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Grid
Database
Design
April J. Wells
10. v
Preface
Computing has come a long way since our earliest beginnings. Many of
us have seen complete revisions of computing technology in our lifetimes.
I am not that old, and I have seen punch cards and Cray supercomputers,
numbered Basic on an Apple IIe, and highly structured C. Nearly all of
us can remember when the World Wide Web began its popularity and
when there were only a few pictures available in a nearly all textual
medium. Look at where we are now. Streaming video, MP3s, games, and
chat are a part of many thousands of lives, from the youngest children
just learning to mouse and type, to senior citizens staying in touch and
staying active and involved regardless of their locations. The Internet and
the World Wide Web have become a part of many households’ daily lives
in one way or another. They are often taken for granted, and highly
missed when they are unavailable. There are Internet cafés springing up
in towns all over the United States, and even major cruise lines have them
available for not only the passengers, but the crew as well.
We are now standing on the edge of yet another paradigm shift, Grid
computing. Grid computing, it is suggested, may even be bigger than the
Internet and World Wide Web, and for most of us, the adventure is just
beginning. For many of us, especially those of us who grew up with
mainframes and stand-alone systems getting bigger and bigger, the new
model is a big change. But it is also an exciting change — where will
we be in the next five years?
Goals of This Book
My main goal in writing this book is to provide you with information on
the Grid, its beginning, background, and components, and to give you
an idea of how databases will be designed to fit into this new computing
11. vi Grid Database Design
model. Many of the ideas and concepts are not new, but will have to be
addressed in the context of the new model, with many different consid-
erations to be included.
Many people in academia and research already know about the Grid
and the power that it can bring to computing, but many in business are
just beginning to hear the rumblings and need to be made aware of ways
in which the new concepts could potentially impact them and their ways
of computing in the foreseeable future.
Audience
The proposed audience is those who are looking at Grid computing as
an option, or those who want to learn more about the emerging technol-
ogy. When I started out, I wanted to let other database administrators in
on what might be coming in the future, and what they could expect that
future to look like. However, I believe that the audience is even bigger
and should encompass not only database administrators, but systems
administrators and programmers and executives — anyone hearing the
rumblings and wanting to know more.
The background in Section 1 is designed as just that, background. If
you have a grasp on how we got to where we are now, you may want
to read it for the entertainment value, the trip down memory lane, so to
speak, or you may just want to skip large portions of it as irrelevant to
where you are now.
Section 2 starts the meat of the book, introducing the Grid and its
components and important concepts and ideas, and Section 3 delves into
the part that databases will play in the new paradigm and how those
databases need to act to play nicely together.
Structure of the Book
This book is broken down into three sections and twelve chapters, as
follows:
Section 1
In Section 1 we lay the groundwork. We cover some background on
computing and how we got to where we are. We are, in many places
and situations, already taking baby steps toward integration of the new
paradigm into the existing framework.
12. Preface vii
Chapter 1
Chapter 1 will cover computing history, how we got here, the major
milestones for computing, and the groundwork for the Grid, where we
are launching the future today. It includes information on the beginnings
of networking and the Internet, as it is the model on which many people
are defining the interaction with the Grid.
Chapter 2
Chapter 2 will provide definitions of where much of the Grid is now, the
major players, and many of the components that make up the Grid system.
Chapter 3
Chapter 3 is sort of the proof of the pudding. It provides a partial list of
those commercial and academic ventures that have been the early adopters
of Grid and have started to realize its potential. We have a long way to
go before anyone can hope to realize anything as ubiquitous as commodity
computing, but we have come a long way from our beginnings, too.
Section 2
Section 2 goes into what is entailed in building a Grid. There are a variety
of ideas and components that are involved in the definition, concepts that
you need to have your arms around before stepping off of the precipices
and flying into the future.
Chapter 4
Chapter 4 looks at the security concerns and some of the means that can
be used to address these concerns. As the Grid continues to emerge, so
will the security concerns and the security measures developed to address
those concerns.
Chapter 5
Chapter 5 looks at the underlying hardware on which the Grid runs. With
the definition of the Grid being that it can run on nearly anything, from
PC to Supercomputer, the hardware is hard to define, but there are
emerging components being built today specifically with the goal of
enabling the new technology.
13. viii Grid Database Design
Chapter 6
Metadata is important in any large system; the Grid is definitely the rule,
rather than the exception. Chapter 6 will look at the role that metadata
plays and will need to play in the Grid as it continues to evolve.
Chapter 7
What are the business and technology drivers that are pushing the Grid
today and will continue to push it into the future? Chapter 7 looks at not
only the technological reasons for implementing a Grid environment (and
let us face it, the best reason for many technologists is simply because it
is really cool), but also the business drivers that will help to allow the
new technology to make its inroads into the organization.
Section 3
Section 3 delves into the details of databases in a Grid environment.
Databases have evolved on their own over the last several decades, and
continue to redefine themselves depending on the organization in which
they find themselves. The Grid will add environmental impact to the
evolution and will help to steer the direction that that evolution will take.
Chapter 8
Chapter 8 will provide us with an introduction to databases, particularly
relational database, which are where some of the greatest gains can be
made in the Grid environment. We will look at the terminology, the
mathematical background, and some of the differences in different rela-
tional models.
Chapter 9
Chapter 9 will look at parallelism in database design and how parallelized
databases can be applied in the Grid environment.
Chapter 10
Chapter 10 will take parallelism a step further and look at distributed
databases and the ramifications of distributing in a highly distributed Grid
environment.
14. Preface ix
Chapter 11
Finally, Chapter 11 will look at the interaction with the database from the
applications and end users. We will look at design issues and issues with
interacting with the different ideas of database design in the environment.
Chapter 12
Chapter 12 provides a summary of the previous chapters.
We are standing on the edge of a new era. Let the adventure begin.
16. xi
Acknowledgments
My heartiest thanks go to everyone who contributed to my ability to bring
this book to completion. Thanks especially to John Wyzalek from Auerbach
Publications for his support and faith that I could do it. His support has
been invaluable.
As always, my deepest gratitude goes to Larry, Adam, and Amandya
for being there for me, standing beside me, and putting up with the long
hours shut away and the weekends that we did not get to do a lot of
fun things because I was writing. Thank you for being there, for under-
standing, and for rescuing me when I needed rescuing.
18. xiii
Contents
SECTION I: IN THE BEGINNING
1 History ........................................................................................... 3
Computing 3
Early Mechanical Devices 3
Computing Machines 11
The 1960s 17
The 1970s 22
The 1980s 26
The 1990s 30
The 21st Century 33
2 Defi nition and Components ..................................................... 35
P2P 37
Napster 38
Gnutella 38
Types 40
Computational Grid 40
Distributed Servers and Computation Sites 41
Remote Instrumentation 41
Data Archives 42
Networks 43
Portal (User Interface) 43
Security 44
Broker 45
User Profile 45
Searching for Resources 46
Batch Job Submittal 46
Credential Repository 48
Scheduler 48
Data Management 49
Data Grid 50
19. xiv Grid Database Design
Storage Mechanism Neutrality 51
Policy Neutrality 51
Compatibility with Other Grid Infrastructure 51
Storage Systems 51
Access or Collaboration Grid 52
Large-Format Displays 52
Presentation Environments 53
Interfaces to Grid Middleware 53
Others 54
Scavenging Grid 54
Grid Scope 56
Project Grid, Departmental Grid, or Cluster Grid 56
Enterprise Grid or Campus Grid 58
Global Grid 58
3 Early Adopters ............................................................................ 59
Computational and Experimental Scientists 59
Bioinformatics 60
Corporations 60
Academia 60
University of Houston 61
University of Ulm Germany 61
The White Rose University Consortium 62
Science 62
Particle Physics 62
Industries 63
Gaming 63
Financial 65
Wachovia 66
RBC Insurance 66
Charles Schwab 66
Life Science 67
The American Diabetes Association 67
North Carolina Genomics and Bioinformatics Consortium 69
Spain’s Institute of Cancer Research 69
Petroleum 69
Royal Dutch Shell 69
Utilities 70
Kansai Electric Power Co., Inc. 70
Manufacturing 70
Ford Motor Company 70
Saab Automobile 71
Motorola 71
Government 71
NASA 72
U.S. Department of Defense 72
European Union 73
20. Contents xv
Flemish Government 74
Benefits 75
Virtualization 75
SECTION II: THE PARTS AND PIECES
4 Security ........................................................................................ 83
Security 83
Authentication 84
Reciprocity of Identification 85
Computational Efficiency 85
Communication Efficiency 86
Third-Party Real-Time Involvement 86
Nature of Security 86
Secret Storage 87
Passwords 87
Private Key 88
Block Ciphers 89
Stream Ciphers 89
Public Key 91
Digital Signature 96
Authorization 101
Delegation of Identity 102
Delegation of Authority 103
Accounting 103
Audit 103
Access Control 104
DAC 104
MAC 105
Allow and Deny 106
Satisfy 107
Role-Based Access 107
Usage Control 108
Cryptography 108
Block Cipher 109
Stream Ciphers 110
Linear Feedback Shift Register 110
One-Time Pad 111
Shift Register Cascades 111
Shrinking Generators 112
Accountability 112
Data Integrity 115
Attenuation 116
Impulse Noise 116
Cross Talk 116
Jitter 117
Delay Distortion 117
21. xvi Grid Database Design
Capability Resource Management 118
Database Security 121
Inference 121
Server Security 124
Database Connections 125
Table Access Control 125
Restricting Database Access 130
DBMS Specific 131
5 The Har dwar e ........................................................................... 133
Computers 133
Blade Servers 138
Storage 140
I/O Subsystems 143
Underlying Network 143
Operating Systems 144
Visualization Environments 144
People 145
6 Metadata .................................................................................... 147
Grid Metadata 152
Data Metadata 153
Physical Metadata 154
Domain-Independent Metadata 154
Content-Dependent Metadata 154
Content-Independent Metadata 155
Domain-Specific Metadata 155
Ontology 155
User Metadata 155
Application Metadata 156
External Metadata 156
Logical Metadata 157
User 157
Data 158
Resources 158
Metadata Services 158
Context 158
Structure 158
Define the Data Granularity 159
Database 159
Access 159
Metadata Formatting 160
XML 161
What Is XML? 161
Application 168
MCAT 169
Conclusion 170
22. Contents xvii
7 Drivers ....................................................................................... 171
Business 174
Accelerated Time to Results 174
Operational Flexibility 174
Leverage Existing Capital Investments 175
Better Resource Utilization 176
Enhanced Productivity 176
Better Collaboration 178
Scalability 178
ROI 179
Reallocation of Resources 180
TCO 181
Technology 183
Infrastructure Optimization 183
Increase Access to Data and Collaboration 183
Resilient, Highly Available Infrastructure 183
Make Most Efficient Use of Resources 184
Services Oriented 185
Batch Oriented 186
Object Oriented 186
Supply and Demand 186
Open Standards 187
Corporate IT Spending Budgets 187
Cost, Complexity, and Opportunity 188
Better, Stronger, Faster 190
Efficiency Initiatives 191
SECTION III: DATABASES IN THE GRID
8 Intr oducing Databases ............................................................. 195
Databases 195
Relational Database 196
Tuples 197
Attributes 198
Entities 198
Relationship 198
Relational Algebra 198
Union 198
Intersection 198
Difference 199
Cartesian Product 199
Select 199
Project 200
Join 200
Relational Calculus 200
Object Database 202
Architecture Differences between Relational and Object Databases 203
23. xviii Grid Database Design
Object Relational Database 203
SQL 205
Select 206
Where 206
And/Or 206
In 207
Between 207
Like 207
Insert 207
Update 208
Delete 208
Database 209
Data Model 209
Schema 209
Relational Model 209
Anomalies 209
Insert Anomaly 210
Deletion Anomaly 210
Update Anomaly 210
9 Parallel Database ...................................................................... 213
Data Independence 213
Parallel Databases 214
Start-Up 216
Interference 216
Skew 217
Attribute Data Skew 217
Tuple Placement Skew 217
Selectivity Skew 217
Redistribution Skew 217
Join Product Skew 218
Multiprocessor Architecture Alternatives 218
Shared Everything 218
Shared Disk 219
Shared Nothing (Message Passing) 220
Hybrid Architecture 221
Hierarchical Cluster 221
NUMA 222
Disadvantages of Parallelism 222
Database Parallelization Techniques 224
Data Placement 224
Parallel Data Processing 224
Parallel Query Optimization 224
Transaction Management 224
Parallelism Versus Fragmentation 224
Round-Robin 225
Hash Partitioning 225
25. xx Grid Database Design
Replication 255
Metadata 256
Distributed Database Failures 257
Failure of a Site 257
Loss of Messages 257
Failure of a Communication Link 257
Network Partition 257
Data Access 258
11 Data Synchr onization .............................................................. 261
Concurrency Control 262
Distributed Deadlock 262
Database Deadlocks 264
Multiple-Copy Consistency 265
Pessimistic Concurrency Control 266
Two-Phase Commit Protocol 267
Time Stamp Ordering 267
Optimistic Concurrency Control 268
Heterogeneous Concurrency Control 270
Distributed Serializability 271
Query Processing 271
Query Transformations 271
Transaction Processing 271
Heterogeneity 272
12 Conclusion ................................................................................ 275
Index .................................................................................................. 277
26. I
IN THE
BEGINNING
The adventure begins. We will start our adventure with the history of
computing (not just computers). Computing in one fashion or another has
been around as long as man. This section looks at those beginnings and
takes a trip through time to the present. It follows computing as its servers
and processors grew bigger and bigger, through the introduction of the
Internet, and through the rise of the supercomputer.
We will then take those advances and look at the beginnings of
distributed computing, first looking at peer-to-peer processing, then at the
beginnings of the Grid as it is becoming defined. We look at the different
kinds of Grids and how the different definitions can be combined to play
together. Regardless of what you want to accomplish, there is a Grid that
is likely to fill the need. There are even Grids that include the most
overlooked resource that a company has, its intellectual capital.
Finally, we will look at others who have stood where many stand
today, on the edge of deciding if they really want to make the step out
of the known and into the future with the implementation of the Grid
and its new concepts in computing.
This background section will bring you up to speed to where we find
ourselves today. Many will skip or skim the material, others will enjoy
the walk down memory lane, and others will find it very educational
walking through these pages of the first section.
Enjoy your adventure.
