handed them to the servants-in-
waiting upon him. The hour predicted by Barras had come, but the
poor royal child had been taught no other trade than that of being a
prince—a bad trade in our days: ask His Majesty Napoleon II. and
His Highness the Duc de Bordeaux, or Monseigneur le Comte de
Paris.
However, Doctor Thibaut's negotiation had produced its effects and,
whilst General Gérard was sticking to his white cockade at half-past
five on the afternoon of 29 July, M. de Mortemart was reaching
Saint-Cloud at seven that same evening. Charles X. did not give him
a warm welcome; he did not like him and, indeed, M. de Mortemart
was one of those doubtful Royalists, attainted with Republicanism,
like the La Fayettes and Lameths and Broglies. M. de Mortemart tried
to force the king into making concessions; but the king had replied
with a determination that twenty-four hours later he was to belie—
"I will give no concessions, monsieur! I witnessed the events of 1789
and have not forgotten them. I do not wish to ride in a cart, like my
brother; I choose to ride on horseback."[1]
Unfortunately for this fine resolution, the affairs of Paris changed
their appearance the next morning. It was then Charles X. who
urged M. de Mortemart to accept the Ministry, and M. de Mortemart
who, in his turn, declined. He saw that the hour had gone by for a
mixed Ministry to be effective, and made an intermittent fever,
caught on the shores of the Danube, the excuse for refusing. But
Charles X. had reached the point when kings no longer try to hide
their fears, but openly utter cries of distress.
"Ah! Monsieur le Duc," the aged monarch exclaimed, "you refuse,
then, to save my life and that of my Ministers? That is not the part
of a faithful subject, monsieur!"
The duke bowed.
"Sire," he said, "if that is what you demand of me, I will accept!"
"Good—I thank you," replied the king.
Then, in a whisper—
"But it remains to be seen if the people will be satisfied with you...."
The violent measures imposed upon the old king were so bitter to
him, that, even before the man who had been willing to sacrifice
himself for his sake, he could not restrain his anger.
Three political personages were waiting in an adjacent room—thus,
in our polite tongue, we speak of peers, deputies, senators,
magistrates and councillors who take the oath of allegiance to
monarchies, and who defend them so well, that, in forty years, they
have allowed four to slip through their fingers! These political
personages were M. de Vitrolles,—whom Doctor Thibaut had gone to
look for on the evening of 27 July, to lay before him the Coalition,—
Mortemart and Gérard; M. de Sémonville, the man of apocryphal
flags, of whom M. de Talleyrand said, when he saw him falling away,
"What interest can he take in that?" M. d'Argout who, in 1848,
became so ardent a Republican that he dismissed from his offices
my beloved and close friend Lassagne, who had obtained with him a
small post at three to four thousand francs salary, because he
recognised him as having been secretary to King Louis-Philippe.
"O holy discretion!" as said Brutus.
While they were waiting, M. de Polignac entered. The prince soon
guessed what the three negotiators had come about; two of them
were personal friends of his. They had come to ask for his
dethronement. There was a greatness about the Prince de Polignac;
a smaller-minded man would have attempted to prevent them
gaining access to the king; but he at once introduced them into
Charles X.'s cabinet. Perhaps he also reckoned upon the king's well-
known aversion towards M. d'Argout. The king had just agreed to
the Ministry of Mortemart. He received these gentlemen, who laid
their mission before him. Charles X. did not even let them get to the
end but, with a gesture at once full of bitterness and of nobility, he
said—
"Gentlemen, go to the Parisians and tell them that the king revokes
the Ordinances."
These gentlemen gave vent to the expression of their joy in
murmurs of satisfaction. But the king went on to say—
"Allow me, at the same time, to tell you that I believe this revocation
to be fatal to the interests of the Monarchy and of France!"
The interests of Monarchy and of France! Why on earth did Charles
X. talk of these to such men? What did they care for beyond their
own private interests? They departed in a carriage at full gallop.
Upon the road they met all Paris in arms pouring out of the houses
into the streets and from out the suburbs. M. de Sémonville shouted
to that crowd of bare-armed men with bloodstained shirts—
"My friends, the king has revoked the Ordinances; the Ministers have
been chucked out."
He thought he was speaking in the language of the people, but he
was really only uttering the jargon of the lowest rabble. M. de
Vitrolles was shaking hands freely all round. If the men who pressed
his hands had known his name, they would have throttled him
instead!
When the negotiators reached the quays they were obliged to
abandon their carriages, as the barricades were beginning and, with
them, no favouritism: locomotion was the same for all. When they
reached the Hôtel de Ville and were climbing the flight of steps they
met Marrast, and, recognising the three negotiators, he stopped to
look at them. M. de Sémonville did not know Marrast, but, seeing a
young man elegantly attired, in the midst of that ragged crowd, he
addressed him.
"Young man," he said, "can we speak with General La Fayette?"
He dared not say monsieur, and did not wish to address him as
citoyen (citizen).
Marrast directed him; and these gentlemen were introduced into the
midst of the Municipal Commission. They were going to begin to
declare their mission without its being thought necessary to inform
General La Fayette, whom they had come to seek. It would,
perhaps, have suited some members of the Municipal Commission
for La Fayette not to be there; but M. de Schonen and Audry de
Puyraveau, the most enthusiastic, and deeply implicated of the
Commission, sent for him. They proclaimed the Ministry of
Mortemart and Gérard.
"But, gentlemen," Mauguin interrupted, "two Ministers do not form a
Government."
"The king," said M. de Sémonville, "willingly consents to the addition
of M. Casimir Périer."
And he turned with a gracious smile towards the banker, who went
terribly pale.
In the same moment, Casimir Périer received a letter which he read.
All eyes were fixed upon him.... He made a gesture expressive of
refusal. There was a brief moment of silence and hesitation, each
trying to avoid being the first to answer, feeling the importance of
his reply. Then M. de Schonen rose and broke the silence, and in
firm tones uttered these terrible words:—-
"It is too late.... The throne of Charles X. has foundered in blood ...!"
Eighteen years later, these same words, repeated in the Tribune by
M. de Lamartine and addressed in their turn to the envoys of King
Louis-Philippe, were to hurl down the throne occupied by the
Younger Branch, as they had done that of the Elder.
The negotiators wanted to press matters forward.
"Come! come!" said Audry de Puyraveau, "let us have no more of
this, gentlemen, or I will call up the people, and we shall soon see
what their wishes are!"
The deputies withdrew; but M. Casimir Périer went out by another
door, and joined them on the staircase.
"Go and find M. Laffitte," he said to them as he passed; "perhaps
something might be done from that quarter."
And he disappeared. Did he wish to transfer the negotiations to the
Duc d'Orléans, or was he unwilling to detach himself entirely from
King Charles X.?
M. de Sémonville shook his head and withdrew.
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Communication Technology Update and Fundamentals

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  • 4. Taylor & Francis Taylor & Francis Group http:/taylorandfrancis.com
  • 5. Communication Technology Update and Fundamentals 16th Edition Editors August E. Grant Jennifer H. Meadows In association with Technology Futures, Inc. Routledge Taylor & Francis Group NEW YORK AND LONDON ROUTLEDGE
  • 6. Editors: August E. Grant Jennifer H. Meadows Technology Futures, Inc. Production & Graphics Editor: Helen Mary V. Marek Publisher: Ross Wagenhofer Editorial Assistant: Nicole Salazar Production Editor: Sian Cahill Marketing Manager: Lynsey Nurthen Sixteenth edition published 2018 by Routledge 711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017 and by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon, OX14 4RN Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business © 2018 Taylor & Francis The right of August Grant and Jennifer Meadows to be identified as the authors of the editorial material, and of the authors for their individual chapters, has been asserted in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilized in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe. Publisher’s note: This book has been prepared from camera‐ready copy provided by the editors. Typeset in Palatino Linotype by H.M.V. Marek, Technology Futures, Inc. [First edition published by Technology Futures, Inc. 1992] [Fifteenth edition published by Focal Press 2016] Library of Congress Cataloguing in Publication Data. CIP data has been applied for. HB: 9781138571334 Paper: 9781138571365 eBook: 9780203702871
  • 7. v Table of Contents Preface vii I Fundamentals ix 1 The Communication Technology Ecosystem, August E. Grant, Ph.D. 1 2 A History of Communication Technology, Yicheng Zhu, M.A. 9 3 Understanding Communication Technologies, Jennifer H. Meadows, Ph.D. 25 4 The Structure of the Communication Industries, August E. Grant, Ph.D. 37 5 Communication Policy & Technology, Lon Berquist, M.A. 49 II Electronic Mass Media 65 6 Digital Television & Video, Peter B. Seel, Ph.D. 67 7 Multichannel Television Services, Paul Driscoll, Ph.D. & Michel Dupagne, Ph.D. 77 8 Radio & Digital Audio, Heidi D. Blossom, Ph.D. 97 9 Digital Signage, Jennifer H. Meadows, Ph.D. 107 10 Cinema Technologies, Michael R. Ogden, Ph.D. 117 III Computers & Consumer Electronics 149 11 Computers, Glenda Alvarado, Ph.D. 151 12 Internet of Things (IoT), Jeffrey S. Wilkinson, Ph.D. 159 13 Automotive Telematics, Denise Belafonte‐Young, M.F.A. 169 14 Video Games, Isaac D. Pletcher, M.F.A. 179 toc
  • 8. Table of Contents vi 15 Virtual & Augmented Reality, Rebecca Ormond, M.F.A. 189 16 Home Video, Matthew J. Haught, Ph.D. 199 17 Digital Imaging & Photography, Michael Scott Sheerin, M.S. 207 18 eHealth, Heidi D. Blossom, Ph.D. & Alex Neal, M.A. 219 19 Esports, Jennifer H. Meadows, Ph.D. & Max Grubb, Ph.D. 233 20 Ebooks, Steven J. Dick, Ph.D. 241 IV Networking Technologies 251 21 Broadband & Home Networks, John J. Lombardi, Ph.D. 253 22 Telephony, William R. Davie, Ph.D. 271 23 The Internet, Stephanie Bor, Ph.D. & Leila Chelbi, M.M.C. 279 24 Social Media, Rachel A. Stuart, M.A. 291 25 Big Data, Tony R. DeMars, Ph.D. 305 V Conclusions 317 26 Other New Technologies, Jennifer H. Meadows, Ph.D. 319 27 Your Future & Communication Technologies, August E. Grant, Ph.D. 323 Index 327 Glossary and Updates can be found on the Communication Technology Update and Fundamentals website http://www.tfi.com/ctu/
  • 9. vii Preface reat changes in technology are coming at a faster and faster pace, introducing new opportunities, challenges, careers, and fields of study at a rate that hasn’t been experienced in human history. Keeping up with these changes can simultaneously provide amusement and befuddlement, as well as economic prosperity and ruin. That’s where you come in. Whether you are trying to plan a lucrative investment or a career in media, or you simply have to pass a particular class in order to graduate, the field of communication technologies has become important enough to you that you are investing in the time to read this book. Be warned: the goal of the authors in this book is to serve all of those needs. To do so, the book starts by explaining the Communication Technology Ecosystem, then applies this ecosystem as a tool to help you understand each of the technologies presented. This is the 16th edition of this book, and most of the book is changed from the 15th edition. In addition to updating every chapter with the latest developments, we have a first‐time chapter exploring eSports (Chapter 19) and a chapter we haven’t seen in more than a decade discussing Virtual Reality (Chapter 15). A few other chapters, including Video Games (Chapter 14), Home Video (Chapter 16), ebooks (Chapter 19), and Computers (Chapter 11) have been rewritten from scratch to provide a more contemporary discussion. One thing shared by all of the contributors to this book is a passion for communication technology. In order to keep this book as current as possible we asked the authors to work under extremely tight deadlines. Authors begin working in late 2017, and most chapters were submitted in February or March 2018 with the final details added in April 2018. Individually, the chapters provide snapshots of the state of the field for individual technologies, but together they present a broad overview of the role that communication technologies play in our everyday lives. The efforts of these authors have produced a remarkable compilation, and we thank them for all their hard work in preparing this volume. The constant in production of this book is our editor extraordinaire, TFI’s Helen Mary V. Marek, who deftly handled all production details, moving all 27 chapters from draft to camera‐ready in weeks. Helen Mary also provided on‐demand graphics production, adding visual elements to help make the content more understandable. Our editorial and marketing team at Routledge, including Ross Wagenhoffer and Nicole Salazar, ensured that production and promotion of the book were as smooth as ever. G p
  • 10. Preface viii We are most grateful to our spouses (and partners in life), Diane Grant and Floyd Meadows for giving us this month every two years so that we can disappear into a haze of bits, pixels, toner, and topics to render the book you are reading right now. They know that a strange compulsion arises every two years, with publication of the book being followed immediately by the satisfaction we get from being part of the process of helping you understand and apply new communications technologies. You can keep up with developments on technologies discussed in this book by visiting our companion website, where we use the same technologies discussed in the book to make sure you have the latest information. The companion website for the Communication Technology Update and Fundamentals: www.tfi.com/ctu. The complete Glossary for the book is on the site, where it is much easier to find individual entries than in the paper version of the book. We have also moved the vast quantity of statistical data on each of the communication technologies that were formerly printed in Chapter 2 to the site. As always, we will periodically update the website to supplement the text with new information and links to a wide variety of information available over the Internet. Your interest and support is the reason we do this book every two years, and we listen to your suggestions so that we can improve the book after every edition. You are invited to send us updates for the website, ideas for new topics, and other contributions that will inform all members of the community. You are invited to communicate directly with us via email, snail mail, social media, or voice. Thank you for being part of the CTUF community! Augie Grant and Jennifer Meadows April 1, 2018 Augie Grant Jennifer H. Meadows School of Journalism and Mass Communications Dept. of Media Arts, Design, and Technology University of South Carolina California State University, Chico Columbia, SC 29208 Chico, CA 95929‐0504 Phone: 803.777.4464 Phone: 530.898.4775 augie@sc.edu jmeadows@csuchico.edu Twitter: @augiegrant Twitter: @mediaartsjen
  • 12. Taylor & Francis Taylor & Francis Group http:/taylorandfrancis.com
