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Electroni c and Compu ter Music

Electronic and Computer Music
Peter Manning
OXFORD
UNIVERSITY PRESS
2004

OXFORD
UNIVERSITY PRESS
Oxford New York
Auckland Bangkok Buenos Aires Cape Town Chennai
Dar es Salaam Delhi Hong Kong Istanbul Karachi Kolkata
Kuala Lumpur Madrid Melbourne Mexico City Mumbai Nairobi
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Copyright © 2004 by Oxford UniversityPress, Inc.
Published by Oxford University Press, Inc.
198 Madison Avenue, New York, New York 10016
www.oup.com
Oxford is a registered trademark of Oxford University Press
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced,
stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means,
electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise,
without the prior permission of Oxford University Press.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Manning, Peter, 1948-
Electronic and computer music /Peter Manning.—
Rev. and expanded
edition.
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
Discography
ISBN 0-19-514484-8; 0-19-517085-7 (pbk.)
1. Electronic music—History and criticism. 2. Computer
music—History and criticism. I. Title.
ML1380 .M36 2003
786.7'09—dc21 2002155278
2 4 6 8 9 7 5 3 1
Printed in the United States of America
on acid-free paper

This page intentionally left blank

Preface
Since the publication of the first edition of this book, the medium of electronic and
computer music has expanded at abreathtaking pace. Back in 1985 the era of MIDI
was in its infancy, and few even then could have accurately predicted the true ex-
tent of the digital revolution that ensued, bringing increasingly powerful audio
synthesis and processing resources to individual users via the personal computer
and the Internet. Whereas a single chapter on computer music seemed adequate
at that time, this section had already expanded to four chapters for the second edi-
tion in 1993. The exponential nature of developments since then is reflected in the
expansion of the equivalent section in the new edition to a total of twelve chapters.
The material of computer music retained from the second edition has been sub-
stantially rewritten to reflect changing perceptions and experiences of the worldof
computers and digital engineering in general. In so doing, I firmly prepared the
ground for the new material that follows. Manyaspects of the technology thatwere
still in their infancy at that time have now achieved their potential, in turn un-
locking yet further avenues of exploration and discovery that need to be critically
assessed. The expanded perspective takes these issues fully into account, charting
developments to the dawn of the new millennium and beyond.
The situation regarding the associated musical repertory is perhaps less certain,
for reasons that will become clear in due course. Whereas a close correlation be-
tween key technical developments and associated works that fully exploit their
creative potential can be maintained up until the early 1980s, the sheer diversifi-
cation and expansion of activities that occurred subsequently make it impossible
to sustain this approach. The perspective thus shifts in emphasis at this point in
the chronology more specifically toward the functional characteristics of these

viii : Preface
technologies, viewed in ways that will facilitate independent study. There is un-
doubtedly a need for a book devoted exclusively to the repertory of the medium
from its birth to the present day, but this is a project yet to be completed.
Viewed in retrospect, it is interesting to note that many of the issues discussed
in the earlier editions have achieved new levels of importance. The revival of in-
terest in vintage analog synthesizers is a striking case in point. The growing desire
to simulate the functional characteristicsof such devices or indeed reproduce the
technology itself has generated a demand for information that is no longer gener-
ally available. The retention of the original chapter on voltage-control technology
in the new edition is thus clearly of more than simply historical value, providing
important information for those wishing to revisit this fascinating world of analog
synthesis for themselves.
A number of key issues still remain to be resolved, demonstrating that advances
in technology do not necessarily result in concomitant improvements in their cre-
ative value. There is, for example,no universal language for expressing musical ideas
in a format that has a direct equivalence with the technical resources necessary to
realize them. This creates many context-specificdifficulties that have yet to be ade-
quately addressed.
At the most fundamental level it is the nature of the working relationships es-
tablished between composers and performers and their sound-producing tools that
holds the ultimate key to failure or success. These relationships are ultimately de-
pendent on the modes of communication and interaction that can be facilitated by
new technologies, relating the worlds of creativity and subjectivity with the highly
objective environment of electronic engineering. It is this point of intersection that
provides a constant point of reference throughout this account, and the intention
is to provide the reader with a perspective that connects these interdisciplinary
strands in the pursuit of common goals within this diverse, complex, and intrigu-
ing medium of creative expression.

Contents
3 1. The Background to 1945
I. Developments from 1945 to 1960
19 2. Paris and Musique Concrete
39 3. Cologne and Elektronische Musik
68 4. Milan and Elsewhere in Europe
74 5. America
II. New Horizons in Electronic Design
101 6. The Voltage-Controlled Synthesizer
III. The Electronic Repertory from 1960
135 7. Works for Tape
157 8. Live Electronic Music
168 9. Rock and Pop Electronic Music
IV. The Digital Revolution to 1980
181 10. The Foundations of Computer Music
197 11. From Computer Technology to Musical Creativity
217 12. The Microprocessor Revolution

x : Contents
V. Digital Audio
245 13. The Characteristics of Digital Audio
VI. MIDI
263 14. The Development of the MIDI Communications Protocol
279 15. From Analog to Digital:The Evolution of MIDI Hardware
312 16. From Microcomputer to Music Computer: The MIDI Dimension
329 17. New Horizons for MIDI-basedTechnologies
VII. Desktop Synthesis and Signal Processing
347 18. Personal Computers and Sound Processing
361 19. Music Workstations and Related Computing Architectures
VIII. The Expanding Perspective
377 20. Performance Controllers
386 21. New Horizons in Synthesis and Signal Processing Software
401 22. Conclusion
409 Notes
423 Bibliography
427 Discography
451 Index
Photo gallery follows page 132.

The Background to 1945
Buried among the records of the United States patent office for the year 1897 is a
rather unusual entry, no. 580.035, registered in the name of Thaddeus Cahill. The
invention described has long since passed into obscurity,but in several respects it
was to prove as significant a landmark for electronic music as the more celebrated
phonograph patents of Edison and Berliner registered some twentyyearspreviously.
Cahill's entry described an electrically based sound-generation system, subse-
quently known as his Dynamophone or Telharmonium, the first fully developed
model being presented to the public early in 1906 at Holyoke, Massachusetts. As
the former title suggests, the machine was essentially a modified electricaldynamo,
employing a number of specially geared shafts and associated inductors to pro-
duce alternating currents of different audio frequencies. These signals passed via
a polyphonic keyboard and associated bank of controls to a series of telephone re-
ceivers fitted with special acoustic horns.
The Dynamophone was a formidable construction, about 200 tons in weight
and some 60 feet in length, assuming the proportions of a power-station genera-
tor. The quoted cost, some $200,000, provides another startling statistic. For all its
excessive proportions and eccentricities the machine offered sound-production
features that were entirely new and flexible to a degree not equaled by subsequent
designs for some considerable time. Cahill saw his invention not merely as a sub-
1

4 : The Background to 1945
stitute for a conventional keyboard instrument but as a powerful tool for explor-
ing an enlarged world ofpitched sounds. He believed it would become possible to
produce the notes and chords of a musical composition with any timbre. This
claim highlighted the ability of the performer to vary the musical quality of the se-
lected sounds in terms of the relative strengths of each of the primary harmonics
associated with a particular note. Such a facility necessitated the use of separate
inductors for each overtone, adding greatly to the complexity of the system.
News of Cahill's work traveled far,attracting the attention of no less a composer
than Ferruccio Busoni. In an extended essay entitled Sketch of a New Esthetic of
Music (1907),the championed the Dynamophone as a powerful tool for exploring
new concepts of harmony.2
Sadly, however, Busoni did not choose to pioneer investigations himself. Cahill,
and the New England Electric Music Company that funded the venture, intended
to sell production models of the machine to large cities and towns throughout
America for the transmission of "Telharmony" to hotels, restaurants, theaters, and
private homes via the local telephone exchange. This visionary quest to provide a
music broadcasting network for the nation was not to become a reality, however,
for in addition to the excessive capital outlay required, it was discovered that the
machine seriously interfered with other telephone calls. Faced with such impos-
sible commercial odds the venture ran into financial difficulty, and eventually failed
in 1914, just before the outbreak of the First World War in Europe.
Advances in the newly established field of electronics were, nevertheless, pre-
paring the way for less costly and more compact approaches to the generation of
synthetic sound. The direct current arc oscillator appeared in 1900, and by 1906,
the same year as the first demonstration of the Dynamophone, Lee De Forest had
patented the vacuum-tube triode amplifier valve. Progress was slow but steady, and
by the end of the war, with the industry well established, several engineers were
able to investigate the possibility ofusing the new technology for the construction
of electronic musical instruments. The primary motivation behind most of these
designs was a desire to create additions to the conventional orchestral range, with
an underlying hope that composers could be persuaded to provide a suitable rep-
ertoire. The devices that emerged were thus intended primarily to satisfy traditional
ideas of musical writing. Some indeed, such as the Neo-Bechstein Piano (1931),
were little more than modified acoustical instruments, using special pick-ups to
capture naturally produced vibratory characteristics for the processes of electronic
amplification and modification. The best-known modern example of this class of
instrument is the electric guitar.
The majority relied on an electronic method of sound generation, for example,
the Theremin (1924), the Spharophon (1927), the Dynaphone (not to be confused
with the Dynamophone) (1927-8), the Ondes Martenot(1928), and theTrautonium
(1930). Most were keyboard-oriented, providing a single melodic output and an
ancillary means of controlling volume, usually taking the form of a hand-operated

