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Name: Class: Date:
chapter 7
Copyright Cengage Learning. Powered by Cognero. Page 1
Indicate whether the statement is true or false.
1. Capitalization, or lack thereof, makes no difference with UNIX and Linux commands.
a. True
b. False
2. In UNIX and Linux, everything except monitors are considered files.
a. True
b. False
3. The term "kernel" is often used when discussing Linux because technically, Linus is only the core of the OS.
a. True
b. False
4. Linux is a certified UNIX operating system.
a. True
b. False
5. The only pieces of metadata not in an inode are the filename and path.
a. True
b. False
Indicate the answer choice that best completes the statement or answers the question.
6. What is the minimum size of a block in UNIX/Linux filesystems?
a. 128 bytes
b. 512 bytes
c. 1024 bits
d. 2048 bits
7. What file under the /etc folder contains the hashed passwords for a local system?
a. passwd
b. hashes
c. shadow
d. users
8. What type of block does a UNIX/Linux computer only have one of?
a. boot block
b. data block
c. inode block
d. superblock
9. What file is used to store any file information that is not in the MDB or a VCB?
a. page file
b. metadata database file

Name: Class: Date:
chapter 7
c. slack file
d. extents overflow file
10. Adding the _____________ flag to the ls -l command has the effect of of showing all files beginning with the "."
character in addition to other files.
a. -s
b. -d
c. -l
d. -a
11. The ______________ command can be used to see network interfaces.
a. ifconfig
b. ipconfig
c. show interfaces
d. show ip brief
12. Select below the command that can be used to display bad block information on a Linux file system, but also has the
capability to destroy valuable information.
a. dd
b. fdisk
c. badblocks
d. mke2fs
13. Who is the current maintainer of the Linux kernel?
a. Tim Cook
b. Eric Shmidt
c. Linus Torvalds
d. Lennart Poettering
14. As part of a forensics investigation, you need to recover the logon and logoff history information on a Linux based
OS. Where can this information be found?
a. /var/log/utmp
b. /var/log/wtmp
c. /var/log/userlog
d. /var/log/system.log
15. In a B*-tree file system, what node stores link information to previous and next nodes?
a. inode
b. header node
c. index node
d. map node
16. What command below will create a symbolic link to a file?
a. ln -s
b. ls -ia

Name: Class: Date:
chapter 7
c. ln -l
d. ls -h
17. The Mac OS reduces file fragmentation by using _______________.
a. inodes
b. superblocks
c. clumps
d. chunks
18. If a file has 510 bytes of data, what is byte 510?
a. The physical EOF.
b. The logical EOF.
c. The terminating EOF.
d. The end of the sector.
19. On Mac OS X systems, what utility can be used to encrypt / decrypt a user's home directory?
a. Disk Utility
b. BitLocker
c. FileVault
d. iCrypt
20. ________________ is a specialized carving tool that can read many image file formats, such as RAW and Expert
Witness.
a. AccessData FTK
b. X-Ways Forensics
c. Guidance Software EnCase
d. Foremost
21. ________________ contain file and directory metadata and provide a mechanism for linking data stored in data
blocks.
a. Blocks
b. Clusters
c. Inodes
d. Plist files
22. A hash that begins with "$6" in the shadow file indicates that it is a hash from what hashing algorithm?
a. MD5
b. Blowfish
c. SHA-1
d. SHA-512
23. Where is the root user's home directory located on a Mac OS X file system?
a. /root
b. /private/var/root
c. /private/spool/root

Name: Class: Date:
chapter 7
d. /home/root
24. Within the /etc/shadow file, what field contains the password hash for a user account if one exists?
a. 1st field
b. 2nd field
c. 3rd field
d. 4th field
25. What information below is not included within an inode?
a. The mode and type of the file or directory
b. The number of links to a file or directory
c. The file's or directory's last access time and last modified time
d. The file's or directory's path
Enter the appropriate word(s) to complete the statement.
26. An assigned inode has _____ pointers that link to data blocks and other pointers where files are stored.
27. Since Mac OS 8.6, _______________ have been available for use in managing passwords for applications, web sites,
and other system files.
28. ________ links are simply pointers to other files and aren't included in the link count.
29. With Linux commands, arguments consisting of multiple letters must be preceded by two ___________ characters
instead of one and can't be grouped together.
30. The _____________ is the listing of all files and directories on a volume and is used to maintain relationships between
files and directories on a volume.
Match each term with its definition:
a. B*-tree b. data block
c. logical block d. inodes
e. Volume Control Block f. Allocation Block
g. header node h. data fork
i. superblock j. resource fork
31. In the Mac file system, a group of consecutive logical blocks assembled in a volume when a file is saved.
32. A node that stores information about B*-tree file.
33. A Mac file that organizes the directory hierarchy and file block mapping for File Manager.
34. The part of a Mac file containing file metadata and application information, such as menus, dialog boxes, icons,
executable code, and controls. Also contains resource map and header information, window locations, and icons.
35. The part of a Mac file containing the file's actual data, both user-created data and data written by applications, as well

Name: Class: Date:
chapter 7
as a resouce map and header information, window locations, and icons.
36. In the Mac file system, a collection of data that can't exceed 512 bytes. Assembled in allocation blocks to store files in
a volume.
37. A key part of the Linux file system, these informatuin nodes contain descriptive file or directory data, such as UIDS,
GIDs, modification times, access times, creation times, and file locations.
38. A block in the Linux file system that specifies and keep tracks of the disk geometry and available space and manages
the file system.
39. A block in the Linux file system where directories and files are stored on a drive.
40. An area of the Mac file system containing information from the Master Directory Block.
41. Linux supports a wide range of file systems. Distinguish the three Extended File Systems of Linux.
42. What are bad blocks, and how do you find them?
43. UNIX and Linux have four components defining the file system. Identify and give a brief description of each.
44. As you’ve learned, Linux commands use options to create variations of a command. Describe the rules for grouping
letter arguments.
45. Describe a tarball.
46. Compare and contrast the data fork and resource fork of a Mac file.
47. After making an acquisition on a Mac computer, the next step is examining the image of the ﬁle system with a
forensics tool. Explain how to select the proper forensics tool for the task.
48. Explain why one should have Apple factory training before attempting an acquisition on a Mac computer.
49. Explain the differences between a hard link and a symbolic link.
50. What is a plist file?

Name: Class: Date:
chapter 7
Answer Key
1. False
2. False
3. True
4. False
5. True
6. b
7. c
8. a
9. d
10. d
11. a
12. c
13. c
14. b
15. c
16. a
17. c
18. b
19. c
20. d
21. c
22. a
23. b
24. b
25. d

Name: Class: Date:
chapter 7
26. 13
27. keychains
28. Symbolic
29. -
30. catalog
31. f
32. g
33. a
34. j
35. h
36. c
37. d
38. i
39. b
40. e
41. Linux supports a wide range of file systems. The early standard was Second Extended File System (Ext2), and then
Third Extended File System (Ext3) replaced Ext2 in most Linux distributions. Its major difference from Ext2 was being
a journaling file system, which has a built-in file recovery mechanism used after a crash.
A few years later, Fourth Extended File System (Ext4) was introduced. Among other features, it added support for
partitions larger than 16 TB, improved management of large files, and offered a more flexible approach to adding file
system features. Because these changes affected the way the Linux kernel interacts with the file system, adoption of Ext4
was slower in some Linux distributions, but it’s now considered the standard file system for most distributions. The
Ubuntu version you used previously, for example, has an Ext4 partition at its core, unless you select another file system
during installation.
42. All disks have more storage capacity than the manufacturer states. For example, a 240 GB disk might actually have
240.5 GB free space because disks always have bad sectors. Windows doesn’t keep track of bad sectors, but Linux does in
an inode called the bad block inode. The root inode is inode 2, and the bad block inode is inode 1. Some forensics tools
ignore inode 1 and fail to recover valuable data for cases. Someone trying to mislead an investigator can access the bad
block inode, list good sectors in it, and then hide information in these supposedly “bad” sectors.
To find bad blocks on your Linux computer, you can use the badblocks command, although you must log in as root to
do so. Linux includes two other commands that supply bad block information: mke2fs and e2fsck. The badblocks
command can destroy valuable data, but the mke2fs and e2fsck commands include safeguards that prevent them from