  • 13. 1 The Communication Technology Ecosystem August E. Grant, Ph.D.* ommunication technologies are the nervous system of contemporary society, transmitting and distributing sensory and control infor‐ mation and interconnecting a myriad of interdepend‐ ent units. These technologies are critical to commerce, essential to entertainment, and intertwined in our in‐ terpersonal relationships. Because these technologies are so vitally important, any change in communica‐ tion technologies has the potential to impact virtually every area of society. One of the hallmarks of the industrial revolution was the introduction of new communication technolo‐ gies as mechanisms of control that played an important role in almost every area of the production and distri‐ bution of manufactured goods (Beniger, 1986). These communication technologies have evolved throughout the past two centuries at an increasingly rapid rate. This evolution shows no signs of slowing, so an under‐ standing of this evolution is vital for any individual wishing to attain or retain a position in business, gov‐ ernment, or education. The economic and political challenges faced by the United States and other countries since the beginning of the new millennium clearly illustrate the central role these communication systems play in our society. Just * J. Rion McKissick Professor of Journalism, School of Journalism and Mass Communications, University of South Carolina (Columbia, South Carolina). as the prosperity of the 1990s was credited to advances in technology, the economic challenges that followed were linked as well to a major downturn in the technol‐ ogy sector. Today, communication technology is seen by many as a tool for making more efficient use of a wide range of resources including time and energy. Communication technologies play as critical a part in our private lives as they do in commerce and control in society. Geographic distances are no longer barriers to relationships thanks to the bridging power of communication technologies. We can also be enter‐ tained and informed in ways that were unimaginable a century ago thanks to these technologies—and they continue to evolve and change before our eyes. This text provides a snapshot of the state of tech‐ nologies in our society. The individual chapter au‐ thors have compiled facts and figures from hundreds of sources to provide the latest information on more than two dozen communication technologies. Each discussion explains the roots and evolution, recent de‐ velopments, and current status of the technology as of mid‐2018. In discussing each technology, we address them from a systematic perspective, looking at a range of factors beyond hardware. C 1
  • 14. Section I  Fundamentals 2 The goal is to help you analyze emerging technol‐ ogies and be better able to predict which ones will suc‐ ceed and which ones will fail. That task is more difficult to achieve than it sounds. Let’s look at an ex‐ ample of how unpredictable technology can be. The Alphabet Tale As this book goes to press in mid‐2018, Alphabet, the parent company of Google, is the most valuable media company in the world in terms of market capi‐ talization (the total value of all shares of stock held in the company). To understand how Alphabet attained that lofty position, we have to go back to the late 1990s, when commercial applications of the Internet were taking off. There was no question in the minds of engineers and futurists that the Internet was going to revolutionize the delivery of information, entertain‐ ment, and commerce. The big question was how it was going to happen. Those who saw the Internet as a medium for in‐ formation distribution knew that advertiser support would be critical to its long‐term financial success. They knew that they could always find a small group willing to pay for content, but the majority of people preferred free content. To become a mass medium similar to television, newspapers, and magazines, an Internet advertising industry was needed. At that time, most Internet advertising was ban‐ ner ads—horizontal display ads that stretched across most of the screen to attract attention, but took up very little space on the screen. The problem was that most people at that time accessed the Internet using slow, dial‐up connections, so advertisers were limited in what they could include in these banners to about a dozen words of text and simple graphics. The dream among advertisers was to be able to use rich media, including full‐motion video, audio, animation, and every other trick that makes television advertising so successful. When broadband Internet access started to spread, advertisers were quick to add rich media to their ban‐ ners, as well as create other types of ads using graphics, video, and sound. These ads were a little more effec‐ tive, but many Internet users did not like the intrusive nature of rich media messages. At about the same time, two Stanford students, Ser‐ gey Brin and Larry Page, had developed a new type of search engine, Google, that ranked results on the basis of how often content was referred to or linked from other sites, allowing their computer algorithms to cre‐ ate more robust and relevant search results (in most cases) than having a staff of people indexing Web con‐ tent. What they needed was a way to pay for the costs of the servers and other technology. According to Vise & Malseed (2006), their budget did not allow the company, then known as Google, to create and distribute rich media ads. They could do text ads, but they decided to do them differently from other Internet advertising, using computer algorithms to place these small text ads on the search results that were most likely to give the advertisers results. With a credit card, anyone could use this “AdWords” ser‐ vice, specifying the search terms they thought should display their ads, writing the brief ads (less than 100 characters total—just over a dozen words), and even specifying how much they were willing to pay every time someone clicked on their ad. Even more revolu‐ tionary, the Google team decided that no one should have to pay for an ad unless a user clicked on it. For advertisers, it was as close to a no‐lose propo‐ sition as they could find. Advertisers did not have to pay unless a person was interested enough to click on the ad. They could set a budget that Google computers could follow, and Google provided a control panel for advertisers that gave a set of measures that was a dream for anyone trying to make a campaign more ef‐ fective. These measures indicated not only the overall effectiveness of the ad, but also the effectiveness of each message, each keyword, and every part of every campaign. The result was remarkable. Google’s share of the search market was not that much greater than the companies that had held the #1 position earlier, but Google was making money—lots of money—from these little text ads. Wall Street investors noticed, and, once Google went public, investors bid up the stock price, spurred by increases in revenues and a very large profit margin. Today, Google’s parent company, renamed Alphabet, is involved in a number of other ventures designed to aggregate and deliver content ranging from text to full‐motion video, but its little
  • 15. Chapter 1  The Communication Technology Ecosystem 3 text ads on its Google search engine are still the pri‐ mary revenue generator. In retrospect, it was easy to see why Google was such a success. Their little text ads were effective be‐ cause of context—they always appeared where they would be the most effective. They were not intrusive, so people did not mind the ads on Google pages, and later on other pages that Google served ads to through its “content network.” Plus, advertisers had a degree of control, feedback, and accountability that no adver‐ tising medium had ever offered before (Grant & Wil‐ kinson, 2007). So what lessons should we learn from this story? Advertisers have their own set of lessons, but there are a separate set of lessons for those wishing to under‐ stand new media. First, no matter how insightful, no one is ever able to predict whether a technology will succeed or fail. Second, success can be due as much to luck as to careful, deliberate planning and investment. Third, simplicity matters—there are few advertising messages as simple as the little text ads you see when doing a Google search. The Alphabet tale provides an example of the util‐ ity of studying individual companies and industries, so the focus throughout this book is on individual tech‐ nologies. These individual snapshots, however, com‐ prise a larger mosaic representing the communication networks that bind individuals together and enable them to function as a society. No single technology can be understood without understanding the competing and complementary technologies and the larger social environment within which these technologies exist. As discussed in the following section, all of these factors (and others) have been considered in preparing each chapter through application of the “technology ecosys‐ tem.” Following this discussion, an overview of the re‐ mainder of the book is presented. The Communication Technology Ecosystem The most obvious aspect of communication tech‐ nology is the hardware—the physical equipment re‐ lated to the technology. The hardware is the most tangible part of a technology system, and new technol‐ ogies typically spring from developments in hardware. However, understanding communication technology requires more than just studying the hardware. One of the characteristics of today’s digital technologies is that most are based upon computer technology, requiring instructions and algorithms more commonly known as “software.” In addition to understanding the hardware and soft‐ ware of the technology, it is just as important to un‐ derstand the content communicated through the technology system. Some consider the content as an‐ other type of software. Regardless of the terminology used, it is critical to understand that digital technolo‐ gies require a set of instructions (the software) as well as the equipment and content. Figure 1.1 The Communication Technology Ecosystem Source: A. E. Grant The hardware, software, and content must also be studied within a larger context. Rogers’ (1986) defini‐ tion of “communication technology” includes some of these contextual factors, defining it as “the hardware equipment, organizational structures, and social val‐ ues by which individuals collect, process, and ex‐ change information with other individuals” (p. 2). An even broader range of factors is suggested by Ball‐ Rokeach (1985) in her media system dependency the‐ ory, which suggests that communication media can be understood by analyzing dependency relations within and across levels of analysis, including the individual, organizational, and system levels. Within the system
  • 16. Section I  Fundamentals 4 level, Ball‐Rokeach identifies three systems for analy‐ sis: the media system, the political system, and the economic system. These two approaches have been synthesized into the “Technology Ecosystem” illustrated in Figure 1.1. The core of the technology ecosystem consists of the hardware, software, and content (as previously de‐ fined). Surrounding this core is the organizational in‐ frastructure: the group of organizations involved in the production and distribution of the technology. The next level moving outwards is the system level, including the political, economic, and media systems, as well as other groups of individuals or organizations serving a common set of functions in society. Finally, the individual users of the technology cut across all of the other areas, providing a focus for understanding each one. The basic premise of the technology ecosys‐ tem is that all areas of the ecosystem interact and must be examined in order to understand a technology. (The technology ecosystem is an elaboration of the “umbrella perspective” (Grant, 2010) that was ex‐ plicated in earlier editions of this book to illustrate the elements that need to be studied in order to under‐ stand communication technologies.) Adding another layer of complexity to each of the areas of the technology ecosystem is also helpful. In order to identify the impact that each individual char‐ acteristic of a technology has, the factors within each area of the ecosystem may be identified as “enabling,” “limiting,” “motivating,” and “inhibiting” depending upon the role they play in the technology’s diffusion. Enabling factors are those that make an application possible. For example, the fact that the coaxial cable used to deliver traditional cable television can carry dozens of channels is an enabling factor at the hard‐ ware level. Similarly, the decision of policy makers to allocate a portion of the radio frequency spectrum for cellular telephony is an enabling factor at the system level (political system). One starting point to use in ex‐ amining any technology is to make a list of the under‐ lying factors from each area of the technology ecosys‐ tem that make the technology possible in the first place. Limiting factors are the opposite of enabling fac‐ tors; they are those factors that create barriers to the adoption or impacts of a technology. A great example is related to the cellular telephone illustration in the previous paragraph. The fact that the policy makers discussed above initially permitted only two compa‐ nies to offer cellular telephone service in each market was a system level limitation on that technology. The later introduction of digital technology made it possi‐ ble for another four companies to compete for mobile phone service. To a consumer, six telephone compa‐ nies may seem to be more than is needed, but to a start‐up company wanting to enter the market, this system‐level factor represents a definite limitation. Again, it is useful to apply the technology ecosystem to create a list of factors that limit the adoption, use, or impacts of any specific communication technology. Motivating factors are a little more complicated. They are those factors that provide a reason for the adoption of a technology. Technologies are not adopted just because they exist. Rather, individuals, organiza‐ tions, and social systems must have a reason to take ad‐ vantage of a technology. The desire of local telephone companies for increased profits, combined with the fact that growth in providing local telephone service is lim‐ ited, is an organizational factor motivating the telcos to enter the markets for new communication technolo‐ gies. Individual users desiring information more quickly can be motivated to adopt electronic information tech‐ nologies. If a technology does not have sufficient moti‐ vating factors for its use, it cannot be a success. Inhibiting factors are the opposite of motivating ones, providing a disincentive for adoption or use of a communication technology. An example of an inhib‐ iting factor at the organizational level might be a com‐ pany’s history of bad customer service. Regardless of how useful a new technology might be, if customers don’t trust a company, they are not likely to purchase its products or services. One of the most important in‐ hibiting factors for most new technologies is the cost to individual users. Each potential user must decide whether the cost is worth the service, considering their budget and the number of competing technolo‐ gies. Competition from other technologies is one of the biggest barriers any new (or existing) technology faces. Any factor that works against the success of a technology can be considered an inhibiting factor. As you might guess, there are usually more inhibiting factors for most technologies than motivating ones. And if the motivating factors are more numerous and
