Image Processing Computer Vision and Pattern Recognition Hamid R. Arabnia
Image Processing Computer Vision and Pattern Recognition Hamid R. Arabnia
Image Processing Computer Vision and Pattern Recognition Hamid R. Arabnia
Image Processing Computer Vision and Pattern Recognition Hamid R. Arabnia
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6. Foreword
It gives us great pleasure to introduce this collection of papers to be presented at the 2018 International
Conference on Image Processing, Computer Vision, & Pattern Recognition (IPCV’18), July 30 – August 2,
2018, at Luxor Hotel (a property of MGM Resorts International), Las Vegas, USA.
An important mission of the World Congress in Computer Science, Computer Engineering, and Applied
Computing, CSCE (a federated congress to which this conference is affiliated with) includes "Providing a
unique platform for a diverse community of constituents composed of scholars, researchers, developers,
educators, and practitioners. The Congress makes concerted effort to reach out to participants affiliated
with diverse entities (such as: universities, institutions, corporations, government agencies, and research
centers/labs) from all over the world. The congress also attempts to connect participants from institutions
that have teaching as their main mission with those who are affiliated with institutions that have research
as their main mission. The congress uses a quota system to achieve its institution and geography diversity
objectives." By any definition of diversity, this congress is among the most diverse scientific meeting in
USA. We are proud to report that this federated congress has authors and participants from 67 different
nations representing variety of personal and scientific experiences that arise from differences in culture and
values. As can be seen (see below), the program committee of this conference as well as the program
committee of all other tracks of the federated congress are as diverse as its authors and participants.
The program committee would like to thank all those who submitted papers for consideration. About 58%
of the submissions were from outside the United States. Each submitted paper was peer-reviewed by two
experts in the field for originality, significance, clarity, impact, and soundness. In cases of contradictory
recommendations, a member of the conference program committee was charged to make the final decision;
often, this involved seeking help from additional referees. In addition, papers whose authors included a
member of the conference program committee were evaluated using the double-blinded review process.
One exception to the above evaluation process was for papers that were submitted directly to
chairs/organizers of pre-approved sessions/workshops; in these cases, the chairs/organizers were
responsible for the evaluation of such submissions. The overall paper acceptance rate for regular papers
was 23%; 15% of the remaining papers were accepted as poster papers (at the time of this writing, we had
not yet received the acceptance rate for a couple of individual tracks.)
We are very grateful to the many colleagues who offered their services in organizing the conference. In
particular, we would like to thank the members of Program Committee of IPCV’18, members of the
congress Steering Committee, and members of the committees of federated congress tracks that have topics
within the scope of IPCV. Many individuals listed below, will be requested after the conference to provide
their expertise and services for selecting papers for publication (extended versions) in journal special
issues as well as for publication in a set of research books (to be prepared for publishers including:
Springer, Elsevier, BMC journals, and others).
• Prof. Nizar Al-Holou (Congress Steering Committee); Professor and Chair, Electrical and Computer
Engineering Department; Vice Chair, IEEE/SEM-Computer Chapter; University of Detroit Mercy, Detroit,
Michigan, USA
• Prof. Hamid R. Arabnia (Congress Steering Committee); Graduate Program Director (PhD, MS, MAMS);
The University of Georgia, USA; Editor-in-Chief, Journal of Supercomputing (Springer); Fellow, Center of
Excellence in Terrorism, Resilience, Intelligence & Organized Crime Research (CENTRIC).
• Prof. Dr. Juan-Vicente Capella-Hernandez; Universitat Politecnica de Valencia (UPV), Department of
Computer Engineering (DISCA), Valencia, Spain
• Prof. Juan Jose Martinez Castillo; Director, The Acantelys Alan Turing Nikola Tesla Research Group and
GIPEB, Universidad Nacional Abierta, Venezuela
• Prof. Kevin Daimi (Congress Steering Committee); Director, Computer Science and Software Engineering
Programs, Department of Mathematics, Computer Science and Software Engineering, University of Detroit
Mercy, Detroit, Michigan, USA
• Prof. Zhangisina Gulnur Davletzhanovna; Vice-rector of the Science, Central-Asian University, Kazakhstan,
Almaty, Republic of Kazakhstan; Vice President of International Academy of Informatization, Kazskhstan,
Almaty, Republic of Kazakhstan
7. • Prof. Leonidas Deligiannidis (Congress Steering Committee); Department of Computer Information Systems,
Wentworth Institute of Technology, Boston, Massachusetts, USA; Visiting Professor, MIT, USA
• Dr. Trung Duong; Research Faculty at Center for Advanced Infrastructure and Transportation (CAIT),
Rutgers University, the State University of New Jersey, New Jersey, USA
• Prof. Mary Mehrnoosh Eshaghian-Wilner (Congress Steering Committee); Professor of Engineering
Practice, University of Southern California, California, USA; Adjunct Professor, Electrical Engineering,
University of California Los Angeles, Los Angeles (UCLA), California, USA
• Prof. Byung-Gyu Kim (Congress Steering Committee); Multimedia Processing Communications
Lab.(MPCL), Department of Computer Science and Engineering, College of Engineering, SunMoon
University, South Korea
• Prof. Dr. Guoming Lai; Computer Science and Technology, Sun Yat-Sen University, Guangzhou, P. R. China
• Prof. Hyo Jong Lee; Director, Center for Advanced Image and Information Technology, Division of
Computer Science and Engineering, Chonbuk National University, South Korea
• Dr. Muhammad Naufal Bin Mansor; Faculty of Engineering Technology, Department of Electrical,
Universiti Malaysia Perlis (UniMAP), Perlis, Malaysia
• Dr. Andrew Marsh (Congress Steering Committee); CEO, HoIP Telecom Ltd (Healthcare over Internet
Protocol), UK; Secretary General of World Academy of BioMedical Sciences and Technologies (WABT) a
UNESCO NGO, The United Nations
• Prof. Aree Ali Mohammed; Head, Computer Science Department, University of Sulaimani, Kurdistan Region,
Iraq
• Prof. Dr., Eng. Robert Ehimen Okonigene (Congress Steering Committee); Department of Electrical &
Electronics Engineering, Faculty of Engineering and Technology, Ambrose Alli University, Nigeria
• Prof. James J. (Jong Hyuk) Park (Congress Steering Committee); Department of Computer Science and
Engineering (DCSE), SeoulTech, Korea; President, FTRA, EiC, HCIS Springer, JoC, IJITCC; Head of
DCSE, SeoulTech, Korea
• Prof. Dr. R. Ponalagusamy; Department of Mathematics, National Institute of Technology, India
• Dr. Akash Singh (Congress Steering Committee); IBM Corporation, Sacramento, California, USA;
Chartered Scientist, Science Council, UK; Fellow, British Computer Society; Member, Senior IEEE, AACR,
AAAS, and AAAI; IBM Corporation, USA
• Ashu M. G. Solo (Publicity), Fellow of British Computer Society, Principal/R&D Engineer, Maverick
Technologies America Inc.
• Prof. Dr. Ir. Sim Kok Swee; Fellow, IEM; Senior Member, IEEE; Faculty of Engineering and Technology,
Multimedia University, Melaka, Malaysia
• Dr. Ahmad P. Tafti (Vice Chair, Technical Tracks); Associate Research Scientist, Biomedical Informatics
Research Center, Marshfield Clinic Research Institute, Marshfield, WI, USA
• Prof. Fernando G. Tinetti (Congress Steering Committee); School of Computer Science, Universidad
Nacional de La Plata, La Plata, Argentina; also at Comision Investigaciones Cientificas de la Prov. de Bs.
As., Argentina
• Prof. Hahanov Vladimir (Congress Steering Committee); Vice Rector, and Dean of the Computer
Engineering Faculty, Kharkov National University of Radio Electronics, Ukraine and Professor of Design
Automation Department, Computer Engineering Faculty, Kharkov; IEEE Computer Society Golden Core
Member; National University of Radio Electronics, Ukraine
• Dr. Haoxiang Harry Wang (CSCE); Cornell University, Ithaca, New York, USA; Founder and Director,
GoPerception Laboratory, New York, USA
• Prof. Shiuh-Jeng Wang (Congress Steering Committee); Director of Information Cryptology and
Construction Laboratory (ICCL) and Director of Chinese Cryptology and Information Security Association
(CCISA); Department of Information Management, Central Police University, Taoyuan, Taiwan; Guest Ed.,
IEEE Journal on Selected Areas in Communications.
• Prof. Layne T. Watson (Congress Steering Committee); Fellow of IEEE; Fellow of The National Institute of
Aerospace; Professor of Computer Science, Mathematics, and Aerospace and Ocean Engineering, Virginia
Polytechnic Institute & State University, Blacksburg, Virginia, USA
• Prof. Jane You (Congress Steering Committee); Associate Head, Department of Computing, The Hong Kong
Polytechnic University, Kowloon, Hong Kong
We would like to extend our appreciation to the referees, the members of the program committees of
individual sessions, tracks, and workshops; their names do not appear in this document; they are listed on
the web sites of individual tracks.