Name: Class: Date:
chapter 7
overwriting important information.
43. UNIX/Linux has four components defining the file system: boot block, superblock, inode block, and data block.
The boot block contains the bootstrap code--instructions for startup.
The superblock contains vital information about the system and is considered part of the metadata.It specifies the disk
geometry and available space and keeps track of all inodes. It also manages the file system, including configuration
information, such as block size for the drive, file system names, blocks reserved for inodesm and volume name.
Inode blocks contain the first data after the superblock. An inode is assigned to every file allocation unit. As files or
directories are created or deleted, inodes are also created or deleted.
The data block is where directories and files are stored on a disk drive. This location is linked directly to inodes. A data
block is equivalent to a cluster of disk sectors on a FAT or NTFS volume.
44. Linux commands use options to create variations of a command. There’s no difference between grouping letter
arguments (such as l and a) after a single - or entering them separately. Therefore, ls -la functions the same as ls -
l -a. Arguments consisting of multiple letters must be preceded by two -- characters instead of one and can’t be
grouped together, as in ls --all.
45. A tarball is a highly compressed data file containing one or more files or directories and their contents. It's similar to
Windows zip utilitied and typically has a .tar or .gz extension.
46. In Mac, a file consists of two parts: a data fork, where data is stored, and a resource fork, where file metadata and
application information are stored. Both forks contain the following essential information for each file:
-Resource Map
-Resource header information for each file
-Windows location
-Icons
The data fork typically contains data the user creates, such as text or sprreadsheets. Applications, such as Microsoft Word
or Excel, also read and write to the data fork.
When you're working with an application file, the resource fork contains additional information, such as menus, dialog
boxes, icons, executable code, and controls.
47. After making an acquisition, the next step is examining the image of the file system with a forensics tool. The tool you
use depends on the image file’s format. For example, if you used EnCase, FTK, or X-Ways Forensics to create an Expert
Witness (.e0l) image, you must use one of these tools to analyze the image. If you made a raw format image, you can use
any of the following tools:
• BlackBag Technologies Macintosh Forensic Software (OS X only)
• SubRosaSoft MacForensicsLab (OS X only)
• Guidance Software EnCase
• X-Ways Forensics
• AccessData FTK
48. To examine a Mac computer, you need to make an image of the drive, using the same techniques described in Chapter
5. You should be aware of some exceptions, however, caused by Mac design and engineering. (In addition, removing the
drive from a Mac Mini case is difficult, and attempting to do so without Apple factory training could damage the
computer. A MacBook Air poses similar problems, as you need special Apple screwdrivers to open the case.) You need a
Mac-compatible forensic boot CD/DVD to make an image, which then must be written to an external drive, such as a
FireWire or USB drive. Larger Macs are constructed much like desktop PCs, making removal of the hard drive easier.

Name: Class: Date:
chapter 7
49. A hard link is a pointer that allows accessing the same file by different filenames. The filenames refer to the same
inode and physical location on a drive, and increases the link count within the file's inode. A symbolic link is simply a
pointer to other files, and does not increase the link count. Symbolic links have their own inodes, and can be used to point
to files on other drives or on remote network locations.
50. Plist files are preference files for installed applications on a system, usually stored in /Library/Preferences.
These files can exist in plain XML form, or binary form, which consists of condensed XML.

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with Unrelated Content

accepted the result as establishing the purpose of the Federal
Government to exact “unconditional submission,” as the only
condition of peace, and scorned the insolent demand of the enemy.
If the South had shown itself willing to accept the terms of the
Federal Government, or if Mr. Lincoln had suggested other
propositions than that of unconditional submission, then only could
Mr. Davis be charged with having presented obstacles to the
termination of the war.
Nor is it to be assumed that the terms of his letter to Mr. Blair,
referring to his desire for peace between the “two countries,”
precluded negotiation upon the basis of reunion. His language was
that of a proper diplomacy, which should not commit the error of
yielding in advance to the demands of an enemy, then insolent in
what he regarded as the assurance of certain victory. The period
was opportune for magnanimity on the part of the North, but not
propitious for the display of over-anxious concession by the South.
Mr. Davis was at this time anxious for propositions from the Federal
Government, for, while he had not despaired of the Confederacy, he
was deeply impressed with the increasing obstacles to its success.
His frequent declaration, at this time, was: “I am solicitous only for
the good of the people, and am indifferent as to the forms by which
the public interests are to be subserved.” Indeed, the Federal
authorities had ample assurance that Mr. Davis would present any
basis of settlement, which might be offered, to the several States of
the Confederacy for their individual action. Nor did he doubt the
acceptance of reconstruction, without slavery even, by several of the
States—an event which would have left the Confederacy too weak
for further resistance.
In view of the consistent record of Mr. Davis, during the entire period
of the war, to promote the attainment of peace, it is remarkable that
there should ever have been an allegation of a contrary disposition.
In a letter, written in 1864, to Governor Vance, of North Carolina, he
conclusively stated his course upon the subject of peace. Said Mr.
Davis, in this letter:

“We have made three distinct efforts to communicate with the
authorities at Washington, and have been invariably unsuccessful.
Commissioners were sent before hostilities were begun, and the
Washington Government refused to receive them or hear what they
had to say. A second time, I sent a military officer with a
communication addressed by myself to President Lincoln. The letter
was received by General Scott, who did not permit the officer to see
Mr. Lincoln, but promised that an answer would be sent. No answer
has ever been received. The third time, a few months ago, a
gentleman was sent, whose position, character, and reputation were
such as to ensure his reception, if the enemy were not determined
to receive no proposals whatever from the Government. Vice-
President Stephens made a patriotic tender of his services in the
hope of being able to promote the cause of humanity, and, although
little belief was entertained of his success, I cheerfully yielded to his
suggestions, that the experiment should be tried. The enemy
refused to let him pass through their lines or hold any conference
with them. He was stopped before he ever reached Fortress Monroe,
on his way to Washington....
“If we will break up our Government, dissolve the Confederacy,
disband our armies, emancipate our slaves, take an oath of
allegiance, binding ourselves to obedience to him and of disloyalty to
our own States, he proposes to pardon us, and not to plunder us of
any thing more than the property already stolen from us, and such
slaves as still remain. In order to render his proposals so insulting as
to secure their rejection, he joins to them a promise to support with
his army one-tenth of the people of any State who will attempt to
set up a government over the other nine-tenths, thus seeking to sow
discord and suspicion among the people of the several States, and to
excite them to civil war in furtherance of his ends. I know well it
would be impossible to get your people, if they possessed full
knowledge of these facts, to consent that proposals should now be
made by us to those who control the Government at Washington.
Your own well-known devotion to the great cause of liberty and
independence, to which we have all committed whatever we have of

earthly possessions, would induce you to take the lead in repelling
the bare thought of abject submission to the enemy. Yet peace on
other terms is now impossible.”
The spirit in which the South received the results of the Hampton
Roads conference is to be correctly estimated by the following
extract from a Richmond newspaper, of date February 15, 1865:
“The world can again, for the hundredth time, see conclusive
evidence in the history and sequel of the ‘Blair mission,’ the blood-
guiltiness of the enemy, and their responsibility for the ruin,
desolation, and suffering which have followed, and will yet follow,
their heartless attempts to subjugate and destroy an innocent
people. The South again wins honor from the good, the
magnanimous, the truly brave every-where by her efforts to stop the
effusion of blood, save the lives and the property of her own
citizens, and to stop, too, the slaughter of the victims of the enemy’s
cruelty, which has forced or deceived them into the ranks of his
armies. We have lost nothing by our efforts in behalf of peace; for,
waiving all consideration of the reanimation and reunion of our
people, occasioned by Lincoln’s haughty rejection of our
commissioners, we have added new claims upon the sympathy and
respect of the world and posterity, which will not fail to be
remembered to our honor, in the history of this struggle, even
though we should finally perish in it. The position of the South at
this moment is indeed one which should stamp her as the champion,
not only of popular rights and self-government, which Americans
have so much cherished, but as the champion of the spirit of
humanity in both sections; for it can not be supposed that we have
all the sorrows as well as sufferings of this war to endure, and that
there are no desolate homes, no widows and orphans, no weeds nor
cypress in the enemy’s country....
“One fact is certain, that whatever Seward’s design may have been,
and whatever its success may be, the Confederacy has derived an
immediate advantage from the visit of our commissioners to Fortress
Monroe. Nothing could have so served to reanimate the courage and