  • 17. Chapter 1  The Communication Technology Ecosystem 5 stronger than the inhibiting factors, it is an easy bet that a technology will be a success. All four factors—enabling, limiting, motivating, and inhibiting—can be identified at the individual user, organizational, content, and system levels. How‐ ever, hardware and software can only be enabling or limiting; by themselves, hardware and software do not provide any motivating factors. The motivating factors must always come from the messages trans‐ mitted or one of the other areas of the ecosystem. The final dimension of the technology ecosystem relates to the environment within which communica‐ tion technologies are introduced and operate. These factors can be termed “external” factors, while ones relating to the technology itself are “internal” factors. In order to understand a communication technology or be able to predict how a technology will diffuse, both internal and external factors must be studied. Applying the Communication Technology Ecosystem The best way to understand the communication technology ecosystem is to apply it to a specific tech‐ nology. One of the fastest diffusing technologies dis‐ cussed later in this book is the “personal assistant,” such as the Amazon Alexa or Google Home—these devices provide a great application of the communi‐ cation technology ecosystem. Let’s start with the hardware. Most personal as‐ sistants are small or medium‐sized units, designed to sit on a shelf or table. Studying the hardware reveals that the unit contains multiple speakers, a micro‐ phone, some computer circuitry, and a radio transmit‐ ter and receiver. Studying the hardware, we can get clues about the functionality of the device, but the key to the functionality is the software. The software related to the personal assistant en‐ ables conversion of speech heard by the microphone into text or other commands that connect to another set of software designed to fulfill the commands given to the system. From the perspective of the user, it doesn’t matter whether the device converts speech to commands or whether the device transmits speech to a central computer where the translation takes place— the device is designed so that it doesn’t matter to the user. The important thing that becomes apparent is that the hardware used by the system extends well be‐ yond the device through the Internet to servers that are programmed to deliver answers and content re‐ quested through the personal assistant. So, who owns these servers? To answer that ques‐ tion, we have to look at the organizational infrastruc‐ ture. It is apparent that there are two distinct sets of organizations involved—one set that makes and dis‐ tributes the devices themselves to the public and the other that provides the back‐end processing power to find answers and deliver content. For the Amazon Alexa, Amazon has designed and arranged for the manufacture of the device. (Note that few companies specialize in making hardware; rather, most commu‐ nication hardware is made by companies that special‐ ize in manufacturing on a contract basis.) Amazon also owns and controls the servers that interpret and seek answers to questions and commands. But to get to those servers, the commands have to first pass through cable or phone networks owned by other companies, with answers or content provided by serv‐ ers on the Internet owned by still other companies. At this point, it is helpful to examine the economic rela‐ tionships among the companies involved. The users’ Internet Service Provider (ISP) passes all commands and content from the home device to the cloud‐based servers, which are, in turn, connected to servers owned by other companies that deliver content. So, if a person requests a weather forecast, the servers connect to a weather service for content. A person might also request music, finding themselves connected to Amazon’s own music service or to an‐ other service such as Pandora or Sirius/XM. A person ordering a pizza will have their message directed to the appropriate pizza delivery service, with the only content returned being a confirmation of the order, perhaps with status updates as the order is fulfilled. The pizza delivery example is especially important because it demonstrates the economics of the system. The servers used are expensive to purchase and oper‐ ate, so the company that designs and sells personal as‐ sistants has a motivation to contract with individual pizza delivery services to pay a small commission
  • 18. Section I  Fundamentals 6 every time someone orders a pizza. Extending this ex‐ ample to multiple other services will help you under‐ stand why some services are provided for free but others must be paid, with the pieces of the system working together to spread revenue to all of the com‐ panies involved. The point is that it is not possible to understand the personal assistant without understanding all of the organizations implicated in the operation of the device. And if two organizations decide not to coop‐ erate with each other, content or service may simply not be available. The potential conflicts among these organizations can move our attention to the next level of the ecosys‐ tem, the social system level. The political system, for example, has the potential to enable services by allow‐ ing or encouraging collaboration among organiza‐ tions. Or it can do the opposite, limiting or inhibiting cooperation with regulations. (Net neutrality, dis‐ cussed in Chapter 5, is a good example of the role played by the political system in enabling or limiting capabilities of technology.) The system of retail stores enables distribution of the personal assistant devices to local retail stores, making it easier for a user to be‐ come an “adopter” of the device. Studying the personal assistant also helps under‐ stand the enabling and limiting functions. For exam‐ ple, the fact that Amazon has programmed the Alexa app to accept commands in dozens of languages from Spanish to Klingon is an enabling factor, but the fact that there are dozens of other languages that have not been programming is definitely a limiting factor. Similarly, the ease of ordering a pizza through your personal assistant is a motivating factor, but hav‐ ing your device not understand your commands is an inhibiting factor. Finally, examination of the environment gives us more information, including competitive devices, public sentiment, and general economic environment. All of those details help us to understand how personal assistants work and how companies can profit in many different ways from their use. But we can’t fully understand the role that these devices play in the lives of their users without studying the indi‐ vidual user. We can examine what services are used, why they are used, how often they are used, the im‐ pacts of their use, and much more. Applying the Communication Technology Eco‐ system thus allows us to look at a technology, its uses, and its effects by giving a multidimensional perspec‐ tive that provides a more comprehensive insight than we would get from just examining the hardware or software. Each communication technology discussed in this book has been analyzed using the technology ecosys‐ tem to ensure that all relevant factors have been in‐ cluded in the discussions. As you will see, in most cases, organizational and system‐level factors (espe‐ cially political factors) are more important in the de‐ velopment and adoption of communication technol‐ ogies than the hardware itself. For example, political forces have, to date, prevented the establishment of a single world standard for high‐definition television (HDTV) production and transmission. As individual standards are selected in countries and regions, the standard selected is as likely to be the product of po‐ litical and economic factors as of technical attributes of the system. Organizational factors can have similar powerful effects. For example, as discussed in Chapter 4, the en‐ try of a single company, IBM, into the personal com‐ puter business in the early 1980s resulted in funda‐ mental changes in the entire industry, dictating stand‐ ards and anointing an operating system (MS‐DOS) as a market leader. Finally, the individuals who adopt (or choose not to adopt) a technology, along with their motivations and the manner in which they use the technology, have profound impacts on the develop‐ ment and success of a technology following its initial introduction. Perhaps the best indication of the relative im‐ portance of organizational and system‐level factors is the number of changes individual authors made to the chapters in this book between the time of the initial chapter submission in January 2018 and production of the final, camera‐ready text in April 2018. Very little new information was added regarding hardware, but numerous changes were made due to developments at the organizational and system levels.
  • 19. Chapter 1  The Communication Technology Ecosystem 7 To facilitate your understanding of all of the ele‐ ments related to the technologies explored, each chap‐ ter in this book has been written from the perspective of the technology ecosystem. The individual writers have endeavored to update developments in each area to the extent possible in the brief summaries pro‐ vided. Obviously, not every technology experienced developments in each area of the ecosystem, so each report is limited to areas in which relatively recent de‐ velopments have taken place. Why Study New Technologies? One constant in the study of media is that new technologies seem to get more attention than tradi‐ tional, established technologies. There are many rea‐ sons for the attention. New technologies are more dynamic and evolve more quickly, with greater po‐ tential to cause change in other parts of the media sys‐ tem. Perhaps the reason for our attention is the natural attraction that humans have to motion, a characteristic inherited from our most distant ancestors. There are a number of other reasons for studying new technologies. Maybe you want to make a lot of money—and there is a lot of money to be made (and lost!) on new technologies. If you are planning a career in the media, you may simply be interested in know‐ ing how the media are changing and evolving, and how those changes will affect your career. Or you might want to learn lessons from the failure of new communication technologies so you can avoid failure in your own career, investments, etc. Simply put, the majority of new technologies introduced do not succeed in the market. Some fail because the tech‐ nology itself was not attractive to consumers (such as the 1980s’ attempt to provide AM stereo radio). Some fail because they were far ahead of the market, such as Qube, the first interactive cable television system, intro‐ duced in the 1970s. Others failed because of bad timing or aggressive marketing from competitors that suc‐ ceeded despite inferior technology. The final reason for studying new communication technologies is to identify patterns of adoption, ef‐ fects, economics, and competition so that we can be prepared to understand, use, and/or compete with the next generation of media. Virtually every new tech‐ nology discussed in this book is going to be one of those “traditional, established technologies” in a few short years, but there will always be another genera‐ tion of new media to challenge the status quo. Overview of Book The key to getting the most out of this book is therefore to pay as much attention as possible to the reasons that some technologies succeed and others fail. To that end, this book provides you with a num‐ ber of tools you can apply to virtually any new tech‐ nology that comes along. These tools are explored in the first five chapters, which we refer to as the Com‐ munication Technology Fundamentals. You might be tempted to skip over these to get to the latest develop‐ ments about the individual technologies that are mak‐ ing an impact today, but you will be much better equipped to learn lessons from these technologies if you are armed with these tools. The first of these is the “technology ecosystem” discussed previously that broadens attention from the technology itself to the users, organizations, and sys‐ tem surrounding that technology. To that end, each of the technologies explored in this book provides de‐ tails about all of the elements of the ecosystem. Of course, studying the history of each technology can help you find patterns and apply them to different technologies, times, and places. In addition to includ‐ ing a brief history of each technology, the next chapter, A History of Communication Technologies, provides a broad overview of most of the technologies discussed later in the book, allowing comparisons along a num‐ ber of dimensions: the year introduced, growth rate, number of current users, etc. This chapter highlights commonalties in the evolution of individual technolo‐ gies, as well as presents the “big picture” before we delve into the details. By focusing on the number of users over time, this chapter also provides a useful ba‐ sis of comparison across technologies. Another useful tool in identifying patterns across technologies is the application of theories related to new communication technologies. By definition, theo‐ ries are general statements that identify the underlying
  • 20. Section I  Fundamentals 8 mechanisms for adoption and effects of these new tech‐ nologies. Chapter 3 provides an overview of a wide range of these theories and provides a set of analytic perspectives that you can apply to both the technolo‐ gies in this book and any new technologies that follow. The structure of communication industries is then addressed in Chapter 4. This chapter then explores the complexity of organizational relationships, along with the need to differentiate between the companies that make the technologies and those that sell the technol‐ ogies. The most important force at the system level of the ecosystem, regulation, is introduced in Chapter 5. These introductory chapters provide a structure and a set of analytic tools that define the study of com‐ munication technologies. Following this introduction, the book then addresses the individual technologies. The technologies discussed in this book are orga‐ nized into three sections: Electronic Mass Media, Computers & Consumer Electronics, and Networking Technologies. These three are not necessarily exclu‐ sive; for example, Digital Signage could be classified as either an electronic mass medium or a computer technology. The ultimate decision regarding where to put each technology was made by determining which set of current technologies most closely resemble the technology. Thus, Digital Signage was classified with electronic mass media. This process also locates the discussion of a cable television technology—cable mo‐ dems—in the Broadband and Home Networks chap‐ ter in the Networking Technologies section. Each chapter is followed by a brief bibliography that represents a broad overview of literally hundreds of books and articles that provide details about these technologies. It is hoped that the reader will not only use these references but will examine the list of source material to determine the best places to find newer in‐ formation since the publication of this Update. To help you find your place in this emerging tech‐ nology ecosystem, each technology chapter includes a paragraph or two discussing how you can get a job in that area of technology. And to help you imagine the future, some authors have also added their prediction of what that technology will be like in 2033—or fifteen years after this book is published. The goal is not to be perfectly accurate, but rather to show you some of the possibilities that could emerge in that time frame. Most of the technologies discussed in this book are continually evolving. As this book was completed, many technological developments were announced but not re‐ leased, corporate mergers were under discussion, and regulations had been proposed but not passed. Our goal is for the chapters in this book to establish a basic under‐ standing of the structure, functions, and background for each technology, and for the supplementary Internet site to provide brief synopses of the latest developments for each technology. (The address for the website is www.tfi.com/ctu.) The final chapter returns to the “big picture” pre‐ sented in this book, attempting to place these discus‐ sions in a larger context, exploring the process of starting a company to exploit or profit from these technologies. Any text such as this one can never be fully comprehensive, but ideally this text will provide you with a broad overview of the current develop‐ ments in communication technology. Bibliography Ball‐Rokeach, S. J. (1985). The origins of media system dependency: A sociological perspective. Communication Research, 12 (4), 485‐510. Beniger, J. (1986). The control revolution. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Grant, A. E. (2010). Introduction to communication technologies. In A. E. Grant & J. H. Meadows (Eds.) Communication Technology Update and Fundamentals (12th ed). Boston: Focal Press. Grant, A. E. & Wilkinson, J. S. (2007, February). Lessons for communication technologies from Web advertising. Paper presented to the Mid‐Winter Conference of the Association of Educators in Journalism and Mass Communication, Reno. Rogers, E. M. (1986). Communication technology: The new media in society. New York: Free Press. Vise, D. & Malseed, M. (2006). The Google story: Inside the hottest business, media, and technology success of our time. New York: Delta.