As Sponsors-at-large, partners, and/or organizers each of the followings (separated by semicolons)
provided help for at least one track of the Congress: Computer Science Research, Education, and
8. Applications Press (CSREA); US Chapter of World Academy of Science; American Council on Science &
Education & Federated Research Council (http://www.americancse.org/). In addition, a number of
university faculty members and their staff (names appear on the cover of the set of proceedings), several
publishers of computer science and computer engineering books and journals, chapters and/or task forces of
computer science associations/organizations from 3 regions, and developers of high-performance machines
and systems provided significant help in organizing the conference as well as providing some resources.
We are grateful to them all.
We express our gratitude to keynote, invited, and individual conference/tracks and tutorial speakers - the
list of speakers appears on the conference web site. We would also like to thank the followings: UCMSS
(Universal Conference Management Systems & Support, California, USA) for managing all aspects of the
conference; Dr. Tim Field of APC for coordinating and managing the printing of the proceedings; and the
staff of Luxor Hotel (Convention department) at Las Vegas for the professional service they provided. Last
but not least, we would like to thank the Co-Editors of IPCV’18: Prof. Hamid R. Arabnia, Prof. Leonidas
Deligiannidis, Prof. Fernando G. Tinetti.
We present the proceedings of IPCV’18.
Steering Committee, 2018
http://americancse.org/
10. Contents
SESSION: COMPUTER VISION, RECOGNITION AND DETECTION SYSTEMS +
APPLICATIONS
A Preliminary Evaluation of Pedestrian Detection on Real-World Video Surveillance 3
Gustavo R. Valiati, David Menotti
Convolutional Neural Network- based Human Recognition for Vision Occupancy Sensors 10
Seung Soo Lee, Manbae Kim
2D and 3D Face Analysis for Ticketless Rail Travel 16
Lyndon Smith, Wenhao Zhang, Melvyn L. Smith
Metrics for Complete Evaluation of OCR Performance 23
Romain Karpinski, Devashish Lohani, Abdel Belaid
Towards Creation of a Curl Pattern Recognition System 30
Kymberlee Hill, Adesola Abimbola, Prajjwhal Danagl, Gloria Washington, Legand Burge
Named Entity Recognition by Neural Prediction 34
Nouha Hammadi, Abdel Belaid, Yolande Belaid
Computer-Aided Inspection of Optical Components Using Computer Vision Technologies 41
Hong-Dar Lin, Hsing-Lun Chen
Intelligent Computer Vision Tracking and Embedded Microcontroller in the Sporting Domain 45
Bassam Shaer, Timothy Stewart
SESSION: IMAGE PROCESSING + FEATURE EXTRACTION AND
CLASSIFICATION AND APPLICATIONS
MRI Brain Tumor Segmentation 53
Anod Alhazmi, Sudhanshu Semwal
A Novel Modality of Compton Scattering Tomography, Image Formation and Reconstruction 60
Cecilia Tarpau, Mai K. Nguyen
A Haar-Cascade classifier based Smart Parking System 66
Praveen Meduri, Eric Telles
Automating the Segmentation of Necrotized Regions in Cassava Root Images 71
Flavia Delmira Ninsiima, Godliver Owomugisha, Ernest Mwebaze
Spatial Location of 3D Reconstructed Subthalamic Nuclei 78
Sihai Tang, Rajan Alex, Shijun Tang
11. SESSION: IMAGING SCIENCE AND NOVEL APPLICATIONS
Software Development for Unsupervised Approach to Identification of a Multi Temporal
Spatial Analysis Model
85
Mauro Mazzei
Applying Genetic Algorithms to Generating Paintings 92
Alexander Hansen, Mark C. Lewis
Encrypting ImageNet with Chaotic Logistic Maps and AES in ECB Mode 99
Pablo Rivas-Perea, Patrick Handley, Raul Aragon Franco
Literature-Based Biomedical Image Retrieval with Multimodal Query Expansion and Data
Fusion Based on Relevance Feedback (RF)
103
Md Mahmudur Rahman
Decision Making and Decision Fusion Using Grey Relational Analysis in Layered Sensing
Systems
108
Bakhita Salman, Mohammed I. Thanoon, Saleh Zein-Sabatto, Fenghui Yao
Forensic Data Collection Techniques for Fingerprint Identification 113
Ifeoma Ugochi Ohaeri, Micheal Bukohwo Esiefarienhe
Arabic Handwritten Characters Recognition Using Support Vector Machine, Normalized
Central Moments, and Local Binary Patterns
121
Hassan Althobaiti, Chao Lu
Non-dominant Object Recognition using Convolutional Neural Networks 128
Lei Huang, Daniel Oleas
A Comparative Study of Autoencoders against Adversarial Attacks 132
I-Ting Chen, Birsen Sirkeci-Mergen
Application of Machine Learning Technique to Nowcast Severe Atmospheric Event 137
Himadri Chakrabarty (Bhattacharyya), Sonia Bhattacharya
SESSION: POSTER PAPERS AND EXTENDED ABSTRACTS
CNN-Based Brain Tumor Segmentation and 3D Visualization 145
Jae-Hong So, Boo-Kyeong Choi, Nuwan Madusanka Kaluwa Hewage, Heung-Kook Choi
Visualization of Hippocampus Regional Atrophy in Alzheimer's Disease 147
Nuwan Madusanka Kaluwa Hewage, Jae-Hong So, Boo-Kyeong Choi, Heung-Kook Choi
12. 151
SESSION: LATE BREAKING PAPERS
On Image Registration for Study of Thyroid Disorders by Infrared Exams
Jose R Gonzelez Montero, Yanexis Pupo Toledo, Maira B Hernandez Moran, Aura Conci, Trueman
Machenry, Wilian G Fiirst
159
A Tool for Detection and Analysis of a Human Face for Aesthetical Quality Using Mobile
Devices
Shuyi Zhao, Scott King, Dulal Kar
165
Automated Cell Nuclei Segmentation in Overlapping Cervical Images Using Deep Learning
Model
Arti Taneja, Priya Ranjan, Amit Ujlayan
173
High Dynamic Range Video Processing Using Temporal Bidirectional Similarity and
Coherency Sensitive Hashing
Kung-Hsuan Lo, Jin-Jang Leou
177
Edge Detection and Dominant Color Masking of Thermal Imagery Data Sets
Katelyn Koiner, Andrew Rosener, Prakash Ranganathan
182
An Efficient Clustering for Epipolar Geometry based MOD
Yeongyu Choi, Ju H. Park, Ho-Youl Jung
186
Semantic labelling and Instance Segmentation using Weakly Supervised Convolutional Neural
Network
Abdul Wahid, Hyo Jong Lee
34. France, the restored king or his successor was hardly more than a
figurehead. A new class, the Third Estate, remained in fact master of
France. There had been a change in the ownership of the land;
power through the control of vested property rested with the group
which in 1789 began its revolt under the leadership of Mirabeau. A
new dictatorship had succeeded the old. And this is what a
revolution is—the dictatorship of a new crowd. The Russian
revolutionists now candidly admit this fact in their use of the phrase
"the dictatorship of the proletariat." Of course it is claimed that this
dictatorship is really the dictatorship of "all the people." But this is
simply the old fiction with which every dominant crowd disguises
seizure of power. Capitalist republicanism is also the rule of all the
people, and the pope and the king, deriving their authority from
God, are really but "the servants of all."
As we have seen, the crowd mind as such wills to dominate.
Society is made up of struggle groups, or organized crowds, each
seeking the opportunity to make its catchwords realities and to
establish itself in the position of social control. The social order is
always held intact by some particular crowd which happens to be
dominant. A revolution occurs when a new crowd pushes the old one
out and itself climbs into the saddle. When the new crowd is only
another faction within the existing dominant crowd, like one of our
established political parties, the succession will be accomplished
without resort to violence, since both elements of the ruling crowd
recognize the rules of the game. It will also not result in far-reaching
social changes for the same reason. A true revolution occurs when
the difference between the dominant crowd and the one which
supplants it is so great as to produce a general social upheaval. The
Reformation, the French Revolution, and the "Bolshevist" coup detat
in Russia, all were of this nature. A new social leadership was
established and secured by a change in each case in the personnel
of the ownership of such property as would give the owners the
desired control. In the first case there was a transfer of property in
the church estates, either to the local congregations, or the state, or
the denomination. In the second case the property transferred was
35. property in land, and with the Russian revolutionists landed property
was given to the peasants and vested capital turned over to the
control of industrial workers.
Those who lay all emphasis on this transfer of property naturally
see only economic causes in revolutionary movements. Economics,
however, is not a science of impersonal things. It treats rather of
mens relations to things, and hence to one another. It has to do with
valuations and principles of exchange and ownership, all of which
need psychological restatement. The transfer of the ownership of
property in times of revolution to a new class is not an end, it is a
means to a new crowds social dominance. The doctrines, ideals, and
principles believed by the revolutionary crowd also serve this end of
securing its dominance, as do the social changes which it effects,
once in power.
