![of approximately 35.5 cm, a diameter of approximately 13 cm at the top and
15.25 cm at the bottom. On opposite sides there were glass panes approxi-
mately 5.5 cm thick. With this apparatus and a reinforced “fir cask” Scoresby
collected water samples and measured temperatures at various depths. In a
certain sense, these were measurements made with protected thermometers,
as the insulating material used for the “marine diver” ensured protection, but
it isn’t clear that they were protected from pressure.
The temperature values collected in the spring from 1810 to 1816 by
Scoresby are shown in Fig. 1.14 and are compared with profiles collected
in the same areas in the summer of 2006 and 2007. The differences are
very significant and may be due to the annual/seasonal variability and the
insulating capacity of the materials of the “marine diver” was most likely
far from optimal.
Figure 1.14 Comparison of potential temperature data collected by Scoresby (lines
with blue [black in printed version] big dots at their end) with profiles collected in
the same regions during summers 2006e07. These data are free and open in SeaData-
Net (www.seadatanet.org). The graph has been obtained with the Ocean Data View
software. The potential temperature was computed by using the thermodynamic equa-
tion of seawater (IOC, SCOR and IAPSO, 2010). Courtesy Schlitzer, Reiner, 2020. Ocean
Data View, https://odv.awi.de.
A narrative of historical, methodological, and technological observations in marine science 31](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/24716452-250523032304-93144e47/85/Ocean-Science-Data-Collection-Management-Networking-And-Services-Giuseppe-Manzella-49-320.jpg)
Ocean Science Data Collection Management Networking And Services Giuseppe Manzella
- 1. Ocean Science Data Collection Management Networking And Services Giuseppe Manzella download https://ebookbell.com/product/ocean-science-data-collection- management-networking-and-services-giuseppe-manzella-49432904 Explore and download more ebooks at ebookbell.com
- 2. Here are some recommended products that we believe you will be interested in. You can click the link to download. Ocean Science Data Collection Management Networking And Services Giuseppe Manzella https://ebookbell.com/product/ocean-science-data-collection- management-networking-and-services-giuseppe-manzella-38164452 Tsunami Science Four Years After The 2004 Indian Ocean Tsunami Part Ii Observation And Data Analysis 1st Edition Phil R Cummins https://ebookbell.com/product/tsunami-science-four-years-after- the-2004-indian-ocean-tsunami-part-ii-observation-and-data- analysis-1st-edition-phil-r-cummins-11850252 Big Data Analytics In Earth Atmospheric And Ocean Sciences Thomas Huang Tiffany C Vance Christopher Lynnes https://ebookbell.com/product/big-data-analytics-in-earth-atmospheric- and-ocean-sciences-thomas-huang-tiffany-c-vance-christopher- lynnes-46771514 Ocean Science And The British Cold War State 1st Ed Samuel A Robinson https://ebookbell.com/product/ocean-science-and-the-british-cold-war- state-1st-ed-samuel-a-robinson-7147886
- 3. Blue Economy An Ocean Science Perspective Edward R Urban Jr https://ebookbell.com/product/blue-economy-an-ocean-science- perspective-edward-r-urban-jr-46705274 Tides Of History Ocean Science And Her Majestys Navy Michael S Reidy https://ebookbell.com/product/tides-of-history-ocean-science-and-her- majestys-navy-michael-s-reidy-51441348 Sea Change 20152025 Decadal Survey Of Ocean Sciences Committee On Guidance For Nsf On National Ocean Science Research Priorities Decadal Survey Of Ocean Sciences https://ebookbell.com/product/sea-change-20152025-decadal-survey-of- ocean-sciences-committee-on-guidance-for-nsf-on-national-ocean- science-research-priorities-decadal-survey-of-ocean-sciences-5452668 Chemical Reference Materials Setting The Standards For Ocean Science Committee On Reference Materials For Ocean Science https://ebookbell.com/product/chemical-reference-materials-setting- the-standards-for-ocean-science-committee-on-reference-materials-for- ocean-science-1201100 Wonders Of The Sea Merging Ocean Myth And Ocean Science Kendall F Haven https://ebookbell.com/product/wonders-of-the-sea-merging-ocean-myth- and-ocean-science-kendall-f-haven-2406256
- 6. OCEAN SCIENCE DATA COLLECTION, MANAGEMENT, NETWORKING AND SERVICES Edited by GIUSEPPE MANZELLA OceanHis SrL, Torino, Italy ANTONIO NOVELLINO ETT SpA - Gruppo SCAI, Genova, Italy
- 7. Elsevier Radarweg 29, PO Box 211, 1000 AE Amsterdam, Netherlands The Boulevard, Langford Lane, Kidlington, Oxford OX5 1GB, United Kingdom 50 Hampshire Street, 5th Floor, Cambridge, MA 02139, United States Copyright Ó 2022 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. Details on how to seek permission, further information about the Publisher’s permissions policies and our arrangements with organizations such as the Copyright Clearance Center and the Copyright Licensing Agency, can be found at our website: www.elsevier.com/permissions. This book and the individual contributions contained in it are protected under copyright by the Publisher (other than as may be noted herein). Notices Knowledge and best practice in this field are constantly changing. As new research and experience broaden our understanding, changes in research methods, professional practices, or medical treatment may become necessary. Practitioners and researchers must always rely on their own experience and knowledge in evaluating and using any information, methods, compounds, or experiments described herein. In using such information or methods they should be mindful of their own safety and the safety of others, including parties for whom they have a professional responsibility. To the fullest extent of the law, neither the Publisher nor the authors, contributors, or editors, assume any liability for any injury and/or damage to persons or property as a matter of products liability, negligence or otherwise, or from any use or operation of any methods, products, instructions, or ideas contained in the material herein. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data A catalog record for this book is available from the Library of Congress British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library ISBN: 978-0-12-823427-3 For information on all Elsevier publications visit our website at https://www.elsevier.com/books-and-journals Publisher: Candice Janco Acquisitions Editor: Louisa Munro Editorial Project Manager: Sara Valentino Production Project Manager: Debasish Ghosh Cover Designer: Mark Rogers Typeset by TNQ Technologies
- 8. List of acronyms AATSR Advanced Along Track Scanning Radiometer ABDC Access to Biological Collection Data ADP Arctic Data Portal ADU Associated Data Unit AfReMaS African Register of Marine Species AIS Automatic Identification System ALA Atlas of Living Australia AniBOS Animal Borne Ocean Sensors AODN Australian Ocean Data Network AOML Atlantic Oceanographic and Meteorological Laboratory API Application Program Interface APM Application Performance Matrix ASCII American Standard Code for Information Interchange ATSR Along Track Scanning Radiometer AVHRR Advanced Very High Resolution Radiometer BAMS Bulletin of the American Meteorological Society BGC-Argo BioGeoChemical Argo BHL Biodiversity Heritage Library BODC British Oceanographic Data Centre BOLD Barcode of Life Data System BOOS Baltic Operational Oceanographic System C3S Copernicus Climate Change Service CAFF Conservation of Arctic Flora and Fauna CAMS Copernicus Atmospheric Service CBD Convention on Biological Diversity CCHDO Carbon Hydrographic Data Office CCI Climate Change Initiative CDI Common Data Index CDS Climate Data Store CEC Commission of the European Communities CETAF Consortium of European Taxonomic Facilities CF Climate and Forecast CIMR Copernicus Imaging Microwave Radiometer CLMS Copernicus Land Service CMEMS Copernicus Marine Environment Monitoring Service CO2 Carbon Dioxide CODATA Committee on Data CoL Catalogue of Life COL-PLUS Innovating the Catalogue of Life Systems CoML Census of Marine Life COP Conference of the Parties CPR Continuous Plankton Recorder CRM Certified Reference Materials 369 j