patriotism of our people, as his attempted imposition of humiliation
upon us. Lincoln will hear no more talk of ‘peace’ and ‘negotiation’
from the Southern side, for now we are united as one man in the
purpose of self-preservation and vengeance, and it may not be long
before his people, now rioting in excessive exultation over successes
really valueless, and easily counter-balanced by one week of
prosperous fortune for the South, will tremble at the manifestation
of the spirit which they have aroused.”
But the evidences of popular reanimation in the South were delusive.
For a brief moment there was a spirit of fierce and almost desperate
resolution. At a meeting held in the African church, in Richmond,
President Davis delivered one of his most eloquent popular orations,
and the enthusiasm was perhaps greater than upon any similar
occasion during the war. But popular feeling soon lapsed into the
sullen despondency, from which it had been temporarily aroused by
the unparalleled insult of the enemy. Yet the ultimatum of Mr.
Lincoln, and the declared will of the South, left President Davis no
other policy than a continuation of the struggle, with a view to the
best attainable results. Upon this course he was now fully resolved,
looking to the future with serious apprehension, not altogether
unrelieved by hope.
The report of the Hampton Roads conference and its results, was
made by President Davis, to Congress, on the 5th February:
“To the Senate and House of Representatives of the Confederate
States of America:
“Having recently received a written notification, which satisfied me
that the President of the United States was disposed to confer,
informally, with unofficial agents that might be sent by me, with a
view to the restoration of peace, I requested Hon. Alexander H.
Stephens, Hon. R. M. T. Hunter, and Hon. John A. Campbell, to
proceed through our lines, to hold a conference with Mr. Lincoln, or
such persons as he might depute to represent him.

“I herewith submit, for the information of Congress, the report of the
eminent citizens above named, showing that the enemy refuse to
enter into negotiations with the Confederate States, or any one of
them separately, or to give our people any other terms or
guarantees than those which a conqueror may grant, or permit us to
have peace on any other basis than our unconditional submission to
their rule, coupled with the acceptance of their recent legislation,
including an amendment to the Constitution for the emancipation of
negro slaves, and with the right, on the part of the Federal
Congress, to legislate on the subject of the relations between the
white and black population of each State.
“Such is, as I understand, the effect of the amendment to the
Constitution, which has been adopted by the Congress of the United
States.
“JEFFERSON DAVIS.
“Executive Office, Feb. 5, 1865.”
“Richmond, Va., February 5, 1865.
“To the President of the Confederate States—
“Sir: Under your letter of appointment of 28th ult., we proceeded to
seek an informal conference with Abraham Lincoln, President of the
United States, upon the subject mentioned in your letter.
“The conference was granted, and took place on the 3d inst., on
board a steamer anchored in Hampton Roads, where we met
President Lincoln and Hon. Mr. Seward, Secretary of State of the
United States. It continued for several hours, and was both full and
explicit.
“We learned from them that the Message of President Lincoln to the
Congress of the United States, in December last, explains clearly and
distinctly, his sentiments as to terms, conditions, and method of

proceeding by which peace can be secured to the people, and we
were not informed that they would be modified or altered to obtain
that end. We understood from him that no terms or proposals of any
treaty or agreement looking to an ultimate settlement would be
entertained or made by him with the authorities of the Confederate
States, because that would be a recognition of their existence as a
separate power, which, under no circumstances, would be done;
and, for like reasons, that no such terms would be entertained by
him from States separately; that no extended truce or armistice, as
at present advised, would be granted or allowed without satisfactory
assurance, in advance, of complete restoration of the authority of
the Constitution and laws of the United States over all places within
the States of the Confederacy; that whatever consequences may
follow from the reëstablishment of that authority must be accepted,
but the individuals subject to pains and penalties, under the laws of
the United States, might rely upon a very liberal use of the power
confided to him to remit those pains and penalties if peace be
restored.
“During the conference the proposed amendments to the
Constitution of the United States, adopted by Congress on the 31st
ult., were brought to our notice. These amendments provide that
neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except for crime, should
exist within the United States or any place within their jurisdiction,
and that Congress should have the power to enforce this
amendment by appropriate legislation.
“Of all the correspondence that preceded the conference herein
mentioned, and leading to the same, you have heretofore been
informed.
“Very respectfully, your obedient servants,
“ALEX. H. STEPHENS,
“R. M. T. HUNTER,
“J. A. CAMPBELL.”

Guide to Computer Forensics and Investigations 5th edition Bill Test Bank

M
CHAPTER XXI.
MILITARY OPERATIONS IN THE EARLY PART OF
1865—LAST PHASE OF THE MILITARY POLICY OF
THE CONFEDERACY—THE PLAN TO CRUSH
SHERMAN—CALM DEMEANOR OF PRESIDENT DAVIS
—CHEERFULNESS OF GENERAL LEE—THE
QUESTION AS TO THE SAFETY OF RICHMOND—
WEAKNESS OF GENERAL LEE’S ARMY—
PREPARATIONS TO EVACUATE RICHMOND BEFORE
THE CAMPAIGN OPENED—A NEW BASIS OF HOPE—
WHAT WAS TO BE REASONABLY ANTICIPATED—THE
CONTRACTED THEATRE OF WAR—THE FATAL
DISASTERS AT PETERSBURG—MR. DAVIS RECEIVES
THE INTELLIGENCE WHILE IN CHURCH—
RICHMOND EVACUATED—PRESIDENT DAVIS AT
DANVILLE—HIS PROCLAMATION—SURRENDER OF
LEE—DANVILLE EVACUATED—THE LAST OFFICIAL
INTERVIEW OF MR. DAVIS WITH GENERALS
JOHNSTON AND BEAUREGARD—HIS ARRIVAL AT
CHARLOTTE—INCIDENTS AT CHARLOTTE—
REJECTION OF THE SHERMAN-JOHNSTON
SETTLEMENT—MR. DAVIS’ INTENTIONS AFTER
THAT EVENT—HIS MOVEMENTS SOUTHWARD—
INTERESTING DETAILS—CAPTURE OF MR. DAVIS
AND HIS IMPRISONMENT AT FORTRESS MONROE.
ILITARY operations in the first three months of 1865 tended to
the concentration of forces upon the greatly-reduced theatre of
war, which was now confined mainly to Virginia and North Carolina.
The developments of each day indicated the near approach of
critical and decisive events. With Sherman sweeping through the
Carolinas, and the Confederate forces retiring before him; with
Wilmington, the last port of the Confederacy, captured, and a new
base thus secured for a column auxiliary to Sherman, it was evident

that but a short time would develop a grand struggle, which should
not only decide the fate of Richmond, but which should involve
nearly the entire force at the command of the Confederacy.
The last definite phase of the military policy of the Confederate
authorities, previous to the fall of the capital, was the design of
concentration for the destruction of Sherman, who was rapidly
approaching the Virginia border. This would, of course, necessitate
the abandonment of Richmond, with a view to the junction of the
armies of Lee and Johnston. The latter officer, with the remnant of
Hood’s army, and other fragmentary commands, confronted
Sherman’s army—forty thousand strong—with a force of about
twenty-five thousand men. When Lee’s army should unite with
Johnston’s, the Confederate strength would approximate sixty
thousand—a force ample to overwhelm Sherman.
The success of this design was mainly dependent upon the question
of the time of its execution. If the concentration against Sherman
should be attempted prematurely, that Federal commander would be
warned of his danger in time to escape to the coast, or to retire until
reënforcements from Grant should reach him. It was thus highly
important that Sherman should advance sufficiently far to preclude
his safe retreat, while, at the same time, the distance between Lee
and Johnston should be shortened. On the other hand, if the
concentration should be delayed too long, General Grant might, by a
vigorous assault upon Lee, either hold the latter in his works at
Petersburg, or cut off his retreat, either of which events would
defeat the proposed concentration. In the sequel, the activity of
Grant, his overwhelming numbers, and the timely arrival of
Sheridan’s cavalry, after the latter had failed in his original design
against Lynchburg and the Confederate communications,
precipitated a catastrophe, which not only prevented the
consummation of this design, but speedily proved fatal to the
Confederacy.
There was nothing in the calm exterior of President Davis, during the
days of early spring, to indicate that he was then meditating an