Revolutions do not occur directly from abuses of power, for in
that case there would be nothing but revolution all the time, since
every dominant crowd has abused its power. It is an interesting fact
that revolution generally occurs after the abuses of which the
revolutionists complain have been in great measure stopped—that is,
after the ruling crowd has begun to make efforts at reform. The
Reformation occurred in the pontificate of Leo X. If it had been the
result of intolerable abuse alone, it would have happened in the time
of Alexander VI, Borgia. The French Revolution fell upon the mild
head of Louis XVI, though the wrongs which it tried to right mostly
happened in the reign of his predecessor. In most cases the abuses,
the existence of which a revolutionary crowd uses for propaganda
purposes, are in turn repeated in new form by itself after it becomes
dominant. The Reformers in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries
resorted to much the same kind of persecution from which they had
themselves earlier suffered. The Constituent Assembly, though it had
demanded liberty, soon set up a more outrageous tyranny through
its own committees than any that the Louies had dreamed of.
Bolshevists in capitalist countries are the greatest advocates of free
36. speech; in Russia they are the authors of a very effective press-
censorship.
No, it is hardly the abuses which men suffer from their ruling
crowds which cause insurrection. People have borne the most
terrible outrages and suffered in silence for centuries. Russia itself is
a good example of this.
A revolution occurs when the dominant crowd begins to weaken.
I think we find proof of this in the psychology of revolutionary
propaganda. A general revolution is not made in a day, each such
cataclysm is preceded by a long period of unrest and propaganda of
opposition to the existing order and its beneficiaries. The Roman
Republic began going to pieces about a hundred years before the
battle of Actium. The social unrest which followed the Punic Wars
and led to the revolt of the brothers Gracchi was never wholly
checked during the century which followed. The dominant party had
scarcely rid itself of these troublesome "demagogues" than revolt
broke out among the slave population of Sicily. This was followed by
the revolt of the Italian peasants, then again by the insurrection of
Spartacus, and this in turn by the civil war between Marius and
Sulla, the conspiracy of Catiline, the brief triumph of Julius Cæsar
over the Senate, the revenge of the latter in the assassination of
Cæsar, and the years of turmoil during the Second Triumvirate.
It is doubtful if there was at any time a very clear or widespread
consciousness of the issues which successively arose during that
unhappy century. It would seem that first one counter-crowd and
then another, representing various elements of the populace, tried
issue with the ruling crowd. The one factor which remained constant
through all this was the progressive disintegration of the dominant
party. The supremacy of the Patres Conscripti et Equites became in
fact a social anachronism the day that Tiberius Gracchus demanded
the expropriation of the landed aristocracy. The ideas whereby the
dominant crowd sought to justify its pre-emptions began to lose
their functional value. Only the undisguised use of brute force was
37. left. Such ideas ceased to convince. Men of unusual independence of
mind, or men with ambitious motives, who had grown up within the
dominant crowd, began to throw off the spell of its control-ideas,
and, by leaving it, to weaken it further from within. No sooner was
this weakness detected by other groups than every sort of grievance
and partisan interest became a moral justification for efforts to
supplant the rulers. The attempt of the dominant crowd to retain its
hold by repeating its traditional justification-platitudes, unchanged,
but with greater emphasis, may be seen in the orations of Cicero. It
would be well if some one besides high-school students and their
Latin teachers were to take up the study of Cicero; the social and
psychological situation which this orator and writer of moral essays
reveals has some suggestive similarities to things which are
happening to-day.
The century and more of unrest which preceded both the
Reformation and the French Revolution is in each instance a long
story. But in both there is the same gradual loss of prestige on the
part of the dominant crowd; the same inability of this crowd to
change with the changes of time; to find new sanctions for itself
when the old ones were no longer believed; the same unadaptability,
the same intellectual and moral bankruptcy, therefore, the same
gradual disintegration from within; the same resort to
sentimentalism and ineffective use of force, the same circle of
hungry counter-crowds waiting around with their tongues hanging
out, ready to pounce upon that before which they had previously
groveled, and to justify their ravenousness as devotion to principle;
the same growing fearlessness, beginning as perfectly loyal desire to
reform certain abuses incidental to the existing order, and
advancing, with every sign of disillusionment or weakness, to moral
indignation, open attack upon fundamental control ideas, bitter
hostility, augmented by the repressive measures taken by the
dominant crowd to conserve a status quo which no longer gained
assent in the minds of a growing counter-crowd; finally force, and a
new dominant crowd more successful now in justifying old tyrannies
by principles not yet successfully challenged.
38. In the light of these historical analogies the record of events
during the last seventy-five years in western Europe and America is
rather discomforting reading, and I fear the student of social
psychology will find little to reassure him in the pitiable lack of
intellectual leadership, the tendency to muddle through, the
unteachableness and general want of statesmanlike vision displayed
by our present dominant crowds. If a considerable number of people
of all classes, those who desire change as well as those who oppose
it, could free their thinking from the mechanisms of the crowd-mind,
it might be possible to find the working solution of some of our
pressing social problems and save our communities from the
dreadful experience of another revolution. Our hope lies in the
socially minded person who is sufficiently in touch with reality to be
also a non-crowd man.
Anyone who is acquainted with the state of the public mind at
present, knows that a priori arguments against revolution as such
are not convincing, except to those who are already convinced on
other ground. The dominant crowd in each historical epoch gained
its original supremacy by means of revolution. One can hardly make
effective use of the commonplace antirevolutionary propaganda of
defense of a certain order which has among its most ardent
supporters people who are proud to call themselves sons and
daughters of the Revolution. Skeptics at once raise the question
whether, according to such abstract social ethics, revolutionists
become respectable only after they are successful or have been a
long time dead. In fact, the tendency to resort to such reasoning is
one among many symptoms that the conservative mind has
permitted itself to become quite as much a crowd-phenomenon as
has the radical mind.
The correct approach here is psychological and pragmatic. There
is an increasingly critical social situation, demanding far-reaching
reconstructive change; only the most hopeless crowd-man would
presume to deny this fact. The future all depends upon the mental
processes with which we attempt to meet this situation. Nothing but
39. useless misery can result from dividing crowd against crowd. Crowd-
thinking, as I have said, does not solve problems. It only creates
ideal compensations and defense devices for our inner conflicts.
Conservative crowd-behavior has always done quite as much as
anything else to precipitate a revolutionary outbreak. Radical crowd-
behavior does not resolve the situation, it only inverts it. Any real
solution lies wholly outside present crowd-dilemmas. What the social
situation demands most is a different kind of thinking, a new
education, an increasing number of people who understand
themselves and are intellectually and morally independent of the
tyranny of crowd-ideas.
From what has been said above, it follows that revolutionary
propaganda is not directly the cause of insurrection. Such
propaganda is itself an effect of the unconscious reaction between a
waning and a crescent crowd. It is a symptom of the fact that a
large number of people have ceased to believe in or assent to the
continued dominance of the present controlling crowd and are
looking to another.
There is always a tendency among conservative crowds to
hasten their own downfall by the manner in which they deal with
revolutionary propaganda. The seriousness of the new issue is
denied; the crowd seeks to draw attention back to the old issue
which it fought and won years ago in the hour of its ascendancy.
The fact that the old charms and shibboleths no longer work, that
they do not now apply, that the growing counter-crowd is able to
psychoanalyze them, discover the hidden motives which they
disguise, and laugh at them, is stoutly denied. The fiction is
maintained to the effect that present unrest is wholly uncalled-for,
that everything is all right, that the agitators who "make people
discontented" are alien and foreign and need only be silenced with a
time-worn phrase, or, that failing, shut up by force or deported, and
all will be well.
40. I do not doubt that before the Reformation and the French
Revolution there were ecclesiastics and nobles aplenty who were
quite sure that the masses would never have known they were
miserable if meddling disturbers had not taken the trouble to tell
them so. Even an honest critical understanding of the demands of
the opposing crowd is discouraged, possibly because it is rightly felt
that the critical habit of mind is as destructive of one crowd-complex
as the other and the old crowd prefers to remain intact and die in
the last ditch rather than risk dissolution, even with the promise of
averting a revolution. Hence the Romans were willing to believe that
the Christians worshiped the head of an ass. The mediæval
Catholics, even at Leos court, failed to grasp the meaning of the
outbreak in north Germany. Thousands saw in the Reformation only
the alleged fact that the monk Luther wanted to marry a wife. To-
day one looks almost in vain among business men, editors, and
politicians for a more intelligent understanding of socialism. A crowd
goes down to its death fighting bogies, and actually running upon
the sword of its real enemy, because a crowd, once its constellation
of ideas is formed, never learns anything.