The Background to 1945 : 5
lever or a foot-pedal. The Theremin was a notable exception, having no keyboard
at all. Instead, two capacitor-based detectors were employed, one a vertical rod,
the other a horizontal loop. These controlled pitch and amplitude, respectively,by
generating electrical fields that altered according to the proximity of the hands of
the performer.
Electronic instruments of this type flourished briefly during the interwar period.
Despite contributions from composers such as Hindemith, Honegger, Koechlin,
Milhaud, and Messiaen, only a limited repertory of works was produced. More sus-
tained interest was shown by writers of film music until the emergence of more
modern synthesizer technology,but outside this particular sphere of activitythese
instruments failed to establish any lasting position of significance. Today, the Ondes
Martenot is the only example of these original designs still encountered on the rare
occasion in concert use, its position being sustained by works such asMessiaen's
Turangalila symphony and Trois Petites Liturgies.
The Givelet (1929), soon to be overshadowed by the Hammond Organ (1935),
heralded a rather different and commercially more successful line of development,
for these instruments were polyphonic rather than monophonic, designed in the
first instance as competitively priced replacements for the pipe organ. The Givelet
combined the principles of the Pianola or "player piano" with those of electronic
sound generation, for it could also be controlled via a prepunched tape. The Ham-
mond Organ, although a more conventional instrument from the performer'spoint
of view, gained a reputation for its distinctive if not entirely authentic sound qual-
ity. This was largely due to the method of tone generation employed, involving the
rotation of suitably contoured discs within a magnetic field in a manner reminis-
cent of the Dynamophone. The potential of the Givelet and the Hammond Organ
as substitutes for the piano in the field of popular music was quickly recognized
and exploited. Applications such as these, however, contributed very little to an
appreciation of the artistic potential of this new medium of sound production, and
it was perhaps inevitable that the first excursions into such an unknown sphere
should be so closely modeled on traditional instrumental practice. There were,
nevertheless, a few pioneers who were anxious to explore the possibilities of an
expanded sound world in a less restricted manner.
One of the earliest attempts to employ nontraditional sound-generation tech-
niques as part of a communicative art form arose from the activities of the members
of the Futurist movement. This was initiated by the Italian poet Filippo Marinetti
in February 1909 with the publication of his Manifesto of Futurist Poetry.3
The mu-
sical objectives of the movement were outlined by Balilla Pratella in the Manifesto
of Futurist Musicians, published in October 1910. Echoing the revolutionary spirit
of the movement, this document called for "the rejection of traditional musical
principles and methods of teaching and the substitution of free expression, to be
inspired by nature in all its manifestations."4
Five months later to the day, Pratella suggested in the Technical Manifesto of Fu-

turist Music that composers should "master all expressive technical and dynamic
elements of instrumentation and regard the orchestra as a sonorous universe in a
state of constant mobility, integrated by an effective fusion of all its constituent
parts."5
Further, he considered that their work should reflect "all forces of nature
tamed by man through his continued scientificdiscoveries,"for example, "the mu-
sical soul of crowds, of great industrial plants, of trains, of transatlantic liners, of
armored warships, of automobiles, of airplanes." Exactly two years later another
Futurist, Luigi Russolo, published a related manifesto entitled TheArt of Noises as
an open statement to Pratella.6
This document proposed the composition of works
based entirely on the use of sound sources from the environment:
Musical sound is too limited in qualitativevariety of timbre. The most com-
plicated of orchestras reduce themselves to four or five classes of instruments
differing in timbre: instruments played with the bow, plucked instruments,
brass-winds, wood-winds and percussion instruments. . . . We must break
out of this narrow circle of pure musical sounds and conquer the infinite va-
riety of noise sounds.7
This document is notable for its appreciation of the relevance of acoustic laws
to the generation of musical structures from noise sources:
We must fix the pitch and regulate the harmonics and rhythms of these ex-
traordinarily varied sounds. To fix the pitch of noises does not mean to take
away from them all the irregularityof tempo and intensity thatcharacterizes
their vibrations, but rather to give definite gradation of pitch to the stronger
and more predominant of these vibrations. Indeed noise is differentiated from
musical sound merely in that the vibrations that produce it are confused and
irregular, both in tempo and intensity. Every noise has a note—sometimes
even a chor—that predominates in the ensemble of its irregular vibrations.
Because of this characteristic pitch it becomes possible to fixthe pitch of agiven
noise, that is, to give it not a single pitch but a variety of pitches without los-
ing its characteristic quality—its distinguishing timbre. Thus certain noises
produced by rotary motion may offer a complete ascending or descending
chromatic scale by merely increasing or decreasing the speed of motion.8
The practical manifestations of his proposal involved the construction of spe-
cially designed noise instruments, Intonarumori, in collaboration with the per-
cussionist Ugo Piatti.The first public performanceof the "Artof Noises"took place
in June 1913 at the Teatro Storchi, Milan, barely three months after the publica-
tion of the manifesto, and with only some of the Intonarumori completed. A sec-
ond altogether more successful performanceusing the full complement of instru-
ments was given as part of a concert of Futuristic music, presented by Marinetti
and Russolo at the Teatro dal Verne, Milan, in April 1914.
The historical interest in this venture lies not so much in the acoustical design

The B a c k g r o u n d to 1945 : 7
features of the Intonarumori themselves, instruments that in any event have long
since been destroyed, but more in the motivation that led to their construction.
The Futurist movement did not succeed in its attempt to produce a major revolu-
tion in the path of new music, but its challenging of traditionally acceptedrelation-
ships between the science of acoustics and the art of musical sound production
was to prove singularly prophetic.
Busoni had already attacked traditional nineteenth-century musical practices in
his Sketch of a New Esthetic of Music, advocating a reappraisal of the whole language
of music "free from architectonic, acoustic and aesthetic dogmas."9
This book
caught the attention of a young French composer, Edgard Varese, who, having re-
belled against the traditional outlook of the Paris Conservatoire, was eager to ex-
plore new concepts of musical expression. Varese, perhaps more than any other
composer of his time, pioneered in his instrumental music the aesthetics that were
necessary for the acceptance of electronic sound-processing techniques in musical
composition. It is thus particularly tragic that it was not until the 1950s, toward
the end of his life, that he gained access to the facilities he so fervently desired.
As early as 1916 he was quoted in the New York Telegraph as saying: "Our mu-
sical alphabet must be enriched. . . .We also need new instruments very badly. . . .
In my own works I have always felt the need for new mediums of expression."10
He was quick, however, to deny suggestions that his efforts were directed toward
the Futurist movement.
The Futurists (Marinettiand his noise artists) have made a serious mistake. . . .
Instruments, after all, must only be a temporary means of expression. Musi-
cians should take up this question in deep earnest with the help of machin-
ery specialists.. . .What I am looking for are new technical means which can
lend themselves to every expression of thought.11
Varese had become acquainted with the electronic designer Rene Bertrand in
May 1913, and this marked the start of a long and lasting friendship.12
In 1922,
during the composer's first stay in America, he declared in an interview for the
Christian Science Monitor: "What we want is an instrument that will give us con-
tinuous sound at any pitch. The composer and electrician will have to labor to-
gether to get it. ... Speed and synthesis are characteristics of our own epoch."13
During the 1920s, Varese continued his search fornew sound textures,but with-
out the aid of any suitable technical facilities. His work with natural instrumental
resources in his first published compositions was nevertheless singularly prophetic,
for he was concerned to use procedures that were to become primary characteris-
tics of electronic sound processing: analysis and resynthesis. He experimented, for
example, with altered attack characteristics for brass instruments, where the ini-
tial transient would be suppressed by making the entry of a sound piano, and its
central portion or body heavily accentuated by means of a rapid crescendo. Such

an effect is remarkablysimilar to that achieved by playing recordings of normally
articulated notes backward, the decay thus becoming the attack. He was also par-
ticularly concerned to use instruments as component building blocks for sound
masses ofvarying quality,density, and volume, in contrast to their traditional roles
as sources of linear counterpoint.
His philosophy of musical expression, to use his own term, was based on the
concept of "organized sound," with no prior restrictions as to the choice or use of
the component sound sources involved in the process of synthesis. Percussion in-
struments figured prominently in his works. Ionisation (1930-1), for example, is
scored entirely for instruments of this family. With the aid of effects such as sirens,
whips, a lion's roar, and sleigh-bells, he struggled to develop a compositional art
that integratedthe naturalsounds ofthe environment with more traditional sources
of musical expression. This was not the somewhat crude Futurist "Art of Noises"
exploring the exotic,but an attempt to extract an artistic perspective from the uni-
verse of sound.
Varese was not immune from imitators. The Americancomposer GeorgeAntheil
required the use of car horns, airplane propellers, saws, and anvils in his Ballet me-
canique, first performedin Parisin 1926, and again in New York in 1927. The work
of Joseph Schillinger is also of interest in this context. Schillinger, a Russian com-
poser and theorist, advocated the development of new musical instruments based
on electrical principles in a similar vein to Varese as early as 1918. A decade later
he traveled to America in response to an invitation from the American Society for
Cultural Relationswith Russia,remaining in the United States until his premature
death fifteen years later. Soon after his arrivalhe embarked on a collaborativeven-
ture with his countryman Theremin, designing a domestic version ofthe Theremin
for commercial manufacture by RCA. As an aid to promotion Schillinger com-
posed his Airphonic Suitefor RCA Theremin and Orchestra, the work receivingits first
performance at Cleveland, Ohio, in November 1929, with Theremin as soloist.
His interest in fostering the creative application of science for musical ends is il-
lustrated by the following extract from an article entitled "Electricity, a Musical
Liberator," which appeared in Modern Music in March 1931:
The growth of musical art in any age is determined by the technological
progress which parallels it. Neither the composer nor performer can tran-
scend the limits of the instruments of his time. On the other hand technical
developments stimulate the creation of certain forms of composition and per-
formance. Although it is true that musicians may have ideas which hurdle
these technical barriers, yet, being forced to use existing instruments, their
intentions remain unrealized until scientific progress comes to the rescue.. . .
If we admit that the creative imagination of the composer may form musical
ideas which, under the specific conditions of a given epoch, cannot be trans-
lated into sounds, we acknowledge a great dependence of the artist upon the