28. 3
Chapter 1
History
In pioneer days they used oxen for heavy pulling, and when
one ox couldn’t budge a log, they didn’t try to grow a larger
ox. We shouldn’t be trying for bigger computers, but for more
systems of computers.
—Rear Admiral Grace Murray Hopper
Computing
Computing has become synonymous with mechanical computing and the
PC, mainframe, midrange, supercomputers, servers, and other modern
views on what is computing, but computers and computing have a rich
history.
Early Mechanical Devices
The very first counting device was (and still is) the very first one we use
when starting to deal with the concept of numbers and calculations, the
human hand with its remarkable fingers (and occasionally, for those bigger
numbers, the human foot and its toes). Even before the formal concept
of numbers was conceived, there was the need to determine amounts
and to keep track of time. Keeping track of numbers, before numbers
were numbers, was something that people wanted to do. When the volume
29. 4 Grid Database Design
of things to be counted grew too large to be determined by the amount
of personal fingers and toes (or by the additional available fingers and
toes of people close by), whatever was readily at hand was used. Pebbles,
sticks, and other natural objects were among the first things to extend the
countability and calculability of things. This idea can be equally observed
in young children today in counting beads, beans, and cereal.
People existing in early civilizations needed ways not only to count
things, but also to allow merchants to calculate the amounts to be charged
for goods that were traded and sold. This was still before the formal
concept of numbers was a defined thing. Counting devices were used
then to determine these everyday calculations.
One of the very first mechanical computational aids that man used in
history was the counting board, or the early abacus. The abacus (Figure
1.1), a simple counting aid, was probably invented sometime in the fourth
century B.C. The counting board, the precursor to what we think of today
as the abacus, was simply a piece of wood or a simple piece of stone
with carved, etched, or painted lines on the surface between which beads
or pebbles would have been moved. The abacus was originally made of
wood with a frame that held rods with freely sliding beads mounted on
the rods. These would have simply been mechanical aids to counting,
not counting devices themselves, and the person operating these aids still
had to perform the calculations in his or her head. The device was simply
a tool to assist in keeping track of where in the process of calculation
the person was, by visually tracking carries and sums.
Arabic numerals (for example, the numbers we recognize today as 1,
2, 3, 4, 5 …) were first introduced to Europe around the eighth century
A.D., although Roman numerals (I, II, III, IV, V …) remained in heavy use
in some parts of Europe until as late as the late 17th century A.D. and are
often still used today in certain areas. Although math classes taught Roman
Figure 1.1 The abacus. (From http://www.etedeschi.ndirect.co.uk/sale/picts/
abacus.jpg.)
30. History 5
numerals even as late as the 1970s, many of us probably learned to use
our Roman numerals for the primary purpose of creating outlines for
reports in school. With the extensive use of PCs in nearly all levels of
education today, these outlining exercises may be becoming a lost art.
The Arabic number system was likely the first number system to introduce
the concepts of zero and the concept of fixed places for tens, hundreds,
thousands, etc. Arabic numbers went a long way toward helping in
simplifying mathematical calculations.
In 1622, the slide rule, an engineering staple for centuries, was invented
by William Oughtred in England, and joined the abacus as one of the
mechanical devices used to assist people with arithmetic calculations.
Wilhelm Schickard, a professor at the University of Tubingen in Ger-
many in 1632, could be credited with building one of the very first
mechanical calculators. This initial foray into mechanically assisted calcu-
lation could work with six digits and could carry digits across columns.
Although this initial calculator worked, and was the first device to calculate
numbers for people, rather than simply being an aid to their calculating
the numbers themselves, it never made it beyond the prototype stage.
Blaise Pascal, noted mathematician and scientist, in 1642 built yet
another mechanical calculator, called the Pascaline. Seen using his machine
in Figure 1.2, Pascal was one of the few to actually make use of his novel
device. This mechanical adding machine, with the capacity for eight digits,
made use of the user’s hand turning the gear (later, people improving on
the design added a crank to make turning easier) to carry out the
calculations. In Pascal’s system, a one-tooth gear (the ones’ place) engaged
its tooth with the teeth in a gear, with ten teeth each time it revolved.
The result was that the one-tooth gear revolved 10 times for every tooth,
and 100 times for every full revolution of the ten-tooth gear. This is the
same basic principle as the original odometer (the mechanical mechanism
used for counting the number of miles, or kilometers, that a car has
traveled), in the years before odometers were computerized. This Pascaline
calculator not only had trouble carrying, but it also had gears that tended
to jam. Because Pascal was the only person who was able to make repairs
to the machine, breakage was a time-consuming condition to rectify and
was part of the reasons that the Pascaline would have cost more than the
salaries of all of the people it replaced. But it was proof that it could be
done.
Gottfried Leibniz, in 1673, built a mechanical calculating machine that
not only added and subtracted (the hard limits of the initial machines),
but also multiplied and divided.
Although not a direct advancement in computing and calculating
machines, the discovery, in 1780, of electricity by Benjamin Franklin has
to be included in the important developments of computing history.
31. 6 Grid Database Design
Although steam was effective in driving the early machines, and brute-
force man power was also an option, electricity would prove to be far
more efficient than any of the alternatives.
In 1805 Joseph-Marie Jacquard invented an automatic loom that was
controlled by punch cards. Although this was not a true computing
advance, it proved to have implications in the programming of early
computing machines.
The early 1820s saw the conception of a difference engine by Charles
Babbage (Figure 1.3). Although this difference engine (Figure 1.4) was
never actually built past the prototype stage (although the British govern-
ment, after seeing the 1822 prototype, assisted in working toward its
completion starting in 1823), it would have been a massive, steam-
powered, mechanical calculator. It would have been a machine with a
fixed instruction program used to print out astronomical tables. Babbage
Figure 1.2 Pascal and the Pascaline. (From http://www.thocp.net/hardware/
pascaline.htm.)
32. History 7
Figure 1.3 Charles Babbage. (From http://www.math.yorku.ca/SCS/Gallery/
images/portraits/babbage.jpg.)
Figure 1.4 The difference engine. (From http://www.weller.to/his/img/babbage.
jpg.)
33. 8 Grid Database Design
attempted to build his difference engine over the course of the next 20
years only to see the project cancelled in 1842 by the British government.
In 1833, Babbage conceived his next idea, the analytical engine. The
analytical engine would be a mechanical computer that could be used to
solve any mathematical problem. A real parallel decimal computer, oper-
ating on words of 50 decimals, the analytical engine was capable of
conditional control, built-in operations, and allowed for the instructions
in the computer to be executed in a specific, rather than numerical, order.
It was able to store 1000 of the 50-decimal words. Using punch cards,
strikingly similar to those used in the Jacquard loom, it could perform
simple conditional operations. Based on his realization in early 1810 that
many longer computations consisted simply of smaller operations that
were regularly repeated, Babbage designed the analytical engine to do
these operations automatically.
Augusta Ada Byron, the countess of Lovelace (Figure 1.5), for whom
the Ada programming language would be named, met Babbage in 1833
and described in detail his analytic engine as a machine that weaves
Figure 1.5 Augusta Ada Byron, the countess of Lovelace. (From http://www.uni-
bielefeld.de:8081/paedagogik/Seminare/moeller02/3frauen/Bilder/Ada%20
Lovelace.jpg.)
34. History 9
algebraic patterns in the same way that the Jacquard loom weaved intricate
patterns of leaves and flowers. Her published analysis provides our best
record of the programming of the analytical engine and outlines the
fundamentals of computer programming, data analysis, looping structures,
and memory addressing.
While Tomas of Colmar was developing the first successful commercial
calculator, George Boole, in 1854, published The Mathematical Analysis
of Logic. This work used the binary system that has since become known
as Boolean algebra.
Another advancement in technology that is not directly related to
computers and computing, but that had a tremendous impact on the
sharing of information, is the invention of the telephone in 1876 by
Alexander Graham Bell. Without it, the future invention of the modem
would have been impossible, and the early Internet (ARPANet) would
have been highly unlikely.
A giant step toward automated computation was introduced by Herman
Hollerith in 1890 while working for the U.S. Census Bureau. He applied
for a patent for his machine in 1884 and had it granted in 1889. The
Hollerith device could read census information that was punched onto
punch cards. Ironically, Hollerith did not get the idea to use punch cards
from the work of Babbage, but from watching a train conductor punch
tickets. As a result of Hollerith’s invention, reading errors in the census
were greatly reduced, workflow and throughput were increased, and the
available memory of a computer would be virtually limitless, bounded
only by the size of the stack of cards. More importantly, different problems,
and different kinds of problems, could be stored on different batches of
cards and these different batches (the very first use of batch processing?)
worked on as needed. The Hollerith tabulator ended up becoming so
successful that he ultimately started his own firm, a business designed to
market his device. Hollerith’s company (the Tabulating Machine Com-
pany), founded in 1896, eventually became (in 1924) known as Interna-
tional Business Machines (IBM).
Hollerith’s original tabulating machine, though, did have its limitations.
Its use was strictly limited to tabulation, although tabulation of nearly any
sort. The punched cards that he utilized could not be used to direct more
complex computations than these simple tabulations.
Nikola Tesla, a Yugoslavian working for Thomas Edison, in 1903
patented electrical logic circuits called gates or switches.
American physicist Lee De Forest invented in 1906 the vacuum tube,
the invention that was to be used for decades in almost all computers
and calculating machines, including ENIAC (Figure 1.6), Harvard Mark I,
and Collosius, which we will look at shortly. The vacuum tube worked,
basically, by using large amounts of electricity to heat a filament inside
35. 10 Grid Database Design
the vacuum tube until the filament glowed cherry red, resulting in the
release of electrons into the tube. The electrons released in this manner
could then be controlled by other elements within the tube. De Forest’s
original device was called a triode, and the flow control of electrons was
to or through a positively charged plate inside the tube. A zero would,
in these triodes, be represented by the absence of an electron current to
the plate. The presence of a small but detectable current to the plate
represented a 1. These vacuum tubes were inefficient, requiring a great
deal of space not only for the tubes themselves, but also for the cooling
mechanism for them and the room in which they were located, and they
needed to be replaced often.
Ever evolutionary, technology saw yet another advancement in 1925,
when Vannevar Bush built an analog calculator, called the differential
analyzer, at MIT.
In 1928, Russian immigrant Vladimir Zworykin invented the cathode
ray tube (CRT). This invention would go on to be the basis for the first
monitors. In fact, this is what my first programming teacher taught us that
the monitor that graced the Apple IIe was called.
In 1941, German Konrad Zuse, who had previously developed several
calculating machines, released the first programmable computer that was
designed to solve complex engineering equations. This machine, called
the Z3, made use of strips of old, discarded movie films as its control
Figure 1.6 ENIAC. (From http://ei.cs.vt.edu/~history/ENIAC.2.GIF.)
36. History 11
mechanism. Zuse’s computer was the first machine to work on the binary
system, as opposed to the more familiar decimal system.
The ones and zeros in a punch card have two states: a hole or no
hole. If the card reader read a hole, it was considered to be a 1, and if
no hole was present, it was a zero. This works admirably well in repre-
senting things in a binary system, and this is one of the reasons that
punch cards and card readers remained in use for so long. This discovery
of binary representation, as we all know, was going to prove important
in the future design of computers.
British mathematician Alan M. Turing in 1936, while at Princeton
University, adapted the idea of an algorithm to the computation of func-
tions. Turing’s machine was an attempt to convey the idea of a compu-
tational machine capable of computing any calculable function. His
conceptual machine appears to be more similar in concept to a software
program than to a piece of hardware or hardware component. Turing,
along with Alonzo Church, is further credited with founding the branch
of mathematical theory that we now know as recursive function theory.
In 1936, Turing also wrote On Computable Numbers, a paper in which
he described a hypothetical device that foresaw programmable computers.
Turing’s imaginary idea, a Turing machine, would be designed to perform
structured, logical operations. It would be able to read, write, and erase
those symbols that were written on an infinitely long paper tape. The
type of machine that Turing described would stop at each step in a
computation and match its current state against a finite table of possible
next instructions to determine the next step in the operation that it would
take. This design would come to be known as a finite state machine.
It was not Turing’s purpose to invent a computer. Rather, he was
attempting to describe problems that can be solved logically. Although it
was not his intention to describe a computer, his ideas can be seen in
many of the characteristics of the computers that were to follow. For
example, the endless paper tape could be likened to RAM, to which the
machine can read, write, and erase information.
Computing Machines
Computing and computers, as we think about them today, can be traced
directly back to the Harvard Mark I and Colossus. These two computers
are generally considered to be the first generation of computers. First-
generation computers were typically based around wired circuits contain-
ing vacuum valves and used punched cards as the primary storage
medium. Although nonvolatile, this medium was fraught with problems,
including the problems encountered when the order of the cards was
37. 12 Grid Database Design
changed and the problem of a paper punch card and moisture and
becoming bent or folded (the first use of do no bend, fold, spindle, or
mutilate). Colossus was an electronic computer built at the University of
Manchester in Britain in 1943 by M.H.A. Neuman and Tommy Flowers
and was designed by Alan Turing with the sole purpose of cracking the
German coding system, the Lorenz cipher. The Harvard Mark I (developed
by Howard Aiken, Grace Hopper, and IBM in 1939 and first demonstrated
in 1944) was designed more as a general-purpose, programmable com-
puter, and was built at Harvard University with the primary backing of
IBM. Figure 1.7 is a picture of the Mark I and Figure 1.8 shows its creators.
Able to handle 23-decimal-place numbers (or words) and able to perform
all four arithmetic operations, as well as having special built-in programs
to allow it to handle logarithms and other trigonometric functions, the
Mark I (originally controlled with a prepunched paper tape) was 51 feet
long, 8 feet high, had 500 miles of wiring, and had one major drawback.
The paper tape had no provision for transfer of control or branching.
Although it was not the be all and end all in respect of speed (it took
three to five seconds for a single multiplication operation), it was able to
Figure 1.7 Mark I. (From http://inventors.about.com.)
Figure 1.8 Grace Hopper and Howard Aiken. (From http://inventors.about.
com.)
38. History 13
do highly complex mathematical operations without human intervention.
The Mark I remained in use at Harvard until 1959 despite other machines
surpassing it in performance, and it provided many vital calculations for
the Navy in World War II.