- 9. CRS Coordinate Reference System CSIRO Commonwealth Scientific and Industrial Research Organization CSR Cruise Summary Reports CSV Comma Separated Values CTD Conductivity Temperature Depth sonde CV Curriculum Vitae D4Science Data infrastructure for science DAB Discovery and Access Broker DATAMEQ Data Management, Exchange and Quality DataONE Data Observation Network for Earth DBCP Data Buoy Cooperation Panel DCDB Data Centre for Digital Bathymetry DG MARE Directorate-General for Maritime Affairs and Fisheries DG Directorate General DGPM Directorate General for Maritime Policy (Portugal) DIAS Data and Information Access Services DIC Dissolved Inorganic Carbon DIGI TWIN digital twin “a realistic digital representation of assets, processes or systems in the built or natural environment” (“The Gemini Princi- ples” (PDF). www.cdbb.cam.ac.uk. Centre for Digital Built Britain. 2018. Retrieved 2020-01-01.) DIKW Data-Information-Knowledge-Wisdom DiSSCo Distributed System of Scientific Collections DIVA Data-Interpolating Variational Analysis DIVAnd Data-Interpolating Variational Analysis in n dimensions DM Delayed Mode DMP Data Management Plan DOI Digital Object Identifier DPSIR Driver-Pressure-State-Impact-Response DQ Data Quality DSA Data Seal of Approval DTM Digital Terrain Model DTO Digital Twin of the Ocean EBSA Ecologically or Biologically Significant Area EBV Essential Biodiversity Variables EBWBL EMODnet Bathymetry released a World Base Layer Service EC European Commission ECV Essential Climate Variables EDIOS European DIrectory of the Ocean Observing Systems EDMED European Directory of Marine Environmental Data EDMERP European Directory of Marine Environmental Research Projects EDMO European Directory of Marine Organizations EEA European Environment Agency EEI Earth’s Energy Imbalance EGO Everyone’s Gliding Observatories EIONET European Environment Information and Observation Network ELIXIR European Life-Science Infrastructure eLTER European part of the global Long-Term Ecosystem Research 370 List of acronyms
- 10. EMB European Marine Board EBMI Inhaca Marine Biology Research Station EMBRC European Marine Biological Research Centre EMODnet European Marine Observation and Data Network EMSO European Multidisciplinary Seafloor and water column Observatory ENA European Nucleotide Archive ENSO El Ni~ no-Southern Oscillation ENVRI ENVironmental Research Infrastructure EO Earth Observation EoL Encyclopaedia of Life EOSC European Open Science Cloud EOV Essential Ocean Variables ERDAPP Environmental Research Division’s Data Access Program ERIC European Research Infrastructure Consortium ERMS European Register of Marine Species ESA European Space Agency ESFRI European Strategy Forum on Research Infrastructures ESIP Earth Science Information Partners EU European Union EUDAT pan-European network of research organizations, data and computing centers. EUMETSAT European Organization for the Exploitation of Meteorological Satellites EUNIS European Nature Information System EuroArgo European component of Argo program EuroBioImaging- European Research Infrastructure for Imaging Technologies in Bio- logical and Biomedical Sciences EurOBIS European Ocean Biodiversity Information System EuroFLEETS An alliance of European marine research infrastructure to meet the evolving needs of the research and industrial communities EuroGOOS European component of GOOS EuroSEA European Ocean Observing and Forecasting System Eurostat European Statistical Office EUSeaMap Seabed habitat map for Europe EV Essential Variables FAIR Principles Findable, Accessible, Interoperable, and Reusable FAO Food and Agriculture Organization FGDC Federal Geographic Data Committee G7 Group of Seven, Intergovernmental Organization GACS Global Alliance of Continuous plankton recorder Surveys GBIF Global Biodiversity Information Facility - An international body dedicated to providing free access to biodiversity data GCI GEOSS common infrastructure GCMD Global Change Master Directory GCOS Global Climate Observing System GDAC Global Data Assembly Centre GEBCO General Bathymetric Chart of the Oceans GEF Global Environment Facility List of acronyms 371
- 11. GEO Global Environment Outlook GEO BON Group on Earth Observations Biodiversity Observation Network GEO Group of Earth Observation GEOMAR Helmholtz Centre for Ocean Research Kiel GEOSS Global Earth Observation System of Systems GEOTRACES International program which aims to improve the understanding of biogeochemical cycles and large-scale distribution of trace elements and their isotopes in the marine environment. GES Good Environmental Status GGBN Global Genome Biodiversity Network GHRSST Group for High Resolution SST GIS Geographic Information System Globe GLobal Oceanographic Bathymetry Explorer GLODAP Global Ocean Data Analysis Project GLOSS Global Sea Level Observing System GO-SHIP Global Ocean Ship-Based Hydrographic Investigations Program GODAR Global Oceanographic Data Archeology and Rescue GOMON Global Ocean Macroalgal Observing Network GOOS Global Ocean Observing System GOSUD Global Ocean Surface Underway Data GRA GOOS Regional Alliances GTS Global Telecommunication System GTSPP Global Temperature and Salinity Profile Program HadISST Hadley Center Sea Ice and Sea Surface Temperature HarmoNIA Harmonization and Networking for contaminant assessment in the Ionian and Adriatic Seas HELCOM HELsinki COMmission HF High Frequency HFR High Frequency Radar HMAP History of Marine Animal Populations HTML HyperText Markup Language IAPB International Arctic Buoy Program IAPSO International Association for the Physical Sciences of the Oceans IBI-ROOS Ireland Biscay Iberian Regional Operational Oceanographic System ICEDIG Innovation and consolidation for large scale digitization of natural heritage ICES International Council for the Exploration of the Sea ICOS Integrated Carbon Observation System ICSU International Council for Science ICSU-WDS ICSU World Data System ICZM Integrated Coastal Zone Management ID Input Data(set) iDigBio Integrated Digitized Biocollections IDOE International Decade of Ocean Exploration IGY International Geophysical Year IHO International Hydrographic Organization IJI International Joint Initiatives IK Indigenous Knowledge 372 List of acronyms
- 12. IMIS Integrated Marine Information System IMOS Australia’s Integrated Marine Observing System INSPIRE INfrastructure for SPatial Information in the euRopEan Community InSTAC In Situ Thematic Assembling Centre IOC Intergovernmental Oceanographic Commission of UNESCO IOC-ODIS Ocean Data and Information System IOCCp International Ocean Carbon Coordination Project IODE International Oceanographic Data and information Exchange IOOS US Integrated Ocean Observing System IPBES Intergovernmental Science-Policy Platform on Biodiversity and Ecosystem Services IPCC Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change IQuOD International Quality Controlled Ocean Database ISC International Science Council ISO International Organization for Standardization ISSC International Social Science Council IT Information Technology ITIS- Integrated Taxonomic Information System IUBS International Union of Biological Sciences JAVA class-based, object-oriented programming language JCOMM Joint technical Commission for Oceanography and Marine Meteorology JCOMMOPS Joint WMO-IOC Centre for in situ Ocean and Marine Meteorolog- ical Observing Program Support JERICO Joint European Research Infrastructure of Coastal Observatories JERICOS3 Joint European Research Infrastructure of Coastal Observatories Sci- ence, Service, Sustainability JGOFS Joint Global Ocean Flux Study JRC Joint Research Center JSON JavaScript Object Notation KBP Kenya-Belgium Project KMFRI Kenya Marine and Fisheries Research Institute LAT Lowest Astronomical Tide LEO Local Environmental Observer LifeWatch European AgroEcology Living Lab and Research Infrastructure Network LSID Life Science Identifier LTER Long-Term Ecosystem Research MacroBen Integrated database on soft-bottom benthos MANUELA Meiobenthic and Nematode biodiversity Unravelling Ecological and Latitudinal Aspects MAP Mediterranean Action Plan MARBEF Marine Biodiversity and Ecosystem Functioning MARPOL International Convention for the Prevention of Pollution from Ships MASDEA Marine Species Database for Eastern Africa MAT Binary MATLAB file MBA Marine Biological Association MBON Marine Biodiversity Observation Network List of acronyms 373