technical position of his era, for music attains reality only through the pro-
cess of sound.14
During the remaining years of his life he became increasingly preoccupied with
aspects of music theory, producing a set of twelve books describing TheSchillinger
System of Musical Composition (1946),15
followed two years later by a monumental
treatise, The Mathematical Basis of the Arts.16
Neither of these volumes, unfortu-
nately, was published until after his death. Despite some rather curious aspects,
including the use of statistical data as a basis for measuring the degree of stylistic
consistency displayed by major classical composers, and the formulation of a set
of compositional rules based on empirical analyses ofmusicalstructures,his theories
contain some features of particular interest. In particular, his attempt to analyze
sounds in music-acoustic terms, using such identifying features as melody, rhythm,
timbre, harmony, dynamics, and density anticipated the type of methodology to
be applied from many quarters in the search for a morphology to describe the
elements of electronic music.
Varese, unlike Schillinger, continued to press actively for practical facilities. To-
ward the end of 1927, he became restless to learn more about the possibilities of
electronic instruments, and contacted Harvey Fletcher, the director of the acousti-
cal research division ofBell Telephone Laboratories, with aview to acquiring a labo-
ratory for research in this field. Fletcher took an interest in his proposals but could
not offer the funds necessary for such a venture. In desperation, Varese departed
for Paris in the autumn of 1928 to ascertain from Bertrandwhat potentially useful
technical developments had taken place in his absence. One product of his visit
was the formulation of a project to develop what might have become the first
sound synthesis studio, and an associated school of composition. Although details
were never officially published, his biographer, Fernand Ouellette, managed to
obtain a copy of this document from Ernst Schoen, Varese's first pupil. The pro-
posal ran as follows:
Only students already in possession of a technical training will be accepted
in the composition class. In this department, studies will concentrate upon
all forms required by the new concepts existing today, as well as the new
techniques and new acoustical factors which impose themselves as the logi-
cal means of realizing those concepts.
Also under Varese's direction, with the assistance of a physicist, there will
be a working laboratory in which sound will be studied scientifically, and in
which the laws permitting the development of innumerable new means of
expression will be established without any reference to empirical rules. All
new discoveries and all inventions of instruments and their uses will be
demonstrated and studied. The laboratory will possess as complete a collec-
tion of phonographic records as possible, including examples of the music of
all races, all cultures, all periods, and all tendencies.17

The scheme was not to materialize, for Varese was unable to find an adequate
source of finance. On 1 December 1932, while still in Paris, he wrote again to
Fletcher requesting access to the facilities of the Bell Telephone Laboratoriesin re-
turn for his services to the company: "I am looking to find a situation where my
collaboration would have value and pecuniary return."18
Varese was so eager for
laboratory facilities that he was even prepared to sacrifice his career as a composer,
at least for a time. He also applied to the John Simon Guggenheim MemorialFoun-
dation for a grant towards his work. In response to a request for more details, he
wrote again to the Foundation on 6 February 1933 offering the followingproposal:
The acousticalwork which I have undertaken and which I hope to continue
in collaboration with Rene Bertrandconsists of experiments which I have sug-
gested on his invention, the Dynaphone. The Dynaphone (invented 1927-8)
is a musicalinstrument ofelectrical oscillations somewhat similar to the There-
min, Giveletand Martenotelectricalinstruments. Butits principle and opera-
tion are entirely different, the resemblance being only superficial. The tech-
nical results I look for are as follows:
1. To obtain absolutely pure fundamentals.
2. Bymeans of loading the fundamentals with certain series of harmon-
ics to obtain timbres which will produce new sounds.
3. Tospeculate on the new sounds that the combination of two or more
interfering Dynaphones would giveif combined in a single instrument.
4. Toincrease the range of the instrument so as to obtain high frequencies
which no other instrument can give, together with adequateintensity.
The practical result of our work will be a new instrument which will be ade-
quate to the needs of the creativemusician and musicologist. I have conceived
a system by which the instrument may be used not only for the tempered and
natural scales, but one which also allows for the accurate production of any
number of frequencies and consequently is able to produce any interval or
any subdivision required by the ancient or exotic modes.19
This application, unlike his previous proposal, laid down for the first time the
acoustical principles that would serve as the basis for a program of research, inves-
tigating the musical applications of electronic sound synthesis. The Dynaphone, de-
spite his assertions, did not differ significantly from its relatives. Its ability to gener-
ate timbres in an additive manner using harmonic stops, for example, was matched
by a similar facility within the Ondes Martenot.Nevertheless,since Varese was well
acquainted with its designer, he was aware of the potential of developing its circuits
to produce not merely an enhanced electronic instrument, but a versatile sound
synthesis system serving a wide variety of compositional demands.
The Guggenheim Foundation, unfortunately, did not understand the purpose
of Varese's proposal, and despite repeated requests Varese failed to win financial

The B a c k g r o u n d to 1945 : 11
support from this quarter. Similarly,despite a certain degree of interest, and a will-
ingness to support his Guggenheim applications, Harvey Fletcher was unable to
grant him facilities at Bell Telephone Laboratories.It is ironic to note that the latter
institution, twenty years later, was to pioneer research into a revolutionary new
area of sound generation, computer synthesis.20
Despite these setbacks, some progress was being made in other quarters. The
1900s had seen the birth of the commercial 78 r.p.m. gramophone record and the
1920s the development of electricalrecording systems as a sequel tobroadcasting,
making generally available a technique not only for storing sound information,
but also for effecting certain alterations to its reproduction. Darius Milhaud real-
ized that changing the speed of a recording varies not only the pitch but also the
intrinsic acoustical characteristics of the material,and during the period 1922 to
1927 carried out several experiments investigating vocal transformations. Percy
Grainger performed similar experiments during the 1930s, paying particular at-
tention to the use of piano sounds as source material.
During 1929-30, Paul Hindemith and Ernst Toch carried out rather more de-
tailed operations on phonograph recordings at the Rundfunk-Versuchsstelle Hoch-
schule fur Musik in Berlin. Hindemith was primarily interested in testing his theo-
ries of acousticsand the analysis ofharmonic structures,later outlined in histreatise
The Craft of Musical Composition (1937).21
A by-product of this period of scientific
investigation was a collaborative venture with the scientist Friedrich Trautwein,
leading to the invention of the Trautonium, and the composition of his Concerto
for Solo Trautonium and Orchestra (1931).
Hindemith, however, did not choose to explore the creativepossibilities of syn-
thetic sound production for himself beyond the specific limits of instrumental
imitation. The time was still not ripe for any general acceptance of processes of
musical composition that extended beyond the traditional orchestra. Varese, none-
theless, was not to remain quite so isolated in his specific endeavors, for the cli-
mate of musical opinion was slowly beginning to change. Aprophetic address was
given extemporaneously by the conductor Leopold Stokowski to a meeting of the
Acoustical SocietyofAmerica on 2 May 1932, entitled "NewHorizons inMusic."22
Stokowski, as a keen conductor of contemporary music, devoted much effort to
bringing young composers into contact with as large a public as possible, and he
appreciated the importance of establishing, even on a general level, a sustained dia-
logue between scientists and artists in an increasingly technological society. His
address included not only a discussion of the artistic implications of the uses of
technology as an aid to communication through the media of the radio and the
phonograph but also some interesting predictions regarding the future use ofelec-
tronic synthesis devices as compositional tools.
Another vista that is opening out is for the composer, for the creator in
music. . . . Our musical notation is utterly inadequate. It cannot by any means

express all the possibilities of sound, not half of them, not a quarter of them,
not a tenth of them. We have possibilities in sound which no man knows
how to write on paper. If we take an orchestral score and reproduce it, just
mechanically perfect, it will sound mechanical. It won't have the human ele-
ment in it. Also there would be so much that the composer was trying to ex-
press, that he conceived but couldn't write down because of the limitations
of notation. . . . One can see coming ahead a time when the musician who is
a creator can create directly into TONE, not on paper. This is quite within the
realm of possibility. That will come. Any frequency any duration, any inten-
sity he wants, any combinations of counterpoint, of harmony, of rhythm—
anything can be done by that means and will be done.23
Stokowski's predictions were based at least in part on a knowledge of some in-
teresting technical developments that were taking place at the time. Hindemith's
experiments with phonograph records had caught the attention of several mem-
bers of the Bauhaus movement, including Laszlo Moholy-Nagy Oskar Fischinger,
and PaulArma. These artists became absorbed with the physical shapes of recorded
sounds and carried out their own investigations during the period 1930-2. Ini-
tially they attempted to alter the acoustical content by running the recordings
backward against the stylus to scratch new patterns. The results, however, were
largely unsatisfactory, and their attention soon turned toward the more interesting
possibilities of manipulating optical soundtracks, a recording method developed
for use with moving film.
Optical recording involves the transfer of sound information onto film in the
form of patterns of varying densities, which may subsequently be detected and re-
produced acoustically via a photocell detector. Physical alterations to the shaded
contours will thus affect the sound reproduction. The German inventor Rudolf
Pfenninger pioneered research in this field, discovering in 1932 that analysis of the
shapes on an optical soundtrack elicited sufficient information for the synthesis of
a wide range of musical timbres in terms of handdrawn patterns.
This work was important, for despite many practical limitations it resulted in
the first really flexible system of communication between the composer and his
synthesis tools. Investigations continued in Ottawa,where Norman McLarencom-
pleted a series of films employing "drawn" soundtracks,24
and in Leningrad, where
Yevgeny Sholpo developed four versions of his Variophone, a machine for graphi-
cally encoding sound information.The latter acted as models for the ANS (photo-
electric optic sound synthesizer) developed at the Moscow Experimental Studio,
later expanded into the Scriabin Museum Laboratoryin 1961.
The relentless march of technology, nevertheless, was already signaling the de-
mise of optical recording techniques in favor of another medium, magnetic tape.
Magnetic recording systems had been in existence since 1898, when the Danish
scientist ValdemarPoulsen invented his Telegraphone, a machine employing steel