abandonment of that capital, for the safety of which he had striven
during four years of solicitude, and in the defense of which the
flower of Southern chivalry had been sacrificed. There was no
abatement of that self-possession, which had so often proven
invulnerable to the most trying exigencies; no alteration of that
commanding mien, so typical of resolution and self-reliance. To the
despondent citizens of Richmond, there was something of re-
assurance in the firm and elastic step of their President, as he
walked, usually unattended, through the Capitol Square to his office.
His responses to the respectful salutations of the children, who
never failed to testify their affection for him, were as genial and
playful as ever, and the slaves still boasted of the cordiality with
which he acknowledged their civility.
A similar cheerfulness was observed in General Lee. In the last
months of the war, it was a frequent observation that General Lee
appeared more cheerful in manner than upon many occasions, when
his army was engaged in its most successful campaigns. Hon.
William C. Rives was quoted in the Confederate Congress, as having
said that General Lee “had but a single thing to fear, and that was
the spreading of a causeless despondency among the people.
Prevent this, and all will be well. We have strength enough left to
win our independence, and we are certain to win it, if people do not
give way to foolish despair.”
From the beginning of winter, the possibility of holding Richmond
was a matter of grave doubt to President Davis. He had announced
to the Confederate Congress that the capital was now menaced by
greater perils than ever. Yet a proper consideration of the moral
consequences of a loss of the capital, not less than of the material
injury which must result from the loss of the manufacturing facilities
of Richmond, dictated the contemplation of its evacuation only as a
measure of necessity. When, however, the dilatory and vacillating
action of Congress baffled the President in all his vigorous and timely
measures, there was hardly room to doubt that the alternative was
forced upon General Lee of an early retreat or an eventual surrender.

When spring opened, the Army of Northern Virginia was reduced to
less than thirty-five thousand men. With this inadequate force,
General Lee was holding a line of forty miles, against an army nearly
one hundred and seventy-five thousand strong. A prompt
conscription of the slaves, upon the basis of emancipation, the
President and General Lee believed would have put at rest all anxiety
for the safety of Richmond. But when the threadbare discussions
and timid spirit of Congress foretold the failure of this measure,
preparations were quietly begun for a retirement to an interior line
of defense.
These preparations were commenced early in February, and were
conducted with great caution. Mr. Davis did not believe that the
capture of Richmond entailed the loss of the Confederate cause
should Lee’s and Johnston’s armies remain intact. That it diminished
the probability of ultimate success was obvious, but there was the
anticipation of a new basis of hope, in events not improbable, could
Lee’s army be successfully carried from Petersburg. A thorough
defeat of Sherman would obviously recover at once the Carolinas
and Georgia, and give to the Confederacy a more enlarged
jurisdiction and more easy subsistence, than it had controlled for
more than a year. A reasonable anticipation was the re-awakening of
the patriotic spirit of the people, and the return of thousands of
absentees to the army, as the immediate results of a decisive defeat
of Sherman. Then, even if it should prove that the Confederacy
could not cope with the remaining armies of the enemy, it was
confidently believed that the North, rather than endure the sacrifices
and doubts of another campaign, would offer some terms not
inconsistent with the honor of the South to accept. At all events,
resistance must continue until the enemy abated his haughty
demand of unconditional submission.
The movements of Sherman and Johnston reduced the theatre upon
which the crisis was enacting to very contracted limits. The fate of
the Confederacy was to be decided in the district between the
Roanoke and James Rivers, and the Atlantic Ocean and the

Alleghanies. General Grant, fully apprised of the extremities to which
Lee was reduced, for weeks kept his army in readiness to intercept
the Confederate retreat. It was greatly to the interest of the Federal
commander that Lee should be held at Petersburg, since his superior
numbers must eventually give him possession of the Southside
Railroad, which was vital to Lee not only as a means of subsistence,
but as an avenue of escape. But General Grant, sooner than he
anticipated, found an opportunity for a successful detachment of a
competent force against the Southside Railroad by the arrival of
Sheridan’s cavalry, ten thousand strong—as splendid a body of
cavalry as ever took the field. The swollen condition of James River
had prevented the consummation of Sheridan’s original mission,
which was, after he had effectually destroyed all Lee’s
communications northward and westward, to capture Lynchburg,
and thence to pass rapidly southward to Sherman. Finding the river
impassable, Sheridan retired in the direction of Richmond, passed
Lee’s left wing, crossed the Pamunkey River, and, by the 25th of
March, had joined Grant before Petersburg. General Grant was not
slow in the employment of this timely accession.
The fatal disaster of Lee’s defeat at Petersburg was the battle of Five
Forks, on the 1st of April, by which the enemy secured the direct line
of retreat to Danville. For, without that event, the fate of Petersburg
and Richmond was determined by the result of Grant’s attack upon
the Confederate centre on the 2d of April. With all the roads on the
southern bank of the Appomattox in the possession of the enemy,
there remained only the line of retreat upon the northern side, which
was the longer route, while the pursuing enemy had all the
advantage of the interior line. But for that disadvantage, Lee’s
escape would have been assured, and the Confederate line of
defense reëstablished near the Roanoke River.
President Davis received the intelligence of the disasters while
seated in his pew in St. Paul’s Church, where he had been a
communicant for nearly three years. The momentous intelligence
was conveyed to him by a brief note from the War Department.

General Lee’s dispatch stated that his lines had been broken, and
that all efforts to restore them had proven unsuccessful. He advised
preparations for the evacuation of the city during the night, unless,
in the meantime, he should advise to the contrary. Mr. Davis
immediately left the church with his usual calm manner and
measured tread.[82] The tranquil demeanor of the President
conveyed no indication of the nature of the communication. But the
incident was an unusual one, and, by the congregation, most of
whom had for days been burdened with the anticipations of disaster,
the unspoken intelligence was, to some extent, correctly interpreted.
The family of Mr. Davis had been sent southward some days before,
and he was, therefore, under the necessity of little preparation for
departure. Though his concern was obvious, his calmness was
remarkable. In this trying exigency in his personal fortunes, he
showed anxiety only for the fate of the country, and sympathy for
that devoted community from which he was now compelled to
separate.
On the night of Sunday, April 2d, 1865, Mr. Davis, attended by his
personal staff, members of his cabinet, and attaches of the several
departments, left Richmond, which then ceased forever to be the
capital of the Southern Confederacy. In a few hours after, that city,
whose defense will be more famous than that of Saragossa, whose
capture was for four years the aspiration of armies aggregating more
than a million of men, became the spoil of a conqueror, and the
scene of a conflagration, in which “all the hopes of the Southern
Confederacy were consumed in one day, as a scroll in the fire.”
In accordance with his original design of making a new defensive
line near the Roanoke River, Mr. Davis proceeded directly to Danville.
His determination was to maintain the Confederate authority upon
the soil of Virginia, until driven from it by force of arms. Reaching
Danville on the 3d of April, he issued, two days afterwards, the
following proclamation:
“Danville, Va., April 5, 1865.