The crowd-group contains in itself, in the very nature of crowd-
thinking, the germs which sooner or later lay it low. When a crowd
first becomes dominant, it carries into a place of power a number of
heterogeneous elements which have, up to this time, been united in
a great counter-crowd because of their common dissatisfaction with
the old order. Gradually the special interests of these several groups
become separated. The struggle for place is continued as a factional
fight within the newly ruling crowd. This factional struggle greatly
complicates every revolutionary movement. We witness this in the
murderously hostile partisan conflicts which broke out in the
revolutionary Assemblies in France. It is seen again in the
Reformation, which had hardly established itself when the
movement was rent by intense sectarian rivalries of all sorts. The
same is true of Russia since the fall of the Tsar, and of Mexico ever
since the overthrow of the Diaz regime. If these factional struggles
go so far as to result in schism—that is, in a conscious repudiation
41. by one or more factions of the revolutionary creed which had
formerly united them all, there is disintegration and in all probability
a return to the old ruling crowd.
This reaction may also be made possible by a refusal of one
faction to recognize the others as integral parts of the newly
triumphant crowd. If the new crowd after its victory can hold itself
together, the revolution is established. It then becomes the task of
the leading faction in the newly dominant crowd to grab the lions
share of the spoils for itself, give the other factions only so much
prestige as will keep alive in their minds the belief that they, too,
share in the new victory for "humanity" and hold the new social
order together, while at the same time justifying its own leadership
by the compulsive power of the idea which they all alike believe.
This belief, as we have seen, is the sine qua non of the continued
existence of any crowd. A dominant crowd survives so long as its
belief is held uncritically and repeated and acted upon automatically
both by the members of the crowd and its victims. When the
factions which have been put at a disadvantage by the leading
faction renounce the belief, or awake to the fact that they "have
been cheated," disintegration begins.
Between the crowds professed belief and the things which it
puts into practice there is a great chasm. Yet the fiction is uniformly
maintained that the things done are the correct and faithful
application of the great principles to which the crowd is devoted. We
saw in our study of crowd-ideas in general that such ideas are not
working programs, but are screens which disguise and apparently
justify the real unconscious motive of crowd-behavior. The crowd
secures its control, first, by proclaiming in the most abstract form
certain generally accepted principles, such as freedom,
righteousness, brotherly love—as though these universal "truths"
were its own invention and exclusive monopoly. Next, certain logical
deductions are made from these principles which, when carried to
their logical conclusions regardless of fact or the effect produced,
make the thing which the crowd really wants and does appear to be
42. a vindication of the first principles. It is these inferences which go to
make up the conscious thinking or belief of the crowd. Thus in the
revolutionary convention in France all agree to the principles of
Liberty, Equality, and Fraternity. Fidelity to these principles would to
a non-crowd mean that the believer should not try to dictate to his
fellows what they must believe and choose, that he would exercise
good will in his dealings with them and show them the same respect
which he wished them to have for himself. But the crowd does not
understand principles in this manner. Do all agree to the great
slogan of the revolution? Well, then, fidelity to Liberty, Equality, and
Fraternity demands that the enemies of these principles and the
crowds definition of them be overthrown. The Mountain is the truly
faithful party, hence to the guillotine with the Gironde. This chasm
between crowd faith and crowd practice is well illustrated in the case
of those Southern patriots in America who were ready to fight and
die for the rights of man as expressed in the Declaration of
Independence, but refused to apply the principle of the inalienable
rights of all men to their own black slaves. Or, again in the case of
nineteenth-century capitalism, liberty must be given to all alike.
Liberty means equal opportunity. Equal opportunity means free
competition in business. Free competition exists only where there is
an "incentive"; hence the investor must be encouraged and his gains
protected by law. Therefore anti-capitalistic doctrines must be
suppressed as subversive of our free institutions. Immigrants to
whom for a generation we have extended the hospitality of our
slums and labor camps, and the opportunity of freely competing with
our well-intrenched corporations, must be made to feel their
ingratitude if they are so misguided as to conclude, from the fact
that hundreds of leading radicals have been made to serve jail
sentences, while after thirty years of enforcing the antitrust law not
a single person has ever been sent to prison, that possibly this is not
a free land.
Or again—one convicts himself of being a crowd-man who
shows partiality among crowds—the principle of democracy is
generally accepted. Then there should be industrial democracy as
43. well as political—hence the "Dictatorship of the Proletariat"—for the
workers are "the people." Parliamentary assemblies elected by all
the people do not necessarily represent labor. Organized labor,
therefore, though a minority of the whole, should establish
"industrial democracy" by force. So, according to Bolshevist crowd-
logic, democracy means the rule of a minority by means of force.
Now it is this fictitious, paranoiac, crowd-logic which one must
be able to dispel before he can extricate himself from the clutches of
his crowd. If he subjects the whole fabric of abstractions to critical
analysis, revalues it, puts himself above it, assumes a pragmatic
attitude toward whatever truths it contains, dares to test these
truths by their results in experience and to use them for desired
ends; if, in short, he scrutinizes his own disguised impulses, brings
them to consciousness as what they are, and refuses to be deceived
as to their real import, even when they appear dressed in such
sheeps clothing as absolutes and first principles, he becomes a non-
crowd man, a social being in the best sense.
Those, however, who continue to give assent to the crowds first
principles, who still accept its habit of a priori reasoning, merely
substituting for its accepted deductions others of their own which in
turn serve to conceal and justify their own unconscious desires, will
turn from the old crowd only to be gobbled up by a new and
counter-crowd. Such people have not really changed. They
denounce the old crowd on the ground that "it has not lived up to its
principles." It is a significant fact that a crowds rule is generally
challenged in the name of the very abstract ideas of which it has
long posed as the champion.
For instance, there is liberty. Every crowd demands it when it is
seeking power; no crowd permits it when it is in power. A crowd
which is struggling for supremacy is really trying to free itself and as
many people as possible from the control of another crowd.
Naturally, the struggle for power appears to consciousness as a
struggle for liberty as such. The controlling crowd is correctly seen to
44. be a tyrant and oppressor. What the opposition crowd does not
recognize is its own wish to oppress, hidden under its struggle for
power. We have had occasion to note the intolerance of the crowd-
mind as such. A revolutionary crowd, with all its lofty idealism about
liberty, is commonly just as intolerant as a reactionary crowd. It
must be so in order to remain a crowd. Once it is triumphant it may
exert its pressure in a different direction, but the pinch is there just
the same. Like its predecessor, it must resort to measures of
restraint, possibly even a "reign of terror," in order that the new-won
"liberty"—which is to say, its own place at the head of the procession
—may be preserved. The denial of freedom appears therefore as its
triumph, and for a time people are deceived. They think they are
free because everyone is talking about liberty.
Eventually some one makes the discovery that people do not
become free just by repeating the magic word "liberty." A
disappointed faction of the newly emancipated humanity begins to
demand its "rights." The crowd hears its own catchwords quoted
against itself. It proceeds to prove that freedom exists by
denouncing the disturbers and silencing them, if necessary, by force.
The once radical crowd has now become reactionary. Its dream of
world emancipation is seen to be a hoax. Lovers of freedom now
yoke themselves in a new rebel crowd so that oppressed humanity
may be liberated from the liberators. Again, the will to power is
clothed in the dream symbols of an emancipated society, and so on
around and around the circle, until people learn that with crowds
freedom is impossible. For men to attain to mastery of themselves is
as abhorrent to one crowd as to another. The crowd merely wants
freedom to be a crowd—that is, to set up its own tyranny in the
place of that which offends the self-feeling of its members.
The social idealism of revolutionary crowds is very significant for
our view of the crowd-mind. There are certain forms of revolutionary
belief which are repeated again and again with such uniformity that
it would seem the unconscious of the race changes very little from
age to age. The wish-fancy which motivates revolutionary activity
45. always appears to consciousness as the dream of an ideal society, a
world set free; the reign of brotherly love, peace, and justice. The
folly and wickedness of man is to cease. There will be no more
incentive for men to do evil. The lion and the lamb shall lie down
together. Old extortions and tyrannies are to be left behind. There is
to be a new beginning, poverty is to be abolished, Gods will is to be
done in earth, or men are at last to live according to reason, and the
inalienable rights of all are to be secured; or the co-operative
commonwealth is to be established, with no more profit-seeking and
each working gladly for the good of all. In other words, the mind of
revolutionary crowds is essentially eschatological, or Messianic. The
crowd always imagines its own social dominance is a millennium.
And this trait is common to revolutionary crowds in all historical
periods.
We have here the psychological explanation of the Messianic
faith which is set forth with tremendous vividness in Biblical
literature. The revolutionary import of the social teaching of both the
Hebrew and Christian religions is so plain that I do not see how any
honest and well-informed person can even attempt to deny it. The
telling effectiveness with which this element in religious teaching
may be used by clever radicals to convict the apologists of the
present social order by the words out of their own mouths is evident
in much of the socialist propaganda to-day. The tendency of the will
to revolt, to express itself in accepted religious symbols, is a thing to
be expected if the unconscious plays the important part in crowd-
behavior that we have contended that it does.