- 13. MCDS Marine Climate Data System MDT Mean Dynamic Topography MEDAR MEditerranean oceanographic Data Archeology and Rescue MedAtlas Mediterranean Atlas MEDI Marine Environmental Data Information Referral Catalogue MEDPOL Marine pollution assessment and control component of MAP MEOP Marine Mammals Exploring the Oceans Pole to Pole MFC Monitoring and Forecasting Center MHHW Mean Higher High Water MIxS Minimum Information about any (x) Sequence MLLT Mean Lower Low Tide MODB Mediterranean Oceanographic Data Base MONGOOS Mediterranean Operational Network for the Global Ocean Observing System MSFD Marine Strategy Framework Directive MSP Marine Spatial Planning NaGISA Natural Geography in Shore Areas NASA National Aeronautics and Space Administration NASA - CMR NASA Common Metadata Repository NASA - GCMD NASA Global Change Master Directory NCEAS National Center for Ecological Analysis and Synthesis NCEI NOAA’s National Centers for Environmental Information NDBC US National Data Buoy Center NERC Natural Environment Research Council NESDIS National Environmental Satellite, Data, and Information Service NetCDF Network Common Data Form NOAA National Oceanographic and Atmospheric Administration NODC National Oceanographic Data Center NoE Network of Excellence NOOS North Sea Operational Oceanographic System NRT Near Real Time NSBP North Sea Benthos Project NSBS North Sea Benthos Survey NVS NERC Vocabulary Server O&M Observations and Measurements O2 Oxygen OAI Open Archives Initiative OBIS Ocean Biodiversity Information System OBPS Ocean Best Practices System OceanOPS Ocean Observations Programs Support OceanSITES international system of long-term, open-ocean reference stations OCG Observations Coordination Group ODINAFRICA Ocean Data and Information Network for Africa ODIP Ocean Data Interoperability Platform ODIS Ocean Data and Information System ODSBPP Ocean Data Standards and Best Practices Project 374 List of acronyms
- 14. ODV Ocean Data View OECD Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development OGC Open Geospatial Consortium - Define standards for sharing geographical data OGDMTT Ocean Glider Data Management Task Team OISST Optimum Interpolation Sea Surface Temperature OMB Office of Management and Budget OOPC Ocean Observations Physics and Climate Panel OOPS Operational Oceanographic Products and Services OPeNDAP Open-source Project for a Network Data Access Protocol ORCID Open Researcher and Contributor ID OSGeo Open Source GEOspatial foundation OSPAR OSlo-PARis Convention for the Protection of the Marine Environ- ment of the North-East Atlantic OSSE Observing System Simulation Experiments OSTIA Operational Sea Surface Temperature and Ice Analysis OSTP Office of Science and Technology Policy P2P Pole to Pole PACE PArtnership for China and Europe PANGAEA Data Publisher for Earth and Environmental Science pCO2 Partial pressure of carbon dioxide pH Power of Hydrogen PID Personal Identifiable Data PIDoc Product Information Document PIRATA PredIction and Research moored Array in The Atlantic POP Persistent Organic Pollutant PSMSL Permanent Service for Mean Sea Level QA Quality Assurance QAS Quality Assurance Strategy QC Quality Control QF Quality Flag QI Quality Indicator RAMA Research moored Array for African-Asian-Australian Monsoon Analysis and prediction RDA Research Data Alliance RDLF Research Data Life Cycle RECOSCIX-WIO Regional Cooperation in Scientific Information Exchange in the West Indian Ocean RI Research Infrastructures RMP Responsive Mode Programs RMSD Root Mean Square Difference ROC Regional Dispatch Centre ROOS Regional Operational Oceanographic System RT Real Time RTD Research and Technological Development SARCE South American Research Group on Coastal Ecosystems SBSTTA Subsidiary Body on Scientific, Technical and Technological Advice SCOR Scientific Committee on Oceanic Research List of acronyms 375
- 15. SD Sustainable Development SDG Sustainable Development Goals SDN SeaDataNet SeaDataCloud Advanced SeaDataNet services SeaDataNet Pan-European Infrastructure for Ocean and Marine Data Management sensorML Standard models and an XML encoding for describing any process SI Syst eme Internationale or International System SKOS Simple Knowledge Organization System SLS IOC Sea Level Station Monitoring (SLS) SLSTR Sea and Land Surface Temperature Radiometer SMM System Maturity Matrix SOAP Simple Object Access Protocol SOCAT Surface Ocean CO2 ATlas SONEL Syst eme d’Observation du Niveau des Eaux Litorales SOOP Ship of Opportunity Program SOOS Southern Oceans Observing System SOP Standard Operating Procedures SOS Sensor Observation Service SPARQL Sparql Protocol And Rdf Query Language SST Sea Surface Temperature SWE Sensor Web Enablement SYNTHESIS Synthesis of Systematic Resources TAC Thematic Assembling Center TAO Tropical Atmosphere Ocean Tb Brightness Temperature TDS THREDDS Data Server TDWG Biodiversity information standards (formally Taxonomic Databases Working Group) TG-ML MSFD Technical Group on Marine Litter THREDDS Thematic Real-time Environmental Distributed Data Services TKIP Traditional Knowledge Information Portal TRITON TRIangle Trans-Ocean buoy Network TRUST Transparency - Responsibility - User community - Sustainability e Technology TXT TeXT UD Upstream Data(set) UHSLC University of Hawaii Sea Level Center UN United Nations UNDP United Nations Development Program UNEP United Nations Environment Program UNESCO United Nations Educational Scientific and Cultural Organization UNFCCC United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change UNSD United Nations Sustainable Development URI Universal Resource Identifier URMO UNESCO-IOC Register of Marine Organisms US United States VLIZ Flanders Marine Institute 376 List of acronyms
- 16. VOS Voluntary Observing Ship VRE Virtual Research Environment VTS Vessel Traffic Services W3C World Wide Web Consortium WAF Web Accessible Folder WCS Web Coverage Service WDC World Data Centre webODV on line Ocean Data View WEkEO Copernicus DIAS service WFD Water Framework Directive - EU Project to provide cleaner fresh water in Europe WFS Web Feature Service WG Working Group WIPO World Intellectual Property Organization WISE Water Information System for Europe (also WISE-Marine for the marine specific bit) WMO World Meteorological Organization WMS Web Map Service WMTS Web Map Tile Service WOA World Ocean Assessment WOA World Ocean Atlas WOCE World Ocean Circulation Experiment WOD World Ocean Database WoRMS World Register of Marine Species WxS W3C xml Schema XBT eXpendable BathyThermograph List of acronyms 377
