![day following. Even when the servant recovered, Mary was not
allowed to return to Enfield. In August 1520, we find that “my lady
princess will be sent to Richmond again, on account of the reports of
the sickness at Woodstock”.
The excellent Lady Bryan having ceased in 1521, to occupy the
position of governess of Mary’s household, Secretary Pace wrote to
Wolsey that as the King intended leaving Windsor shortly, and as he
would have no convenient lodging for the Princess, he desired
Wolsey to think of some lady fit to give attendance on her. The King
thought that the old Lady Oxford would be suitable, if she could be
persuaded, if not, Lady Calthorpe, and her husband to be
chamberlain to the Princess. Accordingly, Lady Oxford was invited to
occupy the vacant post.
Wolsey describes her as “right discreet, and of a good age, and
near at hand,” and she could at least “be tried for a season, if she
did not decline on the score of health”. Apparently she did decline,
for instead of Lady Oxford, we find Sir Philip Calthorpe and his wife
appointed to attend on the Princess, and govern her house, with a
salary of £40 a year.[28]
On the 29th July 1521, a commission was appointed to conclude a
treaty for Mary’s marriage with the Emperor for which a dispensation
was to be obtained from the Pope on account of their near
relationship. This treaty was concluded, signed and sealed on the
24th November of the same year, on which day also, Francis I.,
writing to his ambassador in London, remarks that the contract
between the Princess of England and the Dauphin is to remain in its
entirety,[29] a curious satire on the good faith of princes. Moreover,
while Francis thus proclaimed the peace and amity supposed to exist
between himself and Henry, Charles was stipulating with Henry for a
descent to be made by the English on the shores of France, not later
than March, 1522. A fleet was to be provided by both parties, each
contributing 3,000 men. It would be possible to regard Francis with
some pity, as a miserable dupe, were it not for his own propensity](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/128178-250519220740-b942fa74/85/Concepts-in-Smart-Societies-Next-Generation-of-Human-Resources-and-Technologies-1st-Edition-Chaudhery-Hussain-51-320.jpg)
![for the same amount of false swearing. By February, he was in
possession of the facts, but for some reason or other, war was not
declared till June. On the 6th May, Contarini, the Venetian envoy,
was able to inform the Signory of Mary’s approaching betrothal to
the Emperor, adding that Henry was about to send a gentleman to
France, to repudiate the French treaty.
On the 27th, Charles landed at Dover, and was received on the
sands by Wolsey, attended by 300 nobles, knights and gentlemen.
Leaning on the Cardinal’s arm, the Emperor proceeded to Dover
Castle, where he remained for two days, being joined by Henry. On
the road to Canterbury, and thence to Greenwich, they were greeted
by the people with every demonstration of joy, the English looking
upon Charles as the monarch of the world, and feeling flattered by
his condescension in wedding a daughter of England.[30] At the
great gates of Greenwich Palace stood the Queen and her daughter
Mary, now six years old, to welcome him. The Emperor dropped on
one knee, and asked Katharine’s blessing, “having,” says the
chronicler Hall, “great joy to see the queen, his aunt, and in especiall
his young cousin germain, the lady Mary”.
All who saw Mary at this time spoke favourably of her appearance.
“She promises,” said Martin de Salinas, “to become a handsome lady,
although it is difficult to form an idea of her beauty, as she is still so
small.” Others describe her as a fair child, with a profusion of flaxen
ringlets, and the admiration of all.
The usual revels were held in honour of the Emperor’s visit. The
court removed to London, and Charles was magnificently lodged at
Blackfriars. But he seems to have regarded the prodigality displayed
with Hapsburg seriousness, if not with absolute disapproval. He was
urgently in need of money, and would doubtless have been better
pleased with a fresh loan, than with all that was done in his honour.
At all events, the sombre stateliness of Windsor was more in
accordance with his taste and humour, and he was altogether in his
native element when the terms of the treaty were at last discussed.](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/128178-250519220740-b942fa74/85/Concepts-in-Smart-Societies-Next-Generation-of-Human-Resources-and-Technologies-1st-Edition-Chaudhery-Hussain-52-320.jpg)
![These included: (1) a settlement of the differences between the
Emperor and Francis; (2) a marriage contract between the Emperor
and the Princess Mary; (3) a league between the Emperor and Henry
for making war upon France, and for recovering the territory which
the English had lost in that country. A clause was inserted, to the
effect that Mary should be sent to Spain to finish her education,
when she was twelve years old.[31] The treaty of Windsor was
signed on the 19th June, but was not then published, and “peace
with France was dissembled”. Other things were dissembled also;
and, although Mary was brought to Windsor, to take leave of her
imperial cousin as his future bride, Wolsey soon discovered that no
reliance could be placed on the Emperor’s words or promises, and
that, as far as Charles was concerned, the whole negotiation and the
treaty of Windsor itself were nothing but a political fiction, in order
to alarm Francis. But indeed, in a competition of duplicity between
Charles, Henry, Francis and Wolsey, it would be rash to speculate as
to which of them would have borne the palm. Wolsey played a
particularly odious part, inasmuch as he not only convinced Francis
that he was anxious for the French alliance, but he was moreover in
receipt of a yearly pension from him. Meanwhile, the determination
of the Princess Isabella of Portugal to marry Charles served to
further complicate matters. She took for her motto the trenchant
device, Aut Cæsar aut nihil,[32] and the grandees of Spain threw
their weight into the scale with her, urging the Emperor to marry her,
with whom he would receive a million of gold, and not the English
Princess, “about whom he thought less than of the first named”.[33]
Still Charles hesitated, or affected to hesitate, and writing to Wolsey
from Valladolid, the 10th February 1523, he begs to have news of
the King: “et de ma mieulx aimee fiancee la Princesse, future
Imperatrix”.[34] But much as Henry held to the fulfilment of the
contract, he had no longer any real hope of it, and began to look for
other possible alliances. It was thought in France that the Dauphin
would soon be crowned, and that then he would marry the English
princess,[35] but Gonzolles, the French ambassador in Scotland,
wrote to the Duke of Albany: “The King of England has promised to](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/128178-250519220740-b942fa74/85/Concepts-in-Smart-Societies-Next-Generation-of-Human-Resources-and-Technologies-1st-Edition-Chaudhery-Hussain-53-320.jpg)
![give his daughter in marriage to the King of Scots, with a large
pension, and proclaim him prince of his kingdom if they can agree”.
Henry would nevertheless have much preferred giving her to the
Emperor, if by any means Charles could be persuaded to keep to his
engagements, and he sent Tunstal, Bishop of London, and Sir
Richard Wingfield, as extraordinary ambassadors to Spain, with
orders to promote the marriage in every possible way.
In April 1525, Mary sent Charles an emerald with a curious
message, showing that she was still taught to consider herself his
promised bride. “Her Grace,” so ran the letter which accompanied
the gift, “hath devised this token, for a better knowledge to be had,
when God shall send them grace to be together, whether his Majesty
do keep himself as continent and chaste as with God’s grace she
woll, whereby ye may say, his Majesty may see that her assured love
towards the same hath already such operation in her, that it is also
confirmed by jealousy, being one of the greatest signs and tokens of
hearty love and cordial affection.”[36]
After the victory of Pavia, Charles, no longer in fear of Francis,
declared openly that he owed nothing to the help of his allies, and
released himself from his pledges to Henry by the very extravagance
of his demands. He sent a commission to Wolsey requiring that Mary
should be sent to Spain at once, with a dowry of 400,000 ducats,
and 200,000 crowns besides, to defray the expenses of the war with
France. Nothing was said about the sums he had borrowed from
Henry, while the whole transaction was in direct violation of the
terms of the treaty of Windsor. The Cardinal replied that the Princess
was still too young to be given up, and that the Spaniards had no
hostages to offer that could be sufficient security for her, whom the
English people looked upon as the treasure of the kingdom. The
envoys whom the Emperor sent in return, in paying their respects to
the King and Queen, were permitted to address “a short peroration
in Latin to the Princess, to which she replied in the same tongue,
with as much assurance and facility as if she were twelve years old,”](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/128178-250519220740-b942fa74/85/Concepts-in-Smart-Societies-Next-Generation-of-Human-Resources-and-Technologies-1st-Edition-Chaudhery-Hussain-54-320.jpg)
![and she did and said, they added, “many other gracious things on
the occasion, of which they purpose giving an account at a future
time”.[37] But the moment for fair speeches and compliments had
gone by. Charles demanded that Henry should either agree to his
conditions, or release him from his oath, “for all Spain” compelled
him “to contract a marriage with Portugal”. Henry told him roundly
that he would give him his daughter when she was of proper age,
but no increase of dowry.[38] “If,” continued the King of England, “he
should seek a maistress for hyr, to frame hyr after the manner of
Spayne, and of whom she might take example of virtue, he shulde
not find in all Christendome a more mete than she now hath, that is
the Quene’s grace, her mother, who is comen of the house of
Spayne, and who for the affection she bereth the Emperour, will
norishe and bring hyr up as maybe hereafter to his most
contentacion.”[39]
At the same time Tunstal and Wingfield represented that, as the
Princess was not much more than nine years old, it might greatly
endanger her health to be transported into an air so different from
that of England. In replying more particularly to the Emperor’s
statement, that his subjects wished him to marry the Portuguese
Princess, Mary being still of tender age, Henry, seeing that nothing
was to be gained by a breach with his nephew-in-law, told him that
the Princess his daughter was still young; she was his own treasure
and that of his kingdom; she was not of age to be married;[40] that
the demands of the Spanish people seemed reasonable, and that
desiring always to preserve the Emperor’s friendship, he consented
to the Portuguese alliance under three conditions. These were: (1)
that peace should be made with France; (2) that the Emperor should
pay his debts to Henry; (3) that the treaties of Windsor and London
should be annulled.[41]
The treaty of Windsor was rescinded on the 6th July 1525, and on
the 22nd was signed the marriage contract between Charles V. and
Isabella of Portugal. But the Emperor did not pay his debts, and](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/128178-250519220740-b942fa74/85/Concepts-in-Smart-Societies-Next-Generation-of-Human-Resources-and-Technologies-1st-Edition-Chaudhery-Hussain-55-320.jpg)
![henceforth no Spaniard coveted the post of ambassador to the
English Court. To console Henry for the failure of his schemes,
Tunstal assured him that Mary was “a pearl well worth the keeping”.
[42]
FOOTNOTES:
[1] According to some accounts the 18th.
[2] The servants of the Prior of Christchurch, Canterbury, received
£4 for carrying the font to and from Greenwich on this occasion.
Add. MS. 21,481. The King’s Book of Payments, Brit. Mus.
[3] Harl. MS. 3504, f. 232, Brit. Mus.
[4] Gius. Desp., i., 182, Venetian Archives.
[5] MS. in St. Mark’s Library, class vii., No. 1233.
[6] Gius. Desp., i., 90.
[7] Ibid., i., 77.
[8] Gius. Desp., i., 81.
[9] Brewer, Letters and Papers of the Reign of Henry VIII., Cal., i.,
5203.
[10] Erasmus to Paul Bombasius (Brewer, Letters and Papers, vol.
ii., pt. ii., 4340).
[11] Life of King Henry the Eighth (ed. 1649), p. 7.
[12] Add. MS. 21,404, 8, Brit. Mus.](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/128178-250519220740-b942fa74/85/Concepts-in-Smart-Societies-Next-Generation-of-Human-Resources-and-Technologies-1st-Edition-Chaudhery-Hussain-56-320.jpg)
![[13] Egerton MS. 616, 35, Brit. Mus.
[14] She afterwards filled the same position in the household of
Henry’s other children, Elizabeth and Edward. See Ellis’s Original
Letters, 2nd series, vol. ii., p. 78.
[15] The King’s Household Book, March 1516-17.
[16] “Really, this is a very honest man, and worthy to be loved. I
have no better or more faithful servant. Write to your master that I
have spoken of him with commendation.” A curious instance of the
colloquial Latin then in vogue (Gius. Desp., ii., 157).
[17] Gius. Desp., ii., 95.
[18] Brewer, Calendar of State Papers, vol. ii., pt. ii., 4687.
[19] Sanuto Diaries, vol. xxix., p. 155.
[20] MS. in St. Mark’s Library, class vii., No. 1233.
[21] He is reported to have said that he had “liever have my lady
princess, and though the king’s grace had ten children, than the
King of Portingale’s daughter, with all the spices her father hath”
(Cotton MS. Calig. D. viii., 40, Brit. Mus.).
[22] Hall’s Chronicle, p. 604.
[23] Sir Richard Wingfield had written from Paris that great search
was being made there to bring to the meeting the fairest ladies that
might be found, and he hoped that the Queen would bring such in
her hand “that the visage of England, which hath always had the
prize, be not lost” (Brewer, Cal., vol. iii., pt. i., 698).
[24] Rymer, xiii., 719.
[25] Cotton MS. Vesp. F. xiii., 129, Brit. Mus. Ellis’s Letters, 1st
series, i., 174.
[26] Cotton MS. Calig. D. vii., 231.
[27] Sanuto Diaries, vol. xxix., p. 558. In February 1520, £40 was
given by Henry to a gentleman sent by the French King and Queen
with tokens for the Princess (see The King’s Book of Payments).
[28] Brewer, Calendar of State Papers, vol. iii., pt. ii., 1437, 1439,
1533.
[29] Cotton MS. Calig. E. i., art. 11, 46, Brit. Mus.](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/128178-250519220740-b942fa74/85/Concepts-in-Smart-Societies-Next-Generation-of-Human-Resources-and-Technologies-1st-Edition-Chaudhery-Hussain-57-320.jpg)
![[30] Brewer, Cal., vol. iii., pt. ii., 2306.
[31] Cotton MS. Galba B. vii., 102, Brit. Mus.
[32] Rawdon Brown, Venetian Calendar, vol. iii., 852 note.
[33] Sanuto Diaries, vol. xxxix., p. 147.
[34] Cotton MS. Vesp. C. ii., 93*, Brit. Mus.
[35] Cotton MS. Calig. D. viii., 302, Brit. Mus.
[36] Westminster, 3rd April 1525, Record Office.
[37] Gayangos, England and Spain, Cal., vol. iii., pt. i., p. 82.
[38] Sanuto Diaries, vol. xl., p. 17.
[39] Cotton MS. Vesp. C. iii., f. 177, Brit. Mus.
[40] Gayangos, Cal., vol. iii., pt. i., pp. 78, 191 et seq. Brewer,
Cal., vol. iv., pt. i., p. 662.
[41] Cotton MS. Vesp. C. iii., f. 62, Brit. Mus.
[42] Ibid., f. 135.](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/128178-250519220740-b942fa74/85/Concepts-in-Smart-Societies-Next-Generation-of-Human-Resources-and-Technologies-1st-Edition-Chaudhery-Hussain-58-320.jpg)
![CHAPTER II.
PRINCESS OF WALES.
1525-1527.
When Mary was about ten years old, her father, mindful it was said
of his Welsh origin, turned his attention towards that principality,
thinking wisely by redressing some of its grievances to reduce it to a
more strict obedience. It was, therefore, determined by the King in
Council, to send “our dearest, best beloved, and only daughter, the
Princess, accompanied with an honourable, sad, discreet and expert
counsayle, to reside and remain in the Marches of Wales and the
parties thereabouts, furnished with sufficient power and authority to
hold courts of oyer and determiner, for the better administration of
justice”.[43]
Disappointed in his hope of further issue, Henry had, in a more
special manner than at her christening, declared his daughter
heiress to the Crown, and Princess of Wales, consoling himself with
the conviction, that her extreme popularity would be a sufficient
counterpoise to the somewhat hazardous novelty of a queen
regnant. The news of her departure for the west was communicated
to the Venetian Government by Lorenzo Orio in August, 1525:—
“On Saturday, the Princess went to her principality of Wales, with
a suitable and honourable escort, and she will reside there until the
time of her marriage. She is a rare person, and singularly
accomplished, most particularly in music, playing on every
instrument, especially on the lute and harpsichord.”[44]
The term borders or marches of Wales was somewhat loosely
applied, and “the parties thereabouts” seem to have included the
whole of the south-western, and some of the midland counties, for](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/128178-250519220740-b942fa74/85/Concepts-in-Smart-Societies-Next-Generation-of-Human-Resources-and-Technologies-1st-Edition-Chaudhery-Hussain-59-320.jpg)
![we find Mary during this time not only at Chester and Shrewsbury,
but also at Tewkesbury and Gloucester. A great deal of power was
put into the hands of her council, with the means of enforcing their
decrees, but the details of her short sojourn in the west are very
meagre, and we are entirely dependent on a few sidelights, to show
the kind of authority that was centred in her person, and the amount
of state that was kept. This last was indeed considerable. A
communication from her council to Sir Andrew Windsor, Sir John
Dauncy and Sir William Skeffington, refers them to the King’s
pleasure, “touching such ordnance and artillery as should be
delivered for the Princess into the marches of Wales, and for
despatching the payments for carriage by land or water. They desire
that the two gunners, John Rauffe and Laurence Clayton, and the
armourer, William Carter, now being the Princess’s servants, may
have livery coats of the Princess’s colours.”[45] What those colours
were may be learned from a letter of Wolsey’s to Sir Andrew
Windsor, authorising him to deliver to Dr. Buttes, “appointed
physician to my lady Princess, a livery of blue and green in damask,
for himself, and in blue and green cloth for his two servants; also a
cloth livery for the apothecary”. On the margin of a document, in
which are inscribed the names of all the ladies and gentlemen who
accompanied the Princess, is a memorandum, signed by Wolsey,
relating to the quantity of black velvet to be allowed and delivered to
each. Those of inferior rank were to have black damask.
Mary’s head-quarters were at Ludlow, but she travelled constantly
from place to place, visiting all the more accessible parts of the
principality, and the surrounding country. On the 3rd September
1526, she was at Langley, as we learn from a letter addressed to
Wolsey from that place:—
“My lady Princess came on Saturday. Surely, Sir, of her age, as
goodly a child as ever I have seen, and of as good gesture and
countenance. Her Grace was well accompanied with a goodly
number of persons of gravity.”[46]](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/128178-250519220740-b942fa74/85/Concepts-in-Smart-Societies-Next-Generation-of-Human-Resources-and-Technologies-1st-Edition-Chaudhery-Hussain-60-320.jpg)
![These “persons of gravity” included, besides councillors,
chamberlains, clerks, surveyors, etc., the Countess of Salisbury, the
Countess of Devon, Lady Katharine Grey, Dr. Wootton, Dean of the
Chapel; Mr. John Featherstone, schoolmaster, and many others,
amounting in all to 304 persons, of the most honourable sort.