wire that could be permanently magnetized by an electromagnet. The quality of
reproduction, however, was very poor and the system as a whole decidedly cum-
bersome. Poulsen made some improvements to his machine during the early 1900s
and launched a series of companies to market the device, but these soon ran into
financial difficulties and the venture collapsed.
The development of magnetic recording then remained almost dormant until a
German, Dr. Kurt Stille, began filing patents during the early 1920s. His work led
to the development of a synchronized sound system for films using magnetized
steel tape. Stille sold the rights of his machine to Ludwig Blattner,who marketed
the first commercial version, the Blattnerphone, in 1929. A model was bought by
the British Broadcasting Corporation in 1931 and installed at the Savoy Hill stu-
dio. During the early 1930s the firm of Marconi bought the manufacturingrights
and began marketing a less cumbersome machine, the Marconi-Stille recorder.
Steel tape, however, was still employed as the recording medium and this created
many practical difficulties. Erasure of previously recorded signals was now pos-
sible, but the tape was awkward to splice, requiring welded joints. It was also ex-
tremely heavy and liable to sheer dangerously when spooled at high speed.
A major breakthrough occurred in Germany in 1935 when the firm ofAEGpro-
duced the Magnetophon, a machine that utilized a plastic tape coated with fine
ferrous particles. This invention was a notable improvement on the steel tape re-
corder and heralded the start of a series of technological developments, which led
by the end of the Second World War to a compact and versatile recording system,
soon to rival the direct disc-cutting methods of the previous era. The primary ad-
vantages of the new medium were the facility to reuse the recording tape, the ease
of editing, and the ability to record two or more discrete tracks of recorded infor-
mation simultaneously on the same piece of tape. Magnetic recording soon dis-
placed its optical rival, mainly as a result of the superior quality of reproduction.
This process of change was inevitablyself-perpetuating, for engineers were diverted
from the task of improving the characteristics of optical sound transfer, and as a
result one important recording technique, of considerable interest to electronic
sound synthesis, lost the support of commercial development.
Magnetic tape systems supply no direct means ofcontact between the composer
and the component characteristics of recorded sounds, for the wave patterns are
not visible to the eye, nor may they be usefully modified by any direct physical ac-
tion. Little importance was attached to such a disadvantage for some considerable
time, for very few of the studios that emerged during the 1950s and early 1960s
incorporated any visual means for specifying or altering material. For the most
part, designers concentrated on the keyboard, the slider, and the rotary knob as
the primary control facilities for their systems, pending the development of digi-
tal technology and the computer graphics terminal, the precursor of the modern
video interface used by all personal computers.
Once again it was Varese who prophesied the advent of such an important syn-

thesis facility well before it true potential was generally recognized. During the late
1930s he entered a period of deep personal crisis regarding his whole language of
composition. His own experiments with phonograph records led to increasing frus-
tration with the limitations of this experimental medium, and he soon abandoned
this line of investigation, spending the next three years attempting a rationaliza-
tion of his ideas for a new sound world. As a result of this period of reflection he
delivered one of his most important lectures to the University of Southern Cali-
fornia during 1939. This included the following pertinent observations:
When you listen to music do you ever stop to realize that you are being sub-
jected to a physical phenomenon? Not until the air between the listener's ear
and the instrument has been disturbed does music occur. . . . In order to an-
ticipate the result, a composer must understand the mechanics of the instru-
ments and must know just as much as possible about acoustics. . . .We com-
posers are forced to use, in the realization of our works, instruments that
have not changed for two centuries. . . . Personally, for my conceptions, I
need an entirely new medium of expression: a sound-producing machine
(not a sound re-producing one).. . . Whatever I write, whatever my message,
it will reach the listener unadulterated by "interpretation." It will work some-
thing like this: after a composer has set down his score on paper by means of
a new graphic, similar in principle to a seismographic or oscillographic no-
tation, he will then, with the collaboration of a sound engineer, transfer the
score directly to this electric machine. After that anyone will be able to press
a button to release the music exactly as the composer wrote it. ... And here
are the advantages I anticipate from such a machine. Liberation from the ar-
bitrary, paralyzing tempered system; the possibility of obtaining any number
of cycles or if still desired subdivisions of the octave, consequently the for-
mation of any desired scale; unsuspected range in low and high registers,
new harmonic splendors obtainable from the use of sub-harmonic combina-
tions now impossible, new dynamics far beyond the present human power
orchestra; a sense of sound projection in space by means of the emission of
sound in any part or in as many parts of the hall as may be required by the
score.25
Many of the more ambitious predictions could only be matters of speculation at
that time, from both a technical and a musical viewpoint. Composers faced major
problems of specification, particularlyin equating the subjective world of the cre-
ative musician to the highly objective characteristics of the new technology, a sit-
uation that is still not wholly resolved today. By the end of the 1930s, neverthe-
less, scientific advances had produced the basic theories for the design of sound
synthesis systems, and advocates of such technologies were able to predict with
some confidence the likely course of future developments.

Exploring the Variety of Random
Documents with Different Content

Old and new
versions
compared.
six hymns for Christmas, Easter and Holy Communion (all versions or
paraphrases of scripture), which are still usually printed at the end of the
prayer-books containing the new version; and a hymn “on the divine use of
music”—all accompanied by tunes. The authors also reprinted, with very
good taste, the excellent version of the “Benedicite” which appeared in the
book of 1562. Of the hymns in this “supplement,” one (“While shepherds
watched their flocks by night”) greatly exceeded the rest in merit. It has
been ascribed to Tate, but it has a character of simplicity unlike the rest of
his works.
The relative merits of the “Old” and “New” versions have been very
variously estimated. Competent judges have given the old the praise, which
certainly cannot be accorded to the new, of fidelity to the Hebrew. In both,
it must be admitted, that those parts which have poetical
merit are few and far between; but a reverent taste is
likely to be more offended by the frequent sacrifice, in
the new, of depth of tone and accuracy of sense to a
fluent commonplace correctness of versification and
diction, than by any excessive homeliness in the old. In both, however,
some psalms, or portions of psalms, are well enough rendered to entitle
them to a permanent place in the hymn-books—especially the 8th, and
parts of the 18th Psalm, by Sternhold; the 57th, 84th and 100th, by
Hopkins; the 23rd, 34th and 36th, and part of the 148th, by Tate and Brady.
The judgment which a fastidious critic might be disposed to pass upon
both these books may perhaps be considerably mitigated by comparing
them with the works of other labourers in the same field, of whom Holland,
in his interesting volumes entitled Psalmists of Great Britain, enumerates
above 150. Some of them have been real poets—the celebrated earl of
Surrey, Sir Philip Sidney and his sister the countess of Pembroke, George
Sandys, George Wither, John Milton and John Keble. In their versions, as
might be expected, there are occasional gleams of power and beauty,
exceeding anything to be found in Sternhold and Hopkins, or Tate and
Brady; but even in the best these are rare, and chiefly occur where the

English
congregational
hymnody.
strict idea of translation has been most widely departed from. In all of
them, as a rule, the life and spirit, which in prose versions of the psalms are
so wonderfully preserved, have disappeared. The conclusion practically
suggested by so many failures is that the difficulties of metrical translation,
always great, are in this case insuperable; and that, while the psalms like
other parts of scripture are abundantly suggestive of motive and material
for hymnographers, it is by assimilation and adaptation, and not by any
attempt to transform their exact sense into modern poetry, that they may
be best used for this purpose.
The order in council of 1703 is the latest act of any public authority
by which an express sanction has been given to the use of psalms or
hymns in the Church of England. At the end, indeed, of many Prayer-
books, till about the middle of the 19th century, there were commonly
found, besides some of the hymns sanctioned by that order in council,
or of those contained in the book of 1562, a sacramental and a
Christmas hymn by Doddridge; a Christmas hymn (varied by Martin
Madan) from Charles Wesley; an Easter hymn of the 18th century,
beginning “Jesus Christ has risen to-day”; and abridgments Bishop
Ken’s Morning and Evening Hymns. These additions first began to be
made in or about 1791, in London editions of the Prayer-book and
Psalter, at the mere will and pleasure (so far as appears) of the
printers. They had no sort of authority.
In the state of authority, opinion and practice disclosed by the preceding
narrative may be found the true explanation of the fact that, in the country
of Chaucer, Spenser, Shakespeare and Milton, and notwithstanding the
example of Germany, no native congregational hymnody
worthy of the name arose till after the commencement of
the 18th century. Yet there was no want of appreciation
of the power and value of congregational church music.
Milton could write, before 1645:—
“There let the pealing organ blow
To the full-voiced quire below

Wedderburn.
In service high, and anthems clear,
As may with sweetness through mine ear
Dissolve me into ecstasies,
And bring all Heaven before mine eyes.”
Thomas Mace, in his Music’s Monument (1676), thus described the effect
of psalm-singing before sermons by the congregation in York Minster on
Sundays, during the siege of 1644: “When that vast concording unity of the
whole congregational chorus came thundering in, even so as it made the
very ground shake under us, oh, the unutterable ravishing soul’s delight! in
the which I was so transported and wrapt up in high contemplations that
there was no room left in my whole man, body, soul and spirit, for anything
below divine and heavenly raptures; nor could there possibly be anything to
which that very singing might be truly compared, except the right
apprehension or conceiving of that glorious and miraculous quire, recorded
in the scriptures at the dedication of the temple.” Nor was there any want
of men well qualified, and by the turn of their minds predisposed, to shine
in this branch of literature. Some (like Sandys, Boyd and Barton) devoted
themselves altogether to paraphrases of other scriptures as well as the
psalms. Others (like George Herbert, and Francis and John Quarles)
moralized, meditated, soliloquized and allegorized in verse. Without
reckoning these, there were a few, even before the Restoration, who came
very near to the ideal of hymnody.
First in time is the Scottish poet John Wedderburn, who translated several
of Luther’s hymns, and in his Compendious Book of Godly and Spiritual
Songs added others of his own (or his brothers’) composition. Some of
these poems, published before 1560, are of uncommon
excellence, uniting ease and melody of rhythm, and
structural skill, with grace of expression, and simplicity,
warmth and reality of religious feeling. Those entitled “Give me thy heart,”
“Go, heart,” and “Leave me not,” which will be found in a collection of 1860
called Sacred Songs of Scotland, require little, beyond the change of some
archaisms of language, to adapt them for church or domestic use at the
present day.