- 17. Contributors A. Barth University of Liege, Liege, Belgium Joana Beja Flanders Marine Institute (VLIZ), Oostende, Belgium Abigail Benson U.S. Geological Survey, Lakewood, CO, United States T. Boyer National Centers for Environmental Information, National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration, Asheville, NC, United States Jan-Bart Calewaert Seascape Belgium bvba, Brussels, Belgium; European Marine Observation and Data Network (EMODnet) Secretariat, Ostend, Belgium C. Coatanoan Ifremer Centre de Bretagne, Plouzané, Brest, France Tim Collart Seascape Belgium bvba, Brussels, Belgium; European Marine Observation and Data Network (EMODnet) Secretariat, Ostend, Belgium Conor Delaney Seascape Belgium bvba, Brussels, Belgium; European Marine Observation and Data Network (EMODnet) Secretariat, Ostend, Belgium Daphnis De Pooter Commission for the Conservation of Antarctic Marine Living Resources, (CCAMLR), Hobart, TAS, Australia Federico De Strobel The Historical Oceanography Society, La Spezia, Italy S. Diggs Scripps Institution of Oceanography, University of California San Diego, La Jolla, CA, United States William Emery University of Colorado, Boulder, CO, United States Michele Fichaut IFREMER/SISMER, Brest, France Vasilis Gerovasileiou Hellenic Centre for Marine Research (HCMR), Institute of Marine Biology, Biotechnology and Aquaculture (IMBBC), Heraklion, Greece ix j
- 18. Kate E. Larkin Seascape Belgium bvba, Brussels, Belgium; European Marine Observation and Data Network (EMODnet) Secretariat, Ostend, Belgium Dan Lear Marine Biological Association, Plymouth, United Kingdom Helen Lillis Joint Nature Conservation Committee (JNCC), Peterborough, United Kingdom M. Lipizer Istituto Nazionale di Oceanografia e di Geofisica Sperimentale e OGS, Trieste, Italy Eleonora Manca Joint Nature Conservation Committee (JNCC), Peterborough, United Kingdom Giuseppe M.R. Manzella The Historical Oceanography Society, La Spezia, Italy; OceanHis SrL, Torino, Italy Andrée-Anne Marsan Seascape Belgium bvba, Brussels, Belgium; European Marine Observation and Data Network (EMODnet) Secretariat, Ostend, Belgium Patricia Miloslavich Scientific Committee on Oceanic Research (SCOR), University of Delaware, College of Earth, Ocean and Environment, Newark, DE, United States; Departamento de Estudios Ambientales, Universidad Sim on Bolívar, Caracas, Miranda, Venezuela Gwenaëlle Moncoiffé British Oceanographic Data Centre, National Oceanography Centre, Liverpool, United Kingdom V. Myroshnychenko Middle East Technical University, Institute of Marine Sciences, Erdemli-Mersin, Turkey John Nicholls Norfish Project, Centre for Environmental Humanities, Trinity College Dublin, Dublin, Ireland Antonio Novellino ETT SpA, Genova, Italy Nadia Pinardi The Historical Oceanography Society, La Spezia, Italy; Department of Physics and Astronomy, Universit a di Bologna, Bologna, Italy A. Pisano Consiglio Nazionale delle Ricerche - Istituto di Scienze Marine (CNR-ISMAR), Rome, Italy A. Pititto COGEA, Rome, Italy x Contributors
- 19. Dick M.A. Schaap Mariene Informatie Service MARIS B.V., Nootdorp, the Netherlands R. Schlitzer Alfred Wegener Institute, Bremerhaven, Germany S. Simoncelli Istituto Nazionale di Geofisica e Vulcanologia, Sezione di Bologna, Italy A. Storto Consiglio Nazionale delle Ricerche - Istituto di Scienze Marine (CNR-ISMAR), Rome, Italy Nathalie Tonné Seascape Belgium bvba, Brussels, Belgium; European Marine Observation and Data Network (EMODnet) Secretariat, Ostend, Belgium C. Troupin University of Liege, Liege, Belgium Leen Vandepitte Flanders Marine Institute (VLIZ), Oostende, Belgium Anton Van de Putte Royal Belgian Institute for Natural Sciences, Brussels, Belgium; Université Libre de Bruxelles, Brussels, Belgium Nathalie Van Isacker Seascape Belgium bvba, Brussels, Belgium; European Marine Observation and Data Network (EMODnet) Secretariat, Ostend, Belgium Mickaël Vasquez Ifremer, Brest, France Nina Wambiji Kenya Marine and Fisheries Research Institute, Mombasa, Kenya Contributors xi
- 20. Biographies Giuseppe Manzella received a degree in physics from the Department of Physics, University of Rome “La Sapienza.” After some fellowships, and attendance of specialization courses in Europe, he first worked at National Research Council (1982e92) and then was employed as research manager in ENEA (1992e2013). From 1978 he has been active in national, Euro- pean, and international programs in oceanography. He has worked as expert on marine ecosystem for the Italian Ministry of Research, and the Italian representative to WMO-IOC Joint Committee for Marine Meteorology (JCOMM). He has chaired the Italian Oceanographic Commission from January 2009 to June 2014. He is chairing the Historical Oceanography So- ciety. He is author/co-author of 50 refereed papers published in interna- tional journals, co-editor of two books published, and the Topic Editor of the Journal Earth System Science Data. Antonio Novellino received a PhD in Biotechnology and Bioengineering and a MSc in Biomedical Engineering. From 2008 to 2010, he served on the European Commission, JRC e IHCP, as a senior researcher. He is the ETT Research Manager where he coordinates RD activities (www. ettsolutions.com). He served on the Board of Directors of Consortium Si4Life (www.si4life.com) and on the board of Consortium Tecnomar (SMEs working on maritime and environment technology, www. consorziotecnomar.com). He is serving on the techno-scientific board of the Ligurian Cluster of Marine Technology DLTM (www.dltm.it); the board of Consortium TRAIN (innovation in energy and transport manage- ment, www.consorziotrain.org); EMODnet Steering Committee and Technical Working Group; Expert Team on WIS Centres (ET-WISC); and Southern Ocean Observing System Data Management team (SOOS DMSC). He is a member of the EuroGOOS DATAMEQ group for advising on operational oceanography data management procedures. He is the EMODnet physics coordinator (www.emodnet-physics.eu) and CMEMS Dissemination Unit (CMEMS DU) deputy coordinator. xiii j
- 21. CHAPTER ONE A narrative of historical, methodological, and technological observations in marine science Giuseppe M.R. Manzella1,4 , Federico De Strobel1 , Nadia Pinardi1,2 , William Emery3 1 The Historical Oceanography Society, La Spezia, Italy 2 Department of Physics and Astronomy, Universit a di Bologna, Bologna, Italy 3 University of Colorado, Boulder, CO, United States 4 OceanHis SrL, Torino, Italy Introduction Our planet is invested with two great oceans; one visible, the other invisible; one underfoot, the other overhead; one entirely envelops it, the other covers about two thirds of its surface. Matthew Fontaine Maury, The Physical Geography of the Sea and Its Meteo- rology, 1855 The earliest studies of the oceans date back to Aristotle (384 BCe322 BC), but a true methodological approach only began about two millennia after his death. Initially, ocean science derived from the practical arts of navigation and cartography (Henry, 2008). During the 15th century, logbooks and annotated navigation maps began to be collected systemati- cally. Unfortunately, few early travel records have survived due to physical deterioration, loss of logbooks or privacy policies (Peterson et al., 1996). With the Portuguese exploration of new lands and seas, important advances were made in one branch of science in particular: the geography of the sea. Ocean Science Data ISBN: 978-0-12-823427-3 https://doi.org/10.1016/B978-0-12-823427-3.00004-9 © 2022 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved. 3 j