The eighth-century Hebrew prophet mingles his denunciations of
those who join house to house and field to field, who turn aside the
way of the meek, and sit in Samaria in the corner of a couch and on
the silken cushions of a bed, who have turned justice to wormwood
and cast down righteousness to the earth, etc., etc.,—reserving his
choicest woes of course for the foreign oppressors of "my people"—
with promises of "the day of the Lord" with all that such a day
46. implies, not only of triumph of the oppressed over their enemies, but
of universal happiness.
Similarly the same complex of ideas appears in the writings
which deal with the Hebrew "Captivity" in the sixth century B.C.,
with the revolt of the Maccabeans, and again in the impotent hatred
against the Romans about the time of the origin of Christianity.
The New Testament dwells upon some phase of this theme on
nearly every page. Blessed are ye poor, and woe unto you who are
rich, you who laugh now. The Messiah has come and with him the
Kingdom of the Heavens, but at present the kingdom is revealed
only to the believing few, who are in the world, but not of it.
However, the Lord is soon to return; in fact, this generation shall not
pass away until all these things be accomplished. After a period of
great trial and suffering there is to be a new world, and a new and
holy Jerusalem, coming down from the skies and establishing itself
in place of the old. All the wicked, chiefly those who oppress the
poor, shall be cast into a lake of fire. There shall be great rejoicing,
and weeping and darkness and death shall be no more.
The above sketch of the Messianic hope is so brief as to be
hardly more than a caricature, but it will serve to make my point
clear, that Messianism is a revolutionary crowd phenomenon. This
subject has been presented in great detail by religious writers in
recent years, so that there is hardly a member of the reading public
who is not more or less familiar with the "social gospel." My point is
that all revolutionary propaganda is "social gospel." Even when
revolutionists profess an antireligious creed, as did the Deists of the
eighteenth century, and as do many modern socialists with their
"materialist interpretation of history," nevertheless the element of
irreligion extends only to the superficial trappings of the
revolutionary crowd-faith, and even here is not consistent. At bottom
the revolutionists dream of a new world is religious.
47. I am using the word "religious" in this connection in its popular
sense, meaning no more than that the revolutionary crowd
rationalizes its dream of a new world-order in imagery which repeats
over and over again the essentials of the Biblical "day of the Lord,"
or "kingdom of heaven" to be established in earth. This notion of
cosmic regeneration is very evident in the various "utopian" socialist
theories. The Fourierists and St. Simonists of the early part of the
nineteenth century were extremely Messianic. So-called "scientific
socialists" are now inclined to ridicule such idealistic speculation, but
one has only to scratch beneath the surface of present-day socialist
propaganda to find under its materialist jargon the same old dream
of the ages. A great world-change is to come suddenly. With the
triumph of the workers there will be no more poverty or ignorance,
no longer any incentive to men to do evil to one another. The
famous "Manifesto" is filled with such ideas. Bourgeois society is
doomed and about to fall. Forces of social evolution inevitably point
to the world-wide supremacy of the working class, under whose mild
sway the laborer is to be given the full product of his toil, the
exploitation of children is to cease, true liberty will be achieved,
prostitution, which is somehow a bourgeois institution, is to be
abolished, everyone will be educated, production increased till there
is enough for all, the cities shall no more lord it over the rural
communities, all alike will perform useful labor, waste places of the
earth will become cultivated lands and the fertility of the soil will be
increased in accordance with a common plan, the state, an
instrument of bourgeois exploitation, will cease to exist; in fact, the
whole wicked past is to be left behind, for as
The Communist revolution is the most radical rupture with
traditional property relations, no wonder that its development
involves the most radical rupture with traditional ideas.
In fine,
48. In place of the old bourgeois society with its classes and
class antagonisms we shall have an association in which the free
development of each is the condition for the free development
of all.
Le Bon says of the French Revolution:
The principles of the Revolution speedily inspired a wave of
mystic enthusiasm analogous to those provoked by the various
religious beliefs which had preceded it. All they did was to
change the orientation of a mental ancestry which the centuries
had solidified.
So there is nothing astonishing in the savage zeal of the
men of the Convention. Their mystic mentality was the same as
that of the Protestants at the time of the Reformation. The
principal heroes of the Terror—Couthon, Saint Just, Robespierre,
etc.—were apostles. Like Polyeuctes destroying the altars of the
false gods to propagate his faith, they dreamed of converting
the globe.... The mystic spirit of the leaders of the Revolution
was betrayed in the least details of their public life. Robespierre,
convinced that he was supported by the Almighty, assured his
hearers in a speech that the Supreme Being had "decreed the
Republic since the beginning of time."
A recent writer, after showing that the Russian revolution has
failed to put the Marxian principles into actual operation, says of
Lenin and his associates:
They have caught a formula of glittering words; they have
learned the verbal cadences which move the masses to ecstasy;
they have learned to paint a vision of heaven that shall outflare
in the minds of their followers the shabby realities of a Bolshevik
earth. They are master phraseocrats, and in Russia they have
reared an empire on phraseocracy.
49. The alarmists who shriek of Russia would do well to turn
their thoughts from Russias socialistic menace. The peril of
Russia is not to our industries, but to our states. The menace of
the Bolsheviki is not an economic one, it is a political menace. It
is the menace of fanatic armies, drunken with phrases and
sweeping forward under Lenin like a Muscovite scourge. It is the
menace of intoxicated proletarians, goaded by invented visions
to seek to conquer the world.
In Nicolai Lenin the Socialist, we have naught to fear. In
Nicolai Lenin the political chief of Russias millions, we may well
find a menace, for his figure looms over the world. His Bolshevik
abracadabra has seduced the workers of every race. His stealthy
propaganda has shattered the morale of every army in the
world. His dreams are winging to Napoleonic flights, and well he
may dream of destiny; for in an age when we bow to phrases, it
is Lenin who is the master phraseocrat of the world.
Passing over the question of Lenins personal ambitions, and
whether our own crowd-stupidity, panic, and wrong-headed Allied
diplomacy may not have been contributing causes of the menace of
Bolshevism, it can hardly be denied that Bolshevism, like all other
revolutionary crowd-movements, is swayed by a painted vision of
heaven which outflares the miseries of earth. Every revolutionary
crowd of every description is a pilgrimage set out to regain our lost
Paradise.
Now it is this dream of paradise, or ideal society, which deserves
analytical study. Why does it always appear the minute a crowd is
sufficiently powerful to dream of world-power? It will readily be
conceded that this dream has some function in creating certain
really desirable social values. But such values cannot be the
psychogenesis of the dream. If the dream were ever realized, I think
William James was correct in saying that we should find it to be but
a "sheeps heaven and lubberland of joy," and that life in it would be
so "mawkish and dishwatery" that we should gladly return to this
50. world of struggle and challenge, or anywhere else, if only to escape
the deadly inanity.
We have already noted the fact that this dream has the function
of justifying the crowd in its revolt and will to rule. But this is by no
means all. The social idealism has well been called a dream, for that
is just what it is, the daydream of the ages. It is like belief in fairies,
or the Cinderella myth. It is the Jack-and-the-beanstalk philosophy.
The dream has exactly the same function as the Absolute, and the
ideal world-systems of the paranoiac; it is an imaginary refuge from
the real. Like all other dreams, it is the realization of a wish. I have
long been impressed with the static character of this dream; not only
is it much the same in all ages, but it is always regarded as the great
culmination beyond which the imagination cannot stretch. Even
those who hold the evolutionary view of reality and know well that
life is continuous change, and that progress cannot be fixed in any
passing moment, however sweet, are generally unable to imagine
progress going on after the establishment of the ideal society and
leaving it behind.
Revolutionary propaganda habitually stops, like the nineteenth-
century love story, with a general statement, "and so they lived
happily ever after." It is really the end, not the beginning or middle
of the story. It is the divine event toward which the whole creation
moves, and having reached it, stops. Evolution having been wound
up to run to just this end, time and change and effort may now be
discontinued. There is nothing further to do. In other words, the
ideal is lifted clear out of time and all historical connections. As in
other dreams, the empirically known sequence of events is ignored.
Whole centuries of progress and struggle and piecemeal experience
are telescoped into one imaginary symbolic moment. The moment
now stands for the whole process, or rather it is substituted for the
process. We have taken refuge from the real into the ideal. The
"Kingdom of Heaven," "Paradise," "The Return to Man in the State of
Nature," "Back to Primitive New Testament Christianity," "The Age of
Reason," "Utopia," the "Revolution," the "Co-operative
51. Commonwealth," all mean psychologically the same thing. And that
thing is not at all a scientific social program, but a symbol of an
easier and better world where desires are realized by magic, and
everyones check drawn upon the bank of existence is cashed. Social
idealism of revolutionary crowds is a mechanism of compensation
and escape for suppressed desires.
Is there any easier way of denying the true nature and
significance of our objective world than by persuading ourselves that
that world is even now doomed, and is bound suddenly to be
transformed into the land of our hearts desire? Is it not to be
expected that people would soon learn how to give those desires
greater unction, and to encourage one another in holding to the
fictions by which those desires could find their compensation and
escape, by resorting to precisely the crowd-devices which we have
been discussing?