Dickson.
Wither.
Next come the two hymns of “The new Jerusalem,” by an English Roman
Catholic priest signing himself F. B. P. (supposed to be “Francis Baker,
Presbyter”), and by another Scottish poet, David Dickson, of which the
history is given by Dr Bonar in his edition of Dickson’s
work. This (Dickson’s), which begins “O mother dear,
Jerusalem,” and has long been popular in Scotland, is a
variation and amplification by the addition of a large number of new stanzas
of the English original, beginning “Jerusalem, my happy home,” written in
Queen Elizabeth’s time, and printed (as appears by a copy in the British
Museum) about 1616, when Dickson was still young. Both have an easy
natural flow, and a simple happy rendering of the beautiful scriptural
imagery upon the subject, with a spirit of primitive devotion uncorrupted by
medieval peculiarities. The English hymn of which some stanzas are now
often sung in churches is the true parent of the several shorter forms,—all
of more than common merit,—which, in modern hymn-books, begin with
the same first line, but afterwards deviate from the original. Kindred to
these is the very fine and faithful translation, by Dickson’s contemporary
Drummond of Hawthornden of the ancient “Urbs beata Hierusalem”
(“Jerusalem, that place divine”). Other ancient hymns (two of Thomas
Aquinas, and the “Dies Irae”) were also well translated, in 1646, by Richard
Crashaw, after he had become a Roman Catholic and had been deprived by
the parliament of his fellowship at Cambridge.
Conspicuous among the sacred poets of the first two Stuart reigns in
England was George Wither. His Hymnes and Songs of the Church appeared
in 1622-1623, under a patent of King James I., by which they were declared
“worthy and profitable to be inserted, in convenient
manner and due place, into every English Psalm-book to
metre.” His Hallelujah (in which some of the former
Hymnes and Songs were repeated) followed in 1641. Some of the Hymnes
and Songs were set to music by Orlando Gibbons, and those in both books
were written to be sung, though there is no evidence that the author
contemplated the use of any of them in churches. They included hymns for
every day in the week (founded, as those contributed nearly a century

Cosin.
Milton.
Jeremy Taylor.
afterwards by Charles Coffin to the Parisian Breviary also were, upon the
successive works of the days of creation); hymns for all the church seasons
and festivals, including saints’ days; hymns for various public occasions; and
hymns of prayer, meditation and instruction, for all sorts and conditions of
men, under a great variety of circumstances—being at once a “Christian
Year” and a manual of practical piety. Many of them rise to a very high
point of excellence,—particularly the “general invitation to praise God”
(“Come, O come, in pious lays”), with which Hallelujah opens; the
thanksgivings for peace and for victory, the Coronation Hymn, a Christmas,
an Epiphany, and an Easter Hymn, and one for St Bartholomew’s day
(Hymns 1, 74, 75, and 84 in part i., and 26, 29, 36 and 54 in part ii. of
Hallelujah).
John Cosin, afterwards bishop of Durham, published in 1627 a volume of
“Private Devotions,” for the canonical hours and other
occasions. In this there are seven or eight hymns of
considerable merit,—among them a very good version of
the Ambrosian “Jam lucis orto sidere,” and the shorter version of the “Veni
Creator,” which was introduced after the Restoration into the consecration
and ordination services of the Church of England.
The hymns of Milton (on the Nativity, Passion, Circumcision and “at a
Solemn Music”), written about 1629, in his early
manhood, were probably not intended for singing; but
they are odes full of characteristic beauty and power.
During the Commonwealth, in 1654, Jeremy Taylor published at the end
of his Golden Grove, twenty-one hymns, described by himself as
“celebrating the mysteries and chief festivals of the year,
according to the manner of the ancient church, fitted to
the fancy and devotion of the younger and pious
persons, apt for memory, and to be joined, to their other prayers.” Of these,
his accomplished editor, Bishop Heber, justly says:—

Restoration
period.
“They are in themselves, and on their own account, very interesting
compositions. Their metre, indeed, which is that species of spurious
Pindaric which was fashionable with his contemporaries, is an obstacle,
and must always have been one, to their introduction into public or
private psalmody; and the mixture of that alloy of conceits and
quibbles which was an equally frequent and still greater defilement of
some of the finest poetry of the 17th century will materially diminish
their effect as devotional or descriptive odes. Yet, with all these faults,
they are powerful, affecting, and often harmonious; there are many
passages of which Cowley need not have been ashamed, and some
which remind us, not disadvantageously, of the corresponding
productions of Milton.”
He mentions particularly the advent hymn (“Lord, come away”), part of
the hymn “On heaven,” and (as “more regular in metre, and in words more
applicable to public devotion”) the “Prayer for Charity” (“Full of mercy, full
of love”).
The epoch of the Restoration produced in 1664 Samuel Crossman’s Young
Man’s Calling, with a few “Divine Meditations” in verse attached to it; in
1668 John Austin’s Devotions in the ancient way of
offices, with psalms, hymns and prayers for every day in
the week and every holyday in the year; and in 1681
Richard Baxter’s Poetical Fragments. In these books
there are altogether seven or eight hymns, the whole or parts of which are
extremely good: Crossman’s “New Jerusalem” (“Sweet place, sweet place
alone”), one of the best of that class, and “My life’s a shade, my days”;
Austin’s “Hark, my soul, how everything,” “Fain would my thoughts fly up to
Thee,” “Lord, now the time returns,” “Wake all my hopes, lift up your eyes”;
and Baxter’s “My whole, though broken heart, O Lord,” and “Ye holy angels
bright.” Austin’s Offices (he was a Roman Catholic) seem to have attracted
much attention. Theophilus Dorrington, in 1686, published variations of
them under the title of Reformed Devotions; George Hickes, the non-juror,
wrote one of his numerous recommendatory prefaces to S. Hopton’s

Dryden, Ken.
Patrick
Addison.
edition; and the Wesleys, in their earliest hymn-book, adopted hymns from
them, with little alteration. These writers were followed by John Mason in
1683, and Thomas Shepherd in 1692,—the former, a country clergyman,
much esteemed by Baxter and other Nonconformists; the latter himself a
Nonconformist, who finally emigrated to America. Between these two men
there was a close alliance, Shepherd’s Penitential Cries being published as
an addition to the Spiritual Songs of Mason. Their hymns came into early
use in several Nonconformist congregations; but, with the exception of one
by Mason (“There is a stream which issues forth”), they are not suitable for
public singing. In those of Mason there is often a very fine vein of poetry;
and later authors have, by extracts or centoes from different parts of his
works (where they were not disfigured by his general quaintness),
constructed several hymns of more than average excellence.
Three other eminent names of the 17th century remain to be mentioned,
John Dryden, Bishop Ken and Bishop Simon Patrick; with which may be
associated that of Addison, though he wrote in the 18th century.
Dryden’s translation of “Veni Creator” a cold and laboured performance, is
to be met with in many hymn-books. Abridgments of Ken’s morning and
evening hymns are in all. These, with the midnight hymn, which is not
inferior to them, first appeared In 1697, appended to the third edition of the
author’s Manual of Prayers for Winchester Scholars.
Between these and a large number of other hymns (on
the attributes of God, and for the festivals of the church)
published by Bishop Ken after 1703 the contrast is remarkable. The
universal acceptance of the morning and evening hymns is due to their
transparent simplicity, warm but not overstrained devotion, and extremely
popular style. Those afterwards published have no such qualities. They are
mystical, florid, stiff, didactic and seldom poetical, and
deserve the neglect into which they have fallen. Bishop
Patrick’s hymns were chiefly translations from the Latin,
most of them from Prudentius. The best is a version of
“Alleluia dulce carmen.” Of the five attributed to Addison,

Watts.
not more than three are adapted to public singing; one (“The spacious
firmament on high”) is a very perfect and finished composition, taking rank
among the best hymns in the English language.3
From the preface to Simon Browne’s hymns, published in 1720, we learn
that down to the time of Dr Watts the only hymns known to be “in common
use, either in private families or in Christian assemblies,” were those of
Barton, Mason and Shepherd, together with “an attempt to turn some of
George Herbert’s poems into common metre,” and a few sacramental
hymns by authors now forgotten, named Joseph Boyse (1660-1728) and
Joseph Stennett. Of the 1410 authors of original British hymns enumerated
in Daniel Sedgwick’s catalogue, published in 1863, 1213 are of later date
than 1707; and, if any correct enumeration could be made of the total
number of hymns of all kinds published in Great Britain before and after
that date, the proportion subsequent to 1707 would be very much larger.
The English Independents, as represented by Dr Isaac Watts, have a just
claim to be considered the real founders of modern English hymnody. Watts
was the first to understand the nature of the want, and, by the publication
of his Hymns in 1707-1709, and Psalms (not translations, but hymns
founded on psalms) in 1709, he led the way in providing for it. His
immediate followers were Simon Browne and Philip Doddridge. Later in the
18th century, Joseph Hart, Thomas Gibbons, Miss Anne Steele, Samuel
Medley, Samuel Stennett, John Ryland, Benjamin Beddome and Joseph
Swain succeeded to them.
Among these writers, most of whom produced some hymns of merit, and
several are extremely voluminous, Isaac Watts and Philip Doddridge are
pre-eminent. It has been the fashion with some to disparage Watts, as if he
had never risen above the level of his Hymns for Little
Children. No doubt his taste is often faulty, and his style
very unequal, but, looking to the good, and disregarding
the large quantity of inferior matter, it is probable that more hymns which
approach to a very high standard of excellence, and are at the same time
suitable for congregational use, may be found in his works than in those of