Mary had authority to kill or give deer at her pleasure, in any
forest or park within the territory appointed to her, and her warrants
were served under pain of the King’s indignation.[47] Careful
directions had been given by the King in Council, concerning her
own training, health, clothing, food and recreation, for all of which
the Countess of Salisbury was primarily responsible. She was “to
take open air in gardens, sweet and wholesome places, and walks,”
and everything about her was to be “pure, sweet, clean and
wholesome,” while “all things noisome and displeasant” were to be
“forborne and excluded”. Great attention was to be paid to her food,
and to the manner in which it was served, with cheerful society,
“comfortable, joyous and merry communication, in all honourable
and virtuous maner”. Her council was to meet once a month, at
least, and to consult on her health, virtuous education, etc., “taking
into communication my lady Governess, and the Princess if
expedient”.[48] Mr. Featherstone was to instruct her in Latin, in the
place of the Queen, who had hitherto undertaken this branch of her
studies. Shortly before going to Wales, Mary had received a letter
from her mother, in which, after expressing her trouble at the long
absence of the King, and of her daughter, and assuring her that her
health is “meetly good” and that she rejoices to hear that Mary’s
own health is mended, Katharine goes on to say:—
“As for your writing in Latin, I am glad that ye shall change from
me to master Federston, for that shall do you much good to learn by
him to write aright. But yet sometimes I would be glad when ye do
write to master Federston of your own inditing, when he hath read
it, that I may see it, for it shall be a great comfort to me to see you
keep your Latin and fair writing and all, and so I pray you to
recommend me to my lady of Salisbury.”[49]](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/128178-250519220740-b942fa74/85/Concepts-in-Smart-Societies-Next-Generation-of-Human-Resources-and-Technologies-1st-Edition-Chaudhery-Hussain-61-320.jpg)
![Katharine had spared no pains in the education of her daughter,
basing it upon a solid foundation of piety, and imparting a taste for
learning, which helped to support Mary in the dark days to come.
The celebrated Ludovicus Vives had already contributed to her
instruction before her departure into Wales, and on her return
continued to direct one branch of her studies. In 1524 he had
dedicated to the Princess 213 symbols or mottoes, with paraphrases
upon each. The first one was called Scopus Vitæ Christus, and the
last Mente Deo defixus, “and these,” says a contemporary writer,
“the Princess seemed to have in perpetual memory, by the practice
of her whole life, for she made Christ the beginning and end of all
her actions, from whose goodness all things do proceed, and to
whom all things do tend, having a most lively example in her
virtuous mother”.[50]
The list of Latin works proposed by Vives, and in which Mary soon
began to delight, is startling from the profound character of the
subjects chosen. Among these works were the Epistles of St.
Jerome, the Dialogues of Plato, “particularly,” observes Sir Frederick
Madden, “those of a political turn”;[51] the works of Cicero, Seneca,
Plutarch, St. Ambrose, St. Augustine, St. Thomas, and other equally
serious books.
That her mind responded to this severely classical and religious
training, is evident from the remarks scattered about the
correspondence of the more or less distinguished personages who at
different times came in contact with her. Her own countrymen were
not a little proud of her talents. Lord Morley, in the preface to his
book, A New-Year’s Angelical Salutation by Tho. Aquine, which he
presented to Mary as a New-Year’s gift, mentions the translation of a
prayer by St. Thomas which she had made. “I do remember,” he
says, “that skante ye were come to xij. yeres of age, but that ye
were so rype in the Laten tongue that rathe doth happen to the
women sex, that your grace not only could perfectly rede, wright
and construe Laten, but furthermore translate eny harde thing of the
Laten in to our Inglysshe tongue, and among all other your most](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/128178-250519220740-b942fa74/85/Concepts-in-Smart-Societies-Next-Generation-of-Human-Resources-and-Technologies-1st-Edition-Chaudhery-Hussain-62-320.jpg)
![vertuous occupacions, I have seen one prayer translated of your
doing of Sayncte Thomas Alquyne, that I do ensuer your grace is so
well done, so near to the Laten, that when I loke upon it, as I have
one of the exemplars of yt, I have not only mervell at the doinge of
it, but further for the well doing, have set yt as well in my boke or
bokes, as also in my pore wyfe’s, your humble beadeswoman, and
my chyldern, to gyve them occasion to remember to praye for your
grace.“[52]
The Princess of Wales had not long to maintain the vice-regal
dignity in the west. Fresh schemes were on foot for disposing of her
in marriage, and her presence was required at court.
After his disastrous defeat at Pavia, the news of which he
communicated to his mother in the famous words, “Tout est perdu
fors l’honneur,” Francis I. had been taken captive to Madrid, from
whence he only escaped by submitting to the most suicidal
conditions, leaving his two eldest sons as hostages in the hands of
the Emperor. But having signed the treaty of Madrid as a prisoner,
and being therefore no free agent, he was scarcely likely to consider
its terms binding. One of its stipulations was that he should marry
the Emperor’s sister, Eleanor, Dowager Duchess of Austria, but this
he had no intention of doing, provided he could regain possession of
his children by any other means.
In the perpetual game of see-saw played by the three principal
monarchs of Christendom, with a constant change of partners, it is
not surprising to find Francis now looking towards England for a way
out of his difficulties. He had contrived to form a league against
Charles, consisting of the Pope, the Swiss, the Venetians, and the
Florentines; and if England could be persuaded to join it, this league
would be strong enough to defy the Emperor, and France might not
only regain her lost possessions, but dictate the terms of peace.
But Henry and Wolsey had no particular interest in making things
pleasant for Francis, whose overtures met with no eager response. It](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/128178-250519220740-b942fa74/85/Concepts-in-Smart-Societies-Next-Generation-of-Human-Resources-and-Technologies-1st-Edition-Chaudhery-Hussain-63-320.jpg)
![was not clear to the King or his Chancellor what advantage would be
derived by them from an alliance with Francis.
“This king will not spend money to make an enemy of his friend,
and gain nothing,” replied the astute Wolsey to the Venetian,
Gasparo Spinelli, and he assured him that England would not join
the league, unless his most Christian Majesty first undertook to
restore Boulogne, and to marry the Princess Mary.[53]
But France had suffered too many humiliating losses willingly to
give up so important a place, and later, when Henry sent a special
envoy to negotiate a marriage between Mary and Francis, all
mention of Boulogne was dropped.
It would seem incredible, but for authentic evidence, that Henry
should have seriously entertained the notion of bestowing on a
middle-aged profligate such as the King of France, whose actual life
would not bear investigation, the young daughter whom he
professed to love and cherish, as “the pearl of the world”.
Nevertheless, for a time at least, his mind was fixed on this purpose,
and Wolsey was never more keenly alive to his own interests than in
the fabrication of this delicate piece of diplomacy. Francis was
equally in earnest, on account of his impatience to take reprisals on
the Emperor, and the Queen mother, Louise of Savoy, told the
English ambassadors that her son had long been anxious to marry
their Princess, “both for her manifold virtues and other gay qualities,
which they assured them were not here unknown”.
The next step was to send ambassadors to England to treat of the
marriage. These were the Bishop of Tarbes, afterwards Cardinal
Grammont, first president of the Parliament of Toulouse, the Vicomte
de Turenne, and La Viste, president of the Parliament of Paris. They
were instructed by Francis to go straight to the Princess Mary, visit
and salute her in his name, and to express his “sore longing to have
her portraiture”. Hereupon, Henry sent Francis his own and Mary’s
picture,[54] assuring him that he was much obliged to him for](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/128178-250519220740-b942fa74/85/Concepts-in-Smart-Societies-Next-Generation-of-Human-Resources-and-Technologies-1st-Edition-Chaudhery-Hussain-64-320.jpg)
![condescending to take his little daughter, who did not deserve such
honour.[55]
The Venetians looked upon the marriage as certain, and thought
that war would be waged in consequence, in every direction;[56] but
the more general opinion in Europe was that Henry would not
succeed in a matrimonial alliance with any foreign potentate, but
that the English would insist on having a king of their own, and
would not suffer a foreigner to sit upon the throne.[57]
“In time of war,” said the Archbishop of Capua to Charles V., “the
English made use of their Princess as they did of an owl, as a decoy
for alluring the smaller birds.” The Emperor, not understanding the
allusion, asked the Archbishop what he meant by “owl,” and when it
was explained to him laughed heartily.
Meanwhile, the French envoys saw the Princess, on St. George’s
Day (1527). She spoke to them in French and Latin, and was made
to display her achievements in writing and on the harpsichord.
Spinelli wrote that a solemn betrothal had taken place at Greenwich,
when the Bishop of Tarbes had delivered an oration, after which he
and the Vicomte de Turenne had dined with the King, the others
dining apart. At the end of dinner they went to the Queen’s
apartments, where the Princess danced with de Turenne, who
considered her very handsome, and admirable by reason of her
great and uncommon mental endowments, but so thin, spare and
small, as to render it impossible for her to be married for the next
three years.[58] A succession of jousts and masks of the most
dazzling description followed. Spinelli, in relating the brilliant course
of entertainments, says of one in particular:—
“Thereupon there fell to the ground at the extremity of the hall, a
painted canvas from an aperture, in which was seen a most verdant
cave approached by four steps, each side being guarded by four of
the chief gentlemen of the Court, clad in tissue doublets and tall
plumes, each of whom carried a torch. Well grouped, within the](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/128178-250519220740-b942fa74/85/Concepts-in-Smart-Societies-Next-Generation-of-Human-Resources-and-Technologies-1st-Edition-Chaudhery-Hussain-65-320.jpg)
![again descended, and came to the King, who in the presence of the
French ambassadors, took off her cap, and the net being displaced,
a profusion of silver tresses, as beautiful as ever seen on human
head, fell over her shoulders, forming a most agreeable sight. The
aforesaid ambassadors then took leave of her, and all departing from
that beautiful place, returned to the supper hall, where the tables
were spread with every kind of confection and choice wines, for all
who chose to cheer themselves with them. The sun I believe greatly
hastened his course, having perhaps had a hint from Mercury of so
rare a sight; so showing himself already on the horizon, warning
being thus given of his presence, everybody thought it time to quit
the royal chambers, returning to their own with such sleepy eyes,
that the daylight could not keep them open.”[59]
Little progress was, however, made with the negotiations.
Compliments flowed freely on both sides, but did not advance
matters, and Wolsey determined to seek an interview with Francis,
bring the affair to a crisis, and settle certain other matters which had
lately supervened, to complicate immeasurably the tangled politics of
Europe. One of these was the sack of Rome by the imperial army,
and the consequent imprisonment of the Pope and the whole
College of Cardinals, in the Castle of St. Angelo. Another, which more
immediately concerned England, was known as yet but to a chosen
few as “the king’s secret matter,” but which was ultimately to inflame
the whole of Christendom.
Wolsey was flattered, courted and feared by all the powers. He
was at once the most brilliant, the most daring and the least
scrupulous diplomat in Europe. His boundless ambition was easily
entertained by the notion that the Papal authority might be
delegated to himself, during the Pope’s captivity, and that thus by
one swing of the pendulum, he might be raised to the highest
dignity on earth. This one swing of the pendulum was to be effected
by a promise, that if Henry secured his election, he would, as Pope,
pass a decree in favour of “the king’s secret matter”.[60]](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/128178-250519220740-b942fa74/85/Concepts-in-Smart-Societies-Next-Generation-of-Human-Resources-and-Technologies-1st-Edition-Chaudhery-Hussain-67-320.jpg)
![But before this dream could be realised, Francis must be won over
to the scheme of his candidature, and the votes of the French
cardinals secured. Francis, bent only on checkmating the Emperor,
was fascinated with the idea of marrying the English princess, and of
drawing England into the league against Charles; and Wolsey, ever
tactful, kept his own plans in the background, until the royal suitor
should be satisfied.
The Cardinal of York and the French King were to meet at Amiens,
and the moment that Wolsey set foot in France he received from the
King a commission, authorising him to pardon and liberate under his
own letters patent, such prisoners as he chose, in the towns through
which he passed, except those committed for treason, murder, and
similar crimes. After their first interview, the Cardinal wrote an
account to Henry of all that had passed between them. Francis had
spoken of Mary as “the cornerstone of the new covenant,” “and I,”
added Wolsey, “being her godfather, loving her entirely, next unto
your Highness, and above all other creatures, assured him that I was
desirous she should be bestowed upon his person, as in the best and
most worthy place in Christendom”.
Francis coveted the honour of possessing the Garter, and his hint
to that effect was ingenious, if somewhat broad. Taking hold of the
image of St. Michael, which he wore on his neck, he said to Wolsey:
—
“Now the King, my brother, and I be thus knit and married in our
hearts together, it were well done, it seemeth, that we should be
knit par colletz et jambes”.[61]
It was becoming more and more evident that the only hope for
France was in a speedy alliance with England. The Bishop of Tarbes,
on his return from his embassy to solicit Mary’s hand for his master,
contributed his meed of praise, assuring Francis that the Princess
was “the pearl of the world,” and “of such beauty and virtue that the
King of England esteemed her more than anything on earth”.](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/128178-250519220740-b942fa74/85/Concepts-in-Smart-Societies-Next-Generation-of-Human-Resources-and-Technologies-1st-Edition-Chaudhery-Hussain-68-320.jpg)
![“I pray you, repeat unto me none of these matters,” interrupted
Francis impatiently. “I know well enow her education, her form, her
fashion, her beauty and virtue, and what father and mother she
cometh of; expedient and necessary it shall be for me and for my
realm that I marry her, and I assure you for the same cause, I have
as great a mind to her as ever I had to any woman.”
Nevertheless, the alliance with England was not to be in this wise.
The army, consisting of 30,000 men, which Francis had sent into
Italy under Lautrec, had suffered a humiliating defeat before Naples,
and the loss of a second army at Landriano obliged him to conclude
with Charles the disastrous treaty of Cambrai, by which he was
forced to pay 2,000,000 of gold crowns in lieu of Burgundy. Four
marriages were to ensue. The King of France was to fulfil his
promise to the Emperor’s sister; the Dauphin was to marry the
Infanta of Portugal; the son of the Duke of Lorraine was affianced to
the Princess Madeleine, daughter of the King of France, whose
second son, the Duke of Orleans, was betrothed to Mary.
The marriage contract between Mary and the Duke of Orleans,
signed and sealed by Francis I., and illustrated with their portraits,
was dated 18th August 1527, and is still preserved in the Record
Office.[62] This interesting document is beautifully illuminated on
vellum, with a gold background and a border composed of Tudor
roses, fleurs de lys and cupids. Francis I., representing the god
Hymen, in a dress of the period, holds a hand of the bride and of the
bridegroom. The arms of England and France are on either side of
him. The Princess Mary, a youthful figure in a white dress covered
with flowers, and wearing a blue coif with a gold border, stands on
the left of Francis; the Duke of Orleans, a young boy in doublet and
trunk hose, is on his right.
The peace, thus momentarily secured at the cost of immense
sacrifices on the part of France, afforded a brief space in which to
prepare for a fresh outbreak of hostilities. Francis and Henry were
henceforth allies, and the course of affairs in England tended to](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/128178-250519220740-b942fa74/85/Concepts-in-Smart-Societies-Next-Generation-of-Human-Resources-and-Technologies-1st-Edition-Chaudhery-Hussain-69-320.jpg)
![cement their bond, and to widen the breach between them and the
house of Austria. Henry sent Francis the Garter, and received the
order of St. Michael in exchange.[63]
FOOTNOTES:
[43] Harl. MS. 6807, f. 3, Brit. Mus.
[44] Sanuto Diaries, vol. xxxix., p. 356.
[45] Reading Abbey, 18th August 1525, Record Office.
[46] Sampson to Cardinal Wolsey. Cotton MS. Titus B. i., 314, Brit.
Mus.
[47] R. Brereton of Chester to W. Brereton, Groom of the King’s
Privy Chamber, 25th August 1526, Record Office.
[48] Cotton MS. Vit. C. i., f. 36, Brit. Mus.
[49] Cotton MS. Vesp. F. xiii., f. 72, Brit. Mus. Mary wrote a
beautiful, firm, and clear hand, a specimen of which is reproduced
at page 192 of this volume.
[50] The Life of Jane Dormer, Duchess of Feria, by Henry Clifford.
Transcribed from the ancient MS. in the possession of Lord Dormer
by Canon Estcourt, and edited by the Rev. Joseph Stevenson, p. 82.
[51] Privy Purse Expenses of the Princess Mary, Introductory
Memoir.
[52] For this prayer and Mary’s translation see Appendix A.](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/128178-250519220740-b942fa74/85/Concepts-in-Smart-Societies-Next-Generation-of-Human-Resources-and-Technologies-1st-Edition-Chaudhery-Hussain-70-320.jpg)
![[53] Sanuto Diaries, vol. xliii., p. 55. Spinelli to the Doge, 11th
Sept. 1526.
[54] Masters’ MS., f. 113.
[55] Dodieu’s Narrative.
[56] Sanuto Diaries, vol. xliv., p. 97.
[57] This view proved to be the more correct, when, twenty-seven
years later, a formidable insurrection was raised to prevent Mary’s
marriage with Philip of Spain.
[58] Sanuto Diaries, vol. xlv., pp. 194-198.
[59] Venetian Calendar, vol. iv., 105.
[60] Wolsey to Henry VIII., State Papers, i., 205, 206, 207, 230,
231, 270, R.O.
[61] Brewer, Cal., vol. iv., pt. ii., 3350.
[62] Diplomatic Contracts, box 39, No. 1112, Record Office.
[63] Sanuto Diaries, vol. xlvi., p. 118.](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/128178-250519220740-b942fa74/85/Concepts-in-Smart-Societies-Next-Generation-of-Human-Resources-and-Technologies-1st-Edition-Chaudhery-Hussain-71-320.jpg)
![CHAPTER III.
THE BEGINNING OF STRIFE.
1527-1533.
Mary’s whole life was clouded, with the first whisper of the King’s
“secret matter”. Until then the Princess had been surrounded with all
the charm of greatness, without any of its disadvantages, for she
had been so wisely educated, that she remained unspoiled by the
adulation of courtiers, or by the enthusiasm with which the nation
regarded her. Her delight was in study, in music, in almsgiving, in the
bestowal of gifts, and in the society of her parents, both of whom
were remarkable for talents above the average.[64] She had been
too young to be greatly affected by the various schemes for her
disposal in marriage, although she had taken her betrothal to the
Emperor seriously; but her trials began when she was old enough to
appreciate their meaning, and when she might reasonably have
expected to realise some of the seductive prospects held before her
eyes from her cradle. There was no element of romance in her
character; her mental endowments were essentially of a practical
nature, and she lacked almost entirely the gifts necessary to adapt
them to a changing world. Nearly all her life long the times were out
of joint, and she knew no other way to set them right, but that of
uncompromising opposition. But she possessed in an eminent
degree the virtues of her limitations; her whole conduct was
moulded on examples which she had been taught to reverence as
her conscience, and consistent to a fault, she saw little evil in the old
order, little good in the new. Ardently affectionate, a loyal friend and
bountiful mistress, she was keenly sensitive to every act of fidelity.
According to the contemporary chronicle already quoted,[65] “she
was so bred as she hated evil, knew no foul or unclean speeches,
which when her lord father understood, he would not believe it, but](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/128178-250519220740-b942fa74/85/Concepts-in-Smart-Societies-Next-Generation-of-Human-Resources-and-Technologies-1st-Edition-Chaudhery-Hussain-72-320.jpg)
![would try it once by Sir Francis Brian, being at a mask in the court;
and finding it to be true notwithstanding, perceiving her to be
prudent, and of a princely spirit, did ever after more honour her”.