  • 21. 9 A History of Communication Technology Yicheng Zhu, Ph.D. he other chapters in this book provide details re‐ garding the history of one or more communica‐ tion technologies. However, one needs to under‐ stand that history works, in some ways, like a telescope. The closer an observer looks at the details, i.e. the par‐ ticular human behaviors that changed communication technologies, the less they can grasp the big picture. This chapter attempts to provide the big picture by discussing recent advancements along with a review of happenings “before we were born.” Without the un‐ derstanding of the collective memory of the trailblazers of communication technology, we will be “children for‐ ever” when we make interpretations and implications from history records. (Cicero, 1876). We will visit the print era, the electronic era, and the digital era in this chapter. To provide a useful per‐ spective, we compare numerical statistics of adoption and use of these technologies across time. To that end, this chapter follows patterns adopted in previous sum‐ maries of trends in U.S. communications media (Brown  Doctoral candidate in the School of Journalism and Mass Communications at the University of South Carolina (Columbia, SC). (Zhu and the editors acknowledge the contributions of the late Dan Brown, Ph.D., who created the first versions of this chapter and the related figures and tables). & Bryant, 1989; Brown, 1996, 1998, 2000, 2002, 2004, 2006, 2008, 2010, 2012, 2014; Zhu & Brown, 2016). Non‐ monetary units are reported when possible, although dollar expenditures appear as supplementary measures. A notable exception is the de facto standard of measur‐ ing motion picture acceptance in the market: box office receipts. Government sources are preferred for consistency in this chapter. However, they have recently become more volatile in terms of format, measurement and focus due to the shortened life circle of technologies (for example, some sources don’t distinguish laptops from tablets when calculating PC shipments). Readers should use caution in interpreting data for individual years and instead emphasize the trends over several years. One limitation of this government data is the lag time before statistics are reported, with the most recent data being a year or more older. The companion web‐ site for this book (www.tfi.com/ctu) reports more detailed statistics than could be printed in this chapter. T 2
  • 22. Section I  Fundamentals 10 Communication technologies are evolving at a much faster pace today than they used to be, and the way in which we differentiate technologies is more about concepts rather than products. For example, au‐ diocassettes and compact discs seem doomed in the face of rapid adoption of newer forms of digital audio recordings. But what fundamentally changed our daily experience is the surge of individual power brought by technological convenience: digitized audios empow‐ ered our mobility and efficiency both at work or at play. Quadraphonic sound, CB radios, 8‐track audiotapes, and 8mm film cameras ceased to exist as standalone products in the marketplace, and we exclude them, not because they disappeared, but because their concepts were converted or integrated into newer and larger concepts. This chapter traces trends that reveal clues about what has happened and what may happen in the use of respective media forms. To illustrate the growth rates and specific statis‐ tics regarding each technology, a large set of tables and figures have been placed on the companion web‐ site for this book at www.tfi.com/ctu. Your understand‐ ing of each technology will be aided by referring to the website as you read each section. The Print Era Printing began in China thousands of years before Johann Gutenberg developed the movable type print‐ ing press in 1455 in Germany. Gutenberg’s press trig‐ gered a revolution that began an industry that re‐ mained stable for another 600 years (Rawlinson, 2011). Printing in the United States grew from a one‐issue newspaper in 1690 to become the largest print industry in the world (U.S. Department of Commerce/Interna‐ tional Trade Association, 2000). This enterprise in‐ cludes newspapers, periodicals, books, directories, greeting cards, and other print media. Newspapers Publick Occurrences, Both Foreign and Domestick was the first newspaper produced in North America, ap‐ pearing in 1690 (Lee, 1917). Table 2.1 and Figure 2.1 from the companion website (www.tfi.com/ctu) for this book show that U.S. newspaper firms and newspaper circulation had extremely slow growth until the 1800s. Early growth suffered from relatively low literacy rates and the lack of discretionary cash among the bulk of the population. The progress of the industrial revolution brought money for workers and improved mechanized printing processes. Lower newspaper prices and the practice of deriving revenue from advertisers encour‐ aged significant growth beginning in the 1830s. News‐ papers made the transition from the realm of the edu‐ cated and wealthy elite to a mass medium serving a wider range of people from this period through the Civil War era (Huntzicker, 1999). The Mexican and Civil Wars stimulated public de‐ mand for news by the middle 1800s, and modern jour‐ nalism practices, such as assigning reporters to cover specific stories and topics, began to emerge. Circulation wars among big city newspapers in the 1880s featured sensational writing about outrageous stories. Both the number of newspaper firms and newspaper circulation began to soar. Although the number of firms would level off in the 20th century, circulation continued to rise. The number of morning newspapers more than doubled after 1950, despite a 16% drop in the number of daily newspapers over that period. Overall newspa‐ per circulation remained higher at the start of the new millennium than in 1950, although it inched downward throughout the 1990s. Although circulation actually in‐ creased in many developing nations, both U.S. newspa‐ per circulation and the number of U.S. newspaper firms are lower today than the respective figures posted in the early 1990s. Many newspapers that operated for decades are now defunct, and many others offer only online electronic versions. The newspaper industry shrunk as we entered the 21st century when new technologies such as the Internet became popular outlets for advertising. Newspaper publishing revenue declined from $29 billion in 2010 to $23 billion in 2017 (US Census Bureau, 2016). In the meantime, percentage of revenue generated from online newspapers rose from 5.6% to 15.2%. (US Cen‐ sus Bureau, 2016). Advertising as a source of revenue for newspaper publishers dropped by 27% from $20.4 billion to $14.9 billion (U.S. Census Bureau, 2017).
  • 23. Chapter 2  A History of Communication Technology 11 Figure 2.A Communication Technology Timeline Source: Technology Futures, Inc. Periodicals “The first colonial magazines appeared in Philadel‐ phia in 1741, about 50 years after the first newspapers” (Campbell, 2002, p. 310). Few Americans could read in that era, and periodicals were costly to produce and cir‐ culate. Magazines were often subsidized and distrib‐ uted by special interest groups, such as churches (Huntzicker, 1999). The Saturday Evening Post, the long‐ est running magazine in U.S. history, began in 1821 and became the first magazine to both target women as an audience and to be distributed to a national audience. By 1850, nearly 600 magazines were operating. By early in the 20th century, national magazines became popular with advertisers who wanted to reach wide audiences. No other medium offered such oppor‐ tunity. However, by the middle of the century, the many successful national magazines began dying in the face of advertiser preferences for the new medium of television and the increasing costs of periodical distribu‐ tion. Magazines turned to smaller niche audiences that were more effectively targeted. Table 2.2, Figure 2.2, and Figure 2.3 on the companion website (www.tfi.com/ctu) show the number of American periodical titles by year, revealing that the number of new periodical titles nearly doubled from 1958 to 1960. Single copy magazine sales were mired in a long period of decline in 2009 when circulation fell by 17.2%. However, subscription circulation fell by only 5.9%. In 2010, the Audit Bureau of Circulation re‐ ported that, among the 522 magazine titles monitored by the Bureau, the number of magazine titles in the United States fell by 8.7% (Agnese, 2011). In 2010, 20,707 consumer magazines were pub‐ lished in North America, reaching a paid circulation of $8.8 billion. Subscriptions accounted for $6.2 billion (71%) of that circulation. During that year, 193 new North American magazines began publishing, but 176 magazines closed. Many print magazines were also available in digital form, and many had eliminated print circulation in favor of digital publishing. In 2009, 81 North American magazines moved online, but the number of additional magazines that went online in 2010 dropped to 28 (Agnese, 2011). Books Stephen Daye printed the first book in colonial America, The Bay Psalm Book, in 1640 (Campbell, 2002). Books remained relatively expensive and rare until af‐ ter the printing process benefited from the industrial revolution. Linotype machines developed in the 1880s allowed for mechanical typesetting. After World War II, the popularity of paperback books helped the industry
  • 24. Section I  Fundamentals 12 expand. The U.S. book publishing industry includes 87,000 publishers, most of which are small businesses. Many of these literally operate as “mom‐and‐pop desk‐ top operations” (Peters & Donald, 2007, p. 11). Table 2.3 and Figures 2.3 and 2.4 from the com‐ panion website (www.tfi.com/ctu) show new book titles published by year from the late 1800s through 2016. While times of war negatively affected the book in‐ dustry, the number of book titles in the U.S. has been generally increasing with short‐lived fluctuations like those in 1983‐1986 and 1997‐1999. The U.S. Bureau of the Census reports furnished data based on material from R. R. Bowker, which changed its reporting meth‐ ods beginning with the 1998 report. Ink and Grabois (2000) explained the increase as resulting from the change in the method of counting titles “that results in a more accurate portrayal of the current state of American book publishing” (p. 508). The older count‐ ing process included only books included by the Li‐ brary of Congress Cataloging in Publication program. This program included publishing by the largest American publishing companies, but omitted such books as “inexpensive editions, annuals, and much of the output of small presses and self‐publishers” (Ink & Grabois, 2000, p. 509). Ink and Grabois observed that the U.S. ISBN (International Standard Book Num‐ ber) Agency assigned more than 10,000 new ISBN publisher prefixes annually. Books have long been available for reading via computers, but dedicated e‐book readers have trans‐ formed the reading experience by bringing many readers into the digital era. By the end of 2009, 3.7 mil‐ lion Americans were reading e‐books. In 2010, the readership grew to more than 10.3 million, an increase of 178%, and surveys reported by the Book Industry Study Group (BISG) reported that 20% of respondents had stopped buying printed books in favor of e‐books within a year. By July 2010, Amazon reported that sales of e‐books surpassed that of print hardcover sales for the first time, with “143 e‐books sold for every 100 print hardcover books” (Dillon, 2011, p. 5). From mid‐December 2011 through January 2012, the proportion of Americans owning both e‐book readers and tablet computers nearly doubled from 10% to 19%, with 29% owning at least one of the devices (Rainie, 2012). In January 2014, e‐book penetration rate in the U.S. reached 32% (Pew Research Center, 2014), and 51% of U.S. households owned a tablet in April 2015 (Nielsen, 2015a). However, e‐book sales revenue in the United States reached its peak in 2014 ($1.6 billion) and continued to drop in 2015 ($1.4 bil‐ lion) and 2016 ($1.1 billion) (Association of American Publishers, 2017). The Electronic Era The telegraph transitioned from the print era to a new period by introducing a means of sending mes‐ sages far more rapidly than was previously possible. Soon, Americans and people around the world enjoyed a world enhanced by such electronic media as wired telephones, motion pictures, audio recording, radio, television, cable television, and satellite television. Telephone With the telephone, Alexander Graham Bell be‐ came the first to transmit speech electronically in 1876. By June 30, 1877, 230 telephones were in use, and the number rose to 1,300 by the end of August, mostly to avoid the need for a skilled interpreter of telegraph messages. The first switching office connected three company offices in Boston beginning on May 17, 1877, reflecting a focus on business rather than residential use during the telephone’s early decades. Hotels be‐ came early adopters of telephones as they sought to re‐ duce the costs of employing human messengers, and New York’s 100 largest hotels had 21,000 telephones by 1909. After 1894, non‐business telephone use became common, in part because business use lowered the cost of telephone service. By 1902, 2,315,000 telephones were in service in the United States (Aronson, 1977). Ta‐ ble 2.4 and Figure 2.4 on the companion website (www.tfi.com/ctu) document the growth to near ubiquity of telephones in U.S. households and the expanding presence of wireless telephones. Wireless Telephones Guglielmo Marconi sent the first wireless data messages in 1895. The growing popularity of teleph‐ ony led many to experiment with Marconi’s radio technology as another means for interpersonal com‐ munication. By the 1920s, Detroit police cars had mo‐ bile radiophones for voice communication (ITU, 1999). The Bell system offered radio telephone service