Aiken continued working with IBM and the Navy, improving on his
design, and followed the Harvard Mark I with the building of the 1942
concept, the Harvard Mark II. A relay-based computer that would be the
forerunner to the ENIAC, the Mark II was finished in 1947. Aiken devel-
oped a series of four computers while working in conjunction with IBM
and the Navy, but the Mark II had its distinction in the series as a discovery
that would prove to be more widely remembered than any of the physical
machines on which he and his team worked. On September 9, 1945, while
working at Harvard University on the Mark II Aiken Relay Calculator, then
LTJG (lieutenant junior grade) Grace Murray was attempting to determine
the cause of a malfunction. While testing the Mark II, she discovered a
moth trapped between the points at Relay 70, Panel F. The operators
removed the moth and affixed it to the computer log, with the entry:
“First actual case of bug being found.” That event was henceforth referred
to as the operators having debugged the machine, thus introducing the
phrase and concept for posterity: “debugging a computer program.”
Credited with discovering the first computer bug in 1945, perhaps
Grace Murray Hopper’s best-known and most frequently used contribution
to computing was her invention, the compiler, in the early 1950s. The
compiler is an intermediate program that translates English-like language
instructions into the language that is understood by the target computer.
She claimed that the invention was precipitated by the fact that she was
lazy and ultimately hoped that the programmer would be able to return
to being a mathematician.
Following closely, in 1946, was the first-generation, general-purpose
giant Electronic Numerical Integrator and Computer (ENIAC). Built by
John W. Mauchly and J. Persper Eckert at the University of Pennsylvania,
ENIAC was a behemoth. ENIAC was capable of performing over 100,000
calculations per second (a giant leap from the one multiplication operation
taking five seconds to complete), differentiating a number’s sign, compar-
ing for equality, making use of the logical “and” and the logical “or,” and
storing a remarkable 20 ten-digit numbers with no central memory unit.
Programming of the ENIAC was accomplished by manually varying the
switches and cable connections.
ENIAC used a word of ten decimal digits instead of the previously
used binary. The executable instructions, its core programs, were the
separate units of ENIAC, plugged together to form a route through the
machine for the flow of computations. The path of connections had to be
redone for each different problem. Although, if you stretch the imagination,
39. 14 Grid Database Design
this made ENIAC programmable, the wire-it-yourself way of programming
was very inconvenient, though highly efficient for those programs for
which ENIAC was designed, and was in productive use from 1946 to 1955.
ENIAC used over 18,000 vacuum tubes, making it the very first machine
to use over 2000. Because of the heat generated by the use of all of those
vacuum tubes, ENIAC, along with the machinery required to keep the
cool, took up over 1800 square feet of floor space, 167 square meters.
That is bigger than the available floor space in many homes. Weighing
30 tons and containing over 18,000 electronic vacuum valves, 1500 relays,
and hundreds of thousands of resistors, capacitors, and inductors, ENIAC
cost well over $486,000 to build.
ENIAC was generally acknowledged as being the very first successful
high-speed electronic digital computer (EDC).
In 1947,Walter Brattain built the next major invention on the path to
the computers of today, the transistor. Originally nearly a half inch high,
the point contact transistor was the predecessor to the transistors that
grace today’s computers (now so small that 7 million or more can fit on
a single computer chip). These transistors would replace the far less
efficient and less reliable valves and vacuum tubes and would pave the
way for smaller, more inexpensive radios and other electronics, as well
as being a boon to what would become the commercial computer industry.
Transistorized computers are commonly referred to as second-generation
computers and are the computers that dominated the government and
universities in the late 1950s and 1960s. Because of the size, complexity,
and cost, these are the only two entities that were interested in making
the investment in money and time. This would not be the last time that
universities and government would be on the forefront of technological
advancement. Early transistors, although definitely among the most sig-
nificant advances, had their problems. Their main problem was that like
any other electronic component at the time, transistors needed to be
soldered together. These soldered connections had to be, in the beginning,
done by hand by a person. As a result, the more complex the circuits
became, and the more transistors that were on an integrated circuit, the
more complicated and numerous were the soldered connections between
the individual transistors and, by extent, the more likely it would be for
inadvertent faulty wiring.
The Universal Automatic Computer (UNIVAC) (Figure 1.9), developed
in 1951, can store 12,000 digits in random-access mercury delay lines. The
first UNIVAC was delivered to the Census Bureau in June 1951. UNIVAC
processed each digit serially with a much higher design speed than its
predecessor, permitting it to add two ten-digit numbers at a rate of nearly
100,000 additions per second. It operated at a clock frequency of 2.25
40. History 15
MHz, an astonishing speed for a design that relied on vacuum tube circuits
and mercury delay-line memory.
The Electronic Discrete Variable Computer (EDVAC) (Figure 1.10) was
completed for the Ordinance Department in 1952, the same year that G.W.
Dummer, a British radar expert, proposed that electronic equipment could
be manufactured as a solid block with no connecting wires. Because
EDVAC had more internal memory than any other computing device in
history, it was the intention of Mauchly and Eckert that EDVAC carry its
program internal to the computer. The additional memory was achieved
using a series of mercury delay lines through electrical pulses that could
Figure 1.9 UNIVAC. (From http://www.library.upenn.edu/exhibits/rbm/
mauchly/jwm11.html.)
Figure 1.10 EDVAC. (From http://lecture.eingang.org/edvac.html.)
41. 16 Grid Database Design
be bounced back and forth to be retrieved. This made the machine a
two-state device, or a device used for storing ones and zeros. This mercury-
based two-state switch was used primarily because EDVAC would use the
binary number system, rather than typical decimal numbers. This design
would greatly simplify the construction of arithmetic units. Although
Dummer’s prototype was unsuccessful, and he received virtually no sup-
port for his research, in 1959 both Texas Instruments and Fairchild Semi-
conductor announced the advent of the integrated circuit.
In 1957, the former USSR launched Sputnik. The following year, in
response, the United States launched the Advanced Research Projects
Agency (ARPA) within the Department of Defense, thereby establishing
the United States’ lead in military science and technology.
In 1958, researchers at Bell labs invented the modulator-demodulator
(modem). Responsible for converting the computer’s digital signals to
electrical (or analog) signals and back to digital signals, modems would
enable communication between computers.
In 1958, Seymour Cray realized his goal to build the world’s fastest
computer by building the CDC 1604 (the first fully transistorized super-
computer) while he worked for the Control Data Corporation. Control
Data Corporation was the company that Cray cofounded with William
Narris in 1957.
This world’s fastest would be followed very shortly by the CDC 6000,
which used both 60-bit words and parallel processing and was 40 times
faster than its immediate predecessor.
With the third generation of computers came the beginnings of the
current explosion of computer use, both in the personal home computer
market and in the commercial use of computers in the business commu-
nity. The third generation was the generation that first relied on the
integrated circuit or the microchip. The microchip, first produced in
September 1958 by Jack St. Claire Kilby, started to make its appearance
in these computers in 1963, not only increasing the storage and processing
abilities of the large mainframes, but also, and probably more importantly,
allowing for the appearance of the minicomputers that allowed computers
to emerge from just academia, government, and very large businesses to
a realm where they were affordable to smaller businesses. The discovery
of the integrated circuit of transistors saw nearly the absolute end of the
need for soldering together large numbers of transistors. Now the only
connections that were needed were those to other electronic components.
In addition to saving space over vacuum tubes, and even over the direct
soldering connection of the transistors to the main circuit board, the
machine’s speed was also now greatly increased due to the diminished
distance that the electrons had to follow.
42. History 17
The 1960s
In May 1961, Leonard Kleinrock from MIT wrote, as his Ph.D. thesis, the
first paper on packet switching theory, “Information Flow in Large Com-
munication Nets.”
In August 1962, J.C.R. Licklider and W. Clark, both from MIT, presented
“On-Line Man Computer Communication,” their paper on the galactic
network concept that encompasses distributed social interactions.
In 1964, Paul Baran, who was commissioned in 1962 by the U.S. Air
Force to conduct a study on maintaining command and control over
missiles and bombers after nuclear attack, published, through the RAND
Corporation, “On Distributed Communications Networks,” which intro-
duces the system concept, packet switching networks, and the idea of no
single point of failure (especially the reuse of extended redundancy as a
means of withstanding attacks).
In 1965, MIT’s Fernando Corbats, along with the other designers of
the Multics operating system (a mainframe time-sharing operating system
that was begun in 1965 as a research project and was in continued use
until 2000, and was an important influence on operating system develop-
ment in the intervening 35 years), began to envision a computer processing
facility that operated much like a power company. In their 1968 article
“The Computer as a Communications Device,” J.C.R. Licklider and Robert
W. Taylor anticipated different Grid-like scenarios.And since the late 1960s,
there has been much work devoted to developing efficient distributed
systems. These systems have met with mixed successes and continue to
grapple with standards.
ARPA, in 1965, sponsored a study on time-sharing computers and
cooperative networks. In this study, the computer TX-2, located in MIT’s
Lincoln Lab, and the AN/FSQ32, located at System Development Corpo-
ration in Santa Monica, CA, were directly linked via direct dedicated phone
lines at the screaming speed of 1200 bps (bits per second). Later, a Digital
Equipment Corporation (DEC) computer located at ARPA would be added
to form the Experimental Network. This same year, Ted Nelson coined
two more terms that would impact the future, hypertext and hyperlink.
These two new terms referred to the structure of a computerized infor-
mation system that would allow a user to navigate through it nonsequen-
tially, without any prestructured search path or predetermined path of
access.
Lawrence G. Roberts of MIT presented the first ARPANet plan, “Towards
a Cooperative Network of Time-Shared Computers,” in October 1966. Six
months later, in a discussion held at a meeting in Ann Arbor, MI, Roberts
led discussions for the design of ARPANet.
43. 18 Grid Database Design
In October 1967, at the ACM Symposium on Operating Systems Prin-
ciples in Gatlinburg, TN, not only did Roberts present his paper “Multiple
Computer Networks and Intercomputer Communication,” but also mem-
bers of the RAND team (Distributed Communications Networks) and
members of ARPA (Cooperative Network of Time-Shared Computers) met
with members of the team from the National Physical Laboratory (NPL)
(Middlesex, England) who were developing NPL data network under the
direction of Donald Watts Davies. Davies is credited with coining the term
packet. The NPL network carried out experiments in packet switching
using 768-kbps lines.
In 1969, the true foundation of the Internet was born. Commissioned
by the Department of Defense as a means for research into networking,
ARPANet was born. The initial four-node network (Figure 1.11) consisted
of four Bolt Beranek and Newman, Inc. (BBN)-built interface message
processors (IMPs) using Honeywell DDP-516 minicomputers (Figure 1.12),
each with 12K of memory and each connected with ATT-provided 50-
kbps lines. The configuration and location of these computers are as
follows:
The first node, located in UCLA, was hooked up on September 2,
1969, and functioned as the network measurement center. As its
operating system, it ran SDS SIGMA 7, SEX.
Figure 1.11 ARPANet original four-node network. (From http://www.computer-
history.org.)
Sigma 7
940
360
PDP 10
#2
SRI
#4
Utah
#3
UCSB
*1
UCLA
44. History 19
The second node, located at Stanford Research Institute, was
hooked up on October 1, 1969, and acted as the network infor-
mation center. It ran the SDS940/Genie operating system.
Node 3 was located at the University of California–Santa Barbara
and was hooked up on November 1, 1969. Node 3 was running
the IBM 360/75, OS/MVT operating system.
The final node, node 4, was located at the University of Utah and
was hooked up in December 1969. It ran the DEC PDP-10, Tenex
operating system.
Charley Kline sent the first packets on the new network on October 29
from the UCLA node as he tried to log in to the network: this first attempt
resulted in the entire system crashing as he entered the letter G of LOGIN.
Thomas Kurtz and John Kemeny developed the Beginners All-Purpose
Symbolic Instruction Code (BASIC) in 1963 while they were members of
the Dartmouth mathematics department. BASIC was designed to allow for
an interactive and simple means for upcoming computer scientists to
program computers. It allowed the use of print statements and variable
assignments.
Programming languages came to the business community in 1960 with
the arrival of the Common Business-Oriented Language (COBOL).
Designed to assist in the production of applications for the business world
at large, COBOL separated the description of the data from the actual
program to be run. This approach not only followed the logic of the likely
Figure 1.12 Interface message processors (IMPs). (From http://www.computer-
history.org.)
#1 IMP
UCLA
#2 Host
SIgma 7
45. 20 Grid Database Design
programmer candidates (separation of data from code), but also allowed
for modular programming and component reuse because programmers
could separate out these descriptions and eventually whole sections of
code that could be used later in many programs.
Nillaus Wirth, Swiss computer scientist, in the late 1960s released his
first programming language, Pascal. Oddly, in this case, the scientific and
academic language followed the business language. Although academia
had been programming in machine language for decades, this was the
first of what we consider to be higher-level programming languages. Pascal
forced programmers to write programs in both a structured and logical
fashion. This meant that the programmers had to pay very close attention
to the different type of data in use and to what they needed to do with
the flow of the program. Wirth would follow his release of Pascal with
future releases of Modula-II and Modula-III.
Highly important to business computing, in April 1964, IBM introduced
the IBM 360 and the commercial mainframe was born. Over the coming
decades, the 360 and its descendants would become one of the major
moneymakers for IBM and the mainstay of computing in hundreds of
businesses.
In 1965, a typical minicomputer cost about $20,000. An integrated
circuit that cost $1000 in 1959 cost less than $10 in 1965.
In the 1960s, once computers became more cost effective and viable
for smaller private companies, and once the storage capacity of computers
became such that more data and programs could be loaded into memory,
databases became an option. The first manner that was used for data
storage was accomplished in the computer system through the use of file
processing. In file processing systems, data is partitioned into separate
files; each has its own different format and each application has its own
separate program.
The initial forays into databases (where the data is centrally integrated
into a database with common format and managed) were made in 1964
with NASA’s Apollo moon project. One of the computer advances that
was spurred by the space project led to the development of GUAM
(Generalized Update Access Method) by IBM. Although this was not a
commercially available database, it laid the foundation for those that would
follow.
Access to the data stored in the database was accomplished through
low-level pointer operations linking records. Storage details depended on
the type of data to be stored, and adding an extra field to your database
required completely rewriting the underlying access and data modification
manner. The emphasis was naturally on the records to be processed, not
the overall structure of the system. A user or programmer would need to
46. History 21
know the physical structure of the database to query, update, process, or
report on the information.