“The General-in-Chief found it necessary to make such movements
of his troops as to uncover the capital. It would be unwise to conceal
the moral and material injury to our cause resulting from the
occupation of our capital by the enemy. It is equally unwise and
unworthy of us to allow our own energies to falter, and our efforts to
become relaxed under reverses, however calamitous they may be.
For many months the largest and finest army of the Confederacy,
under a leader whose presence inspires equal confidence in the
troops and the people, has been greatly trammeled by the necessity
of keeping constant watch over the approaches to the capital, and
has thus been forced to forego more than one opportunity for
promising enterprise. It is for us, my countrymen, to show by our
bearing under reverses, how wretched has been the self-deception
of those who have believed us less able to endure misfortune with
fortitude than to encounter danger with courage.
“We have now entered upon a new phase of the struggle. Relieved
from the necessity of guarding particular points, our army will be
free to move from point to point, to strike the enemy in detail far
from his base. Let us but will it, and we are free.
“Animated by that confidence in your spirit and fortitude which never
yet failed me, I announce to you, fellow-countrymen, that it is my
purpose to maintain your cause with my whole heart and soul; that I
will never consent to abandon to the enemy one foot of the soil of
any of the States of the Confederacy; that Virginia—noble State—
whose ancient renown has been eclipsed by her still more glorious
recent history; whose bosom has been bared to receive the main
shock of this war; whose sons and daughters have exhibited heroism
so sublime as to render her illustrious in all time to come—that
Virginia, with the help of the people, and by the blessing of
Providence, shall be held and defended, and no peace ever be made
with the infamous invaders of her territory.
“If, by the stress of numbers, we should be compelled to a
temporary withdrawal from her limits, or those of any other border
State, we will return until the baffled and exhausted enemy shall

abandon in despair his endless and impossible task of making slaves
of a people resolved to be free.
“Let us, then, not despond, my countrymen, but, relying on God,
meet the foe with fresh defiance, and with unconquered and
unconquerable hearts.
“JEFFERSON DAVIS.”
Meanwhile, some semblance of order in several of the departments
of government was established, though, of course, the continued
occupation of Danville was dependent upon the safety of Lee’s army.
Days of anxious suspense, during which there was no intelligence
from Lee, were passed, until on Monday, the 10th of April, it was
announced that the Army of Northern Virginia had surrendered.
Leaving Danville, Mr. Davis and his party went by railroad to
Greensboro’, North Carolina. Here Mr. Davis met Generals Johnston
and Beauregard. Consultation with these two officers soon revealed
to Mr. Davis their convictions of the hopelessness of a farther
protraction of the struggle.
Ex-Secretary Mallory gives the following narrative of the last official
interview of President Davis with Generals Johnston and Beauregard:
“At 8 o’clock that evening the cabinet, with the exception of Mr.
Trenholm, whose illness prevented his attendance, joined the
President at his room. It was a small apartment, some twelve by
sixteen feet, containing a bed, a few chairs, and a table, with writing
materials, on the second floor of the small dwelling of Mrs. John
Taylor Wood; and a few minutes after eight the two generals
entered.
“The uniform habit of President Davis, in cabinet meetings, was to
consume some little time in general conversation before entering
upon the business of the occasion, not unfrequently introducing
some anecdote or interesting episode, generally some reminiscence
of the early life of himself or others in the army, the Mexican war, or

his Washington experiences; and his manner of relating and his
application of them were at all times very happy and pleasing.
“Few men seized more readily upon the sprightly aspects of any
transaction, or turned them to better account; and his powers of
mimicry, whenever he condescended to exercise them, were
irresistible. Upon this occasion, at a time when the cause of the
Confederacy was hopeless, when its soldiers were throwing away
their arms and flying to their homes, when its Government, stripped
of nearly all power, could not hope to exist beyond a few days more,
and when the enemy, more powerful and exultant than ever, was
advancing upon all sides, true to his habit, he introduced several
subjects of conversation, not connected with the condition of the
country, and discussed them as if at some pleasant ordinary
meeting. After a brief time thus spent, turning to General Johnston,
he said, in his usual quiet, grave way, when entering upon matters
of business: ‘I have requested you and General Beauregard, General
Johnston, to join us this evening, that we might have the benefit of
your views upon the situation of the country. Of course, we all feel
the magnitude of the moment. Our late disasters are terrible, but I
do not think we should regard them as fatal. I think we can whip the
enemy yet, if our people will turn out. We must look at matters
calmly, however, and see what is left for us to do. Whatever can be
done must be done at once. We have not a day to lose.’ A pause
ensued, General Johnston not seeming to deem himself expected to
speak, when the President said: ‘We should like to hear your views,
General Johnston.’ Upon this the General, without preface or
introduction—his words translating the expression which his face had
worn since he entered the room—said, in his terse, concise,
demonstrative way, as if seeking to condense thoughts that were
crowding for utterance: ‘My views are, sir, that our people are tired
of the war, feel themselves whipped, and will not fight. Our country
is overrun, its military resources greatly diminished, while the
enemy’s military power and resources were never greater, and may
be increased to any desired extent. We can not place another large
army in the field; and, cut off as we are from foreign intercourse, I

do not see how we could maintain it in fighting condition if we had
it. My men are daily deserting in large numbers, and are taking my
artillery teams to aid their escape to their homes. Since Lee’s defeat
they regard the war as at an end. If I march out of North Carolina,
her people will all leave my ranks. It will be the same as I proceed
south through South Carolina and Georgia, and I shall expect to
retain no man beyond the by-road or cow-path that leads to his
house. My small force is melting away like snow before the sun, and
I am hopeless of recruiting it. We may, perhaps, obtain terms which
we ought to accept.’
“The tone and manner, almost spiteful, in which the General jerked
out these brief, decisive sentences, pausing at every paragraph, left
no doubt as to his own convictions. When he ceased speaking,
whatever was thought of his statements—and their importance was
fully understood—they elicited neither comment nor inquiry. The
President, who, during their delivery, had sat with his eyes fixed
upon a scrap of paper which he was folding and refolding
abstractedly, and who had listened without a change of position or
expression, broke the silence by saying, in a low, even tone: ‘What
do you say, General Beauregard?’
“‘I concur in all General Johnston has said,’ he replied.
“Another silence, more eloquent of the full appreciation of the
condition of the country than words could have been, succeeded,
during which the President’s manner was unchanged.
“After a brief pause he said, without a variation of tone or
expression, and without raising his eyes from the slip of paper
between his fingers: ‘Well, General Johnston, what do you propose?
You speak of obtaining terms. You know, of course, that the enemy
refuses to treat with us. How do you propose to obtain terms?’
“‘I think the opposing Generals in the field may arrange them.’
“‘Do you think Sherman will treat with you?’

“‘I have no reason to think otherwise. Such a course would be in
accordance with military usage, and legitimate.’
“‘We can easily try it, sir. If we can accomplish any good for the
country, Heaven knows I am not particular as to forms. How will you
reach Sherman?’
“‘I would address him a brief note, proposing an interview to
arrange terms of surrender and peace, embracing, of course, a
cessation of hostilities during the negotiations.’
“‘Well, sir, you can adopt this course, though I confess I am not
sanguine as to ultimate results.’
“The member of the cabinet before referred to as conversing with
General Johnston, and who was anxious that his views should be
promptly carried out, immediately seated himself at the writing-
table, and, taking up a pen, offered to act as the General’s
amanuensis. At the request of the latter, however, the President
dictated the letter to General Sherman, which was written at once
upon a half sheet of letter folded as note paper, and signed by
General Johnston, who took it, and said he would send it to General
Sherman early in the morning, and in a few minutes the conference
broke up. This note, which was a brief proposition for a suspension
of hostilities, and a conference with a view to agreeing upon terms
of peace, has been published with other letters which passed
between the two Generals.
“On or about the 16th of April, the President, his staff, and cabinet
left Greensboro’ to proceed still further south, with plans unformed,
clinging to the hope that Johnston and Sherman would secure peace
and the quiet of the country, but still all doubtful of the result, and
still more doubtful as to consequences of failure.”
Pending the negotiations between Generals Johnston and Sherman,
Mr. Davis was earnestly appealed to by his attendants to provide for
his own safety, in the event of the failure to obtain terms from
Sherman. There would have been no difficulty in his escaping either

across the Mississippi into Mexico, or from the Florida coast to the
West Indies. Apparently regardless of his personal safety, he was
reluctant to contemplate leaving the country under any
circumstances. It is certain that he would not have entertained the
idea of an abandonment of any organized body of men yet willing to
continue in arms for the cause.
Accompanied by the members of his cabinet, General Cooper, and
other officers, some of whom were in ambulances, and others on
horseback, Mr. Davis went from Greensboro’ to Lexington. Here he
spent the night at the residence of an eminent citizen of North
Carolina. Continuing their journey, the party reached Charlotte
during the morning of the 18th of April. At this place were extensive
establishments of the Confederate Government, and arrangements
had already been made for the accommodation of Mr. Davis and his
cabinet. During the day of his arrival at Charlotte, Mr. Davis received
a dispatch from General Breckinridge—who, in company with Mr.
Reagan, had returned to Greensboro’ to aid the negotiations
between Johnston and Sherman—announcing the assassination of
President Lincoln.
In connection with this event, Mr. Mallory writes as follows:
“To a friend who met him a few minutes after he had received it,
and who expressed his incredulity as to its truthfulness, Mr. Davis
replied that, true, it sounded like a canard, but, in such a condition
of public affairs as the country then presented, a crime of this kind
might be perpetrated. His friend remarked that the news was very
disastrous fur the South, for such an event would substitute for the
known humanity and benevolence of Mr. Lincoln a feeling of
vindictiveness in his successor and in Congress, and that an attempt
would doubtless be made to connect the Government or the people
of the South with the assassination. To this Mr. Davis replied, sadly:
‘I certainly have no special regard for Mr. Lincoln, but there are a
great many men of whose end I would much rather hear than his. I
fear it will be disastrous to our people, and I regret it deeply.’”