But the fatal shadow of Anne, daughter of Sir Thomas Boleyn, had
fallen on the throne, and the king’s infatuation for her was to sweep
both his wife and his daughter into a vortex of misery from which
there was no escape for one of them but death. Whether Wolsey
first insinuated the doubt as to the validity of the king’s marriage, in
order to pander to Henry’s wandering fancies, or whether Henry
himself, carried away by his passion for Anne Boleyn, evolved the
idea of a possible flaw in his union with Katharine, matters little. The
question was soon entangled in a mass of chicanery, and whichever
of the two may have been the first to strike the match, it was clear
to Wolsey, that his fortunes depended henceforth on his keeping the
flame alive. The subject had been mooted as far back as 1525, and
the first mention of the coming divorce, of which we have any
record, is contained in a letter from Warham, Archbishop of
Canterbury, to Wolsey. Referring to some other business, Warham
says, “it will be better not to proceed further, till this great matter of
the King’s grace be ended”.[66] Again in 1526, after a long interval in
which the subject seems to have been dropped, the Bishop of Bath
and Wells remarked to the Cardinal of York, “there will be great
difficulty circa istud benedictum divortium”.[67]
The sack of Rome by the Imperialists, and the Pope’s captivity
delayed the investigation of the cause by the papal courts to which it
had been referred, but in 1527, Henry’s “scruples” for having
married his brother’s widow began to be talked of as the King’s
“great,” “secret” or “private matter”.[68] Possibly, when Henry first
began to study the Scriptures, and the writers of antiquity in search
of arguments to support his “scruples,” he may not yet have fallen in
love with Anne, or at least Wolsey did not know that he had. When
he did set his mind on marrying her, it did not seem probable that
his fancy would outlive the necessary delays and preliminaries of a
divorce, even if it could be obtained, or that the ambition of the](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/128178-250519220740-b942fa74/85/Concepts-in-Smart-Societies-Next-Generation-of-Human-Resources-and-Technologies-1st-Edition-Chaudhery-Hussain-73-320.jpg)
![nothing was changed. Anne was almost constantly at court, and the
divorce was now openly spoken of, but was extremely unpopular. No
one believed in Henry’s scruples, but Anne played her part with tact,
and her power increased daily. To give some colour to the
proceedings, Henry and Wolsey had trumped up an ingenious story.
They declared that during the treaty for Mary’s marriage with Francis
or the Duke of Orleans, the Bishop of Tarbes had expressed a doubt
as to her legitimacy.[69] This story was made to do duty in England,
but no trace of the Bishop of Tarbes having made such a remark is
to be found in France, nor was any use made of the pretext in the
subsequent trial at Rome.[70] It is in distinct contradiction with the
well-known fact that the bishop was in favour of the marriage, and
did all he could to bring it about. Moreover, during all the long and
tedious discussions between the two kings at that time, not a word
transpired, even when Wolsey went to France, of Henry’s intention
to repudiate Katharine, not a doubt was expressed of Mary’s
legitimacy. Henry always alluded to his daughter at that time as
heiress to the throne. But on Wolsey’s return, matters at once
assumed a different aspect. Elated with the success of his embassy,
the Cardinal of York seemed to have the world at his feet. He had all
but married Mary to the King of France, who was in need of nothing
more than of England’s friendship. As soon as this union was
accomplished, Henry’s marriage might be successfully broken, and a
new one negotiated with a daughter of France, when two grateful
monarchs would hold the triple crown over his expectant head. But
now all this choice fabric of his dreams was imperilled by the
clashing ambition of a woman, even then lightly spoken of. Anne,
knowing that he would be her bitterest foe, obtained to be present
at his first audience with the King, and shortly after, Henry told him
that he intended to marry her. Seeing that arguments, entreaties
and warnings were futile, Wolsey turned round and paid court to the
rising star. But Anne never forgave his opposition, and never trusted
him. She taunted Henry with his bondage to the Cardinal, and did
not rest till she had stirred up strife between them, on the subject of
the nomination of an Abbess of Wilton. The quarrel was patched up,](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/128178-250519220740-b942fa74/85/Concepts-in-Smart-Societies-Next-Generation-of-Human-Resources-and-Technologies-1st-Edition-Chaudhery-Hussain-75-320.jpg)
![but it proved to be the rift within the lute, that was to make
harmony impossible, and to lead on to his fall.
Meanwhile, Mary was still in ignorance of the events that were to
influence all her future. Her education went on without interruption,
and in the summer of 1528, Katharine, who, in spite of
overwhelming anxieties, had room in her mind for solicitude
regarding her daughter’s studies, wrote to Ludovicus Vives to
express a wish that he would come and teach the Princess Latin,
during the following winter. He consented, and returned to England
on the 1st October, “to please the King and Queen”. By this time
Katharine was in dire need of help, advice and consolation. “She told
him how deeply she was afflicted about the controversy concerning
her marriage; and, thinking him well read in matters of moral, began
to open out to him as her countryman, on the subject of her
grief.”[71] Vives prudently replied that “her sorrows were a proof that
she was dear to God, for that thus He was accustomed to chasten
His own”. But he proved himself a true friend to the Queen, and took
occasion to write to Henry, begging him to consider the danger of
his course in incurring the enmity of the Emperor. If his object was
to have a son, he might choose a suitable person to marry his
daughter. If he were to take another wife, there was no certainty
that she would bear him a son, or that a son would live. A new
marriage would leave the succession doubtful, and afford grounds
for civil war. He was, he said, moved to write by his duty to the King,
love to England, where he was so kindly received, and anxiety for
the peace of Christendom.[72]
Katharine had, in truth, need of patience. Anne grew daily more
overbearing, and it was hardly to be expected that the Queen’s
sense of humour should be equal to the grotesque littleness, with
which the favourite exulted over her enemies. In a hapless moment
she showed her contempt for them by the device, Ainsi sera, groigne
qui groigne, which she caused to be embroidered on her servants’
liveries, but learned to her mortification that she had unwittingly
adopted the motto of her bitter enemies, the princes of the house of](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/128178-250519220740-b942fa74/85/Concepts-in-Smart-Societies-Next-Generation-of-Human-Resources-and-Technologies-1st-Edition-Chaudhery-Hussain-76-320.jpg)
![Burgundy. In England, the friends of the Queen cried: “Groigne qui
groigne et vive Bourgoigne!” The liveries, being thus covered with
ridicule, had to be discarded, and on Christmas Day, her servants
appeared in their old doublets.[73]
In October 1528, the papal legate, Cardinal Campeggio arrived in
London. The Pope had charged him with the mission to do his
utmost to restore mutual affection between the King and Queen,
and failing this result, to open a court of inquiry, in conjunction with
Wolsey.
But it was clear that no reconciliation would be possible. Henry
was infatuated with Anne; and as for the legatine court, the two
judges were at cross purposes, Wolsey aiming at nothing but a
verdict against the marriage, while Campeggio was determined that
justice should be done. His policy was to counteract the haste with
which the proceedings were hurried forward, “with great strides
always faster than a trot,” and in this he succeeded so well, that the
legates being pressed to give sentence in the King’s favour by the
22nd July, Campeggio declared, that if Wolsey agreed with him, he
was willing to pronounce sentence, otherwise it would not be
pronounced. The cause was then removed to Rome, to be tried
before the Court of the Rota, and it being apparent that Wolsey
possessed neither weight nor credit with the Pope, his fall became
imminent. Anne had not schemed in vain, and his disgrace filled her
with exultation, although her cause was in no way benefited by it.
We are greatly indebted for the history of the Queen and the
Princess Mary, during the next few years, to the interesting
despatches of the imperial ambassador, Eustace Chapuys, who
arrived in England in August 1529. He was a native of Switzerland,
aged about thirty, of distinguished, and even courtly manners,
eloquent, quick-witted and trustworthy. Charles V. had been so much
impressed with his sagacity that he sent him as ambassador, first to
Francis I., then to Henry VIII., both enemies who required judicious
handling. Full of minute details, his letters cannot be said to present](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/128178-250519220740-b942fa74/85/Concepts-in-Smart-Societies-Next-Generation-of-Human-Resources-and-Technologies-1st-Edition-Chaudhery-Hussain-77-320.jpg)
![the court was seldom in London, and Anne agitated incessantly that
she might be banished.[74]
In March 1531, Mary was allowed to visit her mother; but in April
she had an illness, and wrote to the King that no medicine would do
her so much good as to see him and the Queen, and desired his
permission to come to them both at Greenwich. “This,” said
Chapuys, “has been refused, to gratify the Lady, who hates her as
much as the Queen, or more so, chiefly because she sees the King
has some affection for her. Of late, when the King praised her in the
Lady’s presence, the latter was very angry, and began to vituperate
the Princess very strangely. She becomes more arrogant every day,
using words and authority towards the King, of which he has several
times complained to the Duke of Norfolk, saying that she was not
like the Queen, who had never in her life used ill words to him.”[75]
On the 14th May, he writes: “The King, dining the other day with
the Queen, as is usual in most festivals, began to speak of the Turk,
and the truce concluded with your Majesty, praising your puissance,
contrary to his wont. Afterwards, proceeding to speak of the
Princess, he accused the Queen of cruelty, because she had not
made her physician reside continually with her; and so the dinner
passed off amicably. Next day, when the Queen, in consequence of
these gracious speeches, asked the King to allow the Princess to see
them, he rebuffed her very rudely, and said she might go and see
the Princess if she wished, and also stop there. The Queen
graciously replied, that she would not leave him for her daughter,
nor for any one else in the world, and there the matter stopped.”
Worried at the opposition which he encountered in his efforts to
get rid of Katharine, Henry told the Duke of Norfolk that it would
have been a great blessing if this marriage had never been made,
but on second thoughts, he added, “nevertheless, this would have
been a great pity, since of it there had come such a pearl as the
Princess, who was one of the most beautiful and virtuous ladies of
the world”.[76]](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/128178-250519220740-b942fa74/85/Concepts-in-Smart-Societies-Next-Generation-of-Human-Resources-and-Technologies-1st-Edition-Chaudhery-Hussain-79-320.jpg)
![In 1530, Mary was still called Princess of Wales, and until the
autumn of the following year, her father kept up an appearance of
civility towards her mother, visiting her in her apartments every
three days. At last, however, he left her at Windsor, and went away
hunting with Anne. Katharine sent to inquire after his health, and he
replied by an angry letter, forbidding her to write to him. To add to
the insult, there was no address on the letter, “probably,” says
Chapuys, “because a change of name was contemplated; but the
Princess is with her, and this will make her forget her grief for the
absence of the King. They amuse themselves by hunting, and
visiting the royal houses round Windsor, expecting some good news
from Rome.”[77]
Chapuys told the Emperor that the Pope had said, that “if there
was written evidence of the great familiarity and scandalous
conversation, and bad example of the King and the Lady, and of the
ill-treatment of the Queen, his Holiness would immediately fulminate
his censures”. But, by this time, Henry was reckless of all save Anne,
and his hunting expedition having come to an end, he wished to
return to Windsor, and intimated to Katharine that both she and her
daughter must depart. Mary was to return to Richmond, while she
herself had orders to repair to the More, a house in Hertfordshire,
formerly belonging to Wolsey, but which had come into the
possession of the Abbey of St. Albans, and was granted to the King,
in December 1531. The house itself is described as “a commodious
habitation in summer,” but the park and garden were in a ruinous
condition and “the ways so foul that those who went there in
carriages, broke down the pales and made highway through the
park”. The keeper, Sir John Russell, wrote repeatedly to Cromwell
about the condition of the said palings, but could get no answer, and
complained that if the king would “give no money for the paling,” no
deer would be left; and if the charge were not so great, he would
bear it out of his own purse. Moreover, the king would only give the
gardener sixpence a day, and no one would take it at that price. If
he would give eightpence, Sir John declares that he himself would](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/128178-250519220740-b942fa74/85/Concepts-in-Smart-Societies-Next-Generation-of-Human-Resources-and-Technologies-1st-Edition-Chaudhery-Hussain-80-320.jpg)
![contribute “twenty nobles of the charge”. “The Queen’s servants,
with their carriage, broke down the pales in many places.”[78]
Katharine remained at this place for several months. She declared
that she would have preferred going to the Tower as a prisoner, but
Chapuys said that the King knew quite well, that if he sent her there,
the people would have risen in mutiny; that he was often waylaid as
he went to hunt, with entreaties to take the Queen back, and that
Anne met with insults from the women wherever she went.
Nevertheless, she protested loudly, that the King would marry her in
three or four months, and began preparing for her royal state.
Katharine never saw her daughter again, and could only
communicate with her secretly. They were sternly forbidden to write
to each other, whereupon Mary begged that some one might be sent
from the King to read the letters which she wrote to her mother, that
it might be seen she only informed her about her health. But even
this was refused, and henceforth none but furtive missives passed
between them, letters written in dread, and conveyed with danger,
at times when exceptional terrors appeared to hang over the one or
the other. Henry hoped by a systematic persecution, to break the
spirit of both; but each was of the blood royal of Spain, the noblest
in Europe, and the indignities heaped upon them only served to
increase the dignity with which they suffered. Mary was, moreover, a
Tudor also, and could be as resolute as her father.
In 1531, an Italian, Mario Savagnano, with some companions,
paid a visit to the English Court, and in an interesting account of his
journey recorded his impressions of the King, Queen, and Princess:—
“I saw the King twice, and kissed his hand; he is glad to see
foreigners, and especially Italians; he embraced me joyously, and
then went out to hunt with some forty to fifty horsemen. He is tall of
stature, very well formed and of very handsome presence, beyond
measure affable, and I never saw a prince better disposed than this
one. He is also learned and accomplished, and most generous and
kind, and were it not that he now seeks to repudiate his wife, after](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/128178-250519220740-b942fa74/85/Concepts-in-Smart-Societies-Next-Generation-of-Human-Resources-and-Technologies-1st-Edition-Chaudhery-Hussain-81-320.jpg)
![last is another beverage of theirs) and white bread. On the next day,
which was the 6th, we returned to London to the house of our
ambassador, where we remained two days, and then by boat went
down the Thames, which is very broad, and covered with swans,
and thus we got to Dover the passage port.”[79]
KATHARINE OF ARRAGON.
From a fine original in miniature by Holbein, formerly in Horace Walpole’s
Collection at Strawberry Hill.](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/128178-250519220740-b942fa74/85/Concepts-in-Smart-Societies-Next-Generation-of-Human-Resources-and-Technologies-1st-Edition-Chaudhery-Hussain-83-320.jpg)
![Another Italian visitor, the Venetian, Ludovico Falier, describes
Mary at sixteen years old as “a very handsome, amiable and
accomplished princess, in no respect inferior to her mother”. He
remarks that Katharine was so much loved and respected, that the
people were beginning to murmur against the King. “Were,” he
continues, “the faction to produce a leader, it is certain that the
English nation, so prone to innovation and change, would take up
arms for the Queen, and by so much the more, were it arranged for
the leader to marry the Princess Mary, although by English law
females are excluded from the Crown.”[80]
Another, Marin Giustinian, writing to the Signory, says: “The
English King is not popular with his subjects, chiefly on account of
his intention to divorce his wife, who is much loved, and they hold
her daughter in very great account”.[81]
A month later, the same writer was at Paris, and says:—
“The English ambassador here, Sir John Wallop, does not approve
the divorce; praising the wisdom, innocence, and patience of Queen
Katharine, as also her daughter. He says that the Queen was beloved
as if she had been of the blood royal of England, and the Princess in
like manner.”[82]
And from Lyons, on the 28th March 1533, he writes that a
gentleman who has come from England has told Sir John Wallop,
that “the King does not choose the Princess any longer to be styled
Princess, but ‘Madam Mary,’ nor will he give her in marriage abroad;
others say that he intends to make her a nun”. In August Marc
Antonio Venier, in a despatch to the Signory from Rome, says that
“letters from England announce that the Archbishop of Canterbury
has pronounced a sentence in favour of Henry, prohibiting Katharine
to be any longer named Queen, and is having it proclaimed
throughout the realm, so that she may not be able to defend herself;
and her daughter has been admonished not to interfere”.[83]](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/128178-250519220740-b942fa74/85/Concepts-in-Smart-Societies-Next-Generation-of-Human-Resources-and-Technologies-1st-Edition-Chaudhery-Hussain-84-320.jpg)
![In the main, the Italians were correctly informed as to passing
events in England. But at this period, although Henry kept Mary at a
distance from court, and had not seen her for three years, she was
still treated with a degree of consideration, to which her mother had
long been a stranger. He was still uncertain as to the use he would
make of her, in securing for himself allies abroad. He hoped that she
would submit quietly to the new laws, and therefore, for a time at
least, nothing was abated of her royal state. In September 1531,
soon after her parting from her mother, a warrant was issued to the
Master of the Great Wardrobe “to deliver certain things for the use
of the Princess,” nearly all of which were composed of materials then
only used by royal personages.[84]
The perennial question of her marriage was again in debate, but
was thenceforth removed to a lower level in European politics. Her
betrothal to the Duke of Orleans had never been cancelled, but a
dispute had arisen between Henry and Francis, on the subject of
money. Then, when the validity of her parents’ marriage became a
matter of discussion in all the Universities of Europe, Francis wished
that the case should be first settled, “lest the world should declare
that his son had married a bastard”.[85] And in the midst of these
delays, the Scottish alliance was again mooted. But the Scotch put
too high a value on their friendship with France, to risk such a union;
[86] Margaret was too like her brother to commit herself to any
definite policy save that of intrigue; and Henry had now more urgent
business on hand than the disposal of his daughter in marriage.