Doddridge.
any other English writer. Such are “When I survey the wondrous cross,”
“Jesus shall reign where’er the sun” (and also another adaptation of the
same 72nd Psalm), “Before Jehovah’s awful throne” (first line of which,
however, is not his, but Wesley’s), “Joy to the world, the Lord is come,” “My
soul, repeat His praise,” “Why do we mourn departing friends,” “There is a
land of pure delight,” “Our God, our help in ages past,” “Up to the hills I lift
mine eyes,” and many more. It is true that in some of these cases dross is
found in the original poems mixed with gold; but the process of separation,
by selection without change, is not difficult. As long as pure nervous
English, unaffected fervour, strong simplicity and liquid yet manly sweetness
are admitted to be characteristics of a good hymn, works such as these
must command admiration.
Doddridge is, generally, much more laboured and artificial; but his place
also as a hymn-writer ought to be determined, not by his failures, but by
his successes, of which the number is not inconsiderable. In his better
works he is distinguished by a graceful and pointed,
sometimes even a noble style. His “Hark, the glad sound,
the Saviour comes” (which is, indeed, his masterpiece),
is as sweet, vigorous and perfect a composition as can anywhere be found.
Two other hymns, “How gentle God’s commands,” and that which, in a form
slightly varied, became the “O God of Bethel, by whose hand,” of the
Scottish “Paraphrases,” well represent his softer manner.
Of the other followers in the school of Watts, Miss Anne Steele (1717-
1778) is the most popular and perhaps the best. Her hymn beginning “Far
from these narrow scenes of night” deserves high praise, even by the side
of other good performances on the same subject.
The influence of Watts was felt in Scotland, and among the first whom it
reached there was Ralph Erskine. This seems to have been after the
publication of Erskine’s Gospel Sonnets, which appeared in 1732, five years
before he joined his brother Ebenezer in the Secession Church. The Gospel
Sonnets became, as some have said, a “people’s classic”; but there is in
them very little which belongs to the category of hymnody. More than

nineteen-twentieths of this very curious book are occupied with what are, in
fact, theological treatises and catechisms, mystical meditations on Christ as
a bridegroom or husband, and spiritual enigmas, paradoxes, and
antithetical conceits, versified, it is true, but of a quality of which such lines
as—
“Faith’s certain by fiducial arts,
Sense by its evidential facts,”
may be taken as a sample. The grains of poetry scattered through this large
mass of Calvinistic divinity are very few; yet in one short passage of seven
stanzas (“O send me down a draught of love”), the fire burns with a
brightness so remarkable as to justify a strong feeling of regret that the gift
which this writer evidently had in him was not more often cultivated.
Another passage, not so well sustained, but of considerable beauty (part of
the last piece under the title “The believer’s soliloquy”), became afterwards,
in the hands of John Berridge, the foundation of a very striking hymn (“O
happy saints, who walk in light”).
After his secession, Ralph Erskine published two paraphrases of the
“Song of Solomon,” and a number of other “Scripture songs,” paraphrased,
in like manner, from the Old and New Testaments. In these the influence of
Watts became very apparent, not only by a change in the writer’s general
style, but by the direct appropriation of no small quantity of matter from Dr
Watts’s hymns, with variations which were not always improvements. His
paraphrases of I Cor. i. 24; Gal. vi. 14; Heb. vi. 17-19; Rev. v. 11, 12, vii.
10-17, and xii. 7-12 are little else than Watts transformed. One of these
(Rev. vii. 10-17) is interesting as a variation and improvement, intermediate
between the original and the form which it ultimately assumed as the 66th
“Paraphrase” of the Church of Scotland, of Watts’s “What happy men or
angels these,” and “These glorious minds, how bright they shine.” No one
can compare it with its ultimate product, “How bright these glorious spirits
shine,” without perceiving that William Cameron followed Erskine, and only

Scottish
paraphrases.
Methodist
hymns.
added finish and grace to his work,—both excelling Watts, in this instance,
in simplicity as well as in conciseness.
Of the contributions to the authorized “Paraphrases” (with the settlement
of which committees of the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland
were occupied from 1745, or earlier, till 1781), the most noteworthy,
besides the two already mentioned, were those of John
Morrison and those claimed for Michael Bruce. The
obligations of these “Paraphrases” to English hymnody,
already traced in some instances (to which may be
added the adoption from Addison of three out of the five “hymns”
appended to them), are perceptible in the vividness and force with which
these writers, while adhering with a severe simplicity to the sense of the
passages of Scripture which they undertook to render, fulfilled the
conception of a good original hymn. Morrison’s “The race that long in
darkness pined” and “Come, let us to the Lord our God,” and Bruce’s
“Where high the heavenly temple stands” (if this was really his), are well
entitled to that praise. The advocates of Bruce in the controversy, not yet
closed, as to the poems said to have been entrusted by him to John Logan,
and published by Logan in his own name, also claim for him the credit of
having varied the paraphrase “Behold, the mountain of the Lord,” from its
original form, as printed by the committee of the General Assembly in 1745,
by some excellent touches.
Attention must now be directed to the hymns produced by the
“Methodist” movement, which began about 1738, and which afterwards
became divided, between those esteemed Arminian, under John Wesley,
those who adhered to the Moravians, when the original
alliance between that body and the founders of
Methodism was dissolved, and the Calvinists, of whom
Whitfield was the leader, and Selina, countess of
Huntingdon, the patroness. Each of these sections had its own hymn-
writers, some of whom did, and others did not, secede from the Church of
England. The Wesleyans had Charles Wesley, Robert Seagrave and Thomas

Charles Wesley.
Olivers; the Moravians, John Cennick, with whom, perhaps, may be classed
John Byrom, who imbibed the mystical ideas of some of the German
schools; the Calvinists, Augustus Montague Toplady, John Berridge, William
Williams, Martin Madan, Thomas Haweis, Rowland Hill, John Newton and
William Cowper.
Among all these writers, the palm undoubtedly belongs to Charles
Wesley. In the first volume of hymns published by the two brothers are
several good translations from the German, believed to be by John Wesley,
who, although he translated and adapted, is not
supposed to have written any original hymns; and the
influence of German hymnody, particularly of the works
of Paul Gerhardt, Scheffler, Tersteegen and Zinzendorf, may be traced in a
large proportion of Charles Wesley’s works. He is more subjective and
meditative than Watts and his school; there is a didactic turn, even in his
most objective pieces, as, for example, in his Christmas and Easter hymns;
most of his works are supplicatory, and his faults are connected with the
same habit of mind. He is apt to repeat the same thoughts, and to lose
force by redundancy—he runs sometimes even to a tedious length; his
hymns are not always symmetrically constructed, or well balanced and
finished off. But he has great truth, depth and variety of feeling; his diction
is manly and always to the point; never florid, though sometimes
passionate and not free from exaggeration; often vivid and picturesque. Of
his spirited style there are few better examples than “O for a thousand
tongues to sing,” “Blow ye the trumpet, blow,” “Rejoice, the Lord is King”
and “Come, let us join our friends above”; of his more tender vein, “Happy
soul, thy days are ended”; and of his fervid contemplative style (without
going beyond hymns fit for general use), “O Thou who earnest from above,”
“Forth in Thy name, O Lord, I go” and “Eternal beam of light divine.” With
those whose taste is for hymns in which warm religious feelings are warmly
and demonstratively expressed, “Jesus, lover of my soul,” is as popular as
any of these.

Olivers.
Cennick,
Hammond,
Byrom.
Toplady.
Of the other Wesleyan hymn-writers, Olivers, originally a Welsh
shoemaker and afterwards a preacher, is the most
remarkable. He is the author of only two works, both
odes, in a stately metre, and from their length unfit for
congregational singing, but one of them, “The God of Abraham praise,” an
ode of singular power and beauty.
The Moravian Methodists produced few hymns now available for general
use. The best are Cennick’s “Children of the heavenly King” and Hammond’s
“Awake and sing the song of Moses and the Lamb,” the former of which
(abridged), and the latter as varied by Madan, are found
in many hymn-books, and are deservedly esteemed.
John Byrom, whose name we have thought it convenient
to connect with these, though he did not belong to the
Moravian community, was the author of a Christmas
hymn (“Christians awake, salute the happy morn”) which enjoys great
popularity; and also of a short subjective hymn, very fine both in feeling
and in expression, “My spirit longeth for Thee within my troubled breast.”
The contributions of the Calvinistic Methodists to English hymnody are of
greater extent and value. Few writers of hymns had higher gifts than
Toplady, author of “Rock of ages,” by some esteemed the finest in the
English language. He was a man of ardent temperament,
enthusiastic zeal, strong convictions and great energy of
character. “He had,” says one of his biographers, “the
courage of a lion, but his frame was brittle as glass.” Between him and John
Wesley there was a violent opposition of opinion, and much acrimonious
controversy; but the same fervour and zeal which made him an intemperate
theologian gave warmth, richness and spirituality to his hymns. In some of
them, particularly those which, like “Deathless principle, arise,” are
meditations after the German manner, and not without direct obligation to
German originals, the setting is somewhat too artificial; but his art is never
inconsistent with a genuine flow of real feeling. Others (e.g. “When languor
and disease invade” and “Your harps, ye trembling saints”) fail to sustain to

Berridge,
Williams and R.
Hill.
Cowper and
Newton.
the end the beauty with which they began, and would have been better for
abridgment. But in all these, and in most of his other works, there is great
force and sweetness, both of thought and language, and an easy and
harmonious versification.
Berridge, William Williams (1717-1791) and Rowland Hill, all men
remarkable for eccentricity, activity and the devotion of their lives to the
special work of missionary preaching, though not the authors of many good
hymns, composed, or adapted from earlier compositions,
some of great merit. One of Berridge, adapted from
Erskine, has been already mentioned; another, adapted
from Watts, is “Jesus, cast a look on me.” Williams, a
Welshman, who wrote “Guide me, O Thou great
Jehovah,” was especially an apostle of Calvinistic Methodism in his own
country, and his hymns are still much used in the principality. Rowland Hill
wrote the popular hymn beginning “Exalted high at God’s right hand.”
If, however, the number as well as the quality of good hymns available
for general use is to be regarded, the authors of the Olney Hymns are
entitled to be placed at the head of all the writers of this Calvinistic school.
The greater number of the Olney Hymns are, no doubt,
homely and didactic; but to the best of them, and they
are no inconsiderable proportion, the tenderness of
Cowper and the manliness of John Newton (1725-1807)
give the interest of contrast, as well as that of sustained reality. If Newton
carried to some excess the sound principle laid down by him, that
“perspicuity, simplicity and ease should be chiefly attended to, and the
imagery and colouring of poetry, if admitted at all, should be indulged very
sparingly and with great judgment,” if he is often dry and colloquial, he
rises at other times into “soul-animating strains,” such as “Glorious things of
thee are spoken, Zion, city of our God”; and sometimes (as in “Approach,
my soul, the mercy seat”) rivals Cowper himself in depth of feeling.
Cowper’s hymns in this book are, almost without exception, worthy of his
name. Among them are “Hark, my soul, it is the Lord,” “There is a fountain