  • 25. Chapter 2  A History of Communication Technology 13 in 1946 in St. Louis, the first of 25 cities to receive the service. Bell engineers divided reception areas into cells in 1947, but cellular telephones that switched ef‐ fectively among cells as callers moved did not arrive until the 1970s. The first call on a portable, handheld cell phone occurred in 1973. However, in 1981, only 24 people in New York City could use their mobile phones at the same time, and only 700 customers could have active contracts. To increase the number of people who could receive service, the Federal Com‐ munications Commission (FCC) began offering cellu‐ lar telephone system licenses by lottery in June 1982 (Murray, 2001). Other countries, such as Japan in 1979 and Saudi Arabia in 1982, operated cellular systems earlier than the United States (ITU, 1999). The U.S. Congress promoted a more advanced group of mobile communication services in 1993 by creating a classification that became known as Com‐ mercial Mobile Radio Service. This classification al‐ lowed for consistent regulatory oversight of these technologies and encouraged commercial competi‐ tion among providers (FCC, 2005). By the end of 1996, about 44 million Americans subscribed to wireless tel‐ ephone services (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 2008). The new century brought an explosion of wireless telephones, and phones morphed into multipurpose devices (i.e., smartphones) with capabilities previ‐ ously limited to computers. By the end of 2016, wire‐ less phone penetration in the United States reached 395.9 million subscribers (CTIA, 2017), it further trended up to 417.5 million by 2017 (FierceWireless, 2017). CTIA‐The Wireless Association (CTIA, 2017) re‐ ported that more than half (50.8%) of all American households were wireless‐only by the end of 2016 up from about 10% in 2006. By 2017, worldwide ship‐ ments of smartphones exceeded 1.5 billion units (IDC, 2017), five times the quantity shipped in 2010 (IDC as cited by Amobi, 2013). As the Chinese smartphone market gradually matured, IDC (2015a) also fore‐ casted that India would replace China as the leading driver of shipment increases. Nevertheless, a factor that may trouble the ad‐ vancement of smartphone sales and development is trade policy conflicts. Some governments are setting up barriers to foreign smartphone imports for trade or national security reasons. Without these obstacles, technological competition could have been fairer in the global market place and may lead to higher pene‐ tration rates and revenues for companies, with better services and products for ordinary customers. Motion Pictures In the 1890s, George Eastman improved on work by and patents purchased from Hannibal Goodwin in 1889 to produce workable motion picture film. The Lumière brothers projected moving pictures in a Paris café in 1895, hosting 2,500 people nightly at their mov‐ ies. William Dickson, an assistant to Thomas Edison, developed the kinetograph, an early motion picture camera, and the kinetoscope, a motion picture view‐ ing system. A New York movie house opened in 1894, offering moviegoers several coin‐fed kinetoscopes. Edison’s Vitascope, which expanded the length of films over those shown via kinetoscopes and allowed larger audiences to simultaneously see the moving images, appeared in public for the first time in 1896. In France in that same year, Georges Méliès started the first motion picture theater. Short movies became part of public entertainment in a variety of American ven‐ ues by 1900 (Campbell, 2002), and average weekly movie attendance reached 40 million people by 1922. Average weekly motion picture theater attend‐ ance, as shown in Table 2.5 and Figure 2.6 on the com‐ panion website (www.tfi.com/ctu), increased annually from the earliest available census reports on the sub‐ ject in 1922 until 1930. After falling dramatically dur‐ ing the Great Depression, attendance regained growth in 1934 and continued until 1937. Slight declines in the prewar years were followed by a period of strength and stability throughout the World War II years. After the end of the war, average weekly attendance reached its greatest heights: 90 million attendees weekly from 1946 through 1949. After the introduc‐ tion of television, weekly attendance would never again reach these levels. Although a brief period of leveling off occurred in the late 1950s and early 1960s, average weekly attend‐ ance continued to plummet until a small recovery be‐ gan in 1972. This recovery signaled a period of relative stability that lasted into the 1990s. Through the last decade of the century, average weekly attendance en‐ joyed small but steady gains.
  • 26. Section I  Fundamentals 14 Box office revenues, which declined generally for 20 years after the beginning of television, began a re‐ covery in the late 1960s, then began to skyrocket in the 1970s. The explosion continued until after the turn of the new century. However, much of the increase in revenues came from increases in ticket prices and in‐ flation, rather than from increased popularity of films with audiences, and total motion picture revenue from box office receipts declined during recent years, as studios realized revenues from television and vid‐ eocassettes (U.S. Department of Commerce/Interna‐ tional Trade Association, 2000). As shown in Table 2.5 on the companion website (www.tfi.com/ctu), American movie fans spent an aver‐ age of 12 hours per person per year from 1993 through 1997 going to theaters. That average stabilized through the first decade of the 21st century (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 2010), despite the growing popularity of watching movies at home with new digital tools. In 2011, movie rental companies were thriving, with Net‐ flix boasting 25 million subscribers and Redbox having 32,000 rental kiosks in the United States (Amobi, 2011b). However, recent physical sales and rental of home entertainment content suffered from the rise of web streaming services and consumer behavior change (Digital Entertainment Group, 2017). Redbox kiosk rentals started to decline in 2013 ($1.97 billion) to $1.76 billion in 2015 (Outerwall, 2016). The record‐breaking success of Avatar in 2009 as a 3D motion picture triggered a spate of followers who tried to revive the technology that was a brief hit in the 1950s. Avatar earned more than $761 million at Ameri‐ can box offices and nearly $2.8 billion worldwide. In the United States, nearly 8,000 of 39,500 theater screens were set up for 3D at the end of 2010, half of them having been installed in that year. The ticket prices for 3D films ran 20‐30% higher than that of 2D films, and 3D films comprised 20% of the new films released. Nevertheless, American audiences preferred subsequent 2D films to 3D competitors, although 3D response remained strong outside the United States, where 61% of the world’s 22,000 3D screens were in‐ stalled. In 2014, there were 64,905 3D screens world‐ wide, except for the Asian Pacific region (55% annual growth), the annual growth rates of 3D screen num‐ bers have stabilized around 6%‐10% (HIS quoted in MPAA, 2015). Another factor in the lack of success of 3D in America might have been the trend toward viewing movies at home, often with digital playback. In 2010, home video purchases and rentals reached $18.8 billion in North America, compared with only $10.6 billion spent at theaters (Amobi, 2011b). U.S. home entertainment spending rose to $20.8 billion in 2017, with revenues in the physical market shrinking ($12 billion in 2016) and digital subscriptions to web streaming (e.g. Netflix) soaring (Digital Entertain‐ ment Group, 2018). In the meantime, the 2014 U.S. do‐ mestic box office slipped 1.4% to $10.44 billion (Nash Information Services quoted in Willens, 2015) and re‐ mained at a similar level for the next three years (Dig‐ ital Entertainment Group, 2017). Globally, the Asian Pacific region and Latin America have been the main contributors to global box office revenue since 2004 (MPAA, 2017). And the bloom of the Chinese movie market has been a major reason for the increase of global revenue. Chinese box office revenue continued to soar to $6.78 billion in 2015, this figure was only $1.51 billion in 2011, and a 48.7% annual growth rate in 2015 was also a new his‐ torical record for the Chinese movie market (State Ad‐ ministration of Press, Publication, Radio, Film and TV, 2016). Audio Recording Thomas Edison expanded on experiments from the 1850s by Leon Scott de Martinville to produce a talking machine or phonograph in 1877 that played back sound recordings from etchings in tin foil. Edi‐ son later replaced the foil with wax. In the 1880s, Em‐ ile Berliner created the first flat records from metal and shellac designed to play on his gramophone, providing mass production of recordings. The early standard recordings played at 78 revolutions per mi‐ nute (rpm). After shellac became a scarce commodity because of World War II, records were manufactured from polyvinyl plastic. In 1948, CBS Records pro‐ duced the long‐playing record that turned at 33‐1/3 rpm, extending the playing time from three to four minutes to 10 minutes. RCA countered in 1949 with 45 rpm records that were incompatible with machines that played other formats. After a five‐year war of for‐ mats, record players were manufactured that would play recordings at all of the speeds (Campbell, 2002).
  • 27. Other documents randomly have different content
  • 28. had never seen these rooms before, and did not see them again until the fall of King Louis-Philippe, in 1848. During the eighteen years' reign of the Younger Branch I never set foot in the Tuileries, except to visit the Duc d'Orléans. But, be it understood, the Marsan pavilion is not in the least degree part of the Tuileries, and it was very often a reason for not going to the Tuileries if one were sent for to the Marsan pavilion. Forgive the digression, but I am glad to flout those who might say they had seen me with the king. The crowd had, as I say, reached the Salle des Maréchaux. The frame of the portrait of M. de Bourmont, who had recently been made a marshal, already occupied its position on one of the panels; but although the name had even been printed on the frame, the portrait had not yet been inserted. In place of the canvas, by way of substitute no doubt, there was a large piece of scarlet taffetas. This was torn down and used to make the red portion of the tricolour favours which each person wore in his buttonhole. I detached a morsel which had been diverted to this end. As I was disputing with my neighbours over this strip of stuff, I heard the sound of several gunshots. They were shooting at the portrait of the Duc de Raguse in lieu of the original. Four balls had pierced the canvas, one through the head, two in the breast and the fourth through the background of the picture. A man of the people climbed up on the shoulders of a comrade and, with his knife, cut out the portrait in the shape of a medallion; then, passing his bayonet through the breast and head, he carried it as the Roman lictors used to carry the S.P.Q.R. at their triumphs. The portrait had been painted by Gérard. I went up to the man and offered him a hundred francs for his trophy. "Oh! citizen," he said, "I would not let you have it if you offered me a thousand." Alophe Pourrat next went up to him and offered him his gun in exchange and got the portrait. He probably has it still.