Many of us know the content, if not the origin, of Moore’s law. Gordon
Moore made the observation in 1965 (just four years after the first inte-
grated circuit) that the number of transistors per square inch in an
integrated circuit would double, on average, every year. Although the
timeframe has been adjusted somewhat, the law per se has withstood the
test of time, with the number of transistors still doubling, on average,
every 18 months. This trend is expected to continue for at least another
decade and maybe more.
In 1966, IBM released the first commercially available database man-
agement system, the Information Management System (IMS) based on the
hierarchical data model. The hierarchical data model organizes data in an
inverted tree structure where there is a hierarchy of parent and child data
segments. This structure implies that every record can have repeating
information stored in the child data segments. The data is stored in a
series of records, each record having a set of field values attached to it,
collecting every instance of a specific record together as a record type.
To create the links between these record types, the hierarchical model
uses parent–child relationships and pointers, often bidirectional pointers,
to ensure ease of navigation. Although the model was very popular for
two decades, and many people have for the last 15 or 20 years been
foreseeing its demise, IMS remains a core data storage manner for many
companies.
GE was soon to follow in 1967 with the development of the Integrated
Data System (IDS). IDS was based on the network data model.
In 1968, Doug Engelbart demonstrated what would become three of
the most common computer programs/applications. He showed an early
word processor, an early hypertext system, and a collaborative application.
This same year, Gordon Moore, along with Robert Noyce, founded Intel,
one of the companies most responsible for upholding Moore’s law in the
reinvention of the technology every 18 months.
In 1969, the Conference on Data Systems Languages (CODASYL)
Database Task Group Report set the standards for network database
products. The popularity of the network data model coincided with that
of the hierarchical data model; however, fewer companies invested as
heavily in the technology. Some data is naturally modeled with more than
one parent per child, and the network model permits the modeling of
these many-to-many relationships in data. The basic data-modeling con-
struct in the network model is the set theory, wherein a set consists of
an owner record type, a set name, and a member record type. The member
record type can have the member record type role in more than one set,
allowing for support of the multiparent concept. Not only can a member
47. 22 Grid Database Design
record type be a member of more than one set, but it can also be a an
owner record type in another set, and an owner record type can be either
a member or an owner type in another set. The CODASYL network model
is based on mathematical set theory.
The 1970s
The year 1970 saw the introduction of the 256-bit RAM chip by Fairchild
Semiconductor, and later the 1-kilobyte RAM chip by Intel. Intel also
announced the 4-bit microprocessor, the 4004.
Also in 1970 Dr. E.F. Codd, IBM researcher, proposed a relational data
model in a theoretical paper promoting the disconnection of the data
access and retrieval methods from the physical data storage. Because of
the highly technical and mathematical nature of Codd’s original article, its
significance was not widely recognized immediately; however, it would
become one of the bases on which database systems would be based.
This model has been standard ever since.
The supercomputers of the1970s, like the Cray 1, which could cal-
culate 150 million floating point operations per second, were immensely
powerful.
Although processing power and storage capacities have increased
beyond all recognition since the 1970s, the underlying technology of large-
scale-integration (LSI) or very-large-scale-integration (VLSI) microchips has
remained basically the same, so it is widely regarded that most of today’s
computers still belong to the fourth generation.
The first reports out of the ARPANet project started to appear on the
scene in 1970. The first publication on the Host–Host Protocol by C.S.
Carr, S. Crocker, and V.G. Cerf, “HOST-HOST Communication Protocol in
the ARPA Network,” was presented in the AFIPS Proceedings of SJCC.
“Computer Network Development to Achieve Resource Sharing” was also
presented at AFIPS. During this same year, ARPANet started using the
Network Control Protocol (NCP), the first host-to-host protocol, and the
first cross-country link between two entities was created, installed by ATT
at 56 kbs (this initial link would be replaced by one between BBN and
RAND), and the second line between MIT and Utah.
The next advance, in November 1971, was the Intel release of the very
first microprocessor (the 4004), and the fourth generation of computers
was born. Using these microprocessors, much of the computer processing
abilities are located on a single small chip. Although this microprocessor
was capable of only 60,000 instructions per second, the future was born,
and future releases of these processors would see far greater increases in
speed and power.
48. History 23
Intel further pushed the advancement of these fourth-generation com-
puters by coupling the microprocessor with its newly invented RAM chip,
on which kilobits of memory could be located on a single chip.
Norman Agramson at the University of Hawaii developed the first
packet radio network, ALOHAnet. Becoming operational in July 1970,
ALOHAnet connected to ARPANet in 1972.
In 1971, Intel released the very first microprocessor: a highly specialized
integrated circuit that was able to process several bits of data at a time.
The new chip included its own arithmetic logic unit. The circuits used
for controlling and organizing the work took up a large portion of the
chip, leaving less room for the data-handling circuitry. Computers up until
now had been strictly relegated to use by the military, universities, and
very large corporations because of their preventative cost for not only the
machine, but also the maintenance of the machine once it was in place.
The UNIX Time Sharing System First Edition V1 was presented on
November 3, 1971; version 2 came out seven months later.
In 1972, Cray left Control Data Corporation to found the Cray Research
Company, where he designed the Cray 1 in 1976. The Cray 1 was an 80-
megahertz machine that had the ability to reach a throughput stream of
100 megaflops (or 1 gigaflop) of data.
Holding with Moore’s law, in 1972, Intel announced the 8008, an 8-
bit microprocessor.
In 1975, the cover of Popular Electronics featured a story on the
“world’s first minicomputer kit to rival commercial models … Altair 8800.”
The Altair 8800 was produced by Micro Instrumentation and Telemetry
Systems (MITS) and retailed for $397. This modest price made it easily
affordable for the small but growing hacker community, as well as the
intrepid few souls destined to be the next generation of computer pro-
fessionals.
Furthering the area of networking, ARPANet was expanded to include
23 nodes, including: UCLA, SRI, SCSB, University of Utah, BBN, MIT,
RAND, SDC, Harvard, Lincoln Lab, Stanford, UIUC, CWRU, CMU, and
NASA/Ames. BBN started to use cheaper Honeywell 316 systems to build
its IMPs and, because the original IMP could support only four nodes,
developed the more robust terminal IMP (TIP) that would support an
amazing 64 terminals. In Washington, D.C., at the International Conference
on Computer Communications (ICCC) in 1972, ARPANet using the terminal
interface processor was demonstrated, now with 40 nodes.
Ray Tomlinson of BBN invented an e-mail program to send messages
across a distributed network, deriving the original program from a com-
bination of an intramachine e-mail program (SENDMSG) and an experi-
mental file transfer program (CPYNET). Tomlinson modified his program
for ARPANet and it became a quick success. This initial foray into e-mail
49. 24 Grid Database Design
was when the @ sign was chosen as the character from the punctuation
keys on Tomlinson’s Model 33 Teletype machine for the meaning “at” in
an e-mail address. Several months later, Lawrence Roberts wrote the first
e-mail management program to list, selectively read, file, forward, and
respond to messages, adding deeper functionality to Tomlinson’s creation.
The first computer-to-computer chat took place in 1972, at UCLA, and
was repeated during the ICCC in Washington, D.C.
Specifications for TELENT (RFC 318) rounded out the eventful year.
The Altair was not designed for typical home use, or for your computer
novice. The kit required extensive assembly by the owner, and once
assembled, it was necessary to write the software for the machine because
none was commercially available. The Altair 8800 needed to be coded
directly in machine code — ones and zeros (accomplished by flipping
the switches that were located directly on the front of the machine) —
and had an amazing 256 bytes of memory. This made its onboard memory
about the size of a paragraph.
Two young hackers who were intrigued by the Altair, having seen the
article in Popular Electronics, decided that the Altair needed to have
software available commercially and contacted MITS owner, Ed Roberts,
and offered to provide him with BASIC that would run on the Altair.
The boost that BASIC would give the Altair would be considerable,
so Roberts said he would pay for it, but only if it worked. The two hackers,
Bill Gates and Paul Allen, worked feverishly and diligently and finished
the product barely in time to present it to Roberts. It was a huge success
and the basis on which they would design not only BASIC for many other
machines, but also operating systems for a wide variety of machines.
In 1973, ARPA was renamed the Defense Advanced Research Projects
Agency (DARPA). Development, under the new DARPA, started on the
protocol that would later be known as TCP/IP (a protocol that allows
diverse computer networks to not only communicate, but also to inter-
connect with each other), by a group headed by Vinton Cerf from Stanford
and Bob Kahn from DARPA. ARPANet was using the NCP to transfer data
and saw the very first international connections from University College
of London in England.
Harvard Ph.D. candidate Bob Metcalfe, in his thesis, outlined the idea
of what would become Ethernet. The concept was tested out on Xerox
PARC’s Alto computers. The first Ethernet network was called the Alto
Aloha System. In 1976, Metcalfe developed Ethernet, allowing a coaxial
cable to move data rapidly, paving the way to today’s local area networks
(LANs).
Kahn suggested the idea of an Internet and started an internetting
research program at DARPA. Cerf sketched a potential gateway architecture
on the back of an envelope in a hotel lobby in San Francisco. The two
50. History 25
later presented the basic Internet idea at the University of Sussex in
Brighton, United Kingdom.
The year 1976 saw IBM’s San Jose Research Lab developing a relational
database model prototype called System R. ATT developed UUCP (UNIX
to UNIX CoPy) that would be distributed with UNIX in 1977. DARPA
started to experiment with TCP/IP and shortly determined that it would
be the standard for ARPANet. Elizabeth II, the Queen of the United
Kingdom, sent an e-mail on March 26, 1976, from Royal Signals and Radar
Establishment (RSRE) in Malvern.
Dr. Peter Chen, in 1976, proposed the entity-relationship (ER) model
for database design. The paper “The Entity-Relationship Model: Toward
a Unified View of Data,” later to be honored as one of the most influential
papers in computer science, provided insight into conceptual data models
providing higher-level modeling that allows the data architect or the
database designer to concentrate on the use of the data rather than the
logical table structure.
The Altair was not the only commercial kid on the block for long. Not
long after its introduction, there came an avalanche of more personal type
computers. Steve Jobs and Steve Wozniak started this avalanche in 1977
at the First West Coast Computer Fair in San Francisco with the unveiling
of the Apple II. Boasting the built-in BASIC language, color graphics, and
a screaming 4100 characters of board memory, the Apple II sold for $1298.
Further, programs could be stored, starting with the Apple II, on a simple
everyday audiocassette. During the fair, Jobs and Wozniak secured firm
orders for 300 of their new machines.
Also introduced in 1977 was the home computer, the Tandy Radio
Shack’s TRS-80. Its second incarnation, the TRS-80 Model II, came with
an amazing 64,000-character memory and another odd new invention, a
disk drive on which to store programs and data. With the introduction of
the disk drive, personal computer applications started to take off at a
similar rate as the computer. A floppy disk remained the most convenient
publishing medium for distribution of software for well over a decade.
Not to be outdone, IBM, a company geared to creating business
machines and who, up to this time, had been producing mainframes and
minicomputers primarily for medium- to large-size businesses, made the
decision to get into the new act. It started working on the Acorn, later
called the IBM PC (and the term was born). The PC was the first computer
designed especially for the home market and featured a modular design.
This meant that pieces could easily be added to the architecture either at
the time of purchase or later. It is surprising to note that most of the PC’s
components came from outside of IBM, as building it with IBM parts
would have made the resulting machine’s cost entirely too much for nearly
anyone in the home computer market. When it was first introduced, the
51. 26 Grid Database Design
PC came with 16,000 characters of memory, the keyboard from an IBM
electric typewriter, and a connection for a cassette tape recorder (for
program and data storage), and it listed for $1265.
In 1978, TCP/IP was split into TCP (Transmission Control Protocol)
and IP (Internet Protocol).
USENET, a decentralized new group network initially based on UUCP,
was created in 1979 by graduate student Steve Bellovin and programmers
Tom Truscott and Jim Ellis at the University of North Carolina. The first
message was sent between Duke and UNC.
Again, not to be outdone, IBM created BITNET (Because It’s Time
Network), introducing the store-and-forward network that would be used
for e-mail and listservers.
DARPA established the Internet Configuration Control Board (IICB) to
assist in the management of Internet activity. The ICCB would later (1983)
be disbanded and replaced by Task Forces and yet later by the Internet
Activities Board (IAB) (formed from the chairs of the Task Forces).
On the lighter side, also getting its start in 1979 was the interjection
of emotion into an e-mail message. Kevin MacKenzie e-mailed the Msg-
Group, on April 12, the suggestion that adding emotion into dry text could
be accomplished by using characters such as -), suggesting that the
referenced sentence was intended as tongue in cheek. MacKenzie found
himself flamed by the masses at the suggestion, but as millions can attest,
emoticons have since become widely used.
In the late 1970s and early 1980s there were special database machines
that offloaded database management function onto special processors with
intelligent storage devices or database filters. These machines had a high
cost of customized hardware and limited extensibility.
The 1980s
In 1981, IBM released the first commercially available database product
based on the new relational model, the Structured Query Language/Data
System (SQL/DS), for its mainframe systems. The Relational Database
Management System (RDBMS) is based on the relational model developed
by E.F. Codd. This structure allows for the definition of the data structures,
storage and retrieval operations, and integrity constraints with the data
and relationships between the different data sets organized into tables (a
collection of records with each record containing the same fields). Prop-
erties of these tables, in a true relational model, include the fact that each
row is unique, columns contain values of the same kind, the sequences
of the columns and rows within the table are insignificant, and each
column has a unique name. When columns in two different tables contain
52. History 27
values from the same set (the columns may or may not have the same
names), a joint operation can be performed to select all of the relevant
information, and joining multiple tables on multiple columns allows for
the easy reassembly of an entire set of information. The relational database
model is based on relational algebra and, by extension, relational calculus.
Also in 1981, Ashton-Tate released dBase II for microcomputer systems.
CSNET (Computer Science NETwork, later to become known as Com-
puter and Science Network) was also built in 1981 by a collaboration of
computer scientists from the University of Delaware, Purdue University,
the University of Wisconsin, RAND Corporation, and BBN to provide
networking services (initially the primary use would be e-mail) to univer-
sity scientists with no access to ARPANet.
DB2, produced by IBM in 1982, was an SQL-based database for its
mainframes with a batch operating system. DB2 remains one of the most
popular relational database systems in business today, now available for
Windows, UNIX, Linux, mainframes, and the AS-400 computer systems.