Some languid interest was excited at court by the proposal of King
John Zapolski to marry her, and Chapuys heard that her hand had
been sought for the Duke of Cleves;[87] but neither project was
seriously entertained. It was also believed that the Pope and the
Emperor wished to bestow her on Francesco Sforza, Duke of Milan,
who had lost the use of his hands and feet. “And this,” wrote Niño to
the Emperor, “would not be half such bad treatment of the daughter
as of the mother.”[88]](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/128178-250519220740-b942fa74/85/Concepts-in-Smart-Societies-Next-Generation-of-Human-Resources-and-Technologies-1st-Edition-Chaudhery-Hussain-85-320.jpg)
Concepts in Smart Societies Next Generation of Human Resources and Technologies 1st Edition Chaudhery Hussain
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- 6. CONCEPTS IN SMART SOCIETIES Next-generation of Human Resources and Technologies Editors Chaudhery Mustansar Hussain Department of Chemistry and Environmental Science, New Jersey Institute of Technology, Newark, USA Antonella Petrillo Department of Engineering University of Naples Parthenope, Napoli, Italy Shahid Ul Islam Department of Biological and Agricultural Engineering, University of California Davis, Davis, USA
- 8. First edition published 2024 by CRC Press 2385 NW Executive Center Drive, Suite 320, Boca Raton FL 33431 and by CRC Press 4 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon, OX14 4RN © 2024 Taylor & Francis Group, LLC CRC Press is an imprint of Taylor & Francis Group, LLC Reasonable efforts have been made to publish reliable data and information, but the author and publisher cannot assume responsibility for the validity of all materials or the consequences of their use. The authors and publishers have attempted to trace the copyright holders of all material reproduced in this publication and apologize to copyright holders if permission to publish in this form has not been obtained. If any copyright material has not been acknowledged please write and let us know so we may rectify in any future reprint. Except as permitted under U.S. Copyright Law, no part of this book may be reprinted, reproduced, transmitted, or utilized in any form by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying, microfilming, and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without written permission from the publishers. For permission to photocopy or use material electronically from this work, access www.copyright.com or contact the Copyright Clearance Center, Inc. (CCC), 222 Rosewood Drive, Danvers, MA 01923, 978-750-8400. For works that are not available on CCC please contact mpkbookspermissions@tandf.co.uk Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe. Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data (applied for) ISBN: 978-1-032-17034-3 (hbk) ISBN: 978-1-032-17036-7 (pbk) ISBN: 978-1-003-25150-7 (ebk) DOI: 10.1201/9781003251507 Typeset in Palatino Linotype by Radiant Productions
- 9. Preface Welcome to an extraordinary time, a time where ecological and digital transition has taken over and revolutionized our lives in every aspect. We live in a smart society, a society in which digital solutions have radically transformed the way we interact, work and live. The smart society is a phenomenon that has developed explosively in recent decades. The world has become an interconnected place, where information and communications flow rapidly across global computer networks. Our homes, our offices, our cities and even our bodies have become intelligent, equipped with sensors and devices that allow us to monitor and control every aspect of our lives. This book is a journey into the universe of the smart society. We will explore the challenges and opportunities this new era presents us, analyzing how technology has affected the way we work, communicate, consume and relate. But smart society is not just about technology and sustainability. The smart society is a complex phenomenon that also involves social, economic, political and ethical issues. The book explores the implications of this transformations. This book does not intend to provide definitive answers, but to stimulate reflection and discussion on what it means to live in a smart society. The smart society is here to stay, and we must be prepared to face its consequences. We must be aware of the challenges it poses
- 10. and the opportunities it offers. We must be ready to adapt and innovate, to find creative solutions to the problems that will come our way. We are on the eve of an unprecedented revolution, in which technology is changing the world in ways we never imagined. We hope this book inspires you to explore, question, and participate in this amazing transformation. The smart society is here, and the future is in our hands. Editors Chaudhery Mustansar Hussain Department of Chemistry and Environmental Science New Jersey Institute of Technology, Newark, N J 07102, USA chaudhery.m.hussain@njit.edu Antonella Petrillo Department of Engineering University of Naples Parthenope, CDN 80143 Napoli, ITALY antonella.petrillo@uniparthenope.it Shahid Ul Islam Department of Biological and Agricultural Engineering University of California Davis, United States shads.jmi@gmail.com
- 11. Contents Preface Introduction PART I: Concept of Super Smart Society 1. Modern Society: Perspective and Development Baffo Ilaria and Travaglioni Marta 2. Multi-Criteria Decision-Making Methods Applied to the Sustainability of Urban Transport: A Systematic Literature Review David Ruiz Bargueño, Fernando Augusto Silva Marins, José Antônio Perrella Balestieri, Pedro Ivan Palominos Belmar, Rubens Alves Dias and Valerio Antonio Pamplona Salomon 3. Green Materials: Sustainable Materials, Green Nanomaterials Narinder Singh, Francesco Colangelo and Ilenia Farina 4. Reflections on Metaverse: A New Technology in the Super Smart Society Fabio De Felice, Gianfranco Iovine and Antonella Petrillo 5. Overview on the Role of Cybersecurity in a Smart Society: Prospects and Strategies in Italy and Worldwide Laura Petrillo 6. Legal Issues With AI/Algorithmic Systems: Responsibility and Liability
- 12. Michael Martin Losavio PART II: Super Smart Technologies in Different Industrial Sectors 7. Digital Skills and Future Workplaces in a Super Smart Society: An ‘Intelligent’ Railway Pantograph Maintenance for High-speed Trains Fabio De Felice and Cristina De Luca 8. Role of Renewable Energy Resources in Meeting Global Energy Demand Yusuf Parvez and Harsha Chaubey 9. Donar-π-Acceptor (D-π-A) Chromophores use as Smart Material for OLED Md. Zafer Alam, Md. Mohasin, Mohd. Abdul Mujeeb, H. Aleem Basha and Salman A. Khan 10. 10 Recent Advancements in Smart Textiles and Their Applications Priyanka Gupta and Ankur Shukla 11. Recent Trends in UV Protection Materials for Textile Functionalization Applications Tahsin Gulzar, Shumaila Kiran, Tahir Farooq, Sadia Javed, Nosheen Aslam, Atizaz Rasool and Iqra Bismillah PART III: Case Studies with Challenges Associated with Super Smart Society 12. Super Smart Society: Proposal of An Innovative Digicircular Internet Platform Towards a More Sustainable, Resilient, and Human-centric Future Fabio De Felice, Ilaria Baffo and Antonella Petrillo
- 13. 13. 5G Technology: Feasibility and Challenges from an International Point of View Yousaf Ali, Amin Ullah Khan, Muhammad Usama Hakeem and Ahmed Raza Qureshi 14. Metal-air Batteries for Wearable Electronics: A Case Study for Modern Society Arpana Agarwal and Chaudhery Mustansar Hussain 15. Lifecycle Assessment of Alternative Building Materials Marco Ruggiero, Cinzia Salzano, Marta Travaglioni, Francesco Colangelo and Ilenia Farina 16. Towards (An Aggregated) Territorial Digital Twin: From Smart-village to Smart-territory via the Territorial System of Digital Twin Cédrick Béler, Gregory Zacharewicz, Paul-Antoine Bisgambiglia, Bastien Poggi, Florent Poux and Antoine- Santoni Thierry PART IV: Super Smart Society and Sustainability Conclusions and Outlook Index About the Editors
- 14. Introduction We live in a society driven by rapid, unexpected changes. Less than 10 years ago the concept of the fourth industrial revolution was introduced: a more aware and oriented reality towards the Smart Society. By this we mean novelties in production technologies, enabling Information Technology (IT) services and greater attention to energy consumption. Today, we are discussing the fifth stage in the evolution of society. Metaverse, connected mobility, robotics, bioeconomy, decarbonization, ecological transition, and digitalization will be the central themes that will have the greatest impact on society and the industries of the future. Focusing on sustainability through technological innovation is the key indication for building a society 5.0. The concept of the Super Smart Company—or Society 5.0—was born in 2016, thanks to a Japanese research conducted by Hitachi and the University of Tokyo. It indicates the ideal form for the society of the future in which intelligent systems, exploiting technological platforms to their full potential, are able to process huge amounts of data and analyse complex scenarios. In this way, human beings would be constantly supported by the virtual, within increasingly interconnected societies: A digital transformation supported by Artificial Intelligence (AI). The original definition literally quotes: Through an initiative that merges physical space
- 15. (real world) and cyberspace by exploiting ICT to its full potential, we propose an ideal form for the society of the future: a Super Smart Society that will bring wellbeing to the people. At the time they did not yet call it metaverse, but it is clear that the connection between technology and the activities we carry out every day is now so deeply rooted, to the point that in many situations it is hard to even point out an effective difference between the digital and the real sphere. In fact, Society 5.0 identifies the use of technology as an enabler for the design and adoption of highly impactful and innovative solutions, for the benefit of sustainable development centered on people. Society 5.0 will be able to contribute to the achievement of the - Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), agreed by the UN and ideally achievable by 2030. The question is: How? One possibile answer could be that Society 5.0 will facilitate the sustainable and resilient development of cities and regions through the efficient management of the water system, energy consumption, and the construction of circular production and consumption models. In particular, digital acceleration can be precious in protecting environmental sustainability: the digitization of processes, data collection, and processing –together with the connection infrastructures –allows the prevention of any environmental damage and the safety of infrastructures. Thus, digitization becomes the vector of an economic-social model with a human-centric vision. In this regard, it should be noted that the fundamental principles of Company 5.0 have been a fundamental source of inspiration for the definition of Industry 5.0. While, the Society 5.0 stands as a real evolution of the previous Information Society, Industry 5.0 does not aim to overcome the technological paradigm of Industry 4.0 but to
- 16. make its applications compatible with the sustainability and inclusion criteria necessary for giving rise to a truly human-centered socio- economic system. Society 5.0 and Industry 5.0 also have a fundamental point in common, which could be summarized in a famous quote by Albert Einstein: There is no challenge without a crisis. The crisis is the greatest blessing for people and nations, because the crisis brings progress. In the crisis is inventiveness, discoveries, and great strategies. Thus, this book aims to outline strategic lines and suggest future directions for the development of the super smart society which pursues responsibility and sustainability by including technologies and skills. This book is intended to be a useful resource for anyone who deals with innovation and digitalization. Furthermore, we hope that this book will provide useful resources ideas, techniques, and methods for further research on these issues. Special thanks to all the authors who contributed to the success of the project. As editors of this book, we profusely much thank the authors who accepted to contribute with their invaluable research and the referees who reviewed these papers for their effort, time, and invaluable suggestions. Our special thanks to the editorial team Vijay Primlani, Jyotsna Jangra, and Raju Primlani for their precious support and their team for this opportunity to serve as guest editors. Enjoy the book! Editors Chaudhery Mustansar Hussain Department of Chemistry and Environmental Science New Jersey Institute of Technology, Newark, N J 07102, USA chaudhery.m.hussain@njit.edu
- 17. Antonella Petrillo Department of Engineering University of Naples Parthenope, CDN 80143 Napoli, ITALY antonella.petrillo@uniparthenope.it Shahid Ul Islam, PhD Department of Biological and Agricultural Engineering University of California Davis, United States shads.jmi@gmail.com
- 18. PART I Concept of Super Smart Society
- 19. 1 Modern Society Perspective and Development Baffo Ilaria* and Travaglioni Marta Department of Economics Engineering Society and Business Organization (DEIM), University of Tuscia, Largo dell’Università s.n.c., Loc. Riello, Viterbo, 01100, Italy Email: m.travaglioni@gmail.com * Corresponding author: Ilaria.baffo@unitus.it 1. Introduction Big Data Analytics, Artificial Intelligence (AI), Internet of Things (IoT) are some of the technologies widely used in everyday reality. Private and professional life is saturated with digital data and information technologies (ITs) through which ideas are developed and shared. Due to new technologies, in the last ten years our lives have been transformed, with the advent of the smartphone, new ways of shopping, new ways of working, etc. Digital technology has transformed an industrial society focused on production into one where information is at the center of society. On 22 January 2016, the government of Japan published the 5th Science and Technology Basic Plan (Cabinet Office, 2016a). The plan proposes the idea of “Society 5.0”, based on a vision of a future society driven by
- 20. scientific and technological innovation. The intention behind this concept is described as follows: Through an initiative merging the physical space (real world) and cyberspace by leveraging ICT to its fullest, we are proposing an ideal form of our future society: a ‘super-smart society’ that will bring wealth to the people. The series of initiatives geared toward realizing this ideal society are now being further deepened and intensively promoted as Society 5.0. (Cabinet Office, 2016a). Society 5.0 is so called to indicate the new super smart society created by transformations led by scientific and technological innovation, after hunter-gatherer society, agricultural society, industrial society, and information society, as shown in Fig. 1.1.
- 21. Fig. 1.1 Contextualizing Society 5.0 (Graphic elaboration of th Society 1.0 Society 2.0 Society 3.0 Society 4.0 Period Birth of human beings 13,000 BC End of 18th century Latter hal 20th cent Society Hunter-gatherer Coexistence with nature Agrarian Development of irrigation techniques Industrial Invention of steam locomotives Informat Productive Approach Capture/Gather Manufacture Mechanization Start of mass production ICT Material Stone-Soil Metal Platic Semicondu Transport Foot Ox-Horse Motor car- Boat-Plane Multimob Form of settlement Nomadic, small settlement Fortified city Firm establishment of settlements Linear industrial city Network c City ideals Viability Defensiveness Functionality Profitabil In 2016, Comprehensive Strategy on Science, Technology and Innovation for 2016 (Cabinet Office, 2016b) was released and the following year, the 2017 edition of its comprehensive strategy was Economic and Social Innovation by Deeping of Soci
- 22. published (Cabinet Office, 2017). In this edition, Society 5.0 is further described as follows: Society 5.0, the vision of future society toward which the Fifth Basic Plan proposes that we should aspire, will be a human-centered society that, through the high degree of merging between cyberspace and physical space, will be able to balance economic advancement with the resolution of social problems by providing goods and services that granularly address manifold latent needs regardless of locale, age, sex, or language to ensure that all citizens can lead high-quality, lives full of comfort and vitality (Cabinet Office, 2017). Japan is one of the nations with the greatest technological development geared toward social welfare. It is, particularly, about balancing economic and technological progress with the resolution of social issues (Žižek et al., 2021; Gurjanov et al., 2020). Therefore, the objective of Society 5.0 is to create a people-centric society, where cyberspace and physical space are integrated. The Society 5.0 concept developed by Japan addresses the economy and citizens, promoting the idea of a Smart Society, where information technologies outline the profile of a new super- intelligent society (Haque et al., 2021). Digital transformation will once again radically change many aspects of society, affecting private life, public administration, industrial structure, and employment (Nunes et al., 2021; Palumbo et al., 2021). Society 5.0 is envisioned as a society in which anyone can create value (Bibri and Krogstie, 2017), consistent with the future sustainable strategies developed with the 17 United Nations Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). The goals of Society 5.0 are also SDGs of the 2030 Agenda (Falanga et al., 2021; Israilidis et al., 2019). Therefore, Society 5.0 can be regarded as a means by which the SDGs can be
- 23. achieved. From this perspective, Industry 4.0 can promote sustainable innovation (Yigitcanlar et al., 2018; Yigitcanlar et al., 2021; Yigitcanlar and Cugurullo, 2020; Yigitcanlar et al., 2020; Yigitcanlar et al., 2017). In other words, Society 5.0 is a model for communicating the government’s vision of a future society to industry and public. 2. Society 5.0 as a New Frontier of Human Evolution The health emergency from Covid-19 and the Russia-Ukraine conflict have caused a series of consequences, including energy crisis, difficulties in finding raw materials and their increase in prices. However, these problems do not seem to be holding back the technological advancement that has begun with Industry 4.0. In fact, technological advancement is rapidly leading towards a new and revolutionary paradigm of society and fast. Big Data regulates almost every aspect of an individual’s life, and collective consciences are increasingly leaning towards economic models focused on environmental sustainability. Society has yet to address the issues of the present, where the productive approach and the way in which data is currently stored, processed, and shared is still critical. In fact, humanity has evolved to reach the Society 4.0 model (Information Society), where information and communication technology (ICT) platforms (such as, e.g., the Cloud) are used as a profit-based manufacturing approach. Therefore, the operation of the process is still very dependent on the end user, who uses ICT systems to collect information previously entered manually, re-elaborates them, and shares them externally just as manually. Since the 4.0 model is
- 24. severely limited by what people can do, as data production increases globally, finding the necessary information and analyzing its risks becoming a complex task. The new model of Society 5.0 is a new phase in human evolution, in which some issues related to the information society are filled using AI, which acts as a link between the physical world and the virtual world. In the Information Society (Society 4.0), the common practice is to collect information through the network and have it analyzed by humans. On the contrary, in Society 5.0 people, things, and systems are all connected in cyberspace, and the optimal results achieved by AI (exceeding the capabilities of human beings) are returned to physical space. This process brings new value to industry and society in ways that were not possible before. 2.1 Toward a people-centric society Society 5.0 will become a People-centric Society. In this vision, Society 5.0 is a society that can balance economic progress with solving social issues, ensuring that all citizens can lead a high-quality life full of comfort and vitality. However, balance economic development, social problem solving, and quality of life is difficult, therefore achieving Society 5.0 is a challenge. In fact, if economic growth, the society of mass production and consumption are pursued, damage to the planet could occur during the process. On the contrary, if environmental welfare is the main objective, consequences on the quality of life and economic well-being could result. For example, if humanity minimized energy consumption, the quality of life would decrease, and the economy would grind to a halt. Society 5.0 is an attempt to overcome this seemingly
- 25. unresolved issue. Solving social problems without sacrificing quality of life is difficult for another reason. It requires balancing what is best for society with what is best for the individual. This challenge is related to how we understand quality of life and social welfare. There are many different definitions and measures of well-being, but it is not possible to quantify it in most cases. Therefore, to date the vision of Society 5.0 is based on two types of relationships: the relationship between technology and society and the relationship between individuals and society mediated by technology. Society 5.0 identifies technology as an enabler for the design and adoption of highly impactful and innovative solutions that benefit people-centered sustainable development. Technological and social evolution in Society 5.0 is based on a cooperative approach, bringing together all the traditional innovation players (institutions, research centers, private actors, and civil society) and integrating new principles that are equality, equity, solidarity, sustainability, inclusion, and change. The cooperative approach enables the full and conflict- free achievement of economic development and the resolution of issues and challenges that threaten sustainability. The problems and challenges are, for example, the decline in the birth rate combined with the increase in the old-age rate, the consequent reduction in the labor force and the increase in security costs, and the environmental footprint in terms of resource consumption and the alteration of overall balances with anthropogenic activity. According to the United Nations, life expectancy at birth is set to increase, extending average life as early as 2030. At the same time, the fertility rate is set to decline, reaching just below the replacement level needed for demographic stability in 2050. Therefore, modern
- 26. societies must begin to question the strategies to ensure healthy aging and fulfilling life while maintaining social and economic balance. In this regard, innovation has already achieved good results in agri-food, construction, transportation, and medicine sectors, etc. For example, in medical and healthcare, technologies such as AI, 3D printing, Virtual and Augmented Reality, nanotechnology, and robotics are strongly contributing to the transition to an increasingly predictive, preventive, personalized, precise, and patient-centric model of healthcare. Ensuring a healthy and long-lived life implies ensuring a healthier and more welcoming world, starting with curbing global warming. In fact, the climate emergency has become an increasingly pressing issue, as the planet is warming at an unprecedented rate on geological scales. Extreme climatic phenomena increase in intensity and frequency, resulting in economic, social, and environmental damage. To ensure the protection of the most fragile ecosystems, society and economic prosperity, the green transition can no longer be postponed and must be on a global scale. In this context, the realization by 2050 of “Net Zero” (planet-neutral) economies and societies is crucial, as the current unprecedented concentration of CO2 and climate-changing gas emissions is the direct cause of temperature rise on the Planet, with almost unanimous assent from the scientific community. The recent intergovernmental panel on climate change (IPCC) report, released in August 2021, contains some clear indications of the risks and costs of climate change that have already occurred and those that are expected in the coming decades (Fig. 1.2). The main conclusions are important and serve as a final warning to governments, institutions, businesses, and citizens
- 27. who have failed to implement concrete and effective measures to reduce climate gas emissions over the past 30 years, despite numerous commitments. Fig. 1.2 Increased frequency and intensity for extreme weather events that would occur every 10 years in the various scenarios of temperature increase. Median scenario versus baseline 1850–1900. (Graphic elaboration of the authors) (Source: IPCC, 2021). 2.2 Society 5.0 and sustainable development The digital transformation envisioned by Society 5.0 promises to be a major weapon in the fight against climate change through its potential to enable energy efficiency, new organizational models, and
- 28. less impactful consumption styles on the planet. Digitization of processes, collection, and processing of large amount of data, and connecting infrastructure create an increasingly interrelated ecosystem that generates benefits on economic productivity, and environmental sustainability. Dematerializing, measuring, and improving production and consumption processes generate greater economic welfare with lower environmental impact and positive social inclusion impacts. Therefore, these actions represent the convergence of the two transformations taking place globally, the green and the digital ones (Fig. 1.3). Fig. 1.3 Digital transformation in energy infrastructures. For the resolution of these problems, the concept of Society 5.0 promotes concrete efforts around three pillars: 1. The transition towards the “Society 5.0” model and Productivity Revolution, through IoT, Big Data and AI technologies. 2. The creation of resilient, environmentally friendly, and attractive communities through Future City Initiatives to achieve the United Nations SDGs. 3. Empowerment of future generations and women through a revolution in human resource development to make the most of
- 29. rich creative and communication skills, focusing on the gender goals of the SDGs. In the Society 5.0 approach, a real paradigm shift is promoted (Fig. 1.4). Traditionally, technology and innovation were responsible for social evolution. In the Society 5.0 vision, digitization becomes a tool for differentiating and meeting society’s needs by providing the necessary products and services in the quantities required, in the ways and at the times people need them. In this way, Society 5.0 contributes to the achievement of the UN SDGs. Specifically, nine different areas can be identified in which Society 5.0 can help achieve the SDGs. Fig. 1.4 Graphical processing of the Society 5.0 approach. Cities and regions. The development of sustainable and resilient urban realities affects several SDGs, such as the efficient management of the water system, energy consumption, and more generally the building of sustainable production and
- 30. consumption models. As the global urbanization rate set to grow by 2050, Society 5.0 makes a key contribution by ensuring increasingly effective and timely services to citizens and increasingly sustainable development solutions. Energy. The availability of sustainable, secure, and competitive energy is a key factor in the prosperity of modern society and future generations. Digital technologies make a valuable contribution to the challenges of the energy sector along the entire value chain by enabling the gradual decarbonization of the sector. In fact, the decarbonization process introduces many system challenges, such as managing an increasing share of non-programmable sources and the gradual down-streaming of production with the transformation of consumers into active players in the supply chain. Prevention and mitigation of natural disasters. The intensification Prevention and mitigation of natural disasters. The intensification of extreme natural events requires the rapid identification and implementation of solutions to mitigate climate change. Society 5.0 contributes to reduce impacts and risk to individual safety, property, and people’s lives by preventing, monitoring, and securing infrastructure. Health and medicine. The health sector is under the combined pressures of an aging population and public spending constraints, and the Covid-19 pandemic. Therefore, it requires a comprehensive rethink aimed at ensuring smart and universal care. The combination of digital technologies (IoT and Advanced Data Analytics) enables the creation of innovative and cost- effective healthcare services.