- 22. The first methodological and technological approach to observing the sea was established at the meeting of the Royal Society of London on June 14, 1661. The document Propositions of Some Experiments to Be Made by the Earl of Sandwich in His Present Voyage (Birch, 1760) defined the guide- lines for data collection. “Diligent observations” were required by Galilei (1564e1642) and were the basis of his experimental method. The concept was underlined, inter alia, in the “Forth Day” chapter, discussing the causes of the tides, in the famous book Dialogue on the Two Chief World Systems (Galilei, 1632). The “Propo- sitions” were asking for “diligent observations” and their recommendations were subsequently included in the Directions for the Observations and Experi- ments to Be Made by Masters of Ships, Pilots, and Other Fit Persons on Their Sea-Voyages by Murray and Hooke (1667) on behalf of the Royal Society. Seafarers were asked to - Observe the declination and variations of the compass or needle from the meridian exactly, in as many places as they can, and in the same place, every several voyage, - Carry dipping-needles with them, - Mark carefully the flowings and ebbings of the sea, in as many places as may be, - Sound the deepest seas without a line, . - Keep a register of all changes of wind and weather ., - Observe and record all extraordinary meteors, lightnings, thunders, . - Carry with them good scales and glass-viols of a pint or so, with very narrow mouths, which are to be filled with sea water in different degrees of latitude, and the weight of the viol full of water taken exactly at every time, and recorded; marking withal the degrees of latitude and longitude of the place, and the day of the month, and the temperature of the weather: and as well of water near the top, as at a greater depth, - Fetch up water from any depth of the sea. The “Directions” were accompanied by instructions on the use of methods and instruments. Theoretically, they constituted a systematization of a general request by several European scientists made explicit by Vincenzo Viviani (a pupil of Galileo Galilei), on behalf of the Accademia del Cimento to gather knowledge of the variability of ocean circulation by means of “dili- gent” observations of the sea (see Pinardi et al., 2018). It is worthwhile to mention that the Accademia del Cimento motto was “by trying and trying again” (e.g., Magalotti, 1667). 4 Giuseppe M.R. Manzella et al.
- 23. A further step toward a more “diligent” observational methodology was made by Ferdinando Marsili (1658e1730) with his famous treatise “Osser- vazioni intorno al Bosforo Tracio” (Marsili, 1681). For the first time, an appropriate observation strategy was defined in order to understand the ef- fects of density differences on the circulation of water masses (Pinardi et al., 2018; Peterson et al., 1996; Deacon, 1971). The efforts of the Royal Society to gain greater knowledge of the phys- ical characteristics of the sea met with little success. However, an important contribution came from William Dampier (1651e1715), who was the first person to circumnavigate the globe three times (Dampier, 2012). In Damp- ier’s records, data were not reported as requested in the “Directions,” but contained substantial information on winds and currents. The essay “A New Voyage Round the World” (Dampier, 1703) was sent to the Royal Society with the aim to promote “useful knowledge, and of anything that may never so remotely tend to my Countries advantage.” During his voy- ages, Dampier found that currents in the equatorial region were driven by the trade winds (Deacon, 1971). The westward currents in the north equatorial region were used during the discovery of America and were associated with the Aristotelian concep- tion of sea motion. In actual fact, Aristotle never spoke of a westward sea flow, but this was the scholarly interpretation of a passage in the second book of Meteorologica (e.g., Aristotle, 1952): The whole Mediterranean flows according to the depth of the sea-bed and the volume of the rivers. For Lake Maeotis (Azov Sea) flows into the Pontus and thus into the Aegean . In the seas mentioned it (the flow) takes place because of the riversdfor more rivers flow into the Euxine and Lake Maeotis than into other areas many times their sizedand because of their shallowness. For the sea seem to get deeper and deeper than Lake Maeotis, the Aegean deeper than the Pontus and the Sicilian Sea deeper than the Aegean, while the Sardinian and Tyrrhenian are the deepest of all. The water outside the pillars of Heracles is shallow because of the mud but calm because the sea lies in a hollow. The westward flow of the surface currents in the north equatorial region was noted by Pietro Martire d’Angera (1457e1526) in De Orbe Novo, 3rd “Decade,” Book 4 of the English translation by MacNutt (Martyr d’Anghiera, 1912): It was in the year of salvation 1502 on the sixth day of the ides of May that Columbus sailed from Cadiz with a squadron of four vessels of from fifty to sixty tons burthen, manned by one hundred and seventy men. Five days of favourable A narrative of historical, methodological, and technological observations in marine science 5
- 24. weather brought him to the Canaries; seventeen days’ sailing brought him to the island of Domingo, the home of the Caribs, and from thence he reached Hispa- niola in five days more, so that the entire crossing from Spain to Hispaniola occu- pied twenty-six days, thanks to favourable winds and currents, which set from the east towards the west. According to the mariners’ report the distance is twelve hundred leagues. Pietro Martire d’Angera in the same “Decade” (from Latin “decas”d group of 10) analyzed the consequences of this flow in terms of the conser- vation of water masses and wrote explicitly in Book 6: The time has come, Most Holy Father, to philosophise a little, leaving cosmogra- phy to seek the causes of Nature’s secrets. The ocean currents in those regions run towards the west, as torrents rushing down a mountain side. Upon this point the testimony is unanimous. Thus, I find myself uncertain when asked where these waters go which flow in a circular and continuous movement from east to west, never to return to their starting-place; and how it happens that the west is not consequently overwhelmed by these waters, nor the east emptied. If it be true that these waters are drawn towards the centre of the earth, as is the case with all heavy objects, and that this centre, as some people affirm, is at the equi- noctial line, what can be the central reservoir capable of holding such a mass of waters? And what will be the circumference filled with water, which will yet be discovered? The explorers of these coasts offer no convincing explanation. There are other authors who think that a large strait exists at the extremity of the gulf formed by this vast continent and which, we have already said, is eight times larger than the ocean. This strait may lie to the west of Cuba, and would conduct these raging waters to the west, from whence they would again return to our east. Some learned men think the gulf formed by this vast continent is an enclosed sea, whose coasts bend in a northerly direction behind Cuba, in such wise that the continent would extend unbrokenly to the northern lands beneath the polar circle bathed by the glacial sea. The waters, driven back by the extent of land, are drawn into a circle, as may be seen in rivers whose opposite banks provoke whirlpools; but this theory does not accord with the facts. The explorers of the northern pas- sages, who always sailed westwards, affirm that the waters are always drawn in that direction, not however with violence, but by a long and uninterrupted move- ment. Amongst the explorers of the glacial region a certain Sebastiano Cabotto, of Venetian origin, but brought by his parents in his infancy to England, is cited. It commonly happens that Venetians visit every part of the universe, for purposes of commerce. Cabotto equipped two vessels in England, at his own cost, and first sailed with three hundred men towards the north, to such a distance that he found numerous masses of floating ice in the middle of the month of July. Daylight lasted nearly twenty-four hours, and as the ice had melted, the land was free. According to his story he was obliged to tack and take the direction of west-by-south. The coast bent to about the degree of the strait of Gibraltar. 6 Giuseppe M.R. Manzella et al.