  • 29. As I entered the library of the Duchesse de Berry, I noticed a copy of Christine, bound in purple morocco and stamped with the duchess's arms, lying upon a little work-table. I thought I had a right to appropriate it. I afterwards gave it to my cousin Félix Deviolaine; who has probably lost it. I had gone in by the pavilion de Flore and I went out by the pavilion Marsan. In the courtyard there was a quadrille of four men, dancing to the piping of a fife and a violin: it was an early Cancan that was being danced. They were dressed in court dress, with plumed hats, and the wardrobes of Mesdames les Duchesses d'Angoulême and de Berry had furnished the costumes for the masquerade. One of these men had a cashmere shawl on his shoulders worth quite a thousand crowns. It would have been perfectly safe to bet that he had not a five-franc piece in his pocket. By the end of the country dance the shawl was in tatters. Now, how did it come to pass that the Louvre and the Tuileries and Carrousel, with their Cuirassiers and Lancers and Swiss, their Royal Guard and artillery, with three or four thousand men in garrison besides, had been taken by four or five hundred insurgents? This is what happened. Four attacks were directed upon the Louvre: the first by the Palais- Royal; the second from the rue des Poulies, the rue des Prêtres- Saint-Germain-l'Auxerrois and the quai de l'École; the third by the Pont des Arts, and the fourth by the Pont Royal. The first was led by Lothon, whom, as it will be remembered, we left at the top of rue Guénégaud. He had been hit in the head by a bullet and had fallen unconscious in the place du Palais-Royal. The second was conducted by Godefroy Cavaignac, Joubert, Thomas, Bastide, Degousée, Grouvelle and the brothers Lebon, etc. It was they who took the Louvre, as will be seen presently. The third was that which had taken place by the Pont des Arts—the result is known. The fourth, that of the rue du Bac, did not cross the bridge in reality, until the Tuileries was taken. We have given an account of the second attack which captured the Louvre. This success was due, in the first case, to the admirable
  • 30. courage shown by the assailants and, afterwards, it must be confessed, by chance, to a false manœuvre: we will call it so in consideration of the feelings of those who decline to recognise the intervention of Providence in human affairs. One anecdote will be sufficient to give an idea of the courage of the assailants. A child of twelve had climbed, like a chimney-sweep, up one of the wooden shafts which are erected against the Colonnade to put rubbish in, and he had planted a tricolour flag on the Louvre in the face of the Swiss. Fifty shots had been fired at him and he had been lucky enough to escape without a single one disturbing him! Just at this moment, as enthusiastic shouts greeted the successful issue of the child's mad feat, the Duc de Raguse, who had concentrated his forces round the Carrousel for a last struggle, learnt that the soldiers stationed on the place Vendôme had begun to enter into communication with the people. The capture of the place Vendôme meant the occupation of the rue de Rivoli, of the conquest of the place Louis XV.,—meant, in a word, that retreat on Saint-Cloud and Versailles was cut off. The Louvre was especially guarded by two battalions of Swiss. One alone would have been enough for its defence. So the marshal conceived the notion of replacing the troops on the place Vendôme (who, as we have just said, were threatening defection) by one of these two battalions of Swiss. He despatched his aide-de-camp, M. de Guise, to M. de Salis, who was in command of the two battalions. M. de Guise carried orders to bring back these two battalions. M. de Salis, on receipt of this order, saw no objection to carrying it out. He was the more ready to follow it, as one single battalion was enough to defend the Louvre, and that one had, indeed, been defending it successfully since the morning. The other battalion had been standing in the courtyard with arms at rest. M. de Salis next conceived the very natural idea of sending the Duc de Raguse, not the reserve battalion stationed in the courtyard, but the one which had been fighting since the morning from the balcony of Charles IX. and the windows of the picture galleries, on the Colonnade du Louvre side. He therefore commanded the fresh battalion to the
  • 31. place of the fatigued one. But he made this mistake—instead of ordering the fresh battalion to come up, he first ordered the tired battalion to go down. This manœuvre was executed just at the moment of the highest enthusiasm and the greatest efforts of the assailants. They saw the Swiss retire, the firing grow feebler and then cease altogether; they believed their enemies were beating a retreat and they sprang forward. The movement was so impetuous that, before the second battalion had taken the place of those who were being withdrawn, the people had entered by all the wicket gates and gratings, had spread over the deserted rooms on the ground floor and were firing from the windows on the court. When the Swiss saw the flames and smoke, they thought the awful and bloody scenes of the 10th of August were about to be repeated. Uneasy, surprised and taken unprepared, not knowing if their comrades had retired by superior orders or were beating a retreat, they recoiled and tumbled hurriedly over one another, never attempting even to return the fire that was decimating their ranks; they crushed through the door leading out on the place du Carrousel, suffocating and treading one another down and flying in complete rout as soon as they were through the gateway. The Duc de Raguse vainly flung himself into their midst to try to rally them. Most did not understand French, so could not tell what was said to them; moreover, fear had turned to terror and fright to panic. You know what the angel of fear can do when he shakes his wings over the mob: the fugitives drove everything before them,—cuirassiers, lancers, police,—crossed that huge space, the place du Carrousel, without stopping, cleared the Tuileries gate and scattered themselves in every direction over the garden. Meanwhile, the assailants had reached the first landing, rushed through the picture gallery, which they found without defenders, and proceeded to break in the door at the end of the galleries that leads from the Louvre to the Tuileries. After that, resistance was no longer possible: the defenders of the château fled as best they could; the garden and both the terraces were crowded; the Duc de Raguse was among the last to withdraw and left the gate de l'Horloge just when Joubert was
  • 32. planting the Tricolour above his head, and when the people were raining down from the windows papers from the king's study. The marshal found a piece of cannon being taken away at the top of the jardin d'Hippomène and d'Atalante; and, at his command, it was replaced in its battery and a final volley was fired from it towards the Tuileries, which had ceased to be the dwelling-place of kings and had become the people's prize; one of its bullets, a posthumous present from Monarchy, as it were, cut one of the charming little grooved pillars on the first floor in two. This last cannon shot did no harm except to Philibert Delorme's masterpiece, but seemed as though it saluted the Tricolour which was waving over the pavilion de l'Horloge. The Revolution of 1830 was accomplished. Accomplished (we will repeat it, print it, engrave it if necessary on iron and brass, on bronze and steel), accomplished, not alone by the cautious actors of the past fifteen years' comedy, who hid, as it were, behind the wings, whilst the people played that Three Days' bloody drama; not only by Casimir Périer, Laffitte, Benjamin Constant, Sébastiani, Guizot, Mauguin, by Choiseul, Odilon Barrot and the three Dupins. No! those actors were not even behind the wings; that would have been too near the stage for them! They kept at home, carefully guarded, hermetically sealed. With such as they, there was never any mention of resistance other than one legally organised, and, when the Louvre and Tuileries were being taken, they still went on discussing in their drawing-rooms the terms of a protest which many of them yet considered too risky a step to forward. The people who accomplished the Revolution of 1830 were those I saw at work, and who saw me there in their midst; those who entered the Louvre and the Tuileries by the broken doors and windows were, alas! (I may be pardoned this mournful exclamation, since most of them are now either dead or prisoners or exiled), Godefroy Cavaignac, Baude, Degousée, Higonnet, Grouvelle, Coste, Guinard, Charras, Étienne Arago, Lothon, Millotte, d'Hostel, Chalas, Gauja, Baduel, Bixio, Goudchaux, Bastide, the three brothers Lebon (Olympiade, Charles and Napoleon: the first was killed and the other two wounded in the
  • 33. attack on the Louvre), Joubert, Charles Teste, Taschereau, Béranger and others whose forgiveness I ask if I have either forgotten or not named them. I also ask pardon of some of those whom I name and who would perhaps prefer not to have been mentioned. Those who accomplished the Revolution of 1830 were the fiery youths of the heroic Proletariat which, it is true, lit the fires, but extinguished them with their own blood; those men of the people who are scattered when the work is achieved, and who die of hunger after having mounted guard by the Treasury gates, who stand on tiptoe with bare feet, in the streets, to watch the convivial parasites of power admitted to the care of offices, to the plums of good posts and to a share in all high honours, to the detriment of their less fortunate brethren. The men who made the Revolution of 1830 were the same who, two years later, were killed at Saint-Mery for the same cause. But, this time, a change of name was given them just because they themselves had not changed their principles, and, instead of being called "heroes," they were styled "rebels." Only those renegades who change their opinions to suit the times can avoid the epithet of rebel, when different powers succeed one another. BOOK III CHAPTER I I go in search of Oudard—The house at the corner of the rue de Rohan—Oudard is with Laffitte—Degousée—General Pajol and M. Dupin—The officers of the 53rd Regiment—Interior of Laffitte's salon—Panic—A deputation comes to offer La Fayette the command of Paris—He accepts—Étienne Arago and the
  • 34. tricoloured cockade—History of the Hôtel de Ville from eight in the morning to half-past three in the afternoon Now would you like to know what was going on at M. Laffitte's, in the same drawing-room where, two days later, a King of France, or rather, a King of the French, was to be created, just at the moment that the Tuileries had been taken? I can tell you: and this is why. When I left the Tuileries, I had been seized with a burning desire to find out whether Oudard was still, on the evening of 29 July, of the same opinion as on the morning of the 28th, with respect to the Duc d'Orléans' devotion to His Majesty Charles X. So I went to No. 216 rue Saint-Honoré. At the place de l'Odéon I had been very nearly knocked down by a Gradus ad Parnassum; and, as I approached No. 216, I was also nearly knocked down by a dead body. They were throwing the Swiss out of the windows at the corner of the rue de Rohan. This was happening at a hatter's, the front of whose house was riddled with bullets. A post of Swiss had been placed by it as an advance guard and they had forgotten to relieve them, but the guards had kept their post with true Swiss courage, and no higher praise than that could be given. The house had been carried by storm, a dozen men had been killed and the bodies were being thrown out from the windows, as I have said, without even a warning cry being given to the passers beneath. I went up the stairs to the offices of the Palais-Royal. Now, my rifle, that had caused such consternation on the previous day, was received with acclamation. I found the office-boy busily occupied in putting things a little straight in our establishment. That portion of the palace having been invaded, they had fired from the windows, and this had not been done without causing some disorder among the papers. But there was no sign of Oudard! I inquired after him from the office-boy and learnt, in confidence, that I should, in all probability, find him at Laffitte's house. I have said already how I had made acquaintance with the famous banker through the service he had rendered me. I therefore made my way to his mansion, where I felt sure I should not altogether be looked upon as an intruder. It took
  • 35. me more than an hour to get from the Palais-Royal to the Hôtel Laffitte, so crowded were the streets and so many acquaintances did one meet on the way. At the door I ran into Oudard. "Ah! by Jove!" I said, laughing, "you are just the man I am looking for!" "I! what do you want with me?" "To know whether your views on the present situation are unchanged." "I shall not express any opinion until to-morrow," he replied. And, making a sign of farewell, he disappeared as fast as he could. Where was he off to? I did not know until three days later: he went to Neuilly to carry this short ultimatum to the Duc d'Orléans:— "Choose between a crown and a passport!" The ultimatum was drawn up by M. Laffitte. I had flattered myself with vain hope in believing I should be able to enter Laffitte's house: courts, gardens, antechambers, drawing- rooms were all crammed; there were even curious spectators on the roofs of the houses opposite that looked down over the Hôtel courtyard. But it must be said that the men gathered together there were not all in a state of enthusiasm and appreciative of the situation. Certain stories of what was passing inside filtered through to the crowd outside, at which they grumbled loudly as they listened. One story will give an idea of the cautious prudence of the deputies assembled at Laffitte's house. When Degousée had, that morning, seen the Hôtel de Ville fall into the hands of the people, he left Baude installed there and rushed off to General Pajol to offer him the command of the National Guard. But General Pajol replied that he could not take any such decided steps without the authorisation of the deputies. "Then where the devil are there any deputies?" asked Degousée.
  • 36. "Look for them at M. de Choiseul's," General Pajol replied. So Degousée went there. M. de Choiseul was at his wits' end: he had just learnt that he had been made a member of the Provisional Government the night before, and that, during the night, he had signed a seditious proclamation. M. Dupin, senior, was with the duke, doubtless having a consultation upon this unexpected bit of French legislation. The idea proposed by Degousée of reorganising a corps that could not fail to become a Conservative power delighted M. Dupin immensely. He took a pen and wrote these words:— "The deputies assembled in Paris authorise General Pajol to take the command of the Parisian Militia." "The Parisian Militia!" Degousée repeated. "Why do you call them by that name?" "Because the National Guard has been legally dissolved by the Ordinance of King Charles X.," was M. Dupin's reply. "Come, come," Degousée went on to say, "don't let us quibble over terms. Sign this quickly and kindly tell me where I shall find your deputies assembled in Paris." "At the house of M. Laffitte," M. Dupin replied. And he signed the authorisation without making any further difficulties. The deputies were, indeed, assembled with Laffitte. And Degousée, more fortunate than I, thanks, no doubt, to the paper which he carried, had been able to reach the room where the deliberations were going on. The deputies looked at the afore-mentioned three lines and, seeing M. Dupin's signature, signed in their turn; but they had no sooner done so than they were seized with terror: Degousée, who never let the grass grow under his feet, and who, besides, was aching to be at the assault of the Louvre, had already reached the street door when a deputy caught him up. "Monsieur," he said, "will you permit me to look at that paper once again?"