- 31. Agriculture and Food. New technologies enable sustainable solutions for the entire supply chain, from production to distribution of food, through processing and promoting conscious consumption. In particular, the best impacts in agricultural production can be achieved through digital technologies and data to implement solutions that increase production efficiency, reduce stress on soils and waste of natural resources, avoid waste, and make production more sustainable and healthier. Logistics solutions. By facilitating the flow of goods and commodities, logistics plays an essential role in economic growth, providing the infrastructure that supports the performance of all productive and economic activities. Cutting- edge technological solutions improve real-time monitoring and control, with increasingly accurate demand forecasting and service delivery through data analytics. These innovations can be integrated into efficient models based on automated solutions (e.g., autonomous driving, drones, and robots) that can increase the overall efficiency of the industry. Manufacturing and services. Industrialization processes can be refined, Manufacturing and services. Industrialization processes can be refined, from design and development to logistics, to make them equitable, responsible, and sustainable. Current technologies allow to adopt organizational models and production logics that maximize efficiency, sustainability (including circularity) and productivity, making available products that are sustainable, safe, better able to meet people’s needs and increase the level of competitiveness.
- 32. Finance. The synergy of IoT, Machine Learning and AI provides the predictive capabilities that allow to create personalized services, more informed decision-making, and risk mitigation. The use of these technologies, digital currencies and blockchain systems is aimed at improving user-experiences, delivering higher-value services, and achieving a higher level of transparency and security. Public services. A rethinking of public service delivery and management systems inspired by the principles of interoperability will enable a timely and increasingly appropriate response to citizens’ needs. Society 5.0 aims to facilitate the exchange of information between various local and national authorities, fostering the generation of new creative solutions to optimize processes by calibrating them to the new needs of the community. 2.3 Industry 4.0 and Society 5.0: Aims and common issues In November 2011, the German Federal Government published “High-Tech Strategy 2020 Action Plan for Germany”, which outlined a high-tech strategic initiative called Industry 4.0. This vision preceded the Society 5.0, as proposed in 2016 by the 5th Science and Technology Basic Plan. The goals of Industry 4.0 have been outlined in the German Federal Government’s High-Tech Strategy 2020 Action Plan for Germany, the German equivalent of Japan’s Science and Technology Basic Plan. Compared to Society 5.0 (outlined by the 5th Science and Technology Basic Plan), Industry 4.0 shares some common goals. Both paradigms focus on the use of technology,
- 33. including IoT, AI, and Big Data Analytics. Similarly, both involve a top-down, state-driven approach with collaboration between industry, academia, and the government sector. However, there are some differences. Industry 4.0 advocates smart factories, while Society 5.0 calls for a super smart society. Although both paradigms support the implementation of cyber-physical systems (CPS), the scope of implementation differs. In Industry 4.0, CPS is implemented in the manufacturing environment, while in Society 5.0, it is deployed throughout the company. Further differences are found in the measurement of outcomes. Industry 4.0 aims to create new value and minimize production costs. The outcomes in Industry 4.0 allow relatively simple and clear performance metrics. In contrast, Society 5.0 aims to create a super smart society where metrics are much more complex. According to Comprehensive Strategy on Science, Technology, and Innovation for 2017, success should be measured by how much society can balance economic advancement with the resolution of social problems by providing goods and services that granularly address manifold latent needs regardless of locale, age, sex, or language to ensure that all citizens can lead high-quality, lives full of comfort and vitality (Cabinet Office, 2017). Technological innovations can have different future effects. Industry 4.0 is based on a manufacturing-centered industrial revolution but does not provide guidance on the impacts it has on the public. Society 5.0 puts people at the center and thus focuses strongly on the impact that technology has on people to create a better society. In this case, Society 5.0 provides guidance through a scenario of reform aimed at generating an inclusive society that meets people’s different needs and preferences. Another important difference is that
- 34. Industry 4.0 has emphasized which technologies to implement. Thus, there is a choice of which technologies to implement to achieve certain predetermined goals. In contrast, in Society 5.0 there is no choice about the type of technology, effectively forcing the company to implement AI-based technology that can connect physical space with virtual space. To sum up, in Industry 4.0 the generation of knowledge and intelligence is done by humans with the help of technology; in Society 5.0 the generation of knowledge and intelligence will come from machines through AI at the service of people. Figure 1.5 shows the main principles of Industry 4.0 and Society 5.0. Fig. 1.5 Industry 4.0 vs. Society 5.0. Design High-Tech Strategy 2020 Action Plan for Germany (BMBF, 2011) Recommendations for implementing the strategic initiative Industry 4.0 (Industrie 4.0 Working Group, 2013) 5th Science and Technology Basic Plan (released 2016) Comprehensive Strategy on Science, Technology and Innovation for 2017 (released 2017) Objectives and Scope Smart factories Focuses on manufacturing Super-smart society Society as a whole INDUSTY 4.0 (Germany) SOCIETY 5.0 (Japan)
- 35. Key issues Cyber-physical systems (CPS) Internet of Things (IoT) Mass customization High-level convergence of cyberspace and physical space Balancing economic development with resolution of social issues People-Centric society The problems that countries face affect the dimensions of sustainability (environmental, social, and economic) in a very complex way, as improving one dimension can often undermine the others. For example, if social spending is stitched back together, it would benefit the nation fiscally, but would bring serious problems in medical and healthcare settings. Consequently, to solve the problem of balancing dimensions and creating a people-centered society, clarifying the target metrics of this type of society and the roles that policy and technology should play in achieving them is a necessary action. Industry 4.0 has a vision of smart factories; therefore, it has identified the manufacturing sector as the main physical space (real world). Instead, it identified the CPS-centered cyber architecture as cyberspace; here information is integrated horizontally across different sectors and vertically within production systems. As evolution, the physical space (real world) that Society 5.0 identifies is society; regarding cyberspace, the CPS-centered cyber INDUSTY 4.0 (Germany) SOCIETY 5.0 (Japan)
- 36. architecture is identified, as per the vision of Industry 4.0. However, in Society 5.0, information is integrated horizontally across service sectors (e.g., energy, transportation) and vertically within systems that track the history and attributes of each service user (such as medical information, consumption behavior, and educational history). In this context, strong and robust information security must be ensured to enable its use. Both Society 5.0 and Industry 4.0 reflect Japan’s and Germany’s responses to global initiatives, and both make a statement to the international community. In addition, both paradigms aim to integrate information across industries or sectors, and both address the same challenges, seeking to achieve a global cyber architecture as a secure environment for creative activities. To realize the people-centric society vision of Society 5.0, the needs of society must be balanced with the needs of the individual and how the balancing is implemented. The balancing must be optimal, and if this issue is not solved, no progress can be made. In this context, policy and technology must coordinate with each other; in this way everyone understands how each policy proposal or technology development fits into and contributes to Society 5.0. Otherwise, technology will advance independently of policy and policy will proceed in an uncoordinated way with technology, without understanding how technology and policy fit into the larger framework of Society 5.0. In other words, Society 5.0 revolutionizes industry through technology integration as it does with Industry 4.0, but it also seeks to revolutionize public living spaces or people’s habits. Further progress needs to be made in promoting the initiatives implemented in smart cities. In addition, the policies needed to optimize society and solve social problems must be
- 37. properly connected to the technology needed to provide high-quality social services that enable the public to live comfortable lives. 3. Technological Pillar of Super Smart Society Society 5.0 defines technology as a key element in the integration of the physical and virtual worlds. Although the goals of Society 5.0 have not yet been fully achieved, citizens’ lives are already characterized by the synergy between the real world and the digital world. This is true in both the private and professional dimensions, with the use of smartphones, tablets, PC, etc. Entertainment, payments, health, everything is increasingly passing through digital devices, and with the pandemic, the trend has strengthened further, making habits and lifestyles evolve. The increase in the use of devices is so significant that the synergy between real and virtual world has become very strong and it is difficult to establish a boundary between the two worlds. Considering the technologies that enable integration between the physical and virtual worlds, it is useful to focus attention on three key technological categories: 1. The device that produces data. 2. The connectivity that enables the transmission of data. 3. The digital infrastructure, such as storage and computational capacity, that are built to handle huge amounts of data. It is important to emphasize a common trait of these technology categories, which is their relationship to the data that are produced annually and their availability in high volumes that have never been recorded before. The growth of data produced by devices is set to increase, and the recent report Global DataSphere Forecast, 2021–
- 38. 2025 (Reinsel and Rydning, 2021) showed that growth in the volume of data produced annually between 2021 and 2022 occurred at a compound annual rate (CAGR) of 23%. In Fig. 1.6, the volume of data created and replicated globally with time interval between 2010 and 2025 is represented and measured in zettabytes. Fig. 1.6 Volume of data created and replicated globally, 2010–2025. (Graphic re-working of the authors) (Source: International Data Corporation, 2022). 3.1 Device proliferation and data production One reason why the explosion in data generation has occurred is the increasing prevalence of suitable tools to produce it. The tools involve society in terms of private use and professional use. There is not always a boundary between private and professional use. In fact, some devices are suitable for joint private and professional use. For example, smartphones, tablets, and PC can be used indiscriminately for both private and professional activities. Going into device details, IoT-based devices (wearables, connected home appliances, and virtual assistants) and non-IoT-based devices
- 39. (smartphones, tablets, and PC) are considered. Despite the wide use of non-IoT devices, IoT-based devices have reached and surpassed non-IoT devices as of 2019, and their diffusion is increasingly massive (Wang, 2020), as shown in Fig. 1.7. Fig. 1.7 Total number of devices connected globally, 2015– 2025 (Graphic reworking of the authors) (Source: Indeema, 2022) This proliferation of devices has a positive impact on the social dimension of sustainability. However, it raises important environmental issues. In fact, the growth of devices has important implications on the environmental footprint, with reference to the lifecycle of the device: from the extraction of raw materials that in some cases very valuable, the processing of raw materials, the energy consumption to produce them and to keep them in operation, until the end-of-life management.
- 40. 3.2 Connectivity for data transmission Connectivity is another crucial aspect that enables the construction of the Smart Society. Connectivity is the possibility that devices communicate with each other and with data centers to allow data to be exchanged with performance consistent with their use. The theme of connectivity can be declined in two directions: coverage and performance of broadband lines. Considering the mobile coverage, according to The Mobile Report 2022 (GMSA, 2022) the penetration rate in 2021 was 67% of the world’s population (percentage that equals 5.3 billion mobile subscribers), and it is expected to grow to 70% in 2025 which means it will reach 5.7 billion subscribers. In terms of performance, the next five years will coincide with the emergence of 5G technology. This technology will be expected to account for at least a quarter of connections in 2025 worldwide. In addition, peaks close to or above 50% are expected in Europe, the United States, and China. The deployment of 5G technology will also have important implications in terms of connection speed. This is relevant in all areas where low latency is of paramount importance, such as autonomous driving, robotics, etc. (Siriwardhana et al., 2021). Mobile connectivity is now pervasive, spreading in a penetrating way, to prevail and dominate in society. It is also used to give connectivity to the population and businesses especially in sparsely populated areas. Other telecommunications technologies are undergoing expansive phases and concern, e.g., satellite technologies, terrestrial fiber optics, submarine cables, etc. These technologies can improve society from a technological point of view, ensuring process control in the industrial environment but also improving the quality of life in the daily reality of people. The
- 41. ITU/UNESCO Broadband Commission (Citaristi, 2022), the ITU has set goals to be achieved by 2025 to ensure greater global broadband deployment (del Portillo et al., 2021). These goals are as follows: All countries will need to have a National Plan for the adoption of broadband connectivity. Therefore, policy will have to devote special attention to the technology. Broadband connectivity will need to achieve 75% penetration globally. This percentage will be distributed appropriately according to the type of country in which it will be implemented. Therefore, it will have to be 65% in developing countries and 35% in countries considered underdeveloped. Pricing is a key issue to pay attention to. To enable broadband connectivity services, prices for basic services will have to remain cheap and not exceed 2% of monthly Gross National Income (GNI) in developing countries. Some small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) are still not well connected. Therefore, the lack of connection of more than 50% of SMEs by sector will have to be solved. In relation to the SDGs, gender equality should be ensured on all targets under the UN plan. 60% of youth and adults will need to have a minimum level of digital proficiency. Digital technologies interact and relate to many transversals and widely applicable skills. For example, how we build knowledge by analyzing information; how we become social actors and express our opinions; how we develop and progress as individuals. The development of digital proficiency is a part of this broader mosaic of skills development, and it is increasingly important.
- 42. 40% of the world’s population will have to use digital financial services. Digital financial services have the potential to reduce costs by maximizing economies of scale, to increase the speed, security, and transparency of transactions, and to enable more personalized financial services that serve the poor. 3.3 Digital infrastructures for data management For devices to be used by taking advantage of broadband connection services, an infrastructure network is required. In terms of digital infrastructure, several phenomena are happening simultaneously. Regarding super computers (HPC - High Performance Computing), after a period of strong growth, 2021 was a year of relative stability. However, it is a prelude to the unfolding of the European strategy on pre-exascale HPCs and the forthcoming commissioning of the first exascale-class HPCs. Under the EU initiative, eight HPCs are being developed, shown in Fig. 1.8. Fig. 1.8 European Division of Developing HPC Systems, by Computational Power Classes.
- 43. In fact, the HPC computing power of China, the United States, and Japan has remained just over 70% of the global HPC power, with Italy maintaining the 11th position, thanks to the stable presence of ENI’s HPC steadily in the global top ten. Computational capacity is the basis of an efficient infrastructure. Enterprises are increasingly faced with the need to manage large amounts of data, often distributed in very different domains, such as internal and third-party managed datacenters, Remote Office Branches, Public Clouds, and terminals, as shown in Fig. 1.9. Fig. 1.9 Percentage distribution of data at the enterprise level, between the various storage systems. (Graphic elaboration of the authors.) (Source: IDC Cloud Data Storage & Infrastructure Trends Survey, Seagate Technology, 2021) Therefore, the need to provide greater computational capacity leads to continued investment in IT infrastructure (including more
- 44. traditional “on premise” infrastructure) with particularly strong growth in the “as a Service” model. In particular, the growth of the Cloud in its various forms continues to be significant, both in Infrastructure as a Service (IaaS) and Platform as a Service (PaaS). In IaaS, the effect of scale combined with the ability to use multiple cloud providers has become the main driver. While in the case of PaaS, innovation in services is the key driver to sustain its growth. Finally, a point should also be made about Edge Computing. Edge Computing is a distributed computing model in which data processing occurs as close as possible to where the data is generated, improving response times, and saving on bandwidth. Therefore, the rise of IoT devices will result in the greatest amount of data (which is equivalent to 75% in 2025), being generated outside of large, centralized datacenter (Gartner, 2021). Figure 1.10 shows general data from enterprises by place of creation and processing between 2018 and 2025.
- 45. Fig. 1.10 General data from enterprises by place of creation and processing (percentage values), 2018 and 2025 (Graphic elaboration of the authors) (Source: Gartner, 2021). The explosion of data and the tools that enable its generation, transmission, and processing underlie the many technological applications that enable the development of a data-driven society: from precision medicine to domestic or industrial robotics, from smart grids to autonomous driving, from smart cities to decentralized finance to digital twins, all examples that put together outline the so-called Super Smart Society. 4. The Fundamental Role and Requirement of
- 46. Artificial Intelligence The strategy for AI is based on trust as a precondition for ensuring an anthropocentric approach of Society 5.0. AI is not a technology for its own sake but is a tool in the service of people whose goal is to improve the wellbeing of human beings. Therefore, it is necessary to ensure the reliability of AI. The values on which our societies are based must be fully integrated into how AI is developed. Today’s society, and western culture, particularly, is founded on the values of respect for human dignity, freedom, democracy, equality, the rule of law and respect for human rights, including the rights of people belonging to minorities. These values are common in a society characterized by pluralism, nondiscrimination, tolerance, justice, solidarity and equality between women and men. With reference to the European Union, it has a solid regulatory framework designed to become the international standard for anthropocentric AI. The General Data Protection Regulation ensures a high level of protection for personal data and provides for the implementation of measures to ensure data protection by design and by default (Regulation (EU) 2016/679). The regulation removes barriers to the free movement of non-personal data and ensures the processing of all categories of data anywhere in Europe. The cybersecurity regulation contributes to building confidence in the online world, and the proposed electronic privacy (e-privacy) regulation also has the same goal. In general, AI poses new challenges because it enables machines to learn, make decisions, and execute them without human intervention. Before long, this mode of operation will become the norm for many kinds of goods and services, from smartphones to automated and self-driving cars, robots, and online applications.
- 47. However, the decisions made by the algorithms could be based on incomplete and therefore unreliable data, tampered with because of cyberattacks, tainted by bias, or simply incorrect. Therefore, uncritically applying technology as it is developed would lead to problematic results and reluctance on the part of citizens to accept or use it. On the contrary, AI technology should be developed in a way that puts the human being at the center and allows it to win the public’s trust. Accordingly, AI applications should comply with the law, observe ethical principles, and ensure that their practical implementations do not result in unintended harm. Diversity in terms of gender, race or ethnic origin, religion or belief, disability and age should be ensured at every stage of AI development. AI applications should empower people and respect their fundamental rights; they should aim to empower citizens and enable access for people with disabilities as well. Thus, there is a need to develop ethical guidelines based on the existing regulatory framework and which should be applied by AI developers, providers, and users in the internal market, establishing an ethical level playing field in all countries. Therefore, a set of recommendations for a broader AI policy is appropriate. The basic requirements for reliable AI are such as to encourage its application, establishing the right environment of trust for effective AI development and use. In Fig. 1.11, the requirements are shown graphically.