- 25. Cabotto did not sail westward until he had arrived abreast of Cuba, which lay on his left. In following this coast-line which he called Bacallaos, he says that he rec- ognised the same maritime currents flowing to the west that the Castilians noted when they sailed in southern regions belonging to them. It is not merely probable, therefore, but becomes even necessary to conclude that between these two hith- erto unknown continents there extend large openings through which the water flows from east to west. I think these waters flow all round the world in a circle, obediently to the Divine Law, and that they are not spewed forth and afterwards absorbed by some panting Demogorgon. This theory would, up to a certain point, furnish an explanation of the ebb and flow. Soon after the discovery of the new land mass named “America”, one of the most exciting and tragic adventures in the history of seafaring began: the search for the passage from the Atlantic to the Pacific. Martire D’Angera hypothesized that this passage was in Central America, but the idea of a “pas- sage to the East Indies by the North Pole was suggested as early as the year 1527 by Robert Thorn, merchant, of Bristol” (Phipps, 1774, see also McConnell, 1982). The polar passage would have allowed England to shorten the travel time to the Spice Islands, compared to the circumnaviga- tion of South America through the Strait of Magellan or South Africa around the Cape of Good Hope. A chronological history of travel to the Arctic regions and the polar passage between the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans was given by Barrow (1818). Ross (1835) (Fig. 1.1) provided a map showing the possible location of the north-west passage. This chapter shows how observation technologies and methodologies are important for understanding oceanic phenomena. It provides a general overview of the consequences of the rapid evolution of knowledge and technology’s impact on work practices. Our knowledge of ocean science is based on scientific debates that began centuries ago, a cultural aspect that should not be overlooked and should be included in academic courses. Margaret Deacon (1971) in her Scientists and the Sea wrote: Oceanog- raphy is a descriptive and environmental science; as such it depends for its existence on the application of knowledge already gained in physical and other sciences. However, observations in the sea are very difficult and expensive, and the data collected cannot be reproduced. Technological and methodological advances were key points of progress in ocean science. A narrative of historical, methodological, and technological observations in marine science 7
- 26. The Renaissance brought about an epochal change in human thinking that resulted in the rise of a humanistic culture and major scientific discov- eries. The experimental method initiated by Galileo required a procedural systematization which began to take shape in the 17th century. Important cultural and scientific institutions were founded for the advancement of thought and to debate methodologies and technologies. Florence’s Accade- mia del Cimento was founded in 1657 and the Royal Society of London in 1660; both were incubators of ideas on natural sciences. Methodologies and technologies developed during the 17th to 19th centuries are presented with particular attention to their applications in the northern polar regions. These extreme areas, on account of their oceanographic and meteorological peculiarities, represent interesting case studies for the validity of those methodologies and technologies. This chapter provides some important historical elements on data collec- tion methods and technologies from the 17th century to the beginning of the 20th century in the science later known as oceanography. In order to evaluate and compare past and present technologies and methods, the data collected in particular areas of the Arctic Sea are presented. Figure 1.1 The possible location of the north-west passage from Atlantic to Pacific as in the book of John Ross (1835). 8 Giuseppe M.R. Manzella et al.
- 27. 17th century: Summum frigidum Show us the sensible experience, that the ebb and flow of the sea water is not a swelling, or shrinking of the parts of it element, similar to what we see taking place in the water placed in the heat of the fire, while it for vehement heat becomes rarefied, and rises, and in reducing itself to natural Coldness it reunites, and lowers; but in the Seas there is a true local motion, and so to speak progressive, sometime towards one, sometime towards the other extreme term of the Sinus of the Sea, without any alteration of this element, coming from other accident than from Local Mutation. Galileo Galilei’s speech over the ebb and flow of the sea, 1616; Acts and unpublished memoirs of the Accademia del Cimento, 1780 Speculation on the properties of the oceans during the 17th century was provided by many skilled people (“virtuosi”). Galileo’s studies (1638) on falling bodies were the basis of many “inquiries” relating to surveys of the sea. Boyle (1627e1691) and Hooke (1635e1703) spent considerable time testing and applying the concept of “gravitation” to ocean studies. Boyle asked navigators to explore the different aspects of the oceans: with regard to the water are to be considered the sea, its depth, specific grav- ity, difference of saltness in different places, the plants, insects, and fishes to be found in it, tides, with respect to the adjacent lands, currents, whirlpools, c (Shaw, 1738). The requirements for these observations were explained in detail in the “Directions for the observations and experiments to be made by masters of ships, pilots, and other fit persons in their sea-voyages” that also contained information on the instruments that should be used routinely for the collection of geographical, atmospheric, oceanographic, and biolog- ical data. The “Directions” were the first step in the creation of a data quality man- agement system: • essential information describing the sensors and platforms, • measurement position, • measurement units, • processing, date and time information. During the 17th century, scientists began to define some specific inquiries on natural phenomena (e.g., tides, currents, winds). The diverse A narrative of historical, methodological, and technological observations in marine science 9
- 28. interpretations of observations or results of “experiments” made it necessary to adopt precise experimental methodologies. The concept of standards agreed upon by the scientific community and now adopted in everyday practice did not exist then. The “best practices” were defined by one or more highly reputable people (persons of great repute), one of whom was Robert Hooke, who presented the “Method of Making Experiments” to the Royal Society (Derham, 1726). Hooke’s experimental method included some specific recommendations: - After finishing the Experiment, to discourse, argue, defend, and further explain, such Circumstances and Effects in the preceding Experiments, as may seem dubious “or difficult”: and to propound what new Difficulties and Queries do occur, that require other Trials and Experiments to be made, in order to their clearing and answering: And farther, to raise such Axioms. and Propositions, as are thereby plainly demonstrated and proved. - To register the whole Process of the Proposal, Design, Experiment, Success, or Failure: the Objections and Objectors, the Explanation and Explainers, the Proposals and Propounded of new and farther Trials; the Theories and Axioms, and their Authors; and, in a Word, the History of every Thing and Person, that is material and circumstantial in the whole Entertainment of the said Society which shall be prepared and made ready, fairly written in a bound Book, to be read at the Beginning of the Sitting of the said Society. Sounding: Nuntius Inanimatus, Esplorator Distantiae One of the major problems of the 17th century was the lack of good maps with marine topography for use in the Art of Navigation, one of the most useful in the World (Derham, 1726). The sounding instrument illustrated in the “Directions” was a ball made of waterproofed light wood (e.g., maple), to which an iron or stone weight was tied. When it touched the seabed, the wooden ball came off and rose to the surface (Fig. 1.2). The depth was calculated with tables on the basis of the time taken by the ball to descend and ascend. The “Directions” provided warnings on the weights and dimensions of the different parts of the apparatus. Hooke gave precise indications on the different components of “instru- ments for sounding the great depth of the sea”, and highlighted two possible technological sources of errors: The first was, that “it was necessary to make 10 Giuseppe M.R. Manzella et al.