Mr. Davis remained at Charlotte nearly a week. Meanwhile the terms
of agreement between Johnston and Sherman were received, and by
Mr. Davis submitted to the cabinet. At a meeting of the cabinet, held
on the morning after the propositions were received, the written
opinions of the various members were concurrent in favor of the
acceptance of the Sherman-Johnston settlement. Three days
afterwards, Mr. Davis was informed by General Johnston of the
rejection, by the Federal Government, of the proposed settlement,
and that he could obtain no other terms than those accorded by
General Grant to General Lee. The surrender of General Johnston
was, of course, conclusive of the Confederate cause east of the
Mississippi. Whatever Mr. Davis’ hopes might have been previous to
that event, and whatever his determination had been in case of
disapproval by the Federal Government of Sherman’s course (a
contingency which he anticipated), it was plain that Johnston’s
surrender made resistance to the Federal Government east of the
Mississippi impracticable.
Fully recognizing this fact, Mr. Davis was yet far from contemplating
surrender at discretion. His hope now was to cross the Mississippi,
carrying with him such bodies of troops as were willing to
accompany him; these, added to the force of Kirby Smith, would
make an army respectable in numbers, and occupying a country of
abundant supplies. In the Trans-Mississippi region Mr. Davis would
have continued the struggle, in the hope of obtaining more
acceptable terms than had yet been offered. In this expectation he
was greatly strengthened by the spirit of resistance indicated by
bodies of men who had refused to lay down their arms with the
surrendered armies of Lee and Johnston.
We again quote from the account of Mr. Mallory:
“No other course now seemed open to Mr. Davis but to leave the
country, and his immediate advisers urged him to do so with the
utmost promptitude. Troops began to come into Charlotte, however,
escaping from Johnston’s surrender, and there was much talk
amongst them of crossing the Mississippi, and continuing the war.

Portions of Hampton’s, Debrell’s, Duke’s, and Ferguson’s commands
of cavalry were hourly coming in. They seemed determined to get
across the river, and fight it out; and, wherever they encountered Mr.
Davis, they cheered, and sought to encourage him. It was evident
that he was greatly affected by the constancy and spirit of these
men, and that, regardless of his own safety, his thoughts dwelt upon
the possibility of gathering together a body of troops to make head
against the foe and to arouse the people to arms.
“His friends, however, saw the urgent expediency of getting further
south as rapidly as possible, and, after a week’s stay at Charlotte,
they left, with an escort of some two or three hundred cavalry, and,
two days afterwards, reached Yorkville, South Carolina, traveling
slowly, and not at all like men escaping from the country.
“In pursuing this route, the party met, near the Catawba River, a
gentleman, whose plantation and homestead lay about half a mile
from its banks, and who had come out to meet Mr. Davis, and to
offer him the hospitality of his house.
“His dwelling, beautifully situated, and surrounded by ornate and
cultivated grounds, was reached about 4 o’clock P. M., and the
charming lady of the mansion, with that earnest sympathy and
generous kindness which Mr. Davis, in misfortune, never failed to
receive from Southern women, soon made every man of the party
forget his cares, and feel, for a time at least, ‘o’er all the ills of life
victorious.’
· · · · · · · ·
“At Yorkville, Colonel Preston and other gentlemen had arranged for
the accommodation of Mr. Davis and his party at private houses, and
here they remained one night and part of the next day.
“A small cavalry escort scouted extensively, and kept Mr. Davis
advised of the positions of the enemy’s forces—to avoid which was a
matter of some difficulty. With this view, the party from Yorkville
rode over to a point below Clinton, on the Lawrenceville and

Columbus Railroad, and thence struck off to Cokesboro’, on the
Greenville Railroad.
“Here the party received the kindest attention at private houses. On
the evening of his arrival, Mr. Davis received news by a scout that
the enemy’s cavalry, in considerable force, was but ten miles off, and
that he was pressing stock upon all sides; and it was deemed
advisable to make but a brief stay.
“At 2 o’clock in the morning Mr. Davis was aroused by another scout,
who declared that he had left the enemy only ten miles off, and that
they would be in the town in two or three hours. This intelligence
infused energy throughout the little party. It was composed of men,
however, familiar with real, no less than with rumored perils; men
who had faced danger in too many forms to be readily started from
their propriety; and preparations were very deliberately made with
such force as could be mustered to pay due honor to his enterprise.
“Several hours elapsed without further intelligence of the enemy’s
movements, and at half-past six in the morning the party rode out of
Cokesboro’ toward Abbeville, expecting an encounter at any
moment, but Abbeville was reached without seeing an enemy.
“At Abbeville the fragments of disorganized cavalry commands,
which had thus far performed, in some respects, an escort’s duty,
were found to be reduced to a handful of men anxious only to reach
their homes as early as practicable, and whose services could not
further be relied on. They had not surrendered nor given a parole,
but they regarded the struggle as terminated, and themselves
relieved from further duty to their officers or the Confederate States,
and, with a few exceptions, determined to fight no more. They rode
in couples or in small squads through the country, occasionally
‘impressing’ mules and horses, or exchanging their wretched beasts
for others in better condition; and, outside of a deep and universal
regret for the failure of their cause, usually expressed by the remark
that ‘The old Confederacy has gone up,’ they were as gleeful and
careless as boys released from school. Almost every cross-road

witnessed the separation of comrades in arms, who had long shared
the perils and privations of a terrific struggle, now seeking their
several homes to resume their duties as peaceful citizens. Endeared
to each other by their ardent love for a common cause—a cause
which they deemed unquestionably right and just, and which,
surrendered not to convictions of error, but to the logic of arms, was
still as true and just as ever—their words of parting, few and brief,
were words of warm, fraternal affection; pledges of endless regard,
and mutual promises to meet again.
“From information gained here, it was evident that his cavalry was
making a demonstration; but whether to capture Mr. Davis, or simply
to expedite his departure from the country, could not be determined.
The country, or at least those familiar with military movements at
this period, have doubtless long since satisfied themselves upon this
point.
“To suppose that Mr. Davis and his staff, embracing some eight or
ten gentlemen, all superbly mounted, and with led horses, could ride
from Charlotte, N. C., to Washington, Ga., by daylight, over the
highroads of the country, their coming heralded miles in advance by
returning Confederate soldiers, without the cognizance and consent
of the Federal commanders, whose cavalry covered the country,
would be to detract from all that was known of their activity and
vigilance.
“Political considerations, adequate to account for this unmolested
progress, may readily be imagined. Whether they influenced it is
only known to those who had the direction of public affairs at the
time. But be this as it may, Mr. Davis’ progress could not well have
been more public and conspicuous.
“Mr. Davis, who was more generally known by the soldiers than any
other man in the Confederacy, was never passed by them without a
cheer, or some warm or kindly recognition or mark of respect. The
fallen chief of a cause for which they had risked their lives and
fortunes, and lost every thing but honor, his presence never failed to

command their respect, and to add a tone of sympathy and sadness
to the expression of their good wishes for his future. They knew not
his plans for the future, nor could they conjecture what fate might
have in store for him; but their hearts were with him, go where he
might.
“Bronzed and weather-beaten veterans, who, when other hearts
were sore afraid, still hoped on and fought ‘while gleamed the sword
of noble Robert Lee,’ grasped his hand, without the power of giving
voice to thoughts which their tear-glistening eyes revealed. Of such
men were the great masses of the Confederate armies composed.
Firm and inflexible in their convictions of right, and yielding not their
convictions, but their armed maintenance of them only, to the stern
arbitrament of war, they may be relied upon to observe with
inviolable faith every pledge and duty to the United States, assumed
or implied, by their submission or parole.
“At Abbeville Mr. Davis was again urged by his friends to leave the
country, either from the southern shores of Florida or by crossing the
Mississippi and going to Mexico through Texas; but though he
listened quietly to all they had to say upon the subject, and seemed
to acquiesce in their views, he never expressed a decided willingness
or readiness to do so.
“To some of his friends it was apparent that his capture was not
specially sought by the military authorities, and that he had but to
change his dress and his horse, and to travel with a single friend, to
pass unrecognized and in safety to the sea-shore, and there embark.
Hitherto, as has been already said, his coming along his selected
route was known to the people miles in advance. Schools were
dismissed that the children might, upon the road-side, greet him.
Ladies, with fruits and flowers, presented with tears of sympathy,
were seen at the gates of every homestead, far in advance, awaiting
his approach; and it was hardly supposable that the general in
command, whose spies, and scouts, and cavalry covered the
country, and were heard of upon all sides, was the only person
uninformed of Mr. Davis’ movements.