DCA and DARPA established TCP and IP as the protocol suite, com-
monly known as TCP/IP, for ARPANet, and the Department of Defense
determined it to be the standard. This establishment would lead to one
of the first definitions of an Internet being a connection of sets of networks,
primarily a set using TCP/IP. By January 1, 1982, TCP and IP replaced
NCP entirely as the core Internet protocol for ARPANet.
Also in 1982, Larry Ellison’s Relational Software, Inc. (RSI, currently
Oracle Corporation) released the C-based Oracle V3, becoming the first
database management system (DBMS) to run not only on mainframes and
minicomputers, but also on PCs.
The following year, Microrim created the R:BASE relational database
system based on NASA’s mainframe product RIM using SQL.
In 1983, the University of Wisconsin created the first Domain Name
System (DNS), which freed people from the need to remember the
numbers assigned to other servers. DNS allowed packets to be directed
from one domain to a domain name, and that name to be translated by
the destination server database into the corresponding IP address.
By 1984, both Apple and IBM had come out with new models. At this
time, Apple released the first-generation Macintosh computer, which was
the first computer to come with both a graphical user interface (GUI) and
a mouse. The GUI interface would prove to be one of the most important
advances in the home computer market. It made the machine much more
attractive to home computer users because it was easier and more intuitive
to use. Sales of the Macintosh soared like nothing ever seen before. IBM,
not to be outdone, released the 286-AT. This machine came with real
applications, like a spreadsheet (Lotus 1-2-3) and a word processor
53. 28 Grid Database Design
(Microsoft Word). These early applications quickly became, and remained
for many years, the favorite business applications.
The division of ARPANet into MILNET (designated to serve the needs
of the military) and ARPANet (supporting the advanced research compo-
nents) occurred in 1984.
Speed was added to CSNET, also in 1984, when MCI was contracted
to upgrade the circuits to T1 lines with speeds of 1.5 Mbps (25 times as
fast as the previous 56-kbps lines). IBM pitched into the project by
providing routers, and Merit managed the new network that would now
be referred to as NSFNET (National Science Foundation Network). The
old lines would remain in place, and the network still using those lines
would continue to be referred to as CSNET.
In 1984, William Gibson published Neuromancer, the novel that
launched the cyberpunk generation. The first novel to win not only the
Hugo Award but also the Nebula Award and the Philip K. Dick Award,
Neuromancer introduced the rest of the world to cyberspace.
In 1985, the American National Standards Institute (ANSI) adopted SQL
as the query language standard.
Exactly 100 years to the day (1885–1985) of the last spike being driven
into the cross-country Canadian railroad, the last Canadian university
became connected to NetNorth. The one-year effort to have coast-to-coast
Canadian connectivity was successful.
Several firsts rounded out 1985. Symbolics.com was assigned on March
15, making it the first registered domain. Carnegie Mellon (cmu.edu),
Purdue (purdue.edu), Rice (rice.edu), UCLA (ucla.edu), and the MITRE
Corporation (mitre.org), a not-for-profit that works in the public interest,
working in systems engineering, information technology, operational con-
cepts, and enterprise modernization, all became registered domains.
Cray 2 was built in 1985 and was again the fastest computer of its time.
The first Freenet came online in 1986 under the auspices of the Society
for Public Access Computing (SoPAC). The National Public Telecommuting
Network (NPTN) assumed the Freenet program management in 1989, the
same year that the Network News Transfer Protocol (NNTP) was designed
to enhance USENET news performance running over TCP/IP.
BITNET and CSNET merged in 1987 to form the Corporation for
Research and Education Networking (CREN), yet another fine work of the
National Science Foundation. This was at the same time that the number
of hosts on BITNET broke the 1000 mark.
Also in 1987, the very first e-mail link between Germany and China
was established using the CSNET protocols, and the first message from
China was sent September 20.
The T1 NSFNET backbone was completed in 1988. The traffic increased
so rapidly that plans began immediately on the next major upgrade to
54. History 29
the network. Canada, Denmark, Finland, France, Iceland, Norway, and
Sweden connected to NSFNET that year.
The Computer Emergency Response Team (CERT) was formed by
DARPA in response to the needs that became apparent during the Morris
Worm incident. The Morris Worm, released at approximately 5 P.M. on
November 2, 1988, from the MIT AI laboratory in Cambridge, MA, quickly
spread to Cornell, Stanford, and from there on to other sites. By the next
morning, almost the entire Internet was infected. VAX and Sun machines
all across the country were rapidly being overloaded by invisible tasks.
Users, if they were able to access machines at all, were unable to use the
affected machines effectively. System administrators were soon forced to
cut many machines off from the Internet entirely in a vain attempt to limit
the source of infection. The culprit was a small program written by Robert
Tappan Morris, a 23-year-old doctoral student at Cornell University. This
was the year of the first great Internet panic.
For those who enjoy chat, 1988 was the year that Internet Relay Chat
(IRC) was developed by Jarkko Oikarinen.
Cray Computer Corporation, founded by Seymour Cray, developed
Cray 3 and Cray 4, each one a gigaflop machine based on the 1-gigahertz
gallium arsenide processor (the processor developed by Cray for super-
computers).
In 1989, the Cuckoo’s Egg was published. The Cuckoo’s Egg is a Clifford
Stoll novel recounting the real-life drama of one man’s attempts to track
a German cracker group who infiltrated U.S. facilities by making use of
little-known backdoors. A cuckoo lays an egg in another bird’s nest; it
hatches first and pushes the other eggs out of the nest, forcing the mother
of the nest to care for the imposter hatchling. The egg in the book was
a password-gathering program that allowed the crackers to get into many
systems all over the United States. The year of the Cuckoo’s Egg saw
Australia, Germany, Israel, Italy, Japan, Mexico, the Netherlands, New
Zealand, Puerto Rico, and the United Kingdom joining those already
connected to NSFNET.
By the middle of the 1980s it had become obvious that there were
several fields where relational databases were not entirely practical due
to the types of data involved. These industries included medicine, multi-
media, and high-energy physics. All of these industries need more flexi-
bility in the way their data was represented and accessed.
This need led to research being started in the field of object-oriented
databases, where users can define their own methods of access to data
and the way that it is represented and manipulated.
This object-oriented database research coincided with the appearance
of object-oriented programming languages such as C++.
56. CHAPTER XXI.
CHARLOTTE’S BARGAIN.
Three weeks after that momentous day at All Souls’ Rectory,
George Godolphin and Maria stood before the Rector in All Souls’
Church. George did not appear very ill now; he was not so shadowy,
his fine complexion had returned, and stick the second was
discarded. Maria was beautiful. Her soft bridal robes floated around
her, her colour went and came as she glanced shyly up at George
Godolphin. A handsome couple; a couple seldom seen.
It was quite a private marriage so to say; but few guests being
present, and they relatives, or very close friends. Lady Godolphin
had responded to the invitation (which Janet had not expected her
to do), and was the guest of Ashlydyat. Very superb was she in silks
and jewels this day. Old Mrs. Briscow had also remained for it. Mr.
Crosse was present, and some relatives of the Hastings family: and
Grace and Cecil were bridesmaids. The Rector joined their hands,
speaking the necessary words slowly and emphatically; words that
bound them to each other until death.
Then came the breakfast at the Rectory, and then the going away.
The carriage waited at the gate. The Rector laid his hand upon
George Godolphin’s arm as he was going out to it, and addressed
him in a low tone.
“I have confided her to you in entire trust. You will cherish her in
all love and honour?”
“Always!” emphatically pronounced George, grasping the Rector’s
hand. “You shall never have cause to repent the gift.”
57. Thomas Godolphin was placing Maria in the carriage. She looked
out through her tears, nodding her last adieus. George took his
place beside her, and the postboy started on the first stage towards
Dover.
As they were passing the house of Lady Sarah Grame, by which
their route lay, that lady herself sat at the window, as did also Sarah
Anne; both on the tiptoe of curiosity, beyond all doubt. Between
them, laughing and talking with a gay air, and looking out, stood
Charlotte Pain. Maria gave vent to an involuntary exclamation.
Another moment, and they had whirled by, beyond view. George
turned impulsively to Maria and drew her closer to him. “Thank God!
thank God!” he earnestly said.
“For what?” she murmured.
“That you are mine. Maria, I dreamt last night that I had married
Charlotte Pain, and that you were dying. The dream has been
haunting me all day. I can laugh at it now, thank God!”
In the gayest and lightest room of Lady Godolphin’s Folly, its
windows open to the green slopes, the gay flowers, the magnificent
prospect which swept the horizon in the distance, was Mrs. Verrall.
She lay back in a fauteuil, in the vain, idle, listless manner favoured
by her; toying with the ribbons of her tasty dress, with the cluster of
gleaming trifles on her watch-chain, with her gossamer
handkerchief, its lace so fine in texture that unobservant eyes could
not tell where the cambric ended and the lace began, with her fan
which lay beside her, tapping her pretty foot upon an ottoman in
some impatience; there she sat, displaying her conscious charms,
and waiting for any callers, idle and vain as herself, who might arrive
to admire them.
At a distance, in another fauteuil, listless and impatient also, sat
Rodolf Pain. Time hung heavily on Mr. Pain’s hands just now. He was
kept a sort of prisoner at Lady Godolphin’s Folly, and it appeared to
be the chief business of Charlotte Pain’s life to be cross to him.
Three weeks had his sojourn there lasted: and though he had hinted
to Charlotte on his arrival that he might remain a goodly number of
58. weeks—interminable weeks, was the expression, I think—he had not
really expected to do so; and the delay was chafing him. What
particular business might be keeping Mr. Pain at Prior’s Ash it is not
our province at present to inquire: what his especial motive might be
for rather shunning observation than courting it, is no affair of ours.
He did not join Mrs. Verrall in her visiting: he had an innate dislike to
visitors—to “fine people,” as he phrased it. Even now, if any carriage
drove up and deposited its freight at the Folly, it would be the signal
for Mr. Rodolf Pain to walk out of the drawing-room. He was shy, and
had not been accustomed to society. He strolled in and out all day in
his restlessness, nearly unnoticed by Mrs. Verrall, fidgeting Charlotte
Pain; a cigar in his mouth, and his hands in his pockets; sauntering
about the grounds, flinging himself into chairs, one sentence of
complaint for ever on his lips: “I wish to goodness Verrall would
write!”
But Verrall did not write. Mrs. Verrall had received one or two
short notes from him after her return from London—where she had
stayed but twenty-four hours—and all the allusion in them to Mr.
Pain had been, “Tell Rodolf he shall hear from me as soon as
possible.” Rodolf could only wait with what patience he might, and
feel himself like a caged tiger, without its fierceness. There was no
fierceness about Rodolf Pain;—timidity rather than that.
A timidity for which Charlotte despised him. Had he been more
bold and self-asserting, she might have accorded him greater
respect. What could have possessed Charlotte ever to engage
herself to Rodolf Pain, would be a mystery for curious minds to
solve, only that such mysteries are enacted every day. Engagements
and marriages apparently the most incongruous take place. This
much may be said for Charlotte: that let her enter into what
engagement she might, she would keep it or break it, just as whim
or convenience suited her. Rodolf Pain’s thoughts, as he sat in that
chair, were probably turned to this very fact, for he broke the silence
suddenly by a pertinent question to Mrs. Verrall.
“Does she never mean to marry?”
“Who?” languidly asked Mrs. Verrall.
59. “Charlotte, of course. I have nothing to do with anybody else, that
I should ask. She faithfully promised to be my wife: you know she
did, Mrs. Verrall——”
“Don’t talk to me, Rodolf,” apathetically interrupted Mrs. Verrall;
“As if I should interfere between you and Charlotte!”
“I think you are in league together to snub me, Mrs. Verrall, she
and you; that’s what I think,” grumbled Rodolf. “If I only remind her
of her promise, she snaps my nose off. Are we to be married, or are
we not?”
“It is no affair of mine, I say,” said Mrs. Verrall, “and I shall not
make it one. I had as soon Charlotte married you, as not; but I am
not going to take an active part in urging it—probably only to be
blamed afterwards. This is all I can say, and if you tease me more,
Rodolf, I shall trouble you to walk into another room.”
Thus repulsed, Rodolf Pain held his tongue. He turned about in his
chair, stretched out his feet, drew, them in again, threw up his arms
with a prolonged yawn, and altogether proved that he was going
wild for want of something to do. Presently he began again.
“Where’s she off to?”
“Charlotte?” cried Mrs. Verrall. “She went into Prior’s Ash. She said
—yes, I think she said, she should call upon Lady Sarah Grame. Look
there!”
Mrs. Verrall rose from her seat, and ran to a farther window,
whence she gained a better view of the high-road, leading from
Ashlydyat to Prior’s Ash. A chariot-and-four was passing slowly
towards the town. Its postboys wore white favours, and Margery and
a manservant were perched outside. Mrs. Verrall knew that it was
the carriage destined to convey away George Godolphin and his
bride, who were at that moment seated at the breakfast at All Souls’
Rectory, chief amidst the wedding guests.
“Then Margery does go abroad with them!” exclaimed Mrs. Verrall.
“The servants had so many conflicting tales, that it was impossible
to know which to believe. She goes as Mrs. George’s maid, I
suppose, and to see after him and his rheumatism.”
60. “His rheumatism’s well, isn’t it?” returned Rodolf Pain.
“That is well; but he’s not. He is weak as water, needing care still.
Prudent Janet does well to send Margery. What should Maria
Hastings know about taking care of the sick? I think they have
shown excessively bad manners not to invite me to the breakfast,”
continued Mrs. Verrall, in a tone of acidity.
“Some one said it was to be quite a private breakfast: confined to
relatives.”
“I don’t care,” said Mrs. Verrall; “they might have made an
exception in my favour. They know I like such things: and we lived in
their house, Ashlydyat, and are now living at Lady Godolphin’s Folly.”
“That’s where Charlotte’s gone, I’ll lay,” cried Mr. Rodolf Pain.
Mrs. Verrall turned her eyes upon him with a slight accession of
wonder in them. “Gone there! To the Rectory? Nonsense, Rodolf!”
“I didn’t say to the Rectory, Mrs. Verrall. She wouldn’t be so stupid
as to go there without an invitation. She’s gone about the town, to
stare at the carriages, and look out for what she can see.”
“Very possibly,” returned Mrs. Verrall, throwing herself into her
chair in weariness. “What has become of all the people to-day, that
no one comes to call upon me? I should think they are stopping to
look at the wedding.”