- 29. the Weight, that was to sink the Ball, of a certain Size and Figure, so propor- tioned to the Ball, as that the Velocity of them, downwards, when united, should be equal to the Velocity of the Ball alone, when it ascended in its Return; in Order to which, it required to be prepared with Care, and required also some Charge, it being almost necessary to make it of Lead, of a certain Weight and Figure. The other was, the Difficulty of discovering the Ball at the first Moment of its Return, which was likewise of absolute Necessity; and it was likewise necessary to keep the Time most exactly of its Stay, or Continuance, under the Surface of the Water, by the Vibrations of a Pendulum, held in one’s Hand .” (Derham, 1726). While Hooke acknowledged the error introduced if the ball was not detected immediately upon reaching the surface, he did not realize the difficulty of doing so in anything but a totally calm sea. Many were the complaints as to the difficulties in locating the ball upon its return to the surface. Figure 1.2 Instruments for measurements to be done during voyages, as from “Direc- tions” by Murray and Hooke (1667): Dipping-needle (Fig. 1), Deep sea sounding without a line (Fig. 2) with different forms of weights (Fig. 3, Fig. 4, Fig. 5) substituting the ball D in Fig. 2, Instrument measuring wind strength (Fig. 6), water sampler (Fig. 7). The sounding principle was very simple: a buoyant object attached to a weight that came off in contact with the seabed. A narrative of historical, methodological, and technological observations in marine science 11
- 30. Hooke was aware of the errors associated with calculations of descent and ascent speeds and of the need to consider the buoyancy of the materials used for the various components of the sounding apparatus. On the con- trary, he was confident of the use of the “pendulum clock” described in “Philosophical Experiments” (Derham, 1726). To avoid problems, he proposed a cone-shaped sounding machine (Fig. 1.3) with a small hole to receive water based on external pressure (Nuntius Inanimatus or Explorator Distantiae). In Hooke’s idea, the increasing pressure of sea water at depth would fill the sounding machine in proportion to the actual depth. There- fore, by weighing the content of the water in it after it returned to the surface, it would be possible to have a measurement of the depth of the water. Whatever the operation of this Nuntius, Hooke was sure that the sea temperature would influence the results, as the heat or the cold caused the air contained in the machine to expand or contract. For this reason, he thought of adding a temperature sensitive apparatus. However, there was another important question to answer before evaluating the results of a sounding apparatus, that is, “Whether the Gravitation, towards the Center of the Earth, do continue the same, at any Depth; or whether it do increase Figure 1.3 The Nuntius Inanimatus (on the left) and Explorator Profunditatis (on the right) proposed by Hooke (Derham, 1726). 12 Giuseppe M.R. Manzella et al.
- 31. or diminish, according as the Body is posited lower and lower, beneath the Surface of the Sea; for if Gravity do increase, then the Body will move downwards, or sink faster, than at the Top; and if it decreases, it will do the Contrary.” The solution was in the so-called Explorator Profunditatis, which consisted of a ball of a selected material with holes allowing the passage of water. The ball had pinions and cogwheels that turned during the descent and during the ascent (Fig. 1.3). The apparatus described by Murray (1912) was composed of two clockwork odometers, one for the descent and another for the ascent. The number of revolutions of the rotors gave values propor- tional to the depth of the sea. Esplorator temperature The history of temperature measurements, from the thermoscope to the thermometer, has been presented in many books (e.g., Knowles Middleton, 2003). Despite still imperfect technology and methodology, temperature measurements revealed some aspects of the marine environment which were analyzed by Boyle, a scientist whose interests ranged from human to natural, chemical and physical sciences. Boyle obtained information on temperature and salt from various sailors and divers and concluded that sea water is not the summum frigidum. Therefore, the sea was made up of a surface layer whose temperature was influenced by the atmosphere and a deeper and colder layer (Shaw, 1783). From this information a ques- tion arose: why was the deep sea, despite being cold, not frozen? Boyle’s conclusion was, “so, I have more than once try’d that salt-water will, without freezing, admit a much greater degree of cold, that is necessary to turn fresh water into ice.” Hooke described a thermometer that was nothing “but a small Bolt- head, filled up with Spirit of Wine, to a convenient Height of the Stem, with a small Embolus and Valve; the Embolus is made so, as to be thrust down the Neck, as the Spirit of Wine shall be contracted by Cold; and the Valve is to let out the Spirit of Wine, when it is again expanded with Heat, in its Ascent”. It is important to note that the effect of the pressure on the volume of the Spirit was very well known: “It may, possibly, be thought that the great Pressure, of the incumbent Body of Water, may contribute somewhat to the Contraction, or Shrinking, of the Spirit” (Derham, 1726). A narrative of historical, methodological, and technological observations in marine science 13
- 32. Esplorator Qualitatum The measurements of sea gravity and saltness were done with a vial of known magnitude having a narrow neck or a graduated glass-tube. The gravity was determined by the weight of the water and the saltness by the weight of substance remaining after evaporation of the water. Water at depth was sampled with a “Square Wooden Bucket” having two valves that remained open during the descent of the sampler and closed in the ascent (Fig. 1.2). Boyle described various experiments for the calculation of the specific gravity: “We took a vial, with a long and strait neck, and having counter pois’d it, we filled it to a certain height with common conduit-water: we noted the weight of that liquor; which being poured out, the vial was filled to the same height with sea-water, taken up at the surface; and by the dif- ference between the two weights, the sea-water appeared to be about a forty-fifth part heavier than the other.” Having compared the results of different experiments that were giving slightly different results, Boyle deduced that the seawater during the weight operation was “rarified” by the effect of the sun. In one experiment Boyle used “distilled rain” as reference, but there were no indications that this wa- ter was assumed to be a standard. Boyle gave some values of the gravity of sea water weight using units of measurement from the old English avoirdupois measurement system derived from the Anglo-Norman French “aveir de peis,” a derivation of the Latin “habere de pensum.” Specific gravity The scales used to weigh specific gravity took various forms and Hooke pre- sented some to the Royal Society (Fig. 1.4). The position of the reference weights along the arms (Fig. 1.4a) would provide “the proportionate Weight of those two Bodies” (Derham, 1726). In order to obtain a greater precision, a scale with the beam “in the Form of a Cross, equilibrated upon a sharp Edge in the Center” was proposed, but it is not known if it was actu- ally used (Fig. 1.4b). Hooke received samples of sea surface water and fresh water, the latter for use as a reference. Unfortunately, there were no indications in the text on the location of the sea sampling location, while the reference fresh water was collected in the Thames River at Greenwich during low tide (which is very likely not completely fresh). The salt content found by Hooke was about 22 parts per 1000, a fairly good value, given the many uncertainties and factors and the use of water from the Thames as reference. 14 Giuseppe M.R. Manzella et al.