19th-century
hymns.
R. Grant.
Bowdler.
Kelly.
filled with blood,” “Far from the world, O Lord, I flee,” “God moves in a
mysterious way” and “Sometimes a light surprises.” Some, perhaps, even of
these, and others of equal excellence (such as “O for a closer walk with
God”), speak the language of a special experience, which, in Cowper’s case,
was only too real, but which could not, without a degree of unreality not
desirable in exercises of public worship, be applied to themselves by all
ordinary Christians.
During the first quarter of the 19th century there were not many
indications of the tendency, which afterwards became manifest, to enlarge
the boundaries of British hymnody. The Remains of Henry Kirke White,
published by Southey in 1807, contained a series of
hymns, some of which are still in use; and a few of
Bishop Heber’s hymns and those of Sir Robert Grant,
which, though offending rather too much against John
Newton’s canon, are well known and popular, appeared
between 1811 and 1816, in the Christian Observer. In
John Bowdler’s Remains, published soon after his death in 1815, there are a
few more of the same, perhaps too scholarlike, character. But the chief
hymn-writers of that period were two clergymen of the Established Church
—one in Ireland, Thomas Kelly, and the other in England, William Hurn—
who both became Nonconformists, and the Moravian poet, James
Montgomery (1771-1854), a native of Scotland.
Kelly was the son of an Irish judge, and in 1804 published a small volume
of ninety-six hymns, which grew in successive editions till, in the last before
his death in 1854, they amounted to 765. There is, as might be expected,
in this great number a large preponderance of the
didactic and commonplace. But not a few very excellent
hymns may be gathered from them. Simple and natural,
without the vivacity and terseness of Watts or the severity of Newton, Kelly
has some points in common with both those writers, and he is less
subjective than most of the “Methodist” school. His hymns beginning “Lo!
He comes, let all adore Him,” and “Through the day Thy love hath spared

Hurn.
Montgomery.
Collections of
hymns.
us,” have a rich, melodious movement; and another, “We sing the praise of
Him who died,” is distinguished by a calm, subdued power, rising gradually
from a rather low to a very high key.
Hurn published in 1813 a volume of 370 hymns, which were afterwards
increased to 420. There is little in them which deserves
to be saved from oblivion; but one at least, “There is a
river deep and broad,” may bear comparison with the
best of those which have been produced upon the same, and it is rather a
favourite, theme.
The Psalms and Hymns of James Montgomery were published in 1822
and 1825, though written earlier. More cultivated and
artistic than Kelly, he is less simple and natural. His “Hail
to the Lord’s Anointed,” “Songs of praise the angels
sang” and “Mercy alone can meet my case” are among his most successful
efforts.
During this period, the collections of miscellaneous hymns for
congregational use, of which the example was set by the Wesleys,
Whitfield, Toplady and Lady Huntingdon, had greatly multiplied; and with
them the practice (for which, indeed, too many
precedents existed in the history of Latin and German
hymnody) of every collector altering the compositions of
other men without scruple, to suit his own doctrine or
taste; with the effect, too generally, of patching and disfiguring, spoiling
and emasculating the works so altered, substituting neutral tints for natural
colouring, and a dead for a living sense. In the Church of England the use
of these collections had become frequent in churches and chapels,
principally in cities and towns, where the sentiments of the clergy
approximated to those of the Nonconformists. In rural parishes, when the
clergy were not of the “Evangelical” school, they were generally held in
disfavour; for which, even if doctrinal prepossessions had not entered into
the question, the great want of taste and judgment often manifested in
their compilation, and perhaps also the prevailing mediocrity of the bulk of

Heber, Milman,
Keble.
Mant.
Newman.
the original compositions from which most of them were derived, would be
enough to account. In addition to this, the idea that no hymns ought to be
used in any services of the Church of England, except prose anthems after
the third collect, without express royal or ecclesiastical authority, continued
down to that time largely to prevail among high churchmen.
Two publications, which appeared almost simultaneously in 1827—Bishop
Heber’s Hymns, with a few added by Dean Milman, and John Keble’s
Christian Year (not a hymn-book, but one from which
several admirable hymns have been taken, and the well-
spring of many streams of thought and feeling by which
good hymns have since been produced)—introduced a
new epoch, breaking down the barrier as to hymnody which had till then
existed between the different theological schools of the Church of England.
In this movement Richard Mant, bishop of Down, was
also one of the first to co-operate. It soon received a
great additional impulse from the increased attention
which, about the same time, began to be paid to ancient hymnody, and
from the publication in 1833 of Bunsen’s Gesangbuch. Among its earliest
fruits was the Lyra apostolica, containing hymns, sonnets and other
devotional poems, most of them originally contributed by some of the
leading authors of the Tracts for the Times to the British Magazine; the
finest of which is the pathetic “Lead, kindly Light, amid th’ encircling
gloom,” by Cardinal Newman—well known, and universally admired. From
that time hymns and hymn-writers rapidly multiplied in
the Church of England, and in Scotland also. Nearly 600
authors whose publications were later than 1827 are
enumerated in Sedgwick’s catalogue of 1863, and about half a million
hymns are now in existence. Works, critical and historical, upon the subject
of hymns, have also multiplied; and collections for church use have become
innumerable—several of the various religious denominations, and many of
the leading ecclesiastical and religious societies, having issued hymn-books
of their own, in addition to those compiled for particular dioceses, churches
and chapels, and to books (like Hymns Ancient and Modern, published

1861, supplemented 1889, revised edition, 1905) which have become
popular without any sanction from authority. To mention all the authors of
good hymns since the commencement of this new epoch would be
impossible; but probably no names could be chosen more fairly
representative of its characteristic merits, and perhaps also of some of its
defects, than those of Josiah Conder and James Edmeston among English
Nonconformists; Henry Francis Lyte and Charlotte Elliott among evangelicals
in the Church of England; John Mason Neale and Christopher Wordsworth,
bishop of Lincoln, among English churchmen of the higher school; Arthur
Penrhyn Stanley, Edward H. Plumptre, Frances Ridley Havergal; and in
Scotland, Dr Horatius Bonar, Dr Norman Macleod and Dr George Matheson.
American hymn-writers belong to the same schools, and have been affected
by the same influences. Some of them have enjoyed a just reputation on
both sides of the Atlantic. Among those best known are John Greenleaf
Whittier, Bishop Doane, Dr W. A. Muhlenberg and Thomas Hastings; and it
is difficult to praise too highly such works as the Christmas hymn, “It came
upon the midnight clear,” by Edmund H. Sears; the Ascension hymn, “Thou,
who didst stoop below,” by Mrs S. E. Miles; two by Dr Ray Palmer, “My faith
looks up to Thee, Thou Lamb of Calvary,” and “Jesus, Thou joy of loving
hearts,” the latter of which is the best among several good English versions
of “Jesu, dulcedo, cordium”; and “Lord of all being, throned afar,” by Oliver
Wendell Holmes.
The more modern “Moody and Sankey” hymns (see Moody, D. L.)
popularized a new Evangelical type, and the Salvation Army has carried this
still farther.
7. Conclusion.—The object aimed at in this article has been to trace the
general history of the principal schools of ancient and modern hymnody,
and especially the history of its use in the Christian church. For this purpose
it has not been thought necessary to give any account of the hymns of
Racine, Madame Guyon and others, who can hardly be classed with any
school, nor of the works of Caesar Malan of Geneva (1787-1864) and other

quite modern hymn-writers of the Reformed churches in Switzerland and
France.
On a general view of the whole subject, hymnody is seen to have been a
not inconsiderable factor in religious worship. It has been sometimes
employed to disseminate and popularize particular views, but its spirit and
influence has been, on the whole, catholic. It has embodied the faith, trust
and hope, and no small part of the inward experience, of generation after
generation of men, in many different countries and climates, of many
different nations, and in many varieties of circumstances and condition.
Coloured, indeed, by these differences, and also by the various modes in
which the same truths have been apprehended by different minds and
sometimes reflecting partial and imperfect conceptions of them, and errors
with which they have been associated in particular churches, times and
places, its testimony is, nevertheless, generally the same. It has upon it a
stamp of genuineness which cannot be mistaken. It bears witness to the
force of a central attraction more powerful than all causes of difference,
which binds together times ancient and modern, nations of various race and
language, churchmen and nonconformists, churches reformed and
unreformed; to a true fundamental unity among good Christians; and to a
substantial identity in their moral and spiritual experience.

(S )
The regular practice of hymnody in English musical history
dates from the beginning of the 16th century. Luther’s verses
were adapted sometimes to ancient church melodies, sometimes
to tunes of secular songs, and sometimes had music composed
for them by himself and others. Many rhyming Latin hymns are
of earlier date whose tunes are identified with them, some of
which tunes, with the subject of their Latin text, are among the
Reformer’s appropriations; but it was he who put the words of
praise and prayer into the popular mouth, associated with
rhythmical music which aided to imprint the words upon the
memory and to enforce their enunciation. In conjunction with
his friend Johann Walther, Luther issued a collection of poems
for choral singing in 1524, which was followed by many others in
North Germany. The English versions of the Psalms by Sternhold
and Hopkins and their predecessors, and the French version by
Clement Marot and Theodore Beza, were written with the same
purpose of fitting sacred minstrelsy to the voice of the multitude.
Goudimel in 1566 and Claudin le Jeune in 1607 printed
harmonizations of tunes that had then become standard for the
Psalms, and in England several such publications appeared,
culminating in Thomas Ravenscroft’s famous collection, The
Whole Book of Psalms (1621); in all of these the arrangements
of the tunes were by various masters. The English practice of
hymn-singing was much strengthened on the return of the
exiled reformers from Frankfort and Geneva, when it became so
general that, according to Bishop Jewell, thousands of the
populace who assembled at Paul’s Cross to hear the preaching
would join in the singing of psalms before and after the sermon.