“The assertion that General Sherman, aware of this journey,
permitted it to facilitate the departure of Mr. Davis and his friends
from the country, is not made or designed; for it is possible that his
capture was desired and attempted; but the facts are matters of
history, and are given regardless of the speculations which they may
justify.
“The party left Abbeville at 11 o’clock the same night for
Washington, Georgia, a distance of some forty-five miles, and by
riding briskly they reached the Savannah River at daylight, crossing
it upon a pontoon bridge, and rode into Washington at about 10
o’clock A. M. Just before leaving Abbeville they learned that a body
of Federal cavalry was en route to destroy this bridge, and might
reach it before them, and hence they pushed on vigorously, meeting
no enemy, but delayed about an hour by mistaking the right road.
“The night was intensely dark, the weather stormy. In approaching
the bridge through the river swamp the guide and Colonel Preston
Johnston, and another of the party, rode a half mile in advance, and
the latter encountered a mounted Federal officer. The rays of blazing
lightwood within a wood-cutter’s small cabin fell upon him as he
stood motionless beneath a tree, and revealed his water-proof
riding-coat and the gold band upon his cap. He hurriedly inquired, as
he listened to the tramp of the coming horsemen:
“‘What troops are these?’
“‘What force is this?’
“‘Is this Jeff. Davis’ party?’
“‘Yes,’ replied the party addressed, while revolving in his mind the
best course to pursue, ‘this is Jeff. Davis’ escort of five thousand
men.’
“The officer vanished in the darkness, and no others were
encountered.

“At Washington it was found that squads of Federal cavalry scouts
were there. A few were in the town at the time, and Mr. Davis was
again urged to consult his safety. His family and servants, with a
small train of ambulances, accompanied by his private Secretary, Mr.
Burton Harrison, had passed through Washington twenty-four hours
before, and the enemy then only some twenty miles distant, and Mr.
Davis ascertained that he might readily overtake them; and before
adopting any plan to leave the country, he desired to see and confer
with them.
“On the following morning, with his party somewhat reduced in
numbers, he left Washington and joined his family.
“The circumstance of the capture of Mr. Davis, as given officially by
General Wilson, were in harmony with that system of
misrepresentation by which the popular mind was perverted as to all
he said, and did, and designed. His alleged attempt to escape,
disguised in female apparel—a naked fiction—served well enough for
the moment to gratify and amuse the popular mind. Barnum, the
showman, true to his proclivity for practical falsehood, presented to
the eyes of Broadway a graphic life-size representation of Mr. Davis,
thus habited, resisting arrest by Federal soldiers; and many
thousands of children, whose wondering eyes beheld it will grow to
maturity and pass into the grave, retaining the ideas thus created as
the truth of history. Fortunately, however, history rarely leaves her
verification wholly to the testimony of envy, hatred, malice, or
falsehood, but contrives, in her own time and method, ways and
means to bring truth to her exposition.
“It has been seen that before the President’s proclamation
connecting him with the assassination, with every desired
opportunity, and with every means of escape from the country at his
command, Mr. Davis refrained from leaving it; and it is very doubtful
whether, in face of the charge of complicity with this great crime,
any power on earth could have induced him to leave.

“The sentiment to which the noble Clement Clay, of Alabama, gave
utterance, upon learning that he was charged as particeps criminis in
the assassination doubtless actuated Mr. Davis. Clay was able to
escape from the country, and was prepared to do so; but when his
heroic and loveable wife made known to him this charge, with
indignation and scorn at its base falsehood breathing in every tone,
he rose quietly, and said: ‘Well, my dear wife, that puts an end to all
my plans of leaving the country. I must meet this calumny at once,
and will go to Atlanta and surrender myself and demand its
investigation.’
“Had Mr. Davis left the country, falsehood and malignity would have
multiplied asserted proofs of this black charge against him; and the
shortcomings, errors, and crimes, perhaps, of others, would have
been conveniently attributed to the faults of his head or heart. But
his long captivity, his cruel treatment, the patient, passive heroism
with which, when powerless otherwise, and strong only in honor and
integrity, he met his fate, have combined, not only to seal the lips of
those of his Confederate associates who had wrongs, real or fancied,
to resent, but to concentrate upon him the heartfelt sympathy of the
Southern people, and no little interest and sympathy wherever
heroic endurance of misfortune gains consideration among men.
“His escape from the country and a secure refuge in a foreign land,
sustained by the respect and affection of the Southern people, were
within his own control; and he might have reasonably looked
forward to a return to his native State, as a result of a change in her
political status, at no distant day. But he refrained from embracing
the opportunities of escape which were his by fortune or by Federal
permission.
“The suggestions of friends as to his personal safety were heard with
all due consideration, and he manifested none of the airs of a would-
be political martyr; and yet it was evident that captivity and death
had lost with him their terrors in comparison with the crushing
calamity of a defeat of a cause for whose triumph he had been ever
ready to lay down his life.

“The general language and bearing of the people of the country
through which he passed, their ardent loyalty to the South, their
profound sorrow at the failure of her cause, and their warm
expressions of regard for himself—all confirmatory of the conviction
that, notwithstanding the odds against her, a thorough and hearty
union of the people and leaders would have secured her triumph,
affected him deeply.
“Throughout his journey he greatly enjoyed the exercise of riding
and the open air, and decidedly preferred the bivouac to the bed-
room; and at such times, reclining against a tree, or stretched upon
a blanket, with his head, pillowed upon his saddle, and under the
inspiration of a good cigar, he talked very pleasantly of stirring
scenes of other days, and forgot, for a time, the engrossing anxieties
of the situation.”
The solicitude of Mr. Davis for the safety of his family led to his
capture. Several weeks had elapsed since he had parted with them,
and almost the first positive information that he received, made him
apprehensive for their safety. In the then disorganized condition of
the country through which he was passing, the inducements to
violence and robbery by desperate characters were numerous.
Hearing that the route which Mrs. Davis was pursuing was infested
by marauders, he determined to see that his family was out of
danger, before putting into execution his design of crossing the
Mississippi. While with his family, Mr. Davis was surprised by a body
of Federal cavalry, and at the time being unarmed and unattended
by any force competent for resistance, he was made a prisoner. On
the 19th May, 1865, he was placed in solitary confinement at
Fortress Monroe.