Rodolf, in weariness as great, slowly lifted his body out of the
chair, gave himself another stretch, and left the room. The curse of
work! Never did work bring a curse half as great as that brought by
idleness. Better break stones on the road, better work in galley-
chains, than sit through the livelong day, day after day as the year
goes round, and be eaten up by lassitude. Rodolf Pain’s compulsory
idleness was only temporary; he was away from his occupation only
for a time: but Mrs. Verrall possessed no occupation from year’s end
to year’s end. Her hands had no duties to perform, no labour to
transact: she never touched anything in the shape of ornamental
work; she rarely, if ever, opened a book. She was one of those who
possess no resources within themselves: and, may Heaven have
mercy upon all such!
61. By-and-by, after Rodolf had smoked two cigars outside, and had
lounged in again, pretty nearly done to death with the effort to kill
time, Charlotte returned. She came in at the open window,
apparently in the highest spirits, her face sparkling.
“Did you hear the bells?” asked she.
“I did,” answered Rodolf. “I heard them when I was out just now.”
“The town’s quite in a commotion,” Charlotte resumed. “Half the
ragamuffins in the place are collected round the Rectory gates: they
had better let the beadle get amongst them!”
“Commotion or no commotion, I know I have not had a soul to
call here!” grumbled Mrs. Verrall. “Where have you been, Charlotte?”
“At Lady Sarah’s. And I have had the great honour of seeing the
bride and bridegroom!” went on Charlotte, in a tone of complaisance
so intense as to savour of mockery. “They came driving by in their
carriage, and we had full view of them.”
This somewhat aroused Mrs. Verrall from her listlessness. “They
have started, then! How did she look, Charlotte?”
“Look!” cried Charlotte. “She looked as she usually looks, for all I
saw. His cheeks were hectic; I could see that. Mr. George must take
care of himself yet, I fancy.”
“How was she dressed?” questioned Mrs. Verrall again.
“Could I see?—seated low in the carriage, as she was, and leaning
back in it!” retorted Charlotte. “She wore a white bonnet and veil,
and that’s all I can tell you. Margery and Pearce were with them.
Kate, don’t you think Lady Sarah must feel this day? A few months
ago, and it was her daughter who was on the point of marriage with
a Godolphin. But she did not seem to think of it. She’d give her head
for a daughter of hers to wed a Godolphin still.”
Mrs. Verrall raised her eyes to Charlotte’s with an expression of
simple astonishment. The remark mystified her. Mrs. Verrall could
boast little depth of any sort, and never saw half as far as Charlotte
did. Charlotte resumed:
62. “I saw; I know: I have seen and known ever since Ethel died. My
lady would like Sarah Anne to take Ethel’s place with Thomas
Godolphin.”
“I can hardly believe that, Charlotte.”
“Disbelieve it then,” equably responded Charlotte, as she passed
out to the terrace, and began calling to her dogs. They came noisily
up in answer; and Charlotte disappeared with them.
And Mr. Rodolf Pain, sitting there in his embroidered chair, with a
swelling heart, remarked that Charlotte had not vouchsafed the
smallest notice to him. “I wouldn’t stop another hour,” he murmured
to himself, “only that my going back would put up Verrall: and—and
it might not do.”
Very intense was that gentleman’s surprise to see, not two
minutes after, Mr. Verrall himself enter the room by the window. Mrs.
Verrall gave a little shriek of astonishment; and the new-comer,
throwing his summer overcoat upon a chair, shook hands with his
wife, and gave her a kiss. Plenty of dust was mingled with his yellow
whiskers, and his moustache.
“I came third-class most of the way,” explained Mr. Verrall, as an
apology for the dust. “The first-class carriage was stuffing hot, and
there was no getting a smoke in it. We had a troublesome guard:
the fellow excused himself by saying one of the directors was in the
train.”
“I have been all this time rubbing my eyes to find out whether
they are deceiving me,” cried Rodolf Pain. “Who was to dream of
seeing you here to-day, sir?”
“I should think you expected to see me before, Rodolf,” was Mr.
Verrall’s answer.
“Well, so I did. But it seemed to be put off so long, that I am
surprised to see you now. Is—is all straight?”
“Quite straight,” replied Mr. Verrall; “after an overwhelming
amount of bother. You are going up to-day, Pain.”
63. “And not sorry to hear it, either,” cried Rodolf Pain, with emphasis.
“I am sick of having nothing to do. Is Appleby settled?” he added,
dropping his voice.
Mr. Verrall gave a nod; and, drawing Rodolf Pain to a far window,
stood there talking to him for some minutes in an undertone. Mrs.
Verrall, who never concerned herself with matters of business, never
would listen to them, went out on the terrace, a pale pink parasol
with its white fringe, held between her face and the sun. While thus
standing, the distant bells of All Souls’, which had been ringing
occasional peals throughout the day, smote faintly upon her ear. She
went in again.
“Verrall,” said she, “if you come out, you can hear the bells. Do
you know what they are ringing for?”
“What bells? Why should I listen to them?” inquired Mr. Verrall,
turning from Rodolf Pain.
“They are ringing for George Godolphin’s wedding. He has been
married to-day.”
The information appeared—as Rodolf Pain would have expressed
it, had he given utterance to his sentiments—to strike Mr. Verrall all
of a heap. “George Godolphin married to-day!” he repeated, in
profound astonishment, remembering the weak state George had
been in when he had left Prior’s Ash, some weeks before. “Married
or buried, do you mean?”
Mrs. Verrall laughed. “Oh, he has got well from his illness: or,
nearly so,” she said. “The bells would ring muffled peals, if he were
buried, Verrall, as they did for Sir George.”
“And whom has he married?” continued Mr. Verrall, not in the least
getting over his astonishment.
“Maria Hastings.”
Mr. Verrall stroked his yellow moustache; a somewhat recent
appendage to his beauty. He was by no means a demonstrative man
—except on rare occasions—and though the tidings evidently made
a marked impression on him, he said nothing. “Is Charlotte at the
wedding?” he casually asked.
64. “No strangers were invited,” replied Mrs. Verrall. “Lady Godolphin
came for it, and is staying at Ashlydyat. She has put off her weeds
for to-day, and appears in colours: glad enough, I know, of the
excuse for doing so.”
“Where is Charlotte?” resumed Mr. Verrall.
He happened to look at Rodolf Pain as he spoke, and the latter
answered, pointing towards some trees on the right.
“She went down there with her dogs. I’ll go and find her.”
Mr. Verrall watched him away, and then turned to his wife:
speaking, however, impassively still.
“You say he has married Maria Hastings? How came Charlotte to
let him slip through her fingers?”
“Because she could not help it, I suppose,” replied Mrs. Verrall,
shrugging her pretty shoulders. “I never thought Charlotte had any
chance with George Godolphin, Maria Hastings being in the way. Had
Charlotte been first in the field, it might have made all the
difference. He had fallen in love with Maria Hastings before he ever
saw Charlotte.”
Mr. Verrall superciliously drew down his lips at the corners. “Don’t
talk about a man’s ‘falling in love,’ Kate. Girls fall in love: men know
better. Charlotte has played her cards badly,” he added, with some
emphasis.
“I don’t know,” said Mrs. Verrall. “That Charlotte would play them
to the best of her ability, there’s little doubt; but, as I say, she had
no chance from the first. I think George did love Maria Hastings. I’m
sure they have been together enough, he and Charlotte, and they
have flirted enough: but, as to caring for Charlotte, I don’t believe
George cared for her any more than he cared for me. They have
gone abroad for the winter: will be away six months or more.”
“I am sorry for that,” quietly remarked Mr. Verrall. “I was in hopes
to have made some use of Mr. George Godolphin.”
“Use?” cried Mrs. Verrall. “What use?”
65. “Oh, nothing,” carelessly replied Mr. Verrall. “A little matter of
business that I was going to propose to him.”
“Won’t it do when he comes home?”
“I dare say it may,” said Mr. Verrall.
Mr. Rodolf Pain had walked to the right, and plunged into the
grove of trees in search of Charlotte. He was not long in finding her.
The noise made by her dogs was sufficient guide to him. In one
respect Charlotte Pain was better off than her sister, Mrs. Verrall: she
found more resources for killing time. Charlotte had no greater taste
for books than Mrs. Verrall had: if she took one up, it was only to
fling it down again: she did not draw, she did not work. For some
reasons of her own, Charlotte kept an ornamental piece of work in
hand, which never got finished. Once in a way, upon rare occasions,
it was taken up, and a couple of stitches done to it; and then, like
the book, it was flung down again. Charlotte played well; nay,
brilliantly: but she never played to amuse herself, or for the love of
music—always for display. The resources which Charlotte possessed
above Mrs. Verrall, lay in her horsemanship and her dogs. Mrs.
Verrall could ride, and sometimes did so; but it was always in a
decorous manner. She did not gallop, helter-skelter, across country
as Charlotte did, with half a dozen cavaliers barely keeping up with
her: she took no pleasure in horses for themselves, and she would
as soon have entered a pigsty as a stable. With all Mrs. Verrall’s
vanity, and her not over-strong intellect, she possessed more of the
refinement of the gentlewoman than did Charlotte.
Look at Charlotte now: as Rodolf Pain—a cigar, which he had just
lighted, between his lips, and his hands in his pockets—approaches
her. She is standing on a garden bench, with the King Charley in her
arms: the other two dogs she has set on to fight at her feet, their
muzzles lying on the bench beside her. What with the natural
tempers of these two agreeable animals, and what with Charlotte’s
frequent pastime of exasperating the one against the other, it had
been found necessary to keep them muzzled to prevent quarrels:
but Charlotte delighted in removing the muzzles, and setting them
on, as she had done now. Charlotte had these resources in addition
66. to any possessed by Mrs. Verrall. Mrs. Verrall would not, of her own
free will, have touched a dog with her finger: if compelled to do so,
it would have been accomplished in the most gingerly fashion with
the extreme tip: and it was a positive source of annoyance to Mrs.
Verrall, often of contention between them, Charlotte’s admitting
these dogs to familiar companionship. Charlotte, when weary from
want of pastime, could find it in the stables, or with her dogs. Many
an hour did she thus pass: and, so far, she had the advantage of
Mrs. Verrall. Mrs. Verrall often told Charlotte that she ought to have
been born a man; it cannot be denied that some of her tastes were
more appropriate to a man than to a gentlewoman.
Rodolf Pain reached the bench. It was a lovely spot, secluded and
shaded by trees; with an opening in front to admit a panoramic view
of the enchanting scenery. But, on the mossy turf between that
bench and the opening, snarled and fought those awful dogs:
neither the noise nor the pastime particularly in accordance with that
pleasant spot, so suggestive of peace. Charlotte looked on
approvingly, giving a helping word to either side which she might
deem required it; while the King Charley barked and struggled in her
arms, because he was restrained from joining in the mêlée.
“I am going up at last, Charlotte.”
“Up where?” asked Charlotte, without turning her eyes on Rodolf
Pain.
“To town. Verralls come back.”
Surprise caused her to look at him now. “Verrall back!” she
uttered. “He has come suddenly, then; he was not back five minutes
ago. When are you going up?”
“I will tell you all about it if you’ll muzzle those brutes, and so stop
their noise.”
“Muzzle them yourself,” said Charlotte, kicking the muzzles on to
the grass with her foot.
Mr. Pain accomplished his task, though he did not particularly like
it; neither was it an easy one: the dogs were ferocious at the
moment. He then drove them away, and Charlotte dropped her King
67. Charley that he might run after them; which he did, barking his
short squeaking bark. Rodolf held out his hand to help Charlotte
down from the bench; but Charlotte chose to remain where she was,
and seated herself on one of its arms. Rodolf Pain took a seat on the
bench sideways, so as to face her, leaning his back against the other
arm.
“When do you go?” repeated Charlotte.
“In an hour from this.”
“Quick work,” remarked Charlotte. “Verrall gives no time for the
grass to grow in anything he has to do with.”
“The quick departure is mine,” said Mr. Pain. “So that I am in town
for business to-morrow morning, it’s all that Verrall cares about. He
suggested that I should go up by a night train.”
“I should,” cried Charlotte, bluntly.
“No you would not,” answered Rodolf Pain in a tone of bitterness.
“Were you treated by any one as you treat me, you’d be glad
enough to get away.”
“That’s good!” ejaculated Charlotte with a ringing laugh. “I’m sure
I treat you beautifully. Many a one would jump at getting the
treatment from me that I give you; I can tell you that, Mr. Dolf.”
Mr. Dolf smoked on in silence; rather savagely for him.
“What have you to complain of?” pursued Charlotte.
“This,” said he, sternly. “That you promised to be my wife; that
you have led me on, Heaven knows how long, causing me to believe
you meant what you said, that you would keep your promise; and
now you coolly turn round and jilt me! That bare fact, is quite
enough, Charlotte, without going into another mortifying fact—your
slighting behaviour to me lately.”
“Who says I have jilted you—or that I mean to jilt you?” asked
Charlotte.
“Who says it?” retorted Rodolf Pain. “Why—are you not doing so?”
“No. I dare say I shall have you some time.”
68. “I am getting tired of it, Charlotte,” said he, in a weary tone of
pain. “I have cared for nothing but you in the world—in the shape of
woman—but I am getting tired; and I have had enough to make me.
If you will fix our wedding now, before I go up, and keep to it, I’ll
bless you for it, and make you a fonder husband than George
Godolphin would have made you.”
“How dare you mention George Godolphin to me in that way?”
cried Charlotte, with flashing eyes, for the sentence had roused all
her ire. “You ought to be ashamed of yourself, Dolf Pain! Has not
George Godolphin—as it turns out—been engaged to Maria Hastings
longer than I have known him, and has now married her? Do you
suppose I could have spent that time with them both, in Scotland, at
Lady Godolphin’s, and not have become acquainted with their
secret? That must prove what your senseless jealousy was worth!”
“Charlotte,” said he, meekly, “as to George Godolphin, I readily
confess I was mistaken, and I am sorry to have been so stupid. You
might have set me right with a word, but I suppose you preferred to
tease me. However, he is done with now. But, Charlotte, I tell you
that altogether I am getting tired of it. Have me, or not, as you feel
you can: but, played with any longer, I will not be. If you dismiss me
now, you dismiss me for good.”