The placing of the choral song of the church within the lips of
the people had great religious and moral influence; it has had
also its great effect upon art, shown in the productions of the
North German musicians ever since the first days of the
Reformation, which abound in exercises of scholarship and
imagination wrought upon the tunes of established acceptance.
Some of these are accompaniments to the tunes with interludes
between the several strains, and some are compositions for the
organ or for orchestral instruments that consist of such
elaboration of the themes as is displayed in accompaniments to
voices, but of far more complicated and extended character. A
special art-form that was developed to a very high degree, but
has passed into comparative disuse, was the structure of all
varieties of counterpoint extemporaneously upon the known
hymn-tunes (chorals), and several masters acquired great fame
by success in its practice, of whom J. A. Reinken (1623-1722),
Johann Pachelbel (1653-1706), Georg Boehm and the great J. S.
Bach are specially memorable. The hymnody of North Germany
has for artistic treatment a strong advantage which is
unpossessed by that of England, in that for the most part the
same verses are associated with the same tunes, so that,
whenever the text or the music is heard, either prompts
recollection of the other, whereas in England tunes were always
and are now often composed to metres and not to poems; any
tune in a given metre is available for every poem in the same,
and hence there are various tunes to one poem, and various
poems to one tune.4 In England a tune is named generally after
some place—as “York,” “Windsor,” “Dundee,”—or by some other
unsignifying word; in North Germany a tune is mostly named by
the initial words of the verses to which it is allied, and

consequently, whenever it is heard, whether with words or
without, it necessarily suggests to the hearer the whole subject
of that hymn of which it is the musical moiety undivorceable
from the literary half. Manifold as they are, knowledge of the
choral tunes is included in the earliest schooling of every
Lutheran and every Calvinist in Germany, which thus enables all
to take part in performance of the tunes, and hence expressly
the definition of “choral.” Compositions grounded on the
standard tune are then not merely school exercises, but works
of art which link the sympathies of the writer and the listener,
and aim at expressing the feeling prompted by the hymn under
treatment.
Bibliography: I. Ancient.—George Cassander, Hymni
ecclesiastici (Cologne, 1556); Georgius Fabricius, Poëtarum
veterum ecclesiasticorum (Frankfort, 1578); Cardinal J. M.
Thomasius, Hymnarium in Opera, ii. 351 seq. (Rome, 1747); A.
J. Rambach, Anthologie christlicher Gesänge (Altona, 1817); H.
A. Daniel, Thesaurus hymnologicus (Leipzig, 5 vols., 1841-1856);
J. M. Neale, Hymni ecclesiae et sequentiae (London, 1851-
1852); and Hymns of the Eastern Church (1863). The
dissertation prefixed to the second volume of the Acta
sanctorum of the Bollandists; Cardinal J. B. Pitra, Hymnographie
de l’église grecque (1867), Analecta sacra (1876); W. Christ and
M. Paranikas, Anthologia Graeca carminum Christianorum
(Leipzig, 1871); F. A. March, Latin Hymns with English Notes
(New York, 1875); R. C. Trench, Sacred Latin Poetry (London,
4th ed., 1874); J. Pauly, Hymni breviarii Romani (Aix-la-Chapelle,
3 vols., 1868-1870); Pimont, Les Hymnes du bréviaire romain
(vols. 1-3, 1874-1884, unfinished); A. W. F. Fischer,
Kirchenlieder-Lexicon (Gotha, 1878-1879); J. Kayser, Beiträge

zur Geschichte der ältesten Kirchenhymnen (1881); M. Manitius,
Geschichte der christlichen lateinischen Poesie (Stuttgart, 1891);
John Julian, Dictionary of Hymnology (1892, new ed. 1907). For
criticisms of metre, see also Huemer, Untersuchungen über die
ältesten christlichen Rhythmen (1879); E. Bouvy, Poètes et
mélodes (Nîmes, 1886); C. Krumbacher, Geschichte der
byzantinischen Literatur (Munich, 1897, p. 700 seq.); J. M.
Neale, Latin dissertation prefixed to Daniel’s Thesaurus, vol. 5;
and D. J. Donahoe, Early Christian Hymns (London, 1909).
II. Medieval.—Walafrid Strabo’s treatise, ch. 25, De hymnis,
&c.; Radulph of Tongres, De psaltario observando (14th
century); Clichtavaens, Elucidatorium ecclesiasticum (Paris,
1556); Faustinus Arevalus, Hymnodia Hispanica (Rome, 1786);
E. du Méril, Poésies populaires latines antérieures au XIIIe siècle
(Paris, 1843); J. Stevenson, Latin Hymns of the Anglo-Saxon
Church (Surtees Society, Durham, 1851); Norman, Hymnarium
Sarisburiense (London, 1851); J. D. Chambers, Psalter, &c.,
according to the Sarum use (1852); F. J. Mone, Lateinische
Hymnen des Mittelalters (Freiburg, 3 vols., 1853-1855); Ph.
Wackernagel, Das deutsche Kirchenlied von der ältesten Zeit bis
zum Anfang des 17. Jahrhunderts, vol. i. (Leipzig, 1864); E.
Dümmler, Poëtae latini aevi Carolini (1881-1890); the
Hymnologische Beiträge: Quellen und Forschungen zur
Geschichte der lateinischen Hymnendichtung, edited by C.
Blume and G. M. Dreves (Leipzig, 1897); G. C. F. Mohnike,
Hymnologische Forschungen; Klemming, Hymni et sequentiae in
regno Sueciae (Stockholm, 4 vols., 1885-1887); Das katholische
deutsche Kirchenlied (vol. i. by K. Severin Meister, 1862, vol. ii.
by W. Baumker, 1883); the “Hymnodia Hiberica,” Spanische
Hymnen des Mittelalters, vol. xvi. (1894); the “Hymnodia

Gotica,” Mozarabische Hymnen des altspanischen Ritus, vol.
xxvii. (1897); J. Dankó, Vetus hymnarium ecclesiasticae
Hungariae (Budapest, 1893); J. H. Bernard and R. Atkinson, The
Irish Liber Hymnorum (2 vols., London, 1898); C. A. J. Chevalier,
Poésie liturgique du moyen âge (Paris, 1893).
III. Modern.—J. C. Jacobi, Psalmodia Germanica (1722-1725
and 1732, with supplement added by J. Haberkorn, 1765); F. A.
Cunz, Geschichte des deutschen Kirchenliedes (Leipzig, 1855);
Baron von Bunsen, Versuch eines allgemeinen Gesang- und
Gebetbuches (1833) and Allgemeines evangelisches Gesang-
und Gebetbuch (1846); Catherine Winkworth, Christian Singers
of Germany (1869) and Lyra Germanica (1855); Catherine H.
Dunn, Hymns from the German (1857); Frances E. Cox, Sacred
Hymns from the German (London, 1841); Massie, Lyra
domestica (1860); Appendix on Scottish Psalmody in D. Laing’s
edition of Baillie’s Letters and Journals (1841-1842); J. and C.
Wesley, Collection of Psalms and Hymns (1741); Josiah Miller,
Our Hymns, their Authors and Origin (1866); John Gadsby,
Memoirs of the Principal Hymn-writers (3rd ed., 1861); L. C.
Biggs, Annotations to Hymns Ancient and Modern (1867); Daniel
Sedgwick, Comprehensive Index of Names of Original Authors of
Hymns (2nd ed., 1863); R. E. Prothero, The Psalms in Human
Life (1907); C. J. Brandt and L. Helweg, Den danske
Psalmedigtning (Copenhagen, 1846-1847); J. N. Skaar, Norsk
Salmehistorie (Bergen, 1879-1880); H. Schück, Svensk
Literaturhistoria (Stockholm, 1890); Rudolf Wolkan, Geschichte
der deutschen Literatur in Böhmen, 246-256, and Das deutsche
Kirchenlied der böhm. Brüder (Prague, 1891); Zahn, Die
geistlichen Lieder der Brüder in Böhmen, Mähren u. Polen

(Nuremberg, 1875); and J. Müller, “Bohemian Brethren’s
Hymnody,” in J. Julian’s Dictionary of Hymnology.
For account of hymn-tunes, &c., see W. Cowan and James
Love, Music of the Church Hymnody and the Psalter in Metre
(London, 1901); and Dickinson, Music in the History of the
Western Church (New York, 1902); S. Kümmerle, Encyklopädie
der evangelischen Kirchenmusik (4 vols., 1888-1895); Chr.
Palmer, Evangelische Hymnologie (Stuttgart, 1865); and P. Urto
Kornmüller, Lexikon der kirchlichen Tonkunst (1891).
1 The history of the “hymn” naturally begins with Greece, but it may
be found in some form much earlier; Assyria and Egypt have left
specimens, while India has the Vedic hymns, and Confucius collected
“praise songs” in China.
2 See Greek Literature.
3 The authorship of this and of one other, “When all thy mercies, O
my God,” has been made a subject of controversy,—being claimed for
Andrew Marvell (who died in 1678), in the preface to Captain E.
Thompson’s edition (1776) of Marvell’s Works. But this claim does not
appear to be substantiated. The editor did not give his readers the means
of judging as to the real age, character or value of a manuscript to which
he referred; he did not say that these portions of it were in Marvell’s
handwriting; he did not even himself include them among Marvell’s
poems, as published in the body of his edition; and he advanced a like
claim on like grounds to two other poems, in very different styles, which
had been published as their own by Tickell and Mallet. It is certain that
all the five hymns were first made public in 1712, in papers contributed
by Addison to the Spectator (Nos. 441, 453, 465, 489, 513), in which
they were introduced in a way which might have been expected if they
were by the hand which wrote those papers, but which would have been
improbable, and unworthy of Addison, if they were unpublished works of
a writer of so much genius, and such note in his day, as Marvell. They are
all printed as Addison’s in Dr Johnson’s British Poets.

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