The Messianists of Bible times expected the great transformation
and world cataclysm to come by means of a divine miracle. Those
who are affected by the wave of premillennialism which is now
running through certain evangelical Christian communions are
experiencing a revival of this faith with much of its primitive
terminology.
Evolutionary social revolutionists expect the great day to come
as the culmination of a process of economic evolution. This is what
is meant by "evolutionary and revolutionary socialism." The wish-
fancy is here rationalized as a doctrine of evolution by revolution.
Thus the difference between the social revolutionist and the Second
Adventist is much smaller than either of them suspects. As Freud
would doubtless say, the difference extends only to the "secondary
elaboration of the manifest dream formation"—the latent dream
thought is the same in both cases. The Adventist expresses the wish
in the terminology of a prescientific age, while the social
revolutionist makes use of modern scientific jargon. Each alike finds
escape from reality in the contemplation of a new-world system. The
52. faith of each is a scheme of redemption—that is, of "compensation."
Each contemplates the sudden, cataclysmic destruction of the
"present evil world," and its replacement by a new order in which
the meek shall inherit the earth. To both alike the great event is
destined, in the fullness of time, to come as a thief in the night. In
the one case it is to come as the fulfillment of prophecy; in the other
the promise is underwritten and guaranteed by impersonal forces of
"economic evolution."
This determinism is in the one case what Bergson calls "radical
finalism," and in the other "radical mechanism." But whether the
universe exists but to reel off a divine plan conceived before all
worlds, or be but the mechanical swinging of the shuttle of cause
and effect, what difference is there if the point arrived at is the
same? In both cases this point was fixed before the beginning of
time, and the meaning of the universe is just that and nothing else,
since that is what it all comes to in the end.
Whether the hand which turns the crank of the world-machine
be called that of God or merely "Evolution," it is only a verbal
difference; it is in both cases "a power not ourselves which makes
for righteousness." And the righteousness? Why, it is just the
righteousness of our own crowd—in other words, the crowds bill of
rights painted in the sky by our own wish-fancy, and dancing over
our heads like an aurora borealis. It is the history of all crowds that
this dazzling pillar of fire in the Arctic night is hailed as the "rosy-
fingered dawn" of the Day of the Lord.
Or, to change the figure somewhat, the faithful crowd has but to
follow its fiery cloud to the promised land which flows with milk and
honey; then march for an appointed time about the walls of the
wicked bourgeois Jericho, playing its propaganda tune until the walls
fall down by magic and the world is ours. No revolution is possible
without a miracle and a brass band.
53. I have no desire to discourage those who have gone to work at
the real tasks of social reconstruction—certainly no wish to make this
study an apology for the existing social order. In the face of the ugly
facts which on every hand stand as indictments of what is called
"capitalism," it is doubtful if anyone could defend the present system
without recourse to a certain amount of cynicism or cant. The
widespread social unrest which has enlisted in its service so much of
the intellectual spirit of this generation surely could never have come
about without provocation more real than the work of a mere
handful of "mischief-making agitators." The challenge to modern
society is not wholly of crowd origin.
But it is one thing to face seriously the manifold problems of
reconstruction of our social relations, and it is quite another thing to
persuade oneself that all these entangled problems have but one
imaginary neck which is waiting to be cut with a single stroke of the
sword of revolution in the hands of "the people." Hundreds of times
I have heard radicals, while discussing certain evils of present
society, say, "All these things are but symptoms, effects; to get rid of
them you must remove the cause." That cause is always, in
substance, the present economic system.
If this argument means that, instead of thinking of the various
phases of social behavior as isolated from one another, we should
conceive of them as so interrelated as to form something like a more
or less causally connected organic whole, I agree. But if it means
something else—and it frequently does—the argument is based upon
a logical fallacy. The word "system" is not a causal term; it is purely
descriptive. The facts referred to, whatever connections we may
discover among them, are not the effects of a mysterious "system"
behind the facts of human behavior; the facts themselves, taken
together, are the system.
The confusion of causal and descriptive ideas is a habit common
to both the intellectualist philosopher and the crowd-minded. It
enables people to turn their gaze from the empirical Many to the
54. fictitious One, from the real to the imaginary. The idea of a system
behind, over, outside, and something different from the related facts
which the term "system" is properly used to describe, whether that
system be a world-system, a logical system, or a social system,
whether it be capitalism or socialism, "system" so conceived is a
favorite crowd-spook. It is the same logical fallacy as if one spoke of
the temperature of this May day as the effect of the climate, when
all know that the term climate is simply (to paraphrase James) the
term by which we characterize the temperature, weather, etc., which
we experience on this and other days. We have already seen to what
use the crowd-mind puts all such generalizations.
A popular revolutionary philosophy of history pictures the
procession of the ages as made up of a pageant of spook-social
systems, each distinct from the others and coming in its appointed
time. But social systems do not follow in a row, like elephants in a
circus parade—each huge beast with its trunk coiled about the end
of his predecessors tail. The greater part of this "evolutionary and
revolutionary" pageantry is simply dream-stuff. Those who try to
march into Utopia in such an imaginary parade are not even trying
to reconstruct society; they are sociological somnambulists.
The crowd-mind clings to such pageantry because, as we saw in
another connection, the crowd desires to believe that evolution
guarantees its own future supremacy. It then becomes unnecessary
to solve concrete problems. One need only possess an official
program of the order of the parade. In other words, the crowd must
persuade itself that only one solution of the social problem is
possible, and that one inevitable—its own.
Such thinking wholly misconceives the nature of the social
problem. Like all the practical dilemmas of life, this problem,
assuming it to be in any sense a single problem, is real just because
more than one solution is possible. The task here is like that of
choosing a career. Whole series of partially foreseen possibilities are
contingent upon certain definite choices. Aside from our choosing,
55. many sorts of futures may be equally possible. Our intervention at
this or that definite point is an act by which we will one series of
possibilities rather than another into reality. But the act of
intervention is never performed once for all. Each intervention leads
only to new dilemmas, among which we must again choose and
intervene. It is mainly in order to escape from the necessity of facing
this terrifying series of unforeseeable dilemmas that the crowd-man
walketh in a vain show.
In pointing out the futility of present-day revolutionary crowd-
thinking, I am only striving to direct, in however small a degree, our
thought and energies into channels which lead toward desired
results. It is not by trombones that we are to redeem society, nor is
the old order going to tumble down like the walls of Jericho, and a
complete new start be given. Civilization cannot be wiped out and
begun all over again. It constitutes the environment within which
our reconstructive thinking must, by tedious effort, make certain
definite modifications. Each such modification is a problem in itself,
to be dealt with, not by belief in miracle, but by what Dewey calls
"creative intelligence." Each such modification must be achieved by
taking all the known facts, which are relevant, into account. As such
it is a new adaptation, and the result of a series of such adaptations
may be as great and radical a social transformation as one may have
the courage to set as the goal of a definite policy of social effort. But
there is a world of difference between social thinking of this kind,
where faith is a working hypothesis, and that which ignores the
concrete problems that must be solved to reach the desired goal,
and, after the manner of crowds, dreams of entering fairyland, or of
pulling a new world en bloc down out of the blue, by the magic of
substituting new tyrannies for old.
Revolutionary crowd-thinking is not "creative intelligence." It is
hocus-pocus, a sort of social magic formula like the "mutabor" in the
Arabian Nights; it is an Aladdins-lamp philosophy. And here we may
sum up this part of our argument. The idea of the revolution is to
the crowd a symbol, the function of which is compensation for the
56. burdens of the struggle for existence, for the feeling of social
inferiority, and for desires suppressed by civilization. It is an
imaginary escape from hard reality, a new-world system in which the
ego seeks refuge, a defense mechanism under the compulsive
influence of which crowds behave like somnambulistic individuals. It
is the apotheosis of the under crowd itself and the transcendental
expression and justification of its will to rule. It is made up of just
those broad generalizations which are of use in keeping that crowd
together. It gives the new crowd unction in its fight with the old,
since it was precisely these same dream-thoughts which the old
crowd wrote on its banners in the day when it, too, was blowing
trumpets outside the walls of Jericho.
57. VIII
THE FRUITS OF REVOLUTION—NEW CROWD-TYRANNIES
FOR OLD
So much for the psychology of the revolutionary propaganda.
Now let us look at what happens in the moment of revolutionary
outbreak. We have dwelt at some length on the fact that a
revolution occurs when a new crowd succeeds in displacing an old
one in position of social control. At first there is a general feeling of
release and of freedom. There is a brief period of ecstasy, of good
will, a strange, almost mystical magnanimity. A flood of oratory is
released in praise of the "new day of the people." Everyone is a
"comrade." Everyone is important. There is an inclination to trust
everyone. This Easter-morning state of mind generally lasts for some
days—until people are driven by the pinch of hunger to stop talking
and take up again the routine tasks of daily living. We have all read
how the "citizens" of the French Revolution danced in the streets for
sheer joy in their new-won liberty. Those who were in Petrograd
during the days which immediately followed the downfall of the Tsar
bear witness to a like almost mystical sense of the general goodness
of human kind and of joy in human fellowship.