A
CHAPTER XXII.
MOTIVE OF MR. DAVIS’ ARREST—AN AFTER-
THOUGHT OF STANTON AND THE BUREAU OF
MILITARY JUSTICE—THE EMBARRASSMENT
PRODUCED BY HIS CAPTURE—THE INFAMOUS
CHARGES AGAINST HIM—WHY MR. DAVIS WAS
TREATED WITH EXCEPTIONAL CRUELTY—THE
OUTRAGES AND INDIGNITIES OFFERED HIM—HIS
PATIENT AND HEROIC ENDURANCE OF
PERSECUTION—HIS RELEASE FROM FORTRESS
MONROE—BAILED BY THE FEDERAL COURT AT
RICHMOND—JOY OF THE COMMUNITY—IN CANADA
—RE-APPEARANCE BEFORE THE FEDERAL COURT—
HIS TRIAL AGAIN POSTPONED—CONCLUSION.
LL doubt has long since been dispelled as to the motive of the
pursuit and arrest of Mr. Davis. His arrest and imprisonment were
the after-thought of the saturnine Secretary of War, and his
associate inquisitors of the Bureau of Military Justice, at Washington.
The details given by Mr. Mallory, of the circumstances of Mr. Davis’
progress through North Carolina, South Carolina, and a part of
Georgia, added to facts which are yet fresh in the public memory,
fully justify the conclusion that the Federal authorities connived at
his supposed purpose to escape the country. The reputation of Mr.
Lincoln among his countrymen, for humanity as well as good sense,
renders it extremely probable that such would have been his method
of avoiding the perplexity which must arise from the capture of Mr.
Davis.
Well understanding that the inflamed public sentiment of the North,
regarding Mr. Davis as a political offender of the worst possible
character, would not tolerate his immediate release, the Federal

Government would have served the ends of humanity and sound
policy by encouraging his escape. On the other hand the laws of the
United States tolerate prolonged imprisonment only after trial and
sentence. Hence the arrest of Mr. Davis must open an endless
perspective of embarrassments. He could not be tried simply as an
individual, nor could his punishment for any alleged crime of his
own, be the sole object to be sought. His arraignment before a
judicial tribunal, would be the arraignment of the principle of State
Sovereignty, of the States which had sought to put that principle in
practice, of the five millions of American citizens who had supported
it, and who had cheerfully risked their lives and earthly possessions
for its maintenance.
Nay, more, the trial of Jefferson Davis, upon a charge of treason,
meant the trial of the North also. Should all efforts to convict the
South in the person of Mr. Davis, of treason, fail, the recoil might
well be dreaded by those who instigated the war upon the rights and
existence of the States. It was not to be safely assumed that the
legal decision of a constitutional question, which divided the framers
of the Federal Constitution, would necessarily affirm the party and
sectional dogmas upon which the North waged the war. Should
secession be legally justified, what justification could the North
claim, that is rightfully denied to Russia in her conduct towards
Poland? What plea should England need for her outrages upon
Ireland? With Jefferson Davis acquitted of treason, what could the
conduct of the North for four years have been, but a revelry in blood
—the wanton perpetration of a monstrous crime?
In this dilemma the industry of the Bureau of Military Justice, which
afterwards achieved an immortality of infamy, by its record of judicial
murders, aided by the ingenuity of Stanton, devised a scheme for
the arrest of Mr. Davis, upon charges designed to cover him and the
cause which he represented, with everlasting obloquy. Not content
with having triumphed by superior numbers, in a war of political
opinions, which in the beginning was declared not to be waged for
social or political subversion; not content with having settled a grave

constitutional question, by brute force, in a government founded
upon the idea of popular consent, the Federal authorities were now
made a party to infamous falsehoods, the circumstances and results
of which have fixed a stigma upon the American name.
Contemporary with the announcement of events, which proclaimed
the irretrievable downfall of the Confederacy, were the calumnies of
the Northern press, under the alleged inspiration of Stanton,
representing that Mr. Davis was escaping with wagons filled with
plunder, and with the gold of the Richmond banks; and that he had
endeavored to escape in the concealment of female apparel. No one
knew better than those who promulgated this paltry defamation, its
utter falsity, and we would not insult Mr. Davis and the Southern
people by bestowing consideration upon such palpable calumnies. It
was not calculated that such a portraiture of one, whose personal
honor, courage, and manhood had triumphantly endured every test,
would be accepted by the intelligence even of the North. But it
nevertheless had an obvious purpose, which was well answered. It
imposed upon the weak and credulous. The besotted and cowardly
mobs of the Northern cities, who filled the air with clamor for the
“blood of traitors,” while the men who had conquered the South,
were touched with sympathy for the misfortunes of foes whom they
respected, of course eagerly accepted any caricature of Mr. Davis
agreeable to their own vulgar imaginations. In this manner was
consummated the first step in the object of delaying the feeling of
personal respect, and of sympathy for misfortunes, which eventually
assert themselves in the masses, for a fallen foe, whom it was
already resolved to persecute with oppression and cruelty previously
unknown under the American political system.
Next came the atrocious proclamation charging Mr. Davis with
complicity in the assassination of President Lincoln. It is safe to say
that incidents hitherto prominent by their infamy, will be forgotten by
history, in comparison with the dastardly criminal intent which
instigated that document. Circumstances warrant the belief that not
one of the conspirators against the life and honor of Mr. Davis,

believed either then or now, that the charge had one atom of truth.
Had the charge been honestly made, it would have been disavowed,
when its falsity became apparent. But this would not have subserved
the end of the conspirators, and the poison was permitted to
circulate and rankle, long after the calumny had been exploded
during the investigations of the military commission, in the cases of
Mrs. Surratt and Captain Wirz. At length justice was vindicated by
the publication of the confidential correspondence between Holt and
Conover, which disclosed the unparalleled subornation and perjury
upon which the conspirators relied. Well has it been said that the
world will yet wonder “how it was that a people, passing for civilized
and Christian, should have consigned Jefferson Davis to a cell, while
they tolerated Edwin M. Stanton as a Cabinet Minister.”
We have no desire to dwell upon the details of Mr. Davis’ long and
cruel imprisonment. The story is one over which the South has wept
tears of agony, at whose recital the civilized world revolted, and
which, in years to come, will mantle with shame the cheek of every
American citizen who values the good name of his country. In a time
of profound peace, when the last vestige of resistance to Federal
authority had disappeared in the South, Mr. Davis, wrecked in
fortune and in health, in violation of every fundamental principle of
American liberty, of justice and humanity, was detained for two
years, without trial, in close confinement, and, during a large portion
of this period, treated with all the rigor of a sentenced convict.
But if indeed Mr. Davis was thus to be prejudged as the “traitor” and
“conspirator” which the Stantons, and Holts, and Forneys declared
him to be, why should he be selected from the millions of his
advisers and followers, voluntary participants in his assumed
“treason,” as the single victim of cruelty, outrage, and indignity?
What is there in his antecedents inconsistent with the character of a
patriotic statesman devoted to the promotion of union, fraternity,
harmony, and faithful allegiance to the Constitution and laws of his
country? We have endeavored faithfully to trace his distinguished
career as a statesman and soldier, and at no stage of his life is there

to be found, either in his conduct or declared opinions, the evidence
of infidelity to the Union as its character and objects were revealed
to his understanding. Nor is there to be found in his personal
character any support of that moral turpitude which a thousand
oracles of falsehood have declared to have peculiarly characterized
his commission of “treason.”
No tongue and pen were more eloquent than his in describing the
grandeur, glory, and blessings of the Union, and in invoking for its
perpetuation the aspirations and prayers of his fellow-citizens. In the
midst of passion and tumult, in 1861, he was conspicuous by his zeal
for compromise, and for a pacific solution of difficulties. No Southern
Senator abandoned his seat with so pathetic and regretful an
announcement of the necessity which compelled the step. The
sorrowful tone of his valedictory moistened the eye of every listener,
and convinced even political adversaries of the sincerity and purity of
his motives. His elevation to the Presidency of the Confederacy was
not dictated by the recognition of any supposed title to leadership in
the secession movement. His election was indeed a triumph over the
extreme sentiment of the South, and was declared by those who
opposed it to involve a compromise of the exclusive sectionalism
which was the basis of the new government. His administration of
the Confederate Government exhibited the same unswerving loyalty
to duty, to justice and humanity, which his previous life so nobly
exemplified. The people of the South alone know how steadfastly he
opposed the indulgence of vengeance; how he strove, until the last
moments of the struggle, to restrain the rancor and bitterness so
naturally engendered under the circumstances. Yet, when Jefferson
Davis lay a helpless prisoner in the strongest fortress of the Union,
with “broad patches of skin abraded” by the irons upon his limbs,
men were practically pardoned who had devoted years of labor to
the purpose of disunion, and had reproached him for not unfurling
the “black flag.” Is not the inference, then, justified that all of these
tortures and indignities were aimed at the people and the cause
which his dignity, purity, and genius had so exalted in the eyes of
mankind?

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