  • 37. "Certainly," Degousée replied unsuspectingly. The deputy stepped aside and tore off the signatures, then returned the paper, folded up, to Degousée, who took it, not discovering the missing signatures subtracted by the clever conjurer, until he reached General Pajol's door. My readers remember La Fontaine's fable of le Lièvre et les Grenouilles (The hare and the frog)? The worthy man foresaw everything, even that which was thought almost impossible, namely, that M. Dupin would find a greater coward than himself! That was the story going the round of the knots of people standing about outside. But let us hasten to add that La Fayette had not yet arrived at the Hôtel Laffitte when the incident took place that we have just related. He arrived as a man of the populace, gun in hand and face blackened with powder, was running in to announce the taking of the Louvre. A sergeant of the 53rd Regiment of the line had made such good use of his feet and hands that he had got into the drawing-room, where he announced that that regiment was on the point of fraternising with the people. The officers only asked that some person of high position might be sent them in order that their going over to the Revolutionary cause might not look like an ordinary defection. They sent Colonel Heymès, in civilian dress, and M. Jean- Baptiste Laffitte, with several members of the National Guard, whom they had recruited as they came along the boulevard. The regiment was arriving just as I came: five officers entered the council hall and I with them. M. Laffitte was near the garden window, which was open, although the outside blinds were closed; he was seated in a large arm-chair with his leg resting on a footstool. He had sprained his foot the morning before. Behind him was Béranger, leaning upon the back of his chair, and, on one side, stood General La Fayette, inquiring after his health; in the recess of a second window, Georges La Fayette was talking with M. Laroche, M. Laffitte's nephew. Thirty or forty deputies conversing in groups filled up the rest of the
  • 38. drawing-room. Suddenly, a fearful sound of firing was heard and the cry resounded— "The Royal Guard is marching towards the Hôtel!" I have seen many spectacles, from that of Paul et Virginie, at the Opéra-Comique, the first I ever saw and admired, down to la Barrière de Clichy, at the Cirque, one of the latest I have managed, but I never saw such a change of scene as that! One could have imagined that every deputy had been on a trap-door and had disappeared at a whistle. In the turn of a hand there was absolutely not a single person left in the salon but Laffitte, who remained still seated, without a trace of emotion apparent in his face; Béranger, who remained steadfast where he stood; M. Laroche, who came to his uncle's side; La Fayette, who raised his noble and venerable head and took one step towards the door, which meant facing danger; Georges La Fayette, who rushed towards his father; and the five officers who formed a bodyguard round M. Laffitte. All the others had disappeared by the private doors or had jumped out through the windows. M. Méchin had distinguished himself by being among the latter. I was intending to take advantage of the situation to present my compliments to the master of the house, but General La Fayette stopped me on the way. "What the deuce is the matter?" he asked me. "I have no idea, General," I replied; "but I can confidently affirm that neither the Swiss nor the Royal Guard are here.... I saw them leave the Tuileries, and, at the rate they were going, they must, by this time, be nearer Saint-Cloud than the Hôtel Laffitte." "Never mind! try and find out what it is all about." I was advancing towards the door when an officer came in and brought the solution to the riddle. The soldiers of the 6th Regiment of the line had met those of the 53rd and had followed the example of the latter in siding with the popular cause; in sign of their joy they had discharged their rifles in the air. This explanation given, we went in search of the missing
  • 39. deputies whom we at last found here, there and everywhere. Only two failed to answer the roll-call. However, by dint of further hunting, they were discovered hiding in a stable. If you wish it, I am quite ready to give their names. A deputation was introduced a few minutes later; Garnier-Pagès was of its number, if I remember rightly. This deputation had taken Taschereau's placards and proclamation as genuine, and had come to entreat Generals La Fayette and Gérard to enter upon their duties. General Gérard, who had but just arrived, eluded the proposition. Gérard's dream was to become a minister of Charles X. with M. de Mortemart, and not a member of a temporary and Revolutionary Government. La Fayette's response to the deputation was nearly the same that he had given me the night before. "My friends, if you think I can be useful to the cause of liberty, make use of me"; and he placed himself in the hands of the deputation. The cry of "Vive La Fayette!" echoed through the salons of the Hôtel Laffitte and were taken up in the street outside. La Fayette turned towards the deputies. "You see, gentlemen," he said, "I am being offered the command of Paris and I think I ought to accept it." It was not the moment for dissent, and adherence was unanimous. Everybody present, including even M. Bertin de Vaux, went up to La Fayette to offer him congratulations, but I could not catch the words. I was already in the antechamber, courtyard and street shouting— "Make room for General La Fayette, who is going to the Hôtel de Ville!" The unanimity of the shouts of "Vive La Fayette!" proved that the hero of 1789 had not lost an atom of his popularity in 1830. What a splendid thing is Liberty! an immortal and infallible goddess! The Convention had its day, the Directory, the Consulate, the Empire and the Restoration all passed away too and heads and crowns fell with them; but the man whom Liberty had consecrated King of the people in 1789 found himself once more King of the people in 1830.
  • 40. La Fayette went out, leaning upon Carbonnel, accompanied by a deputy, whose name I did not know until I inquired: it was Audry de Puyraveau. Everybody, men, women and children, formed a procession after the illustrious old man, whom we honoured and glorified because we knew that in his person he embodied the chief principle of Revolution. And yet, although he was so advanced in his views, he was then far out-distanced by those of younger people! At the door of the National offices in the rue Neuve-Saint-Marc, La Fayette caught sight of Étienne Arago, wearing a tricolour cockade. "Monsieur Poque," he said, addressing one of the persons who accompanied him, "go and beg that young man to take off his cockade." Arago came to La Fayette. "I ask pardon, General," he said, "but I do not think I can have understood." "My young friend, I beg you to take off that cockade." "Why, General?" "Because it is a little premature.... Later, later we will see." "General," replied Étienne, "I have been wearing a tricolour in my buttonhole since yesterday, and in my hat since this morning. There they are and there they will remain!" "Obstinate fellow!" murmured the general, as he went on his way. They suggested he should have a horse from Pellier's livery stables, but he refused. So it took nearly an hour and a half to go from the rue d'Artois to the Hôtel de Ville. He reached it about half-past three. But I must give the history of the Hôtel de Ville from eight that morning, when it had been definitely taken by the people, to the moment when General La Fayette came to occupy it at half-past three. About seven in the morning, the people noticed that the Hôtel had been evacuated by the troops. The news was instantly carried to the National offices. It was important that possession should be É
  • 41. taken of it, so Baude and Étienne Arago went. At nine o'clock they were installed inside. From that very moment, and visionary as it was, the Provisional Government was installed in office. A man had risen up who did not shrink before the terrible responsibility which made so many people hang back. That man was Baude. He constituted himself Secretary of a non-existent Government. He issued numberless orders, proclamations and decrees, which he signed "BAUDE, Secretary to the Provisional Government." We said that he had entered the Hôtel de Ville at nine o'clock. By eleven, the municipal safe was examined and found to contain five million francs. At eleven o'clock, the master bakers were summoned, and they declared on their own responsibility that Paris was provisioned for a month. Moreover, at eleven o'clock, commissions were set up in all the twelve arrondissements of Paris, with instructions to put themselves into communication with the Hôtel de Ville. Five or six devoted patriots rallied round Baude and were sufficient for his working staff. Étienne Arago was one of these. Reports, orders, decrees and proclamations were placed between the barrel and the ramrod of Arago's rifle and carried to the National offices. He went by way of the rue de la Vannerie, the market of the Innocents, and the rue Montmartre. From ten that morning not a single obstacle had impeded his course. In accordance with Marshal Marmont's order the whole of the troops had concentrated round the Tuileries. While Étienne was carrying off the proclamation announcing the downfall of the Bourbons, signed "BAUDE, Secretary of the Provisional Government," he met a former actor named Charlet, in the market of the Innocents, who was walking in front of an immense crowd of people which filled up the whole of the square. The two principal personages in that crowd, those who appeared to be conducting it or to be conducted by it, were a man dressed as a captain, and another in the uniform of a general. The man in captain's uniform was Évariste Dumoulin, the editor of the
  • 42. Constitutionnel, to whom I have referred apropos of Madame Valmonzey and Christine. The man in the general's uniform was General Dubourg. Nobody knew who General Dubourg was or where he sprang from, or whether he had been to an old-clothes shop and either borrowed or hired or bought his general's uniform. But the epaulettes were wanting, and this was too important an accessory to be neglected. Charlet, the actor, went and fetched a pair of epaulettes from the property stores of the Opéra-Comique and brought them to the general. And, thus complete, he set off at the head of his procession. "What is all this crowd? Étienne asked of Charlet. "It is General Dubourg's procession starting for the Hôtel de Ville." "Who is General Dubourg?" "General Dubourg is General Dubourg," said Charlet. And there was indeed no other explanation to be offered. General Dubourg had presented himself before Higonnet and Degousée at the Mairie des Petits-Pères the previous day. "Gentlemen," he asked, "do you require a general?" "A general?" Degousée repeated. "In Revolutionary times it only needs a tailor to make anything or anybody—and, given sufficient tailors, there will be no lack of generals." The general made a mental note of the expression, but, instead of applying to a tailor, he did what was more economical and expeditious. He went to a second-hand clothes dealer! But then it was fitting that a general of fortune should have a makeshift for a uniform. Well, the general and his uniform combined went to the Hôtel de Ville. Now, it is the proper thing for processions to march at a slow pace, and this particular one did not depart from the usual custom. Étienne had time to go and deposit his despatch at the offices of the
  • 43. National and, by hurrying slightly, he was able to return to the Hôtel de Ville before General Dubourg had effected his entrance. "Baude," he said, "do you know what is coming?" "No." "A general!" "What general?" "General Dubourg.... Do you know the person?" "Not from Adam or Eve! Is he in uniform?" "Yes." "A uniform will go down well! Hurrah for General Dubourg! We will put him in a back room and show him off when occasion offers." General Dubourg entered to the shouts of "Vive le general Dubourg!" They took him to the back room Baude pointed out, and when he was there— "What do you wish, General?" they asked him. "A bit of bread and a chamber-pot," replied the general. "I am dying of hunger, and desire to make water!" They gave him what he wanted. Whilst he devoured his piece of bread Baude brought him two proclamations to sign. He signed one without difficulty, but refused to sign the other. Baude took it and signed it with a shrug of his shoulders—"BAUDE, Secretary to the Provisional Government." Poor Provisional Government! It would have been curious to see what its behaviour would have been if Charles X. had returned to Paris. Arago was on his way carrying these two proclamations, when he met a new troop near Saint-Eustache, proceeding to an attack on the Louvre. He could not refrain from joining it.
  • 44. "Bah!" he said, "the proclamations will wait; let us go to the most pressing business first." And to the Louvre he went. When the Louvre was taken, he took his proclamations to the National and there announced the people's victory. It was here that General La Fayette had seen him with a tricolour cockade and was made uneasy by his boldness. When Étienne heard that the general was going to the Hôtel de Ville he did the same for him that he had done for General Dubourg: he ran to the Hôtel to announce to Baude the arrival of General La Fayette. In fairness to General Dubourg be it said that he did not even attempt to dispute the position of the new arrival, although he had come later than himself. He came forward to receive him on the steps and, bowing respectfully, said— "À tout seigneur, tout honneur!" For five hours, he had been master of Paris; and, for two of those five, his name had been on all lips. He was to reappear a second time to be hounded out of the Hôtel de Ville, and a third when he was very nearly assassinated. When he arrived, he sent for the tricolour tent and an upholsterer. When the latter came—"Monsieur," the general said to him, "I want a flag." "What colour?" the man asked. "Black!" replied the general; "black shall be the colour of France until she shall have regained her liberty!" And ten minutes afterwards a black flag floated over the Hôtel de Ville. CHAPTER II
  • 45. General La Fayette at the Hôtel de Ville—Charras and his men —"The Prunes of Monsieur"—The Municipal Commission—Its first Act—Casimir Périer's bank—General Gérard—The Duc de Choiseul—What happened at Saint-Cloud—The three negotiators —It is too late—M. d'Argout with Laffitte As soon as General La Fayette was installed at the Hôtel de Ville, it immediately became as full of people as it had been deserted before his arrival. In the midst of all the shouts of joy, clamouring enthusiasm and yells of triumph, the poor general did not know to whom to listen. Men of the people, students, pupils from the École polytechnique, all came with their own particular tale. The general replied— "Very good! very good!" and shook hands with the messenger, who rushed off down the stairs, delighted, shouting— "General La Fayette shook hands with me! Hurrah for General La Fayette!" Charras arrived, in due course, with his hundred or hundred and fifty men. "Here I am, General," he said. "Ah! You, my young friend!" said La Fayette. "You are welcome"; and he embraced him. "Yes, General, I am here, but I am not alone." "Who have you with you?" "My hundred and fifty men." "And what have they done?" "They have acted like heroes, General! They took the prison Montaigu, the barrack de l'Estrapade and the one in the rue de Babylone." "Bravo!"