With the return to the commonplace tasks of daily life, some
effort, and indeed further rationalization, is needed to keep up the
feeling that the new and wonderful age has really come to stay.
Conflicts of interest and special grievances are viewed as involving
the vital principles of the Revolution. People become impatient and
58. censorious. There is a searching of hearts. People watch their
neighbors, especially their rivals, to make sure that nothing in their
behavior shall confirm the misgivings which are vaguely felt in their
own minds. The rejoicing and comradeship which before were
spontaneous are now demanded. Intolerance toward the vanquished
crowd reappears with increased intensity, not a little augmented by
the knowledge that the old enemies are now at "the peoples" mercy.
There is a demand for revenge for old abuses. The displaced
crowd likely as not, foreseeing the doom which awaits its members,
seeks escape by attempting a counter-revolution. A propaganda of
sympathy is carried on among members of this same class who
remain in the dominant crowd in communities not affected by the
revolution. There is secret plotting and suspicion of treason on every
hand. People resort to extravagant expressions of their revolutionary
principles, not only to keep up their own faith in them, but to show
their loyalty to the great cause. The most fanatical and
uncompromising members of the group gain prominence because of
their excessive devotion. By the very logic of crowd-thinking,
leadership passes to men who are less and less competent to deal
with facts and more and more extreme in their zeal. Hence the usual
decline from the Mirabeaus to the Dantons and Cariers, and from
these to the Marats and Robespierres, from the Milukoffs to the
Kerenskys and from the Kerenskys to the Trotzkys. With each excess
the crowd must erect some still new defense against the inevitable
disclosure of the fact that the people are not behaving at all as if
they were living in the kingdom of heaven. With each farther
deviation from the plain meaning of facts, the revolution must resort
to more severe measures to sustain itself, until finally an
unsurmountable barrier is reached, such as the arrival on the scene
of a Napoleon. Then the majority are forced to abandon the vain
hope of really attaining Utopia, and content themselves with fictions
to the effect that what they have really is Utopia—or with such other
mechanisms as will serve to excuse and minimize the significance of
existing facts and put off the complete realization of the ideal until
some future stage of progress. It is needless to add that those who
59. have most profited by the revolutionary change are also most ready
to take the lead in persuading their neighbors to be content with
these rational compromises.
Meanwhile, however, the revolutionary leaders have set up a
dictatorship of their own, which, while necessary to "save the
revolution," is itself a practical negation of the revolutionary dream
of a free world. This dictatorship, finally passing into the hands of
the more competent element of the revolutionary crowd, justifies
itself to the many; professing and requiring of all a verbal assent to
the revolutionary creed of which its very existence is a fundamental
repudiation. This group becomes in time the nucleus about which
society finally settles down again in comparative peace and
equilibrium.
In general, then, it may be said that a revolution does not and
cannot realize the age-long dream of a world set free. Its results
may be summed up as follows: a newly dominant crowd, a new
statement of old beliefs, new owners of property in the places of the
old, new names for old tyrannies. Looking back over the history of
the several great tidal waves of revolution which have swept over
the civilization which is to-day ours, it would appear that one effect
of them has been to intensify the hold which crowd-thinking has
upon all of us, also to widen the range of the things which we
submit to the crowd-mind for final judgment. In confirmation of this
it is to be noted that it is on the whole those nations which have
been burnt over by both the Reformation and the eighteenth-century
revolution which exhibit the most chauvian brand of nationalism and
crowd-patriotism. It is these same nations also which have most
highly depersonalized their social relationships, political structures,
and ideals. It is these nations also whose councils are most
determined by spasms of crowd-propaganda.
The modern man doubtless has a sense of self in a degree
unknown—except by the few—in earlier ages, but along with this
there exists in "modern ideas," a complete system of crowd-ideas
60. with which the conscious self comes into conflict at every turn. Just
how far the revolutionary crowds of the past have operated to
provide the stereotyped forms in which present crowd-thinking is
carried on, it is almost impossible to learn. But that their influence
has been great may be seen by anyone who attempts a
psychological study of "public opinion."
Aside from the results mentioned, I think the deposit of
revolutionary movements in history has been very small. It may be
that, in the general shake-up of such a period, a few vigorous spirits
are tossed into a place where their genius has an opportunity which
it would otherwise have failed to get. But it would seem that on the
whole the idea that revolutions help the progress of the race is a
hoax. Where advancement has been achieved in freedom, in
intelligence, in ethical values, in art or science, in consideration for
humanity, in legislation, it has in each instance been achieved by
unique individuals, and has spread chiefly by personal influence,
never gaining assent except among those who have power to
recreate the new values won in their own experience.
Whenever we take up a new idea as a crowd, we at once turn it
into a catchword and a fad. Faddism, instead of being merely a
hunger for the new is rather an expression of the crowd-will to
uniformity. To be "old-fashioned" and out of date is as truly to be a
nonconformist as to be a freak or an originator. Faddism is neither
radicalism nor a symptom of progress. It is a mark of the passion for
uniformity or the conservatism of the crowd-mind. It is change; but
its change is insignificant.
It is often said that religious liberty is the fruit of the
Reformation. If so it is an indirect result and one which the
reformers certainly did not desire. They sought liberty only for their
own particular propaganda, a fact which is abundantly proved by
Calvins treatment of Servetus and of the Anabaptists, by Luthers
attitude toward the Saxon peasants, by the treatment of Catholics in
England, by the whole history of Cromwells rule, by the persecution
61. of Quakers and all other "heretics" in our American colonies—
Pennsylvania, I believe, excepted—down to the date of the American
Revolution.
It just happened that Protestantism as the religion of the
bourgeois fell into the hands of a group, who, outside their religious-
crowd interests were destined to be the greatest practical
beneficiaries of the advancement of applied science. Between
applied science and science as a cultural discipline—that is, science
as a humanistic study—the line is hard to draw. The Humanist spirit
of the sciences attained a certain freedom, notwithstanding the fact
that the whole Reformation was really a reactionary movement
against the Renaissance; in spite, moreover, of the patent fact that
the Protestant churches still, officially at least, resist the free spirit of
scientific culture.
It is to the free spirits of the Italian Renaissance, also to the
Jeffersons and Franklins and Paines, the Lincolns and Ingersolls, the
Huxleys and Darwins and Spencers, the men who dared alone to
resist the religious crowd-mind and to undermine the abstract ideas
in which it had intrenched itself, to whom the modern world owes its
religious and intellectual liberty.
The same is true of political liberty. England, which is the most
free country in the world to-day, never really experienced the
revolutionary crowd-movement of the eighteenth century. Instead,
the changes came by a process of gradual reconstruction. And it is
with just such an opportunist reconstructive process that England
promises now to meet and solve the problems of the threatened
social revolution. In contrast with Russia, Socialism in England has
much ground for hope of success. The radical movement in England
is on the whole wisely led by men who with few exceptions can think
realistically and pragmatically, and refuse to be swept off their feet
by crowd-abstractions. The British Labor party is the least crowd-
minded of any of the socialistic organizations of our day. The
Rochdale group has demonstrated that if it is co-operation that
62. people desire as a solution of the economic problem, the way to
solve it is to co-operate along definite and practicable lines; the co-
operators have given up belief in the miracle of Jericho. The British
trade-union movement has demonstrated the fact that organization
of this kind succeeds in just the degree that it can rise above crowd-
thinking and deal with a suggestion of concrete problems according
to a statesmanlike policy of concerted action.
To be sure it cannot be denied that the social reconstruction in
England is seriously menaced by the tendency to crowd-behavior. At
best it reveals hardly more than the superior advantage to the whole
community of a slightly less degree of crowd-behavior; but when
compared with the Socialist movement in Russia, Germany, and the
United States, it would seem that radicalism in England has at least
a remote promise of reaching a working solution of the social
problem; and that is more than can at present be said for the
others.
In the light of what has been said about the psychology of
revolution, I think we may hazard an opinion about the vaunted
"Dictatorship of the Proletariat"—an idea that has provided some
new catchwords for the crowd which is fascinated by the soviet
revolution in Russia. Granting for the sake of argument that such a
dictatorship would be desirable from any point of view—I do not see
how the mere fact that people work proves their capacity to rule,
horses also work—would it be possible? I think not. Even the
temporary rule of Lenin in Russia can hardly be called a rule of the
working class. Bolshevist propaganda will have it that such a
dictatorship of the working class is positively necessary if we are
ever to get away from the abuses of present "capitalistic society."
Moreover, it is argued that this dictatorship of the organized workers
could not be undemocratic, for since vested property is to be
abolished and everyone forced to work for his living, all will belong
to the working class, and therefore the dictatorship of the proletariat
is but the dictatorship of all.
63. In the first place, assuming that it is the dictatorship of all who
survive the revolution, this dictatorship of all over each is not liberty
for anyone; it may leave not the tiniest corner where one may be
permitted to be master of himself. The tyranny of all over each is as
different from freedom as is pharisaism from spiritual living.