- 48. Fig. 1.11 The basic requirements for reliable AI in Society 5.0. 4.1 Human intervention and surveillance AI systems must help people make better and more informed choices in pursuit of their goals. They must promote the development of a thriving and equitable society by supporting human intervention and fundamental rights. Therefore, they must not reduce, limit, or mislead human autonomy. The general welfare of the user must always be central to the functionality of the system. Human surveillance helps ensure that AI systems do not endanger human autonomy or cause other adverse effects. Depending on the specific artificial intelligence-based system and its area of application, an appropriate level of control measures should be provided. These include the adaptability, accuracy, and explanation of such systems. Surveillance can be carried out through governance mechanisms that ensure that a human-intervention (“human-in-the- loop”), human-supervised (“human-on-the-loop”) or human- controlled (“human-in-command”) approach is adopted. 4.2 Technical strength and safety For AI to be reliable, the algorithms must necessarily be secure, reliable, and robust enough to cope with errors or inconsistencies during all phases of the AI system lifecycle. In addition, algorithms must be adequately capable of handling wrong results. AI systems must also be resilient to both overt attacks and more devious attempts to manipulate data or algorithms and must ensure that a contingency plan is in place in case of problems. Their decisions must be accurate, or at least correctly reflect their level of accuracy,
- 49. and their results must be reproducible. In addition, AI systems should contain safety mechanisms from the design stage to ensure that they are verifiably secure at every stage, especially considering the physical and mental safety of all people involved. This also includes minimizing and making reversible unintended effects or errors in system operation whenever possible. There should be processes in place to clarify and assess the potential risks associated with the use of AI systems in various application areas. 4.3 Confidentiality and data governance Confidentiality and data protection must be ensured at all stages of the lifecycle of AI systems. Digital records of human behavior can enable AI systems to infer individuals’ preferences, age and gender, sexual orientation, and religious or political beliefs. To enable people to have confidence in data processing, it is necessary to ensure that people have full control over their personal data and to ensure that data about them will not be used to harm or discriminate against them. In addition to safeguarding confidentiality and personal data, requirements must be met to ensure that AI systems are of high quality. The quality of the data sets used is critical to the performance of AI systems. With collecting data, these may reflect social conditioning or contain inaccuracies, errors, and material defects. This must be resolved before using any data set to train an AI system. In addition, the integrity of the data must be guaranteed. The processes and datasets used shall be tested and documented at all stages, such as planning, training, testing, and dissemination. This should also apply to AI systems that were not developed in-
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- 51. day following. Even when the servant recovered, Mary was not allowed to return to Enfield. In August 1520, we find that “my lady princess will be sent to Richmond again, on account of the reports of the sickness at Woodstock”. The excellent Lady Bryan having ceased in 1521, to occupy the position of governess of Mary’s household, Secretary Pace wrote to Wolsey that as the King intended leaving Windsor shortly, and as he would have no convenient lodging for the Princess, he desired Wolsey to think of some lady fit to give attendance on her. The King thought that the old Lady Oxford would be suitable, if she could be persuaded, if not, Lady Calthorpe, and her husband to be chamberlain to the Princess. Accordingly, Lady Oxford was invited to occupy the vacant post. Wolsey describes her as “right discreet, and of a good age, and near at hand,” and she could at least “be tried for a season, if she did not decline on the score of health”. Apparently she did decline, for instead of Lady Oxford, we find Sir Philip Calthorpe and his wife appointed to attend on the Princess, and govern her house, with a salary of £40 a year.[28] On the 29th July 1521, a commission was appointed to conclude a treaty for Mary’s marriage with the Emperor for which a dispensation was to be obtained from the Pope on account of their near relationship. This treaty was concluded, signed and sealed on the 24th November of the same year, on which day also, Francis I., writing to his ambassador in London, remarks that the contract between the Princess of England and the Dauphin is to remain in its entirety,[29] a curious satire on the good faith of princes. Moreover, while Francis thus proclaimed the peace and amity supposed to exist between himself and Henry, Charles was stipulating with Henry for a descent to be made by the English on the shores of France, not later than March, 1522. A fleet was to be provided by both parties, each contributing 3,000 men. It would be possible to regard Francis with some pity, as a miserable dupe, were it not for his own propensity
- 52. for the same amount of false swearing. By February, he was in possession of the facts, but for some reason or other, war was not declared till June. On the 6th May, Contarini, the Venetian envoy, was able to inform the Signory of Mary’s approaching betrothal to the Emperor, adding that Henry was about to send a gentleman to France, to repudiate the French treaty. On the 27th, Charles landed at Dover, and was received on the sands by Wolsey, attended by 300 nobles, knights and gentlemen. Leaning on the Cardinal’s arm, the Emperor proceeded to Dover Castle, where he remained for two days, being joined by Henry. On the road to Canterbury, and thence to Greenwich, they were greeted by the people with every demonstration of joy, the English looking upon Charles as the monarch of the world, and feeling flattered by his condescension in wedding a daughter of England.[30] At the great gates of Greenwich Palace stood the Queen and her daughter Mary, now six years old, to welcome him. The Emperor dropped on one knee, and asked Katharine’s blessing, “having,” says the chronicler Hall, “great joy to see the queen, his aunt, and in especiall his young cousin germain, the lady Mary”. All who saw Mary at this time spoke favourably of her appearance. “She promises,” said Martin de Salinas, “to become a handsome lady, although it is difficult to form an idea of her beauty, as she is still so small.” Others describe her as a fair child, with a profusion of flaxen ringlets, and the admiration of all. The usual revels were held in honour of the Emperor’s visit. The court removed to London, and Charles was magnificently lodged at Blackfriars. But he seems to have regarded the prodigality displayed with Hapsburg seriousness, if not with absolute disapproval. He was urgently in need of money, and would doubtless have been better pleased with a fresh loan, than with all that was done in his honour. At all events, the sombre stateliness of Windsor was more in accordance with his taste and humour, and he was altogether in his native element when the terms of the treaty were at last discussed.
- 53. These included: (1) a settlement of the differences between the Emperor and Francis; (2) a marriage contract between the Emperor and the Princess Mary; (3) a league between the Emperor and Henry for making war upon France, and for recovering the territory which the English had lost in that country. A clause was inserted, to the effect that Mary should be sent to Spain to finish her education, when she was twelve years old.[31] The treaty of Windsor was signed on the 19th June, but was not then published, and “peace with France was dissembled”. Other things were dissembled also; and, although Mary was brought to Windsor, to take leave of her imperial cousin as his future bride, Wolsey soon discovered that no reliance could be placed on the Emperor’s words or promises, and that, as far as Charles was concerned, the whole negotiation and the treaty of Windsor itself were nothing but a political fiction, in order to alarm Francis. But indeed, in a competition of duplicity between Charles, Henry, Francis and Wolsey, it would be rash to speculate as to which of them would have borne the palm. Wolsey played a particularly odious part, inasmuch as he not only convinced Francis that he was anxious for the French alliance, but he was moreover in receipt of a yearly pension from him. Meanwhile, the determination of the Princess Isabella of Portugal to marry Charles served to further complicate matters. She took for her motto the trenchant device, Aut Cæsar aut nihil,[32] and the grandees of Spain threw their weight into the scale with her, urging the Emperor to marry her, with whom he would receive a million of gold, and not the English Princess, “about whom he thought less than of the first named”.[33] Still Charles hesitated, or affected to hesitate, and writing to Wolsey from Valladolid, the 10th February 1523, he begs to have news of the King: “et de ma mieulx aimee fiancee la Princesse, future Imperatrix”.[34] But much as Henry held to the fulfilment of the contract, he had no longer any real hope of it, and began to look for other possible alliances. It was thought in France that the Dauphin would soon be crowned, and that then he would marry the English princess,[35] but Gonzolles, the French ambassador in Scotland, wrote to the Duke of Albany: “The King of England has promised to
- 54. give his daughter in marriage to the King of Scots, with a large pension, and proclaim him prince of his kingdom if they can agree”. Henry would nevertheless have much preferred giving her to the Emperor, if by any means Charles could be persuaded to keep to his engagements, and he sent Tunstal, Bishop of London, and Sir Richard Wingfield, as extraordinary ambassadors to Spain, with orders to promote the marriage in every possible way. In April 1525, Mary sent Charles an emerald with a curious message, showing that she was still taught to consider herself his promised bride. “Her Grace,” so ran the letter which accompanied the gift, “hath devised this token, for a better knowledge to be had, when God shall send them grace to be together, whether his Majesty do keep himself as continent and chaste as with God’s grace she woll, whereby ye may say, his Majesty may see that her assured love towards the same hath already such operation in her, that it is also confirmed by jealousy, being one of the greatest signs and tokens of hearty love and cordial affection.”[36] After the victory of Pavia, Charles, no longer in fear of Francis, declared openly that he owed nothing to the help of his allies, and released himself from his pledges to Henry by the very extravagance of his demands. He sent a commission to Wolsey requiring that Mary should be sent to Spain at once, with a dowry of 400,000 ducats, and 200,000 crowns besides, to defray the expenses of the war with France. Nothing was said about the sums he had borrowed from Henry, while the whole transaction was in direct violation of the terms of the treaty of Windsor. The Cardinal replied that the Princess was still too young to be given up, and that the Spaniards had no hostages to offer that could be sufficient security for her, whom the English people looked upon as the treasure of the kingdom. The envoys whom the Emperor sent in return, in paying their respects to the King and Queen, were permitted to address “a short peroration in Latin to the Princess, to which she replied in the same tongue, with as much assurance and facility as if she were twelve years old,”
- 55. and she did and said, they added, “many other gracious things on the occasion, of which they purpose giving an account at a future time”.[37] But the moment for fair speeches and compliments had gone by. Charles demanded that Henry should either agree to his conditions, or release him from his oath, “for all Spain” compelled him “to contract a marriage with Portugal”. Henry told him roundly that he would give him his daughter when she was of proper age, but no increase of dowry.[38] “If,” continued the King of England, “he should seek a maistress for hyr, to frame hyr after the manner of Spayne, and of whom she might take example of virtue, he shulde not find in all Christendome a more mete than she now hath, that is the Quene’s grace, her mother, who is comen of the house of Spayne, and who for the affection she bereth the Emperour, will norishe and bring hyr up as maybe hereafter to his most contentacion.”[39] At the same time Tunstal and Wingfield represented that, as the Princess was not much more than nine years old, it might greatly endanger her health to be transported into an air so different from that of England. In replying more particularly to the Emperor’s statement, that his subjects wished him to marry the Portuguese Princess, Mary being still of tender age, Henry, seeing that nothing was to be gained by a breach with his nephew-in-law, told him that the Princess his daughter was still young; she was his own treasure and that of his kingdom; she was not of age to be married;[40] that the demands of the Spanish people seemed reasonable, and that desiring always to preserve the Emperor’s friendship, he consented to the Portuguese alliance under three conditions. These were: (1) that peace should be made with France; (2) that the Emperor should pay his debts to Henry; (3) that the treaties of Windsor and London should be annulled.[41] The treaty of Windsor was rescinded on the 6th July 1525, and on the 22nd was signed the marriage contract between Charles V. and Isabella of Portugal. But the Emperor did not pay his debts, and
- 56. henceforth no Spaniard coveted the post of ambassador to the English Court. To console Henry for the failure of his schemes, Tunstal assured him that Mary was “a pearl well worth the keeping”. [42] FOOTNOTES: [1] According to some accounts the 18th. [2] The servants of the Prior of Christchurch, Canterbury, received £4 for carrying the font to and from Greenwich on this occasion. Add. MS. 21,481. The King’s Book of Payments, Brit. Mus. [3] Harl. MS. 3504, f. 232, Brit. Mus. [4] Gius. Desp., i., 182, Venetian Archives. [5] MS. in St. Mark’s Library, class vii., No. 1233. [6] Gius. Desp., i., 90. [7] Ibid., i., 77. [8] Gius. Desp., i., 81. [9] Brewer, Letters and Papers of the Reign of Henry VIII., Cal., i., 5203. [10] Erasmus to Paul Bombasius (Brewer, Letters and Papers, vol. ii., pt. ii., 4340). [11] Life of King Henry the Eighth (ed. 1649), p. 7. [12] Add. MS. 21,404, 8, Brit. Mus.
- 57. [13] Egerton MS. 616, 35, Brit. Mus. [14] She afterwards filled the same position in the household of Henry’s other children, Elizabeth and Edward. See Ellis’s Original Letters, 2nd series, vol. ii., p. 78. [15] The King’s Household Book, March 1516-17. [16] “Really, this is a very honest man, and worthy to be loved. I have no better or more faithful servant. Write to your master that I have spoken of him with commendation.” A curious instance of the colloquial Latin then in vogue (Gius. Desp., ii., 157). [17] Gius. Desp., ii., 95. [18] Brewer, Calendar of State Papers, vol. ii., pt. ii., 4687. [19] Sanuto Diaries, vol. xxix., p. 155. [20] MS. in St. Mark’s Library, class vii., No. 1233. [21] He is reported to have said that he had “liever have my lady princess, and though the king’s grace had ten children, than the King of Portingale’s daughter, with all the spices her father hath” (Cotton MS. Calig. D. viii., 40, Brit. Mus.). [22] Hall’s Chronicle, p. 604. [23] Sir Richard Wingfield had written from Paris that great search was being made there to bring to the meeting the fairest ladies that might be found, and he hoped that the Queen would bring such in her hand “that the visage of England, which hath always had the prize, be not lost” (Brewer, Cal., vol. iii., pt. i., 698). [24] Rymer, xiii., 719. [25] Cotton MS. Vesp. F. xiii., 129, Brit. Mus. Ellis’s Letters, 1st series, i., 174. [26] Cotton MS. Calig. D. vii., 231. [27] Sanuto Diaries, vol. xxix., p. 558. In February 1520, £40 was given by Henry to a gentleman sent by the French King and Queen with tokens for the Princess (see The King’s Book of Payments). [28] Brewer, Calendar of State Papers, vol. iii., pt. ii., 1437, 1439, 1533. [29] Cotton MS. Calig. E. i., art. 11, 46, Brit. Mus.
- 58. [30] Brewer, Cal., vol. iii., pt. ii., 2306. [31] Cotton MS. Galba B. vii., 102, Brit. Mus. [32] Rawdon Brown, Venetian Calendar, vol. iii., 852 note. [33] Sanuto Diaries, vol. xxxix., p. 147. [34] Cotton MS. Vesp. C. ii., 93*, Brit. Mus. [35] Cotton MS. Calig. D. viii., 302, Brit. Mus. [36] Westminster, 3rd April 1525, Record Office. [37] Gayangos, England and Spain, Cal., vol. iii., pt. i., p. 82. [38] Sanuto Diaries, vol. xl., p. 17. [39] Cotton MS. Vesp. C. iii., f. 177, Brit. Mus. [40] Gayangos, Cal., vol. iii., pt. i., pp. 78, 191 et seq. Brewer, Cal., vol. iv., pt. i., p. 662. [41] Cotton MS. Vesp. C. iii., f. 62, Brit. Mus. [42] Ibid., f. 135.