“I have half a mind to say yes,” returned Charlotte, in the coolest
tone, as if she were deciding a trifling matter—the choice of a
bonnet, or the route to be pursued in a walk. “But there’s one thing
holds me back, Dolf.”
“What’s that?” asked Dolf, whose cheek had lighted up with eager
hope.
Charlotte leaped off the bench and sat down on it, nearer to Dolf,
her accent and face as apparently honest as if fibs were unknown to
her. “And it is the only thing which has held me back all along,” she
went on, staring unflinchingly into Dolf’s eyes.
“Well, what is it?” cried he.
“The hazard of the step.”
“The hazard!” repeated Dolf. “What hazard?”
69. Charlotte glanced round, as if to convince herself that nothing
with human ears was near, and her voice dropped to a whisper. “You
and Verrall are not upon the safest course——”
“It’s as safe as many others,” interrupted Dolf Pain.
“Don’t bother about others,” testily rebuked Charlotte. “Look to
itself. I say that it is hazardous: what little I know of it tells me that.
I have heard a word dropped by you and a word dropped by Verrall,
and I can put two and two together as well as most people. Is there
no danger, no chance,” she spoke lower still, and with unmistakable
gravity—“that a crisis might come, which—which would carry you to
a place where nobody stands willingly—the Criminal Bar?”
“Good gracious, no!” cried Rodolf Pain, flinging his cigar away in
his surprise and anger. “What could put that into your head,
Charlotte? The—profession—may not be one of the strictest honour,
and it has its dark sides as well as its light; but there’s no danger of
such a thing as you hint at. Where did you pick up the idea?”
“I don’t know where. I have caught a word or two, not meant for
me; and now and then I see things reported in the newspapers. You
can’t deny one thing, Dolf: that, if any unpleasantness should drop
from the skies, it has been made a matter of arrangement that you
should be the sufferer, not Verrall.”
Rodolf’s light eyes expanded beyond common. “How did you get
to know that?” he asked.
“Never mind how I got to know it. Is it so?”
“Yes, it is,” acknowledged Mr. Pain, who was by nature more
truthful than Charlotte. “But I give you my word of honour,
Charlotte, that there’s no danger of our falling into such a pit as you
have hinted at. We should not be such fools. The worst that could
happen to me would be a sojourn, short or long, in some snug place
such as this, while Verrall puts things right. As it has been now, for
instance, through this business of Appleby’s.”
“You tell me this to satisfy me,” said Charlotte.
“I tell it because it is truth—so far as my belief goes, and as far as
I can now foresee.”
70. “Very well. I accept it,” returned Charlotte. “But now, Rodolf, mark
what I say. If this worst state of things should come to pass——”
“It won’t, I tell you,” he interrupted. “It can’t.”
“Will you listen? I choose to put the matter upon a supposition
that it may do so. If this state of things should come to pass and you
fall, I will never fall with you; and it is only upon that condition that I
will become your wife.”
The words puzzled Mr. Pain not a little. “I don’t understand you,
Charlotte. As to ‘conditions,’ you may make any for yourself that you
please—in reason.”
“Very well. We will have an understanding with each other, drawn
up as elaborately as if it were a marriage settlement,” she said,
laughing. “Yes, Mr. Rodolf, while you have been ill-naturedly accusing
me of designs upon the heart of George Godolphin, I was occupied
with precautions touching my married life with you. You don’t
deserve me; and that’s a fact. Let go my hand, will you. One of
those dogs has got unmuzzled, I fancy, by the noise, and I must run
or there’ll be murder committed.”
“Charlotte,” he cried, feverishly and eagerly, not letting go her
hand, “when shall it be?”
“As you like,” she answered indifferently. “This month, or next
month, or the month after: I don’t care.”
The tone both mortified and pained him. His brow knit: and
Charlotte saw the impression her words had made. She put on a
pretty look of contrition.
“Mind, Rodolf, it shall be an understood thing beforehand that you
don’t attempt to control me in the smallest particular: that I have my
own way in everything.”
“You will take care to have that, Charlotte, whether it be an
understood thing beforehand, or not,” replied he.
Charlotte laughed as she walked away. A ringing laugh of power,
which the air echoed: of power, at any rate, over the heart and will
of Mr. Rodolf Pain.
71. CHAPTER XXII.
DANGEROUS AMUSEMENT.
On an April day, sunny and charming, a gentleman with a lady on
his arm was strolling down one of the narrowest and dirtiest streets
of Homburg. A tall man was he, tall and handsome, with a fair Saxon
face, and fair Saxon curls that shimmered like gold in the sunlight.
Could it be George Godolphin—who had gone away from Prior’s Ash
six months before, nothing but a shadowy wreck. It was George safe
enough; restored to full strength, to perfect health. Maria, on the
contrary, looked thin and delicate, and her face had lost a good deal
of its colour. They had wintered chiefly at Pau, but had left it a
month past. Since then they had travelled about from place to place,
by short stages, taking it easy, as George called it: staying a day or
two in one town, a day or two in another, turning to the right or left,
as inclination led them, going forward, or backward. So that they
were home by the middle of April, it would be time enough. George
had received carte blanche from Thomas Godolphin to remain out as
long as he thought it necessary; and George was not one to decline
the privilege. Play before work had always been George’s motto.
On the previous evening they had arrived at Homburg from
Wiesbaden, and were now taking their survey of the place. Neither
liked its appearance so much as they had done many other places,
and they were mutually agreeing to leave it again that evening,
when a turning in the street brought them in view of another lady
and gentleman, arm in arm as they were.
“English, I am sure,” remarked Maria, in a low tone.
72. “I should think so!” replied George, laughing. “Don’t you recognize
them?”
She had recognized them ere George finished speaking. Mr. and
Mrs. Verrall! It took about ten minutes to ask and answer questions.
“How strange that we should not have met before!” Mrs. Verrall
cried. “We have been here a fortnight. But perhaps you have only
just come?”
“Only last night,” said George.
“My wife turned ill for a foreign tour, so I indulged her,” explained
Mr. Verrall. “We have been away a month now.”
“And a fortnight of it at Homburg!” exclaimed George in surprise.
“What attraction can you find here? Maria and I were just saying
that we would leave it to-night.”
“It’s as good as any other of these German places, for all I see,”
carelessly remarked Mr. Verrall. “How well you are looking!” he
added to George.
“I cannot pay you the same compliment,” Mrs. Verrall said to
Maria. “What have you done with your roses?”
Maria’s “roses” came vividly into her cheeks at the question. “I am
not in strong health just now,” was all she answered.
George smiled. “There’s nothing seriously the matter, Mrs. Verrall,”
said he. “Maria will find her roses again after a while. Charlotte has
—I was going to say, changed her name,” broke off George; “but in
her case that would be a wrong figure of speech. She is married, we
hear.”
“Long ago,” said Mrs. Verrall. “Charlotte’s quite an old married
woman by this time. It took place—let me see!—last November.
They live in London.”
“Mr. Pain is her cousin, is he not?”
“Yes. It was an old engagement,” continued Mrs. Verrall, looking at
George. “Many a time, when she and you were flirting together, I
had to call her to account, and remind her of Mr. Pain.”
73. George could not remember that Mrs. Verrall had ever done such
a thing in his presence: and she had been rather remarkable for not
interfering: for leaving him and Charlotte to go their own way. But
he did not say so.
They turned and continued their walk together. George—he had
lost none of his gallantry—taking his place by the side of Mrs.
Verrall.
In passing a spot where there was a partial obstruction, some
confusion occurred. A house was under repair, and earth and stones
lay half-way across the street, barely giving room for any vehicle to
pass. Just as they were opposite this, a lumbering coach, containing
a gay party with white bows in their caps—probably a christening—
came rattling up at a sharp pace. George Godolphin, taking Mrs.
Verrall’s hand, piloted her to safety. Maria was not so fortunate. Mr.
Verrall was a little behind her or before her: at any rate, he was not
adroit enough to assist her at the right moment; and Maria, seeing
no escape between the coach and the débris, jumped upon the
latter. The stones moved under her feet, and she slipped off again to
the other side. It did not hurt her much, but it shook her greatly.
George, who was looking back at the time, had sprung back and
caught her before Mr. Verrall well saw what had occurred.
“My darling, how did it happen? Are you hurt? Verrall, could you
not have taken better care?” he reiterated, his face flushed with
emotion and alarm.
Maria leaned heavily upon him, and drew a long breath before she
could speak. “I am not hurt, George.”
“Are you sure?” he anxiously cried.
Maria smiled reassuringly. “It is nothing indeed. It has only shaken
me. See! I am quite free from the stones. I must have been
careless, I think.”
George turned to look at the stones. Quite a heap of them, two or
three feet from the ground. She had alighted on her feet; not quite
falling; but slipping with the lower part of her back against the
74. stones. Mrs. Verrall shook the dust from her dress, and Mr. Verrall
apologized for his inattention.
George took her upon his arm, with an air that seemed to intimate
he should not trust her to any one again, and they went back to
their hotel, Mrs. Verrall saying she should call upon them in half an
hour’s time.
Maria was looking pale; quite white. George, in much concern,
untied her bonnet-strings. “Maria, I fear you are hurt!”
“Indeed I am not—as I believe,” she answered. “Why do you think
so?”
“Because you are not looking well.”
“I was startled at the time; frightened. I shall get over it directly,
George.”
“I think you had better see a doctor. I suppose there’s a decent
one to be found in the town.”
“Oh no!” returned Maria, with much emphasis, in her surprise.
“See a doctor because I slipped down a little? Why, George, that
would be foolish! I have often jumped from a higher height than
that. Do you remember the old wall at the Rectory? We children
were for ever jumping from it.”
“That was one time, and this is another, Mrs. George Godolphin,”
said he, significantly.
Maria laughed. “Only fancy the absurdity, George! Were a doctor
called in, his first question would be, ‘Where are you hurt, madame?’
‘Not anywhere, monsieur,’ would be my reply. ‘Then what do you
want with me?’ he would say, and how foolish I should look!”
George laughed too, and resigned the point. “You are the better
judge, of course, Maria. Margery,” he continued—for Margery, at that
moment, entered the room—“your mistress has had a fall.”
“A fall!” uttered Margery, in her abrupt way, as she turned to
regard Maria.
“It could not be called a fall, Margery,” said Maria, slightingly. “I
slipped off some earth and stones. I did not quite fall.”
75. “Are you hurt, ma’am?”
“It did not hurt me at all. It only shook me.”
“Nasty things, those slips are sometimes!” resumed Margery. “I
have known pretty good illnesses grow out of ’em.”
George did not like the remark. He deemed it thoughtless of
Margery to make it in the presence of his wife, under the
circumstances. “You must croak, or it would not be you, Margery,”
said he, in a vexed tone.
It a little put up Margery. “I can tell you what, Master George,”
cried she; “your own mother was in her bed for eight weeks,
through nothing on earth but slipping down two stairs. I say those
shakes are ticklish things—when one is not in a condition to bear
them. Ma’am, you must just take my advice, and lie down on that
sofa, and not get off it for the rest of the day. There’s not a doctor in
the land as knows anything, but would say the same.”
Margery was peremptory; George joined her in being peremptory
also; and Maria, with much laughter and protestation, was fain to let
them place her on the sofa. “Just as if I were ill, or delicate!” she
grumbled.
“And pray, ma’am, what do you call yourself but delicate? You are
not one of the strong ones,” cried Margery, as she left the room for a
shawl.
George drew his wife’s face to his in an impulse of affection, and
kissed it. “Don’t pay any attention to Margery’s croaking, my
dearest,” he fondly said. “But she is quite right in recommending you
to lie still. It will rest you.”
“I am afraid I shall go to sleep, if I am condemned to lie here,”
said Maria.
“The best thing you can do,” returned George. “Catch me trusting
you to any one’s care again!”
In a short time Mrs. Verrall came in, and told George that her
husband was waiting for him outside. George went out, and Mrs.
Verrall sat down by Maria.
76. “It is Margery’s doings, Margery’s and George’s,” said Maria, as if
she would apologize for being found on the sofa, covered up like an
invalid. “They made me lie down.”
“Are you happy?” Mrs. Verrall somewhat abruptly asked.
“Happy?” repeated Maria, at a loss to understand the exact
meaning of the words.
“Happy with George Godolphin. Are you and he happy with each
other?”
A soft blush overspread Maria’s face; a light of love shone in her
eyes. “Oh, so happy!” she murmured. “Mrs. Verrall, I wonder
sometimes whether any one in the world is as happy as I am!”
“Because it struck me that you were changed; you look ill.”
“Oh, that!” returned Maria, with a rosier blush still. “Can’t you
guess the cause of that, Mrs. Verrall? As George told you, I shall, I
hope, look well again, after a time.”
Mrs. Verrall shrugged her shoulders with indifference. She had
never lost her bloom from any such cause.
Maria found—or Margery did for her—that the fall had shaken her
more than was expedient. After all, a medical man had to be called
in. Illness supervened. It was not a very serious illness, and not at
all dangerous; but it had the effect of detaining them at Homburg.
Maria lay in bed, and George spent most of his time with the
Verralls.
With Mr. Verrall chiefly. Especially in an evening. George would go
out, sometimes before dinner, sometimes after it, and come home so
late that he did not venture into Maria’s room to say good night to
her. Since her illness he had occupied an adjoining chamber. It did
Maria no good: she would grow flushed, excited, heated: and when
George did come in, he would look flushed and excited also.
“But, George, where do you stay so late?”
“Only with Verrall.”
“You look so hot. I am sure you are feverish.”
77. “The rooms were very hot. We have been watching them play.
Good night, darling. I wish you were well!”
Watching them play! It is your first deceit to your wife, George
Godolphin; and, rely upon it, no good will come of it. Mr. Verrall had
introduced George to the dangerous gaming-tables; had contrived to
imbue him with a liking for the insidious vice. Did he do so with—as
our law terms express it—malice aforethought? Let the response lie
with Mr. Verrall.
On the very first evening that they were together, the day of the
slight accident to Maria, Mr. Verrall asked George to dine with him;
and he afterwards took him to the tables. George did not play that
evening; but he grew excited, watching others play. Heavy stakes
were lost and won; evil passions were called forth; avarice, hatred,
despair. Mr. Verrall played for a small sum; and won. “It whiles away
an hour or two,” he carelessly remarked to George, as they were
leaving. “And one can take care of one’s self.”