Again, what is there to show that this imagined dictatorship of
all is to be shared equally by all, and if not have we not merely set
up a new privileged class—the very thing which the Socialist Talmud
has always declared it is the mission of the workers to destroy
forever? While the workers are still a counter-crowd, struggling for
power against the present ruling class, they are of course held
together by a common cause—namely, their opposition to capital.
But with labors triumph, everybody becomes a worker, and there is
no one longer to oppose. That which held the various elements of
labor together in a common crowd of revolt has now ceased to exist,
"class consciousness" has therefore no longer any meaning. Labor
itself has ceased to exist as a class by reason of its very triumph.
What then remains to hold its various elements together in a
common cause? Nothing at all. The solidarity of the workers
vanishes, when the struggle which gave rise to that solidarity
ceases. There remains now nothing but the humanitarian principle of
the solidarity of the human race. Solidarity has ceased to be an
economic fact, and has become purely "ideological."
Since by hypothesis everyone is a worker, the dictatorship of the
workers is a dictatorship based not on labor as such, but upon a
universal human quality. It would be quite as truly a dictatorship of
everyone if based upon any other common human quality—say, the
fact that we are all bipeds, that we all have noses, or the fact of the
circulation of the blood. As the purely proletarian character of this
dictatorship becomes meaningless, the crowd-struggle switches from
that of labor as a whole against capital, to a series of struggles
within the dominant labor group itself.
64. The experience of Russia has even now shown that if the soviets
are to save themselves from nation-wide bankruptcy, specially
trained men must be found to take charge of their industrial and
political activities. Long training is necessary for the successful
management of large affairs, and becomes all the more
indispensable as industry, education, and political affairs are
organized on a large scale. Are specially promising youths to be set
apart from early childhood to prepare themselves for these positions
of authority? Or shall such places be filled by those vigorous few
who have the ambition and the strength to acquire the necessary
training while at the same time working at their daily tasks? In either
case an intellectual class must be developed. Does anyone imagine
that this new class of rulers will hesitate to make use of every
opportunity to make itself a privileged class?
"But what opportunity can there be," is the reply, "since private
capital is to be abolished?" Very well, there have been ruling classes
before in history who did not enjoy the privilege of owning private
property. The clergy of the Middle Ages was such a class, and their
dominance was quite as effective and as enduring as is that of our
commercial classes today. But let us not deceive ourselves; in a
soviet republic there would be opportunity aplenty for exploitation.
As the solidarity of labor vanished, each important trade-group
would enter into rivalry with the others for leadership in the co-
operative commonwealth. Every economic advantage which any
group possessed would be used in order to lord it over the rest.
For instance, let us suppose that the workers in a strategic
industry, such as the railways, or coal mines, should make the
discovery that by going on a strike they could starve the community
as a whole into submission and gain practically anything they might
demand. Loyalty to the rest of labor would act no more as a check
to such ambitions than does loyalty to humanity in general now. As
we have seen, the crowd is always formed for the unconscious
purpose of relaxing the social control by mechanisms which mutually
justify such antisocial conduct on the part of members of the crowd.
65. There is every reason, both economic and psychological, why the
workers in each industry would become organized crowds seeking to
gain for their particular groups the lions share of the spoils of the
social revolution. What would there be, then, to prevent the workers
of the railroads or some other essential industry from exploiting the
community quite as mercilessly as the capitalists are alleged to do at
present? Nothing but the rivalry of other crowds who were seeking
the same dominance. In time a modus vivendi would doubtless be
reached whereby social control would be shared by a few of the
stronger unions—and their leaders.
The strike has already demonstrated the fact that in the hands
of a well-organized body of laborers, especially in those trades
where the number of apprentices may be controlled, industrial
power becomes a much more effective weapon than it is in the
hands of the present capitalistic owners.
A new dictatorship, therefore, must inevitably follow the social
revolution, in support of which a favored minority will make use of
the industrial power of the community, just as earlier privileged
classes used military power and the power of private property. And
this new dominance would be just as predatory, and would justify
itself, as did the others, by the platitudes of crowd-thinking. The so-
called dictatorship turns out, on examination, to be the dictatorship
of one section of the proletariat over the rest of it. The dream of
social redemption by such means is a pure crowd-idea.
66. IX
FREEDOM AND GOVERNMENT BY CROWDS
The whole philosophy of politics comes down at last to a
question of four words. Who is to govern? Compared with this
question the problem of the form of government is relatively
unimportant. Crowd-men, whatever political faith they profess,
behave much the same when they are in power. The particular forms
of political organization through which their power is exerted are
mere incidentals. There is the same self-laudation, the same tawdry
array of abstract principles, the same exploitation of under crowds,
the same cunning in keeping up appearances, the same preference
of the charlatan for positions of leadership and authority.
Machiavellis Prince, or Dostoievskys Grand Inquisitor, would serve
just as well as the model for the guidance of a Cæsar Borgia, a
leader of Tammany Hall, a chairman of the National Committee of a
political party, or a Nicolai Lenin.
Ever since the days of Rousseau certain crowds have persisted in
the conviction that all tyrannies were foisted upon an innocent
humanity by a designing few. There may have been a few instances
in history where such was the case, but tyrannies of that kind have
never lasted long. For the most part the tyrant is merely the
instrument and official symbol of a dominant crowd. His acts are his
crowds acts, and without his crowd to support him he very soon
goes the way of the late Sultan of Turkey. The Cæsars were hardly
more than "walking delegates," representing the ancient Roman
Soldiers soviet. They were made and unmade by the army which,
67. though Cæsars might come and Cæsars might go, continued to lord
it over the Roman world. While the army was pagan, even the mild
Marcus Aurelius followed Neros example of killing Christians. When
finally the army itself became largely Christian, and the fiction that
the Christians drank human blood, worshiped the head of an ass,
and were sexually promiscuous was no longer good patriotic
propaganda, the Emperor Constantine began to see visions of the
Cross in the sky. The Pope, who is doubtless the most absolute
monarch in the Occident, is, however, "infallible" only when he
speaks ex-cathedra—that is, as the "Church Herself." His infallibility
is that of the Church. All crowds in one way or another claim
infallibility. The tyrant Robespierre survived only so long as did his
particular revolutionary crowd in France.
The fate of Savonarola was similar. From his pulpit he could rule
Florence with absolute power just so long as he told his crowd what
it wished to hear, and so long as his crowd was able to keep itself
together and remain dominant. The Stuarts, Hohenzollerns,
Hapsburgs, and Romanoffs, with all their claims to divine rights,
were little more than the living symbols of their respective nation-
crowds. They vanished when they ceased to represent successfully
the crowd-will.
In general, then, it may be said that where the crowd is, there is
tyranny. Tyranny may be exercised through one agent or through
many, but it nearly always comes from the same source—the crowd.
Crowd-rule may exist in a monarchical form of government, or in a
republic. The personnel of the dominant crowd will vary with a
change in the form of the state, but the spirit will be much the
same. Conservative writers are in the habit of assuming that
democracy is the rule of crowds pure and simple. Whether crowd-
government is more absolute in a democracy than in differently
constituted states is a question. The aim of democratic constitutions
like our own is to prevent any special crowd from intrenching itself in
a position of social control and thus becoming a ruling class. As the
experiment has worked out thus far it can hardly be said that it has
68. freed us from the rule of crowds. It has, however, multiplied the
number of mutually suspicious crowds, so that no one of them has
for long enjoyed a sufficiently great majority to make itself clearly
supreme, though it must be admitted that up to the present the
business-man crowd has had the best of the deal. The story of the
recent Eighteenth Amendment shows how easy it is for a determined
crowd, even though in a minority, to force its favorite dogmas upon
the whole community. We shall doubtless see a great deal more of
this sort of thing in the future than we have in the past. And if the
various labor groups should become sufficiently united in a
"proletarian" crowd there is nothing to prevent their going to any
extreme.
We are passing through a period of socialization. All signs point
to the establishment of some sort of social state or industrial
commonwealth. No one can foresee the extent, to which capital now
privately owned is to be transferred to the public. It is doubtful if
anything can be done to check this process. The tendency is no
sooner blocked along one channel than it begins to seep through
another. In itself there need be nothing alarming about this
transition. If industry could be better co-ordinated and more wisely
administered by non-crowd men for the common good, the change
might work out to our national advantage.
It is possible to conceive of a society in which a high degree of
social democracy, even communism, might exist along with a
maximum of freedom and practical achievement. But we should first
have to get over our crowd-ways of thinking and acting. People
would have to regard the state as a purely administrative affair. They
would have to organize for definite practical ends, and select their
leaders and administrators very much as certain corporations now
do, strictly on the basis of their competency. Political institutions
would have to be made such that they could not be seized by special
groups to enhance themselves at the expense of the rest.
Partisanship would have to cease. Every effort would have to be
made to loosen the social control over the individuals personal
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