- 59. CHAPTER II. PRINCESS OF WALES. 1525-1527. When Mary was about ten years old, her father, mindful it was said of his Welsh origin, turned his attention towards that principality, thinking wisely by redressing some of its grievances to reduce it to a more strict obedience. It was, therefore, determined by the King in Council, to send “our dearest, best beloved, and only daughter, the Princess, accompanied with an honourable, sad, discreet and expert counsayle, to reside and remain in the Marches of Wales and the parties thereabouts, furnished with sufficient power and authority to hold courts of oyer and determiner, for the better administration of justice”.[43] Disappointed in his hope of further issue, Henry had, in a more special manner than at her christening, declared his daughter heiress to the Crown, and Princess of Wales, consoling himself with the conviction, that her extreme popularity would be a sufficient counterpoise to the somewhat hazardous novelty of a queen regnant. The news of her departure for the west was communicated to the Venetian Government by Lorenzo Orio in August, 1525:— “On Saturday, the Princess went to her principality of Wales, with a suitable and honourable escort, and she will reside there until the time of her marriage. She is a rare person, and singularly accomplished, most particularly in music, playing on every instrument, especially on the lute and harpsichord.”[44] The term borders or marches of Wales was somewhat loosely applied, and “the parties thereabouts” seem to have included the whole of the south-western, and some of the midland counties, for
- 60. we find Mary during this time not only at Chester and Shrewsbury, but also at Tewkesbury and Gloucester. A great deal of power was put into the hands of her council, with the means of enforcing their decrees, but the details of her short sojourn in the west are very meagre, and we are entirely dependent on a few sidelights, to show the kind of authority that was centred in her person, and the amount of state that was kept. This last was indeed considerable. A communication from her council to Sir Andrew Windsor, Sir John Dauncy and Sir William Skeffington, refers them to the King’s pleasure, “touching such ordnance and artillery as should be delivered for the Princess into the marches of Wales, and for despatching the payments for carriage by land or water. They desire that the two gunners, John Rauffe and Laurence Clayton, and the armourer, William Carter, now being the Princess’s servants, may have livery coats of the Princess’s colours.”[45] What those colours were may be learned from a letter of Wolsey’s to Sir Andrew Windsor, authorising him to deliver to Dr. Buttes, “appointed physician to my lady Princess, a livery of blue and green in damask, for himself, and in blue and green cloth for his two servants; also a cloth livery for the apothecary”. On the margin of a document, in which are inscribed the names of all the ladies and gentlemen who accompanied the Princess, is a memorandum, signed by Wolsey, relating to the quantity of black velvet to be allowed and delivered to each. Those of inferior rank were to have black damask. Mary’s head-quarters were at Ludlow, but she travelled constantly from place to place, visiting all the more accessible parts of the principality, and the surrounding country. On the 3rd September 1526, she was at Langley, as we learn from a letter addressed to Wolsey from that place:— “My lady Princess came on Saturday. Surely, Sir, of her age, as goodly a child as ever I have seen, and of as good gesture and countenance. Her Grace was well accompanied with a goodly number of persons of gravity.”[46]
- 61. These “persons of gravity” included, besides councillors, chamberlains, clerks, surveyors, etc., the Countess of Salisbury, the Countess of Devon, Lady Katharine Grey, Dr. Wootton, Dean of the Chapel; Mr. John Featherstone, schoolmaster, and many others, amounting in all to 304 persons, of the most honourable sort. Mary had authority to kill or give deer at her pleasure, in any forest or park within the territory appointed to her, and her warrants were served under pain of the King’s indignation.[47] Careful directions had been given by the King in Council, concerning her own training, health, clothing, food and recreation, for all of which the Countess of Salisbury was primarily responsible. She was “to take open air in gardens, sweet and wholesome places, and walks,” and everything about her was to be “pure, sweet, clean and wholesome,” while “all things noisome and displeasant” were to be “forborne and excluded”. Great attention was to be paid to her food, and to the manner in which it was served, with cheerful society, “comfortable, joyous and merry communication, in all honourable and virtuous maner”. Her council was to meet once a month, at least, and to consult on her health, virtuous education, etc., “taking into communication my lady Governess, and the Princess if expedient”.[48] Mr. Featherstone was to instruct her in Latin, in the place of the Queen, who had hitherto undertaken this branch of her studies. Shortly before going to Wales, Mary had received a letter from her mother, in which, after expressing her trouble at the long absence of the King, and of her daughter, and assuring her that her health is “meetly good” and that she rejoices to hear that Mary’s own health is mended, Katharine goes on to say:— “As for your writing in Latin, I am glad that ye shall change from me to master Federston, for that shall do you much good to learn by him to write aright. But yet sometimes I would be glad when ye do write to master Federston of your own inditing, when he hath read it, that I may see it, for it shall be a great comfort to me to see you keep your Latin and fair writing and all, and so I pray you to recommend me to my lady of Salisbury.”[49]
- 62. Katharine had spared no pains in the education of her daughter, basing it upon a solid foundation of piety, and imparting a taste for learning, which helped to support Mary in the dark days to come. The celebrated Ludovicus Vives had already contributed to her instruction before her departure into Wales, and on her return continued to direct one branch of her studies. In 1524 he had dedicated to the Princess 213 symbols or mottoes, with paraphrases upon each. The first one was called Scopus Vitæ Christus, and the last Mente Deo defixus, “and these,” says a contemporary writer, “the Princess seemed to have in perpetual memory, by the practice of her whole life, for she made Christ the beginning and end of all her actions, from whose goodness all things do proceed, and to whom all things do tend, having a most lively example in her virtuous mother”.[50] The list of Latin works proposed by Vives, and in which Mary soon began to delight, is startling from the profound character of the subjects chosen. Among these works were the Epistles of St. Jerome, the Dialogues of Plato, “particularly,” observes Sir Frederick Madden, “those of a political turn”;[51] the works of Cicero, Seneca, Plutarch, St. Ambrose, St. Augustine, St. Thomas, and other equally serious books. That her mind responded to this severely classical and religious training, is evident from the remarks scattered about the correspondence of the more or less distinguished personages who at different times came in contact with her. Her own countrymen were not a little proud of her talents. Lord Morley, in the preface to his book, A New-Year’s Angelical Salutation by Tho. Aquine, which he presented to Mary as a New-Year’s gift, mentions the translation of a prayer by St. Thomas which she had made. “I do remember,” he says, “that skante ye were come to xij. yeres of age, but that ye were so rype in the Laten tongue that rathe doth happen to the women sex, that your grace not only could perfectly rede, wright and construe Laten, but furthermore translate eny harde thing of the Laten in to our Inglysshe tongue, and among all other your most
- 63. vertuous occupacions, I have seen one prayer translated of your doing of Sayncte Thomas Alquyne, that I do ensuer your grace is so well done, so near to the Laten, that when I loke upon it, as I have one of the exemplars of yt, I have not only mervell at the doinge of it, but further for the well doing, have set yt as well in my boke or bokes, as also in my pore wyfe’s, your humble beadeswoman, and my chyldern, to gyve them occasion to remember to praye for your grace.“[52] The Princess of Wales had not long to maintain the vice-regal dignity in the west. Fresh schemes were on foot for disposing of her in marriage, and her presence was required at court. After his disastrous defeat at Pavia, the news of which he communicated to his mother in the famous words, “Tout est perdu fors l’honneur,” Francis I. had been taken captive to Madrid, from whence he only escaped by submitting to the most suicidal conditions, leaving his two eldest sons as hostages in the hands of the Emperor. But having signed the treaty of Madrid as a prisoner, and being therefore no free agent, he was scarcely likely to consider its terms binding. One of its stipulations was that he should marry the Emperor’s sister, Eleanor, Dowager Duchess of Austria, but this he had no intention of doing, provided he could regain possession of his children by any other means. In the perpetual game of see-saw played by the three principal monarchs of Christendom, with a constant change of partners, it is not surprising to find Francis now looking towards England for a way out of his difficulties. He had contrived to form a league against Charles, consisting of the Pope, the Swiss, the Venetians, and the Florentines; and if England could be persuaded to join it, this league would be strong enough to defy the Emperor, and France might not only regain her lost possessions, but dictate the terms of peace. But Henry and Wolsey had no particular interest in making things pleasant for Francis, whose overtures met with no eager response. It
- 64. was not clear to the King or his Chancellor what advantage would be derived by them from an alliance with Francis. “This king will not spend money to make an enemy of his friend, and gain nothing,” replied the astute Wolsey to the Venetian, Gasparo Spinelli, and he assured him that England would not join the league, unless his most Christian Majesty first undertook to restore Boulogne, and to marry the Princess Mary.[53] But France had suffered too many humiliating losses willingly to give up so important a place, and later, when Henry sent a special envoy to negotiate a marriage between Mary and Francis, all mention of Boulogne was dropped. It would seem incredible, but for authentic evidence, that Henry should have seriously entertained the notion of bestowing on a middle-aged profligate such as the King of France, whose actual life would not bear investigation, the young daughter whom he professed to love and cherish, as “the pearl of the world”. Nevertheless, for a time at least, his mind was fixed on this purpose, and Wolsey was never more keenly alive to his own interests than in the fabrication of this delicate piece of diplomacy. Francis was equally in earnest, on account of his impatience to take reprisals on the Emperor, and the Queen mother, Louise of Savoy, told the English ambassadors that her son had long been anxious to marry their Princess, “both for her manifold virtues and other gay qualities, which they assured them were not here unknown”. The next step was to send ambassadors to England to treat of the marriage. These were the Bishop of Tarbes, afterwards Cardinal Grammont, first president of the Parliament of Toulouse, the Vicomte de Turenne, and La Viste, president of the Parliament of Paris. They were instructed by Francis to go straight to the Princess Mary, visit and salute her in his name, and to express his “sore longing to have her portraiture”. Hereupon, Henry sent Francis his own and Mary’s picture,[54] assuring him that he was much obliged to him for
- 65. condescending to take his little daughter, who did not deserve such honour.[55] The Venetians looked upon the marriage as certain, and thought that war would be waged in consequence, in every direction;[56] but the more general opinion in Europe was that Henry would not succeed in a matrimonial alliance with any foreign potentate, but that the English would insist on having a king of their own, and would not suffer a foreigner to sit upon the throne.[57] “In time of war,” said the Archbishop of Capua to Charles V., “the English made use of their Princess as they did of an owl, as a decoy for alluring the smaller birds.” The Emperor, not understanding the allusion, asked the Archbishop what he meant by “owl,” and when it was explained to him laughed heartily. Meanwhile, the French envoys saw the Princess, on St. George’s Day (1527). She spoke to them in French and Latin, and was made to display her achievements in writing and on the harpsichord. Spinelli wrote that a solemn betrothal had taken place at Greenwich, when the Bishop of Tarbes had delivered an oration, after which he and the Vicomte de Turenne had dined with the King, the others dining apart. At the end of dinner they went to the Queen’s apartments, where the Princess danced with de Turenne, who considered her very handsome, and admirable by reason of her great and uncommon mental endowments, but so thin, spare and small, as to render it impossible for her to be married for the next three years.[58] A succession of jousts and masks of the most dazzling description followed. Spinelli, in relating the brilliant course of entertainments, says of one in particular:— “Thereupon there fell to the ground at the extremity of the hall, a painted canvas from an aperture, in which was seen a most verdant cave approached by four steps, each side being guarded by four of the chief gentlemen of the Court, clad in tissue doublets and tall plumes, each of whom carried a torch. Well grouped, within the
- 66. cave, were eight damsels of such rare beauty, as to be supposed goddesses rather than human beings. They were arrayed in cloth of gold, their hair gathered into a net, with a very richly jewelled garland surmounted by a velvet cap, the hanging sleeves of their surcoats being so long, that they well-nigh touched the ground, and so well and richly wrought as to be no slight ornament to their beauty. They descended gracefully from their seats to the sound of trumpets, the first of them being the Princess, with the Marchioness of Exeter. Her beauty in this array produced such effect on everybody, that all the other marvellous sights previously witnessed were forgotten, and they gave themselves up solely to contemplation of so fair an angel. On her person were so many precious stones, that their splendour and radiance dazzled the sight, in such wise as to make one believe that she was decked with all the gems of the eighth sphere. Dancing thus, they presented themselves to the King, their dance being very delightful by reason of its variety, as they formed certain groups and figures most pleasing to the sight. Their dance being finished, they ranged themselves on one side, and in like order, the eight youths, leaving their torches, came down from the cave, and after performing their dances, each of them took by the hand one of those beautiful nymphs, and having led a courant together, for a while returned to their places. Six masks then entered. To detail their costume would be but to repeat the words ‘cloth of gold,’ ‘cloth of silver,’ etc. They chose such ladies as they pleased for their partners, and commenced various dances, which being ended, the King appeared. The French ambassador, the Marquis of Turrenne (sic), was at his side, and behind him four couples of noblemen all masked, and all wearing black velvet slippers on their feet, this being done lest the King should be distinguished from the others, as from the hurt which he received lately when playing at tennis, he wears a black velvet slipper. They were all clad in tissue doublets, over which was a very long and ample gown of black satin, with hoods of the same material; and on their heads caps of tawney velvet. They then took by the hand an equal number of ladies, dancing with great glee, and at the end of the dance unmasked, whereupon, the Princess with her companions
- 67. again descended, and came to the King, who in the presence of the French ambassadors, took off her cap, and the net being displaced, a profusion of silver tresses, as beautiful as ever seen on human head, fell over her shoulders, forming a most agreeable sight. The aforesaid ambassadors then took leave of her, and all departing from that beautiful place, returned to the supper hall, where the tables were spread with every kind of confection and choice wines, for all who chose to cheer themselves with them. The sun I believe greatly hastened his course, having perhaps had a hint from Mercury of so rare a sight; so showing himself already on the horizon, warning being thus given of his presence, everybody thought it time to quit the royal chambers, returning to their own with such sleepy eyes, that the daylight could not keep them open.”[59] Little progress was, however, made with the negotiations. Compliments flowed freely on both sides, but did not advance matters, and Wolsey determined to seek an interview with Francis, bring the affair to a crisis, and settle certain other matters which had lately supervened, to complicate immeasurably the tangled politics of Europe. One of these was the sack of Rome by the imperial army, and the consequent imprisonment of the Pope and the whole College of Cardinals, in the Castle of St. Angelo. Another, which more immediately concerned England, was known as yet but to a chosen few as “the king’s secret matter,” but which was ultimately to inflame the whole of Christendom. Wolsey was flattered, courted and feared by all the powers. He was at once the most brilliant, the most daring and the least scrupulous diplomat in Europe. His boundless ambition was easily entertained by the notion that the Papal authority might be delegated to himself, during the Pope’s captivity, and that thus by one swing of the pendulum, he might be raised to the highest dignity on earth. This one swing of the pendulum was to be effected by a promise, that if Henry secured his election, he would, as Pope, pass a decree in favour of “the king’s secret matter”.[60]
- 68. But before this dream could be realised, Francis must be won over to the scheme of his candidature, and the votes of the French cardinals secured. Francis, bent only on checkmating the Emperor, was fascinated with the idea of marrying the English princess, and of drawing England into the league against Charles; and Wolsey, ever tactful, kept his own plans in the background, until the royal suitor should be satisfied. The Cardinal of York and the French King were to meet at Amiens, and the moment that Wolsey set foot in France he received from the King a commission, authorising him to pardon and liberate under his own letters patent, such prisoners as he chose, in the towns through which he passed, except those committed for treason, murder, and similar crimes. After their first interview, the Cardinal wrote an account to Henry of all that had passed between them. Francis had spoken of Mary as “the cornerstone of the new covenant,” “and I,” added Wolsey, “being her godfather, loving her entirely, next unto your Highness, and above all other creatures, assured him that I was desirous she should be bestowed upon his person, as in the best and most worthy place in Christendom”. Francis coveted the honour of possessing the Garter, and his hint to that effect was ingenious, if somewhat broad. Taking hold of the image of St. Michael, which he wore on his neck, he said to Wolsey: — “Now the King, my brother, and I be thus knit and married in our hearts together, it were well done, it seemeth, that we should be knit par colletz et jambes”.[61] It was becoming more and more evident that the only hope for France was in a speedy alliance with England. The Bishop of Tarbes, on his return from his embassy to solicit Mary’s hand for his master, contributed his meed of praise, assuring Francis that the Princess was “the pearl of the world,” and “of such beauty and virtue that the King of England esteemed her more than anything on earth”.
- 69. “I pray you, repeat unto me none of these matters,” interrupted Francis impatiently. “I know well enow her education, her form, her fashion, her beauty and virtue, and what father and mother she cometh of; expedient and necessary it shall be for me and for my realm that I marry her, and I assure you for the same cause, I have as great a mind to her as ever I had to any woman.” Nevertheless, the alliance with England was not to be in this wise. The army, consisting of 30,000 men, which Francis had sent into Italy under Lautrec, had suffered a humiliating defeat before Naples, and the loss of a second army at Landriano obliged him to conclude with Charles the disastrous treaty of Cambrai, by which he was forced to pay 2,000,000 of gold crowns in lieu of Burgundy. Four marriages were to ensue. The King of France was to fulfil his promise to the Emperor’s sister; the Dauphin was to marry the Infanta of Portugal; the son of the Duke of Lorraine was affianced to the Princess Madeleine, daughter of the King of France, whose second son, the Duke of Orleans, was betrothed to Mary. The marriage contract between Mary and the Duke of Orleans, signed and sealed by Francis I., and illustrated with their portraits, was dated 18th August 1527, and is still preserved in the Record Office.[62] This interesting document is beautifully illuminated on vellum, with a gold background and a border composed of Tudor roses, fleurs de lys and cupids. Francis I., representing the god Hymen, in a dress of the period, holds a hand of the bride and of the bridegroom. The arms of England and France are on either side of him. The Princess Mary, a youthful figure in a white dress covered with flowers, and wearing a blue coif with a gold border, stands on the left of Francis; the Duke of Orleans, a young boy in doublet and trunk hose, is on his right. The peace, thus momentarily secured at the cost of immense sacrifices on the part of France, afforded a brief space in which to prepare for a fresh outbreak of hostilities. Francis and Henry were henceforth allies, and the course of affairs in England tended to
- 70. cement their bond, and to widen the breach between them and the house of Austria. Henry sent Francis the Garter, and received the order of St. Michael in exchange.[63] FOOTNOTES: [43] Harl. MS. 6807, f. 3, Brit. Mus. [44] Sanuto Diaries, vol. xxxix., p. 356. [45] Reading Abbey, 18th August 1525, Record Office. [46] Sampson to Cardinal Wolsey. Cotton MS. Titus B. i., 314, Brit. Mus. [47] R. Brereton of Chester to W. Brereton, Groom of the King’s Privy Chamber, 25th August 1526, Record Office. [48] Cotton MS. Vit. C. i., f. 36, Brit. Mus. [49] Cotton MS. Vesp. F. xiii., f. 72, Brit. Mus. Mary wrote a beautiful, firm, and clear hand, a specimen of which is reproduced at page 192 of this volume. [50] The Life of Jane Dormer, Duchess of Feria, by Henry Clifford. Transcribed from the ancient MS. in the possession of Lord Dormer by Canon Estcourt, and edited by the Rev. Joseph Stevenson, p. 82. [51] Privy Purse Expenses of the Princess Mary, Introductory Memoir. [52] For this prayer and Mary’s translation see Appendix A.
- 71. [53] Sanuto Diaries, vol. xliii., p. 55. Spinelli to the Doge, 11th Sept. 1526. [54] Masters’ MS., f. 113. [55] Dodieu’s Narrative. [56] Sanuto Diaries, vol. xliv., p. 97. [57] This view proved to be the more correct, when, twenty-seven years later, a formidable insurrection was raised to prevent Mary’s marriage with Philip of Spain. [58] Sanuto Diaries, vol. xlv., pp. 194-198. [59] Venetian Calendar, vol. iv., 105. [60] Wolsey to Henry VIII., State Papers, i., 205, 206, 207, 230, 231, 270, R.O. [61] Brewer, Cal., vol. iv., pt. ii., 3350. [62] Diplomatic Contracts, box 39, No. 1112, Record Office. [63] Sanuto Diaries, vol. xlvi., p. 118.