“All can’t take care of themselves, apparently,” answered George
Godolphin. “Did you observe that haggard-looking Englishman,
leaning against the wall and biting his nails when his money had
gone? The expression of that man’s face will haunt me for a week to
come. Those are the men who commit suicide.”
Mr. Verrall smiled, half-mockingly. “Suicide! Not they,” he
answered. “The man will be there to-morrow evening, refeathered.”
“I never felt more pity for any one in my life,” continued George.
“There was despair in his face, if I ever saw despair. I could have
found in my heart to go up and offer him my purse; only I knew it
would be staked the next moment at the table.”
“You did not know him, then?”
“No.”
Mr. Verrall mentioned the man’s name, and George felt
momentarily surprised. He was a noted baronet’s eldest son.
The next evening came round. Maria was confined to her bed
then, and George was a gentleman at large. A gentleman at large to
78. be pounced upon by Mr. Verrall. He came—Verrall—and carried
George off again to dinner.
“Let us take a stroll,” he said, later in the evening.
Their stroll took them towards the scene of the night before, Mr.
Verrall’s being the moving will. “Shall we see who’s there?” he said,
with great apparent indifference.
George answered as indifferently: but there was an undercurrent
of meaning in his tone, wonderful for careless George Godolphin.
“Better keep out of temptation.”
Mr. Verrall laughed till the tears came into his eyes: he said
George made him laugh. “Come along,” cried he, mockingly. “I’ll take
care of you.”
That night George played. A little. “As well put a gold piece down,”
Mr. Verrall whispered to him; “I shall.” George staked more than one
gold piece; and won. A fortnight had gone over since then, and
George Godolphin had become imbued with the fearful passion of
gambling. At any rate, imbued with it temporarily: it is to be hoped
that he will leave it behind him when he leaves Homburg.
Just look at him, as he stands over that green cloth, with a flushed
face and eager eyes! He is of finer form, of loftier stature than most
of those who are crowding round the tables; his features betray
higher intellect, greater refinement; but the same passions are just
now distorting them. Mr. Verrall is by his side, cool, calm, impassive:
somehow, that man, Verrall, always wins. If he did not, he would not
lose his coolness: he would only leave the tables.
“Rouge,” called George.
It was noir. George flung his last money on the board, and moved
away.
Mr. Verrall followed him. “Tired already?”
Mr. George let slip a furious word. “The luck has been against me
all along; almost from the first night I played here. I am cleaned out
again.”
“I can let you have——”
79. “Thank you!” hastily interrupted George. “You are very
accommodating, Verrall, but it seems we may go on at the same
thing for ever: I losing, and you finding me money. How much is it
that I owe you altogether?”
“A bagatelle. Never mind that.”
“A bagatelle!” repeated George. “It’s well money is so valueless to
you: I don’t call it one. And I have never been a man given to
looking at money before spending it.”
“You can pay me when and how you like. This year, next year, the
year after: I shan’t sue you for it,” laughed Mr. Verrall. “There! go
and redeem your luck.”
He held out a heavy roll of notes to George. The latter’s eager
fingers clutched them: but, even as they were within his grasp,
better thoughts came to him. He pushed them back again.
“I am too deeply in your debt already, Verrall.”
“As you please,” returned Mr. Verrall, with indifference. “There the
notes are, lying idle. As to what you have had, if it’s so dreadful a
burden on your conscience, you can give me interest for it. You can
let the principal lie, I say, though it be for ten years to come. One
half-hour’s play with these notes may redeem all you have lost.”
He left the notes lying by George Godolphin—by hesitating George
—with the fierce passion to use them that was burning within him.
Mr. Verrall could not have taken a more efficient way of inducing him
to play again, than to affect this easy indifference, and to leave the
money under his eyes, touching his fingers, fevering his brain.
George took up the notes.
“You are sure you will let me pay you interest, Verrall?”
“Of course I will.”
And George walked off to the gaming-table.
He went home later that night than he had gone at all, wiping the
perspiration from his brow, lifting his face to the quiet stars, and
gasping to catch a breath of air. Mr. Verrall found it rather cool, than
not; shrugged his shoulders, and said he could do with an overcoat;
80. but George felt stifled. The roll had gone; and more to it had gone;
and George Godolphin was Mr. Verrall’s debtor to a heavy amount.
“Thank goodness the day has already dawned!” involuntarily broke
from George.
Mr. Verrall looked at him for an explanation. He did not understand
what particular cause for thankfulness there should be in that.
“We shall get away from the place to-day,” said George. “If I
stopped in it I should come to the dogs.”
“Nothing of the sort,” cried Mr. Verrall. “Luck is safe to turn some
time. It’s like the tide, it has its time for flowing in, and its time for
flowing out; once let it turn, and it comes rushing in all one way.
But, what do you mean about going? Your wife is not well enough to
travel yet.”
“Yes she is,” was George’s answer. “Quite well enough.”
“Of course you know best. I think you should consider——”
“Verrall, I should consider my wife’s health and safety before any
earthly thing,” interrupted George. “We might have started to-day,
had we liked: I speak of the day that has gone: the doctor said
yesterday that she was well enough to travel.”
“I was not aware of that. I shall remain here a week longer.”
“And I shall be away before to-morrow night.”
“Not you,” cried Mr. Verrall.
“I shall: if I keep in the mind I am in now.”
Mr. Verrall smiled. He knew George was not famous for keeping
his resolutions. In the morning, when his smarting should be over,
he would stay on, fast enough. They wished each other good night,
and George turned into his hotel.
To his great surprise, Margery met him on the stairs. “Are you
walking the house as the ghosts do?” cried he, with a renewal of his
good-humour. Nothing pleased George better than to give old
Margery a joking or a teasing word. “Why are you not in bed?”
“There’s enough ghosts in the world, it’s my belief, without my
personating them, sir,” was Margery’s answer. “I’m not in bed yet,
81. because my mistress is not in bed.”
“Your mistress not in bed!” repeated George. “But that is very
wrong.”
“So it is,” said Margery. “But it has been of no use my telling her
so. She took it into her head to sit up for you; and sit up she has.
Not there, sir”—for he was turning to their sitting-room—“she is
lying back in the big chair in her bedroom.”
George entered. Maria, white and wan and tired, was lying back,
as Margery expressed it, in the large easy-chair. She was too
fatigued, too exhausted to get up: she only held out her hand to her
husband.
“My darling, you know this is wrong,” he gently said, bending over
her. “Good heavens, Maria! how ill and tired you look!”
“I should not have slept had I gone to bed,” she said. “George, tell
me where you have been: where it is that you go in an evening?”
A misgiving crossed George Godolphin’s mind—that she already
knew where. She looked painfully distressed, and there was a
peculiar significance in her tone, but she spoke with timid
deprecation. His conscience told him that the amusement he had
been recently pursuing would not show out well in the broad light of
day. An unmarried man may send himself to ruin if it pleases him to
do it; but not one who has assumed the responsibilities of George
Godolphin. Ruin, however, had not yet come to George Godolphin, or
fear of ruin. The worst that had happened was, that he had
contracted a debt to Mr. Verrall, which he did not at present see his
way clear to paying. He could not refund so large a sum out of the
bank without the question being put by his partners, Where does it
go to? Mr. Verrall had relieved him of the embarrassment by
suggesting interest. A very easy settling of the question it appeared
to the careless mind of George Godolphin: and he felt obliged to Mr.
Verrall.
“Maria!” he exclaimed, “what are you thinking of? What is the
matter?”
82. Maria changed her position. She let her head glide from the chair
on to his sheltering arm. “Mrs. Verrall frightened me, George. Will
you be angry with me if I tell you? She came in this evening, and
she said you and Mr. Verrall were losing all your money at the
gaming-table.”
George Godolphin’s face grew hot and angry, worse than it had
been in the gambling-room, and mentally he gave Mrs. Verrall an
exceedingly uncomplimentary word. “What possessed her to say
that?” he exclaimed. And in truth he wondered what could have
possessed her. Verrall, at any rate, was not losing his money. “Were
you so foolish as to believe it, Maria?”
“Only a little of it, George. Pray forgive me! I am weak just now,
you know, and things startle me. I have heard dreadful tales of
these foreign gaming-places: and I knew how much you had been
out at night since we came here. It is not so, is it, George?”
George made a show of laughing at her anxiety. “I and Verrall
have strolled into the places and watched the play,” said he. “We
have staked a few coins ourselves—not to be looked upon as two
churls who put their British noses into everything and then won’t pay
for the privilege. I lost what I staked, with a good grace; but as to
Verrall, I don’t believe he is a halfpenny out of pocket. Mrs. Verrall
must have been quarrelling with her husband, and so thought she’d
say something to spite him. And my wife must take it for gospel, and
begin to fret herself into a fever!”
Maria drew a long, relieved breath. The address was candid, the
manner was playful and tender: and she possessed the most implicit
faith in her husband. Maria had doubted almost the whole world
before she could have doubted George Godolphin. She drew his face
down to hers, once more whispering that he was to forgive her for
being so silly.
“My dearest, I have been thinking that we may as well go on to-
morrow. To-day, that is: I won’t tell you the time, if you don’t know
it; but it’s morning.”
83. She knew the time quite well. No anxious wife ever sat up for a
husband yet, but knew it. In her impatience to be away—for she was
most desirous of being at home again—she could take note of the
one sentence only. “Oh, George, yes! Let us go!”
“Will you promise to get a good night’s rest first, and not attempt
to be out of bed before eleven o’clock to-morrow morning, then?”
“George, I will promise you anything,” she said, with a radiant
face. “Only say we shall start for home to-morrow.”
“Yes, we will.”
And, somewhat to Mr. Verrall’s surprise, they did start. That
gentleman made no attempt to detain them. “But it is shabby of you
both to go off like this, and leave us among these foreigners, like
Babes in the wood,” said he, when Maria was already in the carriage,
and George was about to step into it.
“There is nothing to prevent you leaving too, is there, Mr. Verrall?”
asked Maria, leaning forward. “And what did you and Mrs. Verrall do
before we came? You had been ‘Babes in the wood’ a fortnight
then.”
“Fairly put, young lady,” returned Mr. Verrall. “I must congratulate
you on one thing, Mrs. George Godolphin: that, in spite of your
recent indisposition, you are looking more yourself to-day than I
have yet seen you.”
“That is because I am going home,” said Maria.
And home they reached in safety. The land journey, the pleasant
sea crossing—for the day and the waters were alike calm—and then
the land again, all grew into things of the past, and they were once
more at Prior’s Ash. As they drove to the Bank from the railway
station, Maria looked up at the house when it came into sight, a thrill
of joy running through her heart. “What a happy home it will be for
me!” was her glad thought.
“What would Thomas and old Crosse say, if they knew I had
dipped into it so deeply at Homburg?” was the involuntary thought
which flashed across George Godolphin.
84. Quite a levee had assembled to meet them. Mrs. Hastings and
Grace, Bessie and Cecil Godolphin, Thomas Godolphin and Mr.
Crosse. Maria threw off her bonnet and shawl, and stood amidst
them all in her dark silk travelling dress. There was no mistaking that
she was intensely happy: her eye was radiant, her colour softly
bright, her fair young face without a cloud. And now walked in the
Rector of All Souls’, having escaped (nothing loth) from a stormy
vestry meeting, to see Maria.
“I have brought her home safely, you see, sir,” George said to Mr.
Hastings, leading Maria up to him.
“And yourself also,” was the Rector’s reply. “You are worth two of
the shaky man who went away.”
“I told you I should be, sir, if you allowed Maria to go with me,”
cried gallant George. “I do not fancy we are either of us the worse
for our sojourn abroad.”
“I don’t think either of you look as though you were,” said the
Rector. “Maria is thin. I suppose you are not sorry to come home,
Miss Maria?”
“So glad!” she said. “I began to think it very, very long, not to see
you all. But, papa, I am not Miss Maria now.”
“You saucy child!” exclaimed Mr. Hastings. But the Rector had the
laugh against him. Mrs. Hastings drew Maria aside.
“My dear, you have been ill, George wrote me word. How did it
happen? We were sorry to hear it.”
“Yes, we were sorry too,” replied Maria, her eyelashes resting on
her hot cheek. “It could not be helped.”
“But how did it happen?”
“It was my own fault; not intentionally, you know, mamma. It
occurred the day after we reached Homburg. I and George were out
walking and we met the Verralls. We turned with them, and then I
had not hold of George’s arm. Something was amiss in the street, a
great heap of stones and earth and rubbish; and, to avoid a carriage
85. that came by, I stepped upon it. And, somehow I slipped off. I did
not appear to have hurt myself: but I suppose it shook me.”
“You met the Verralls at Homburg?” cried Mrs. Hastings, in
surprise.
“Yes. Did George not mention it when he wrote? They are at
Homburg still. Unless they have now left it.”
“George never puts a superfluous word into his letters,” said Mrs.
Hastings, with a smile. “He says just what he has to say, and no
more. He mentioned that you were not well, and therefore some
little delay might take place in the return home; but he said nothing
of the Verralls.”
Maria laughed. “George never writes a long letter——”
“Who’s that, taking George’s name in vain?” cried George, looking
round.
“It is I, George. You never told mamma, when you wrote, that the
Verralls were with us at Homburg.”
“I’m sure I don’t remember whether I did or not,” said George.
“The Verralls are in Wales,” observed Mr. Hastings.
“Then they have travelled to it pretty quickly,” observed George.
“When I and Maria quitted Homburg we left them in it. They had
been there a month.”
Not one present but looked up with surprise. “The impression in
Prior’s Ash is, that they are in Wales,” observed Thomas Godolphin.
“It is the answer given by the servants to all callers at Lady
Godolphin’s Folly.”
“They are certainly at Homburg; whatever the servants may say,”
persisted George. “The servants are labouring under a mistake.”
“It is a curious mistake for the servants to make, though,”
observed the Rector, in a dry, caustic tone.
“I think the Verralls are curious people altogether,” said Bessy
Godolphin.
“I don’t know but they are,” assented George. “But Verrall is a
thoroughly good-hearted man, and I shall always speak up for him.”
86. That evening George and his wife dined alone. George was
standing over the fire after dinner, when Maria came and stood near
him. He put out his arm and drew her to his side.
“It seems so strange, George—being in this house with you, all
alone,” she whispered.
“Stranger than being my wife, Maria?”
“Oh, but I have got used to that.” And George Godolphin laughed:
she spoke so simply and naturally.
“You will get used in time to this being your home, my darling.”
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