  • 46. "Yes, you may indeed say so! But now there is nothing left for them to take, what must I do with them?" "Why, tell them to return quietly to their homes." Charras laughed. "Homes? You don't really mean that, General!" "I do, really; they must be fatigued after the tasks they have performed." "But, General, three-quarters of the brave fellows have no homes to go to, and the other quarter, if they went home, would not find either a morsel of bread or a halfpenny to buy any with." "Ah! the deuce! that alters the case," said the general. "Then let them have a hundred sous per head." Charras submitted the general's proposal to his men. "Oh!... Come now!" they said, "does he think we are fighting for the sake of money?" Baude ordered a distribution of bread and meat and, when it was done, Charras camped with his troop upon the square of the Hôtel de Ville. Madame Guyet-Desfontaines' cup of chocolate and bottle of Bordeaux wine were now things of the past, and I felt as pressing a desire for a piece of bread to eat as had General Dubourg when he reached the Hôtel de Ville. I went to a wine merchant's at the corner of la place de Grève and the quai Pelletier and asked for some dinner. His house was riddled with bullets and he had become the possessor of a fine selection of grapeshot. He meant to set them up above his door as a future sign, with the following words inscribed above them:— AUX PRUNES DE MONSIEUR You know that the Comte d'Artois, as in the case of all the younger brothers of the kings of France, was styled "Monsieur" before he
  • 47. became Charles X. I approved the happy notion of the wine merchant, and flattered him so cleverly that I wheedled him out of a bottle of wine, a piece of bread and a sausage. I was fully determined not to lose sight of the Hôtel de Ville and to take note of all that passed there. I found that Revolutions had an extremely amusing side. Pray excuse me, it was the first I had seen. Now that I have lived to see a third I do not find them quite so funny. But, as we have many incidents to relate in these humble Memoirs which that arch-prude History leaves untold and as we have, therefore, no time to lose, let us say, on the one hand, what was happening at Saint-Cloud and, on the other, what was being plotted at M. Laffitte's, whilst I was drinking my bottle of wine and eating my bread and sausage at the sign of the Prunes de Monsieur, and whilst General La Fayette was busy installing himself in his dictatorial chair in the Hôtel de Ville, embracing Charras and sending his men to bed, since he thought they must badly need to rest. Let us begin at the Hôtel Laffitte. La Fayette had scarcely left the salon to take up the dictatorship of Paris, when they began to be afraid of leaving the hero of the battle of the Federation twenty-four hours alone at the head of affairs, and set to work to discover some efficacious method of counterbalancing his power. They appointed General Gérard Director of active operations (an unknown office which they had invented for the occasion); and he was to be backed up by a Municipal Commission composed of MM. Casimir Périer, Laffitte, Odier, Lobau, Audry de Puyraveau and Mauguin. But, to form a part of a Municipal Commission was much too bold a step for M. Odier; and he refused. M. de Schonen was appointed in his stead. M. Laffitte's sprained foot was made the pretext for establishing the Commission at his house. Thus, everything was organised to combat General La Fayette's revolutionary sway. This was how the bourgeoisie began its reactionary work the very same day that popular enthusiasm and triumph was at its height.
  • 48. Make friends again, rejoice, approach one another with shouts of joy, embrace, you men of the faubourgs, young people from the colleges, students, poets and artists! Raise your hands to heaven, thank God, and cry hosannahs! Your dead are not yet buried, your wounds not yet healed; your lips are yet black with powder, your hearts still beat joyfully at the thought of liberty, and already intriguing men, financial men and those in uniforms who went and hid trembling and praying whilst you were fighting, are shamelessly approaching to snatch victory and liberty out of your hands, to wrest the palms from the one, and to clip the wings of the other; to ravish your two chaste goddesses. Whilst you are shooting a man in the place du Louvre, for having stolen a silver-gilt vase, whilst you are shooting a man under the Pont d'Arcole for stealing some silver plate, you are insulted and slandered out there in that big fine mansion, which you will some day buy back by a national subscription (you short-memoried children with hearts of gold!), and give it back to its owner when he is ruined and has only an income left of four hundred thousand francs! Audite et intelligite! Listen and learn! Here is the first Act of that Municipal Commission which had just been self-elected:— "The deputies present in Paris have had to assemble in order to remedy the grave dangers which are threatening the security of persons and property. A Municipal Commission has been formed to watch over the interests of all in the absence of regular organisation.". Royalists, beware! there is an edict of good King Saint-Louis giving power to pierce the tongue of blasphemers with a red-hot iron! This Commission had to have a secretary at the Hôtel de Ville and Odilon Barrot was appointed. It happened that, at the same time as the Commission was signing this insulting decree, they came and announced to it that half the combatants were dying of hunger in the public squares and were asking for bread. They turned towards M. Casimir Périer with one accord—the man who had offered the Duc de Raguse four millions the previous day.
  • 49. "Well, messieurs," he replied, "I am truly sorry for the poor devils, but it is past four o'clock and my cash-room is closed." And that was a man who had been a Minister and governed the French people—a man whose sons had been ambassadors to and representatives of the French nation! At five o'clock, General Gérard condescended to show himself to the crowd. He still wore the white cockade in his hat, and it excited such comment that the general was forced to take it out; but no amount of persuasion could make him don the tricolour cockade in its place. The Duc de Choiseul entered the Hôtel Laffitte as General Gérard was leaving it; the poor duke, whose complexion at ordinary times was quite yellow, now looked green. He had had enough to make him so! He had been taking part in the Provisional Government since the morning, signing proclamations and issuing decrees! Whilst fighting was going on in the streets, he had not dared to venture out of doors; he was too much in fear of being compromised and still more afraid of being killed. When the firing was stopped, M. de Choiseul had half opened his shutters, and he perceived that everybody was in the streets and that the city was in a state of rejoicing: he had descended his carpeted stairs step by step, had ventured one foot outside his Hôtel and had finally risked going as far as M. Laffitte's. What did he want to do there? By Jove! that is not a difficult question to answer: he came to protest against the abominable forger who had abused his name and who had held it in so little respect as to link it with that of M. Motié de La Fayette! True, M. de Choiseul; although descended from a good Auvergnese family, M. Motié de La Fayette did not spring from Raymond III., Count of Langres, and from Alix de Dreux, granddaughter of Louis le Gros; but I do not know that he could number among his ancestors any accused of poisoning a Dauphin of France, at the instigation of Austria. That fact should have been taken into consideration and should have made the duke more lenient to the poor gentleman and his family.
  • 50. Now that we have seen what was passing at the Hôtel Laffitte, let us see what was happening at Saint-Cloud. They were furious against the Duc de Raguse; and they had not merely said that he had not defended Paris properly, but that he had betrayed them. Luckless fate pursued this man, accused by all sides, even by that to which he had devoted himself! The dauphin was substituted to take command in his place. All knew what a grand general the dauphin was! Did he not conquer Spain and drive out that lucky, foolhardy fellow of a Napoleon? His repartees, too, were they not most felicitously turned? He came to the bois de Boulogne to receive the troops and went up to a captain, asking— "How many men have you lost, Captain? How many men have you lost?" The dauphin had a habit of saying his sentences twice over. "Many, monseigneur!" the officer replied sorrowfully. "But you have plenty left still—plenty left?" His Highness said, with the tactful manner that was natural to him! The troops continued their retreat and reached Saint-Cloud depressed with fatigue, broken down with heat and dying with hunger. They were not expected and nothing was prepared for them. The Duc de Bordeaux dined, and M. de Damas ordered the dishes that came from the prince's table to be sent out to the soldiers. The child took the dishes and himself handed them to the servants-in- waiting upon him. The hour predicted by Barras had come, but the poor royal child had been taught no other trade than that of being a prince—a bad trade in our days: ask His Majesty Napoleon II. and His Highness the Duc de Bordeaux, or Monseigneur le Comte de Paris. However, Doctor Thibaut's negotiation had produced its effects and, whilst General Gérard was sticking to his white cockade at half-past five on the afternoon of 29 July, M. de Mortemart was reaching Saint-Cloud at seven that same evening. Charles X. did not give him a warm welcome; he did not like him and, indeed, M. de Mortemart
  • 51. was one of those doubtful Royalists, attainted with Republicanism, like the La Fayettes and Lameths and Broglies. M. de Mortemart tried to force the king into making concessions; but the king had replied with a determination that twenty-four hours later he was to belie— "I will give no concessions, monsieur! I witnessed the events of 1789 and have not forgotten them. I do not wish to ride in a cart, like my brother; I choose to ride on horseback."[1] Unfortunately for this fine resolution, the affairs of Paris changed their appearance the next morning. It was then Charles X. who urged M. de Mortemart to accept the Ministry, and M. de Mortemart who, in his turn, declined. He saw that the hour had gone by for a mixed Ministry to be effective, and made an intermittent fever, caught on the shores of the Danube, the excuse for refusing. But Charles X. had reached the point when kings no longer try to hide their fears, but openly utter cries of distress. "Ah! Monsieur le Duc," the aged monarch exclaimed, "you refuse, then, to save my life and that of my Ministers? That is not the part of a faithful subject, monsieur!" The duke bowed. "Sire," he said, "if that is what you demand of me, I will accept!" "Good—I thank you," replied the king. Then, in a whisper— "But it remains to be seen if the people will be satisfied with you...." The violent measures imposed upon the old king were so bitter to him, that, even before the man who had been willing to sacrifice himself for his sake, he could not restrain his anger. Three political personages were waiting in an adjacent room—thus, in our polite tongue, we speak of peers, deputies, senators, magistrates and councillors who take the oath of allegiance to monarchies, and who defend them so well, that, in forty years, they have allowed four to slip through their fingers! These political
  • 52. personages were M. de Vitrolles,—whom Doctor Thibaut had gone to look for on the evening of 27 July, to lay before him the Coalition,— Mortemart and Gérard; M. de Sémonville, the man of apocryphal flags, of whom M. de Talleyrand said, when he saw him falling away, "What interest can he take in that?" M. d'Argout who, in 1848, became so ardent a Republican that he dismissed from his offices my beloved and close friend Lassagne, who had obtained with him a small post at three to four thousand francs salary, because he recognised him as having been secretary to King Louis-Philippe. "O holy discretion!" as said Brutus. While they were waiting, M. de Polignac entered. The prince soon guessed what the three negotiators had come about; two of them were personal friends of his. They had come to ask for his dethronement. There was a greatness about the Prince de Polignac; a smaller-minded man would have attempted to prevent them gaining access to the king; but he at once introduced them into Charles X.'s cabinet. Perhaps he also reckoned upon the king's well- known aversion towards M. d'Argout. The king had just agreed to the Ministry of Mortemart. He received these gentlemen, who laid their mission before him. Charles X. did not even let them get to the end but, with a gesture at once full of bitterness and of nobility, he said— "Gentlemen, go to the Parisians and tell them that the king revokes the Ordinances." These gentlemen gave vent to the expression of their joy in murmurs of satisfaction. But the king went on to say— "Allow me, at the same time, to tell you that I believe this revocation to be fatal to the interests of the Monarchy and of France!" The interests of Monarchy and of France! Why on earth did Charles X. talk of these to such men? What did they care for beyond their own private interests? They departed in a carriage at full gallop. Upon the road they met all Paris in arms pouring out of the houses
  • 53. into the streets and from out the suburbs. M. de Sémonville shouted to that crowd of bare-armed men with bloodstained shirts— "My friends, the king has revoked the Ordinances; the Ministers have been chucked out." He thought he was speaking in the language of the people, but he was really only uttering the jargon of the lowest rabble. M. de Vitrolles was shaking hands freely all round. If the men who pressed his hands had known his name, they would have throttled him instead! When the negotiators reached the quays they were obliged to abandon their carriages, as the barricades were beginning and, with them, no favouritism: locomotion was the same for all. When they reached the Hôtel de Ville and were climbing the flight of steps they met Marrast, and, recognising the three negotiators, he stopped to look at them. M. de Sémonville did not know Marrast, but, seeing a young man elegantly attired, in the midst of that ragged crowd, he addressed him. "Young man," he said, "can we speak with General La Fayette?" He dared not say monsieur, and did not wish to address him as citoyen (citizen). Marrast directed him; and these gentlemen were introduced into the midst of the Municipal Commission. They were going to begin to declare their mission without its being thought necessary to inform General La Fayette, whom they had come to seek. It would, perhaps, have suited some members of the Municipal Commission for La Fayette not to be there; but M. de Schonen and Audry de Puyraveau, the most enthusiastic, and deeply implicated of the Commission, sent for him. They proclaimed the Ministry of Mortemart and Gérard.
  • 54. "But, gentlemen," Mauguin interrupted, "two Ministers do not form a Government." "The king," said M. de Sémonville, "willingly consents to the addition of M. Casimir Périer." And he turned with a gracious smile towards the banker, who went terribly pale. In the same moment, Casimir Périer received a letter which he read. All eyes were fixed upon him.... He made a gesture expressive of refusal. There was a brief moment of silence and hesitation, each trying to avoid being the first to answer, feeling the importance of his reply. Then M. de Schonen rose and broke the silence, and in firm tones uttered these terrible words:—- "It is too late.... The throne of Charles X. has foundered in blood ...!" Eighteen years later, these same words, repeated in the Tribune by M. de Lamartine and addressed in their turn to the envoys of King Louis-Philippe, were to hurl down the throne occupied by the Younger Branch, as they had done that of the Elder. The negotiators wanted to press matters forward. "Come! come!" said Audry de Puyraveau, "let us have no more of this, gentlemen, or I will call up the people, and we shall soon see what their wishes are!" The deputies withdrew; but M. Casimir Périer went out by another door, and joined them on the staircase. "Go and find M. Laffitte," he said to them as he passed; "perhaps something might be done from that quarter." And he disappeared. Did he wish to transfer the negotiations to the Duc d'Orléans, or was he unwilling to detach himself entirely from King Charles X.? M. de Sémonville shook his head and withdrew.
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