- 72. CHAPTER III. THE BEGINNING OF STRIFE. 1527-1533. Mary’s whole life was clouded, with the first whisper of the King’s “secret matter”. Until then the Princess had been surrounded with all the charm of greatness, without any of its disadvantages, for she had been so wisely educated, that she remained unspoiled by the adulation of courtiers, or by the enthusiasm with which the nation regarded her. Her delight was in study, in music, in almsgiving, in the bestowal of gifts, and in the society of her parents, both of whom were remarkable for talents above the average.[64] She had been too young to be greatly affected by the various schemes for her disposal in marriage, although she had taken her betrothal to the Emperor seriously; but her trials began when she was old enough to appreciate their meaning, and when she might reasonably have expected to realise some of the seductive prospects held before her eyes from her cradle. There was no element of romance in her character; her mental endowments were essentially of a practical nature, and she lacked almost entirely the gifts necessary to adapt them to a changing world. Nearly all her life long the times were out of joint, and she knew no other way to set them right, but that of uncompromising opposition. But she possessed in an eminent degree the virtues of her limitations; her whole conduct was moulded on examples which she had been taught to reverence as her conscience, and consistent to a fault, she saw little evil in the old order, little good in the new. Ardently affectionate, a loyal friend and bountiful mistress, she was keenly sensitive to every act of fidelity. According to the contemporary chronicle already quoted,[65] “she was so bred as she hated evil, knew no foul or unclean speeches, which when her lord father understood, he would not believe it, but
- 73. would try it once by Sir Francis Brian, being at a mask in the court; and finding it to be true notwithstanding, perceiving her to be prudent, and of a princely spirit, did ever after more honour her”. But the fatal shadow of Anne, daughter of Sir Thomas Boleyn, had fallen on the throne, and the king’s infatuation for her was to sweep both his wife and his daughter into a vortex of misery from which there was no escape for one of them but death. Whether Wolsey first insinuated the doubt as to the validity of the king’s marriage, in order to pander to Henry’s wandering fancies, or whether Henry himself, carried away by his passion for Anne Boleyn, evolved the idea of a possible flaw in his union with Katharine, matters little. The question was soon entangled in a mass of chicanery, and whichever of the two may have been the first to strike the match, it was clear to Wolsey, that his fortunes depended henceforth on his keeping the flame alive. The subject had been mooted as far back as 1525, and the first mention of the coming divorce, of which we have any record, is contained in a letter from Warham, Archbishop of Canterbury, to Wolsey. Referring to some other business, Warham says, “it will be better not to proceed further, till this great matter of the King’s grace be ended”.[66] Again in 1526, after a long interval in which the subject seems to have been dropped, the Bishop of Bath and Wells remarked to the Cardinal of York, “there will be great difficulty circa istud benedictum divortium”.[67] The sack of Rome by the Imperialists, and the Pope’s captivity delayed the investigation of the cause by the papal courts to which it had been referred, but in 1527, Henry’s “scruples” for having married his brother’s widow began to be talked of as the King’s “great,” “secret” or “private matter”.[68] Possibly, when Henry first began to study the Scriptures, and the writers of antiquity in search of arguments to support his “scruples,” he may not yet have fallen in love with Anne, or at least Wolsey did not know that he had. When he did set his mind on marrying her, it did not seem probable that his fancy would outlive the necessary delays and preliminaries of a divorce, even if it could be obtained, or that the ambition of the
- 74. Boleyns would be equal to the influence of the Cardinal. But during Wolsey’s absence in France, the whole subject assumed a point and a piquancy hitherto undreamed of. Wolsey had not fostered Henry’s desires in order to further his marriage with the grand-daughter of a wealthy merchant. He himself aimed at nothing short of the Papacy, and he thought that by negotiating a brilliant marriage with a princess of France, he could make for himself a convenient stepping- stone thereto, far more secure than that which Mary’s marriage would afford. As the candidate of two powerful monarchs, he would practically control the next conclave; but the Boleyns could do nothing for him. He had yet to learn that Anne was strong enough to work his ruin. Before his departure for his embassy to France, he had, in collusion with the King, held a secret legatine court, together with Archbishop Warham, and had cited Henry to appear, and answer the charge of having lived unlawfully for eighteen years with his brother’s widow. A second sitting of the court was held on the 20th May, and a third on the 31st. Thus were the proceedings opened, but Henry, fearing that the authority of the two archbishops might not be weighty enough to bring the affair to a crisis, proposed that the question, whether a man might marry his late brother’s wife, should be submitted to the most learned bishops in England, counting on their subserviency to obtain the answer he wished. But the bishops were less amenable than he expected. Most of them replied that with a papal dispensation such a marriage would be perfectly valid. All this time, Henry imagined that his secret had been kept; but Katharine was well aware of what was pending. On the 22nd June he broached the subject to her, telling her that he had been living in mortal sin, and that henceforth he would abstain from her company. He asked her to remove to some place at a distance from the court. Katharine, greatly agitated, burst into tears, and would neither admit the reasonableness of his doubts nor agree to live apart from him. In the actual state of affairs, Henry could do no more, and for a time
- 75. nothing was changed. Anne was almost constantly at court, and the divorce was now openly spoken of, but was extremely unpopular. No one believed in Henry’s scruples, but Anne played her part with tact, and her power increased daily. To give some colour to the proceedings, Henry and Wolsey had trumped up an ingenious story. They declared that during the treaty for Mary’s marriage with Francis or the Duke of Orleans, the Bishop of Tarbes had expressed a doubt as to her legitimacy.[69] This story was made to do duty in England, but no trace of the Bishop of Tarbes having made such a remark is to be found in France, nor was any use made of the pretext in the subsequent trial at Rome.[70] It is in distinct contradiction with the well-known fact that the bishop was in favour of the marriage, and did all he could to bring it about. Moreover, during all the long and tedious discussions between the two kings at that time, not a word transpired, even when Wolsey went to France, of Henry’s intention to repudiate Katharine, not a doubt was expressed of Mary’s legitimacy. Henry always alluded to his daughter at that time as heiress to the throne. But on Wolsey’s return, matters at once assumed a different aspect. Elated with the success of his embassy, the Cardinal of York seemed to have the world at his feet. He had all but married Mary to the King of France, who was in need of nothing more than of England’s friendship. As soon as this union was accomplished, Henry’s marriage might be successfully broken, and a new one negotiated with a daughter of France, when two grateful monarchs would hold the triple crown over his expectant head. But now all this choice fabric of his dreams was imperilled by the clashing ambition of a woman, even then lightly spoken of. Anne, knowing that he would be her bitterest foe, obtained to be present at his first audience with the King, and shortly after, Henry told him that he intended to marry her. Seeing that arguments, entreaties and warnings were futile, Wolsey turned round and paid court to the rising star. But Anne never forgave his opposition, and never trusted him. She taunted Henry with his bondage to the Cardinal, and did not rest till she had stirred up strife between them, on the subject of the nomination of an Abbess of Wilton. The quarrel was patched up,
- 76. but it proved to be the rift within the lute, that was to make harmony impossible, and to lead on to his fall. Meanwhile, Mary was still in ignorance of the events that were to influence all her future. Her education went on without interruption, and in the summer of 1528, Katharine, who, in spite of overwhelming anxieties, had room in her mind for solicitude regarding her daughter’s studies, wrote to Ludovicus Vives to express a wish that he would come and teach the Princess Latin, during the following winter. He consented, and returned to England on the 1st October, “to please the King and Queen”. By this time Katharine was in dire need of help, advice and consolation. “She told him how deeply she was afflicted about the controversy concerning her marriage; and, thinking him well read in matters of moral, began to open out to him as her countryman, on the subject of her grief.”[71] Vives prudently replied that “her sorrows were a proof that she was dear to God, for that thus He was accustomed to chasten His own”. But he proved himself a true friend to the Queen, and took occasion to write to Henry, begging him to consider the danger of his course in incurring the enmity of the Emperor. If his object was to have a son, he might choose a suitable person to marry his daughter. If he were to take another wife, there was no certainty that she would bear him a son, or that a son would live. A new marriage would leave the succession doubtful, and afford grounds for civil war. He was, he said, moved to write by his duty to the King, love to England, where he was so kindly received, and anxiety for the peace of Christendom.[72] Katharine had, in truth, need of patience. Anne grew daily more overbearing, and it was hardly to be expected that the Queen’s sense of humour should be equal to the grotesque littleness, with which the favourite exulted over her enemies. In a hapless moment she showed her contempt for them by the device, Ainsi sera, groigne qui groigne, which she caused to be embroidered on her servants’ liveries, but learned to her mortification that she had unwittingly adopted the motto of her bitter enemies, the princes of the house of
- 77. Burgundy. In England, the friends of the Queen cried: “Groigne qui groigne et vive Bourgoigne!” The liveries, being thus covered with ridicule, had to be discarded, and on Christmas Day, her servants appeared in their old doublets.[73] In October 1528, the papal legate, Cardinal Campeggio arrived in London. The Pope had charged him with the mission to do his utmost to restore mutual affection between the King and Queen, and failing this result, to open a court of inquiry, in conjunction with Wolsey. But it was clear that no reconciliation would be possible. Henry was infatuated with Anne; and as for the legatine court, the two judges were at cross purposes, Wolsey aiming at nothing but a verdict against the marriage, while Campeggio was determined that justice should be done. His policy was to counteract the haste with which the proceedings were hurried forward, “with great strides always faster than a trot,” and in this he succeeded so well, that the legates being pressed to give sentence in the King’s favour by the 22nd July, Campeggio declared, that if Wolsey agreed with him, he was willing to pronounce sentence, otherwise it would not be pronounced. The cause was then removed to Rome, to be tried before the Court of the Rota, and it being apparent that Wolsey possessed neither weight nor credit with the Pope, his fall became imminent. Anne had not schemed in vain, and his disgrace filled her with exultation, although her cause was in no way benefited by it. We are greatly indebted for the history of the Queen and the Princess Mary, during the next few years, to the interesting despatches of the imperial ambassador, Eustace Chapuys, who arrived in England in August 1529. He was a native of Switzerland, aged about thirty, of distinguished, and even courtly manners, eloquent, quick-witted and trustworthy. Charles V. had been so much impressed with his sagacity that he sent him as ambassador, first to Francis I., then to Henry VIII., both enemies who required judicious handling. Full of minute details, his letters cannot be said to present
- 78. either a wholly impartial, or still less a one-sided view of passing events. Chapuys was an avowed friend of the unhappy Queen and of her daughter, but as the accredited envoy of Charles V. he would not be likely to furnish him with false statements, or garbled facts, and although his natural bias leads him to write with eulogy of the Queen and the Princess, and with acrimony of their enemies, he would not have been the diplomatist he proved himself to be had he misled Charles as to the details of the tragedy that was being played before his eyes. He was a shrewd observer, tactful and discreet, so that he never compromised his position at court by showing too much zeal. He contrived to give Henry and Cromwell the impression that he was acting solely as the Emperor’s diplomatic agent, and thus was at first allowed to communicate freely with Katharine and Mary, and was often able to render them important service. In transcribing portions of these letters, Dr. Gairdner’s excellent translations of the original documents in the Vienna archives, and the versions of Don Pasquale de Gayangos have been used. Mr. Rawdon Brown’s transcripts from the Venetian archives are still important, and later on, of even greater interest. The condition in which Chapuys found the English Court was unique. Henry continued to treat Katharine with outward decency; they still sometimes dined together in public, and occasionally hunted in each other’s company. But Anne was never far off, and when at court, was treated with as much ceremony as the Queen herself. Mary was seldom allowed to visit her parents, probably because of Anne’s intense dislike to her. The favourite was, perhaps not unnaturally, less jealous of the wife whom Henry had ceased to care for, than of the daughter whom he was supposed to idolise. Both at Hampton Court and Windsor there was ample accommodation for the Queen, and the mistress as well; but at York Place, Whitehall, which Henry had seized on Wolsey’s fall, there was no suitable apartment for Katharine; and Anne was always best pleased to be there, for then Henry left his wife at Greenwich. But
- 79. the court was seldom in London, and Anne agitated incessantly that she might be banished.[74] In March 1531, Mary was allowed to visit her mother; but in April she had an illness, and wrote to the King that no medicine would do her so much good as to see him and the Queen, and desired his permission to come to them both at Greenwich. “This,” said Chapuys, “has been refused, to gratify the Lady, who hates her as much as the Queen, or more so, chiefly because she sees the King has some affection for her. Of late, when the King praised her in the Lady’s presence, the latter was very angry, and began to vituperate the Princess very strangely. She becomes more arrogant every day, using words and authority towards the King, of which he has several times complained to the Duke of Norfolk, saying that she was not like the Queen, who had never in her life used ill words to him.”[75] On the 14th May, he writes: “The King, dining the other day with the Queen, as is usual in most festivals, began to speak of the Turk, and the truce concluded with your Majesty, praising your puissance, contrary to his wont. Afterwards, proceeding to speak of the Princess, he accused the Queen of cruelty, because she had not made her physician reside continually with her; and so the dinner passed off amicably. Next day, when the Queen, in consequence of these gracious speeches, asked the King to allow the Princess to see them, he rebuffed her very rudely, and said she might go and see the Princess if she wished, and also stop there. The Queen graciously replied, that she would not leave him for her daughter, nor for any one else in the world, and there the matter stopped.” Worried at the opposition which he encountered in his efforts to get rid of Katharine, Henry told the Duke of Norfolk that it would have been a great blessing if this marriage had never been made, but on second thoughts, he added, “nevertheless, this would have been a great pity, since of it there had come such a pearl as the Princess, who was one of the most beautiful and virtuous ladies of the world”.[76]
- 80. In 1530, Mary was still called Princess of Wales, and until the autumn of the following year, her father kept up an appearance of civility towards her mother, visiting her in her apartments every three days. At last, however, he left her at Windsor, and went away hunting with Anne. Katharine sent to inquire after his health, and he replied by an angry letter, forbidding her to write to him. To add to the insult, there was no address on the letter, “probably,” says Chapuys, “because a change of name was contemplated; but the Princess is with her, and this will make her forget her grief for the absence of the King. They amuse themselves by hunting, and visiting the royal houses round Windsor, expecting some good news from Rome.”[77] Chapuys told the Emperor that the Pope had said, that “if there was written evidence of the great familiarity and scandalous conversation, and bad example of the King and the Lady, and of the ill-treatment of the Queen, his Holiness would immediately fulminate his censures”. But, by this time, Henry was reckless of all save Anne, and his hunting expedition having come to an end, he wished to return to Windsor, and intimated to Katharine that both she and her daughter must depart. Mary was to return to Richmond, while she herself had orders to repair to the More, a house in Hertfordshire, formerly belonging to Wolsey, but which had come into the possession of the Abbey of St. Albans, and was granted to the King, in December 1531. The house itself is described as “a commodious habitation in summer,” but the park and garden were in a ruinous condition and “the ways so foul that those who went there in carriages, broke down the pales and made highway through the park”. The keeper, Sir John Russell, wrote repeatedly to Cromwell about the condition of the said palings, but could get no answer, and complained that if the king would “give no money for the paling,” no deer would be left; and if the charge were not so great, he would bear it out of his own purse. Moreover, the king would only give the gardener sixpence a day, and no one would take it at that price. If he would give eightpence, Sir John declares that he himself would
- 81. contribute “twenty nobles of the charge”. “The Queen’s servants, with their carriage, broke down the pales in many places.”[78] Katharine remained at this place for several months. She declared that she would have preferred going to the Tower as a prisoner, but Chapuys said that the King knew quite well, that if he sent her there, the people would have risen in mutiny; that he was often waylaid as he went to hunt, with entreaties to take the Queen back, and that Anne met with insults from the women wherever she went. Nevertheless, she protested loudly, that the King would marry her in three or four months, and began preparing for her royal state. Katharine never saw her daughter again, and could only communicate with her secretly. They were sternly forbidden to write to each other, whereupon Mary begged that some one might be sent from the King to read the letters which she wrote to her mother, that it might be seen she only informed her about her health. But even this was refused, and henceforth none but furtive missives passed between them, letters written in dread, and conveyed with danger, at times when exceptional terrors appeared to hang over the one or the other. Henry hoped by a systematic persecution, to break the spirit of both; but each was of the blood royal of Spain, the noblest in Europe, and the indignities heaped upon them only served to increase the dignity with which they suffered. Mary was, moreover, a Tudor also, and could be as resolute as her father. In 1531, an Italian, Mario Savagnano, with some companions, paid a visit to the English Court, and in an interesting account of his journey recorded his impressions of the King, Queen, and Princess:— “I saw the King twice, and kissed his hand; he is glad to see foreigners, and especially Italians; he embraced me joyously, and then went out to hunt with some forty to fifty horsemen. He is tall of stature, very well formed and of very handsome presence, beyond measure affable, and I never saw a prince better disposed than this one. He is also learned and accomplished, and most generous and kind, and were it not that he now seeks to repudiate his wife, after
- 82. having lived with her for twenty-two years, he would be no less perfectly good, and equally prudent. But this thing detracts greatly from his merits, as there is now living with him a young woman of noble birth, though many say of bad character, whose will is law to him, and he is expected to marry her should the divorce take place, which it is supposed will not be effected, as the peers of the realm, both spiritual and temporal, are opposed to it; nor during the present Queen’s life will they have any other queen in the kingdom. Her Majesty is prudent and good; and during these differences with the King, she has evinced constancy and resolution, never being disheartened or depressed. I returned to Windsor Castle, and from thence, on the fourth day of my departure from London, arrived at a palace called the More, where the Queen resides. In the morning we saw her Majesty dine: she had some thirty maids of honour standing round the table, and about fifty who performed its service. Her court consists of about two hundred persons, but she is not so much visited as heretofore, on account of the King. Her Majesty is not of tall stature, rather small. If not handsome, she is not ugly; she is somewhat stout, and has always a smile on her countenance. We next went to another palace called Richmond, where the Princess her daughter resides; and having asked the maggiordomo for permission to see her, he spoke to the chamberlain, and then to the governess (the Countess of Salisbury) and they made us wait. Then, after seeing the palace, we returned to the hall, and having entered a spacious chamber, where there were some venerable old men, with whom we discoursed, the Princess came forth, accompanied by a noble lady, advanced in years, who is her governess, and by six maids of honour. This Princess is not tall, has a pretty face, and is well proportioned, with a very beautiful complexion, and is fifteen years old. She speaks Spanish, French, and Latin, besides her own mother-English tongue, is well grounded in Greek, and understands Italian, but does not venture to speak it. She sings excellently, and plays on several instruments, so that she combines every accomplishment. We were then taken to a sumptuous repast, after which we returned to our lodging, whither, according to the fashion of the country, the Princess sent us a present of wine and ale (which
- 83. last is another beverage of theirs) and white bread. On the next day, which was the 6th, we returned to London to the house of our ambassador, where we remained two days, and then by boat went down the Thames, which is very broad, and covered with swans, and thus we got to Dover the passage port.”[79] KATHARINE OF ARRAGON. From a fine original in miniature by Holbein, formerly in Horace Walpole’s Collection at Strawberry Hill.
- 84. Another Italian visitor, the Venetian, Ludovico Falier, describes Mary at sixteen years old as “a very handsome, amiable and accomplished princess, in no respect inferior to her mother”. He remarks that Katharine was so much loved and respected, that the people were beginning to murmur against the King. “Were,” he continues, “the faction to produce a leader, it is certain that the English nation, so prone to innovation and change, would take up arms for the Queen, and by so much the more, were it arranged for the leader to marry the Princess Mary, although by English law females are excluded from the Crown.”[80] Another, Marin Giustinian, writing to the Signory, says: “The English King is not popular with his subjects, chiefly on account of his intention to divorce his wife, who is much loved, and they hold her daughter in very great account”.[81] A month later, the same writer was at Paris, and says:— “The English ambassador here, Sir John Wallop, does not approve the divorce; praising the wisdom, innocence, and patience of Queen Katharine, as also her daughter. He says that the Queen was beloved as if she had been of the blood royal of England, and the Princess in like manner.”[82] And from Lyons, on the 28th March 1533, he writes that a gentleman who has come from England has told Sir John Wallop, that “the King does not choose the Princess any longer to be styled Princess, but ‘Madam Mary,’ nor will he give her in marriage abroad; others say that he intends to make her a nun”. In August Marc Antonio Venier, in a despatch to the Signory from Rome, says that “letters from England announce that the Archbishop of Canterbury has pronounced a sentence in favour of Henry, prohibiting Katharine to be any longer named Queen, and is having it proclaimed throughout the realm, so that she may not be able to defend herself; and her daughter has been admonished not to interfere”.[83]
- 85. In the main, the Italians were correctly informed as to passing events in England. But at this period, although Henry kept Mary at a distance from court, and had not seen her for three years, she was still treated with a degree of consideration, to which her mother had long been a stranger. He was still uncertain as to the use he would make of her, in securing for himself allies abroad. He hoped that she would submit quietly to the new laws, and therefore, for a time at least, nothing was abated of her royal state. In September 1531, soon after her parting from her mother, a warrant was issued to the Master of the Great Wardrobe “to deliver certain things for the use of the Princess,” nearly all of which were composed of materials then only used by royal personages.[84] The perennial question of her marriage was again in debate, but was thenceforth removed to a lower level in European politics. Her betrothal to the Duke of Orleans had never been cancelled, but a dispute had arisen between Henry and Francis, on the subject of money. Then, when the validity of her parents’ marriage became a matter of discussion in all the Universities of Europe, Francis wished that the case should be first settled, “lest the world should declare that his son had married a bastard”.[85] And in the midst of these delays, the Scottish alliance was again mooted. But the Scotch put too high a value on their friendship with France, to risk such a union; [86] Margaret was too like her brother to commit herself to any definite policy save that of intrigue; and Henry had now more urgent business on hand than the disposal of his daughter in marriage. Some languid interest was excited at court by the proposal of King John Zapolski to marry her, and Chapuys heard that her hand had been sought for the Duke of Cleves;[87] but neither project was seriously entertained. It was also believed that the Pope and the Emperor wished to bestow her on Francesco Sforza, Duke of Milan, who had lost the use of his hands and feet. “And this,” wrote Niño to the Emperor, “would not be half such bad treatment of the daughter as of the mother.”[88]