- 33. It can be anticipated that the value of specific gravity measured in the 18th century in Nore, a sandbank in the Thames estuary, ranged from 1000 to 1024.6 and in the North Sea 1000 to 1028.02. These values were provided in the appendix “Account of Doctor Irving’s Method of Obtaining Fresh Water from the Sea by Distillation” of “A Voyage towards the North Pole” (Phipps, 1774). One of the many methodologies for the preparation of a reference water is presented in paragraph 18th century: Polar explora- tions - Distilled water. 18th century: Polar explorations The usefulness of physical geography is manifest. It teaches us to know the workshop of nature in which we find ourselves, its instruments, its first labora- tory, and its attempts. Immanuel Kant, Physische Geografie (from Augusto Eckerlin edition), 1807 A letter by Stephen Hales (1677e1761) dated June 8, 1751, appeared in the Philosophical Transaction (Hales, 1753), which describes a “bucket sea- gage” used by Henry Ellis during his voyage to Hudson’s Bay in 1746. This apparatus was used to collect temperature, salinity, and specific gravity information at various depths. The sea-gage “was a common household pail Figure 1.4 Two balances by Hooke. The one on the left is a typical steelyard balance. On the right is a balance proposed by Hooke to improve precision in weight measurements (Derham, 1726). A narrative of historical, methodological, and technological observations in marine science 15
- 34. or bucket, with two heads in it; which heads had each a round hole in the middle, near four inches diameter, which were cover’d with valves which open’d upwards; and that they might both open and shut together.” The water temperature was measured on board with a mercury thermometer. However, Hales advised users to be very careful since the measurement was altered by contact with air. Important steps forward in technology and methodology are described in the book A Voyage towards the North Pole - 1773 (Fig. 1.5), by Phipps (1774). The methodology used during that expedition was based on an intercom- parison of measurements made by different people, e.g., longitude was calculated by different people making astronomical observations and time- keepers, and when all the results were reported and compared, corrections made were described in detail. Temperature Temperature was measured with Cavendish’s overflow thermometers, which were presented to the Royal Society on June 30, 1757 (Fig. 1.6). Cavendish (1704e1783) wrote: “The instrument for finding the greatest heat might be made just like that of Fig. 1. only leaving the top open. It is to be filled with mercury only, as is also the lower part of the ball at top, but not near so high as the end of the capillary tube. The upper part of that ball, being left open, will in a great measure be filled with the seawater, which will be forced into it by the pressure . The thermometer for finding the greatest cold, if applied to this purpose, must also be left open at top . the most convenient construction, which occurs to me, is that of Fig. 4” (Cavendish, 1757). The thermometer was filled with mercury (the dark part of the figure) and “spirit of wine” (the gray part). Soon after the publication of the Cavendish report by the Royal Society, it was noted that “spirits of wine” and other fluids were compress- ible and that, furthermore, corrections to temperature measurements were necessary. The corrections were presented in an appendix to Phipps’ book. The corrected temperature data collected during the Phipps voyage to the North Pole are shown in Table 1.1 (details on Cavendish thermometers and corrections are presented in McConnell, 1982). The quality of the data can be discussed on the basis of the temperature collected at 780 fathoms (about 1426 m) which, after correction, turned out to be 3.3C, a very low value in light of current knowledge. The corrections to temperatures made by Dr. Irving, a scientific member of Phipps’ crew, considered compression and unequal expansion of spirits. 16 Giuseppe M.R. Manzella et al.
- 35. Figure 1.5 Chart of A Voyage toward the North Pole by Phipps (1774). A narrative of historical, methodological, and technological observations in marine science 17
- 36. However, based on some indications provided by Abbe (1888), the tem- perature should be corrected by more than 0.5F, probably greater than 2F, as shown by Fig. 1.7. To understand the quality of these first observations of the thermal con- tent of the sea in the polar regions, the temperature values collected by Phipps (Table 1.1) are compared with the data collected in recent years (Fig. 1.7). Data above 120 fathoms correspond to the temperature values collected at the beginning of the 21st century, but data for the deepest point are completely out of acceptable ranges. The navigation journal reported Figure 1.6 Cavendish thermometers. The “minimum thermometer” used by Phipps is presented in “Fig. 4”. The gray part was “spirit of wine” and the dark part was mercury. Note the opening on top of “Fig. 4”. Cavendish was aware of the effect of pressure on the apparent volume of liquids, causing a shift in reading. Following Cavendish, the pressure exerted on the top causes mercury to pass into the alcohol tank C. Initially C contained “spirit of wine.” As the temperature fell, the spirit is contracted and the mercury flows into C where it is trapped. The reading of the mercury in the shorter limb would give a measure of the temperature. More details are in McConnell (1982). (Note the references to figures in the text refer to the numbers next to the thermom- eters in the figure.). From Cavendish, C., 1757. A description of some thermometers for particular uses. Phil. Trans. 50, 300e310. 18 Giuseppe M.R. Manzella et al.
- 37. that the air temperature was 48.5F and was calm almost all day; conse- quently, the low temperature at 780 fathoms was not contaminated by weather events. Any quality problems must be attributed to the measuring device. Table 1.1 Temperature data collected during the voyage to North Pole by Phipps in 1774. Year Month Day Hour Latitude Longitude Depth (fms) F corrected Comments (corrections made by Phipps) 1775 6 20 12 66,9065 0,9742 780 26 For the position provided on day 19. 6 30 9 78,1333 9,4742 118 31 6 30 14 78,1333 9,4742 115 33 Figure 1.7 Vertical profiles of potential temperatures collected in June in polar regions during the years 2000e05 compared with data collected by Phipps in June 1774 (blue dots: black dots in printed version). The vertical profiles were downloaded from SeaDa- taNet (www.seadatanet.org). The graph has been obtained using Ocean Data View soft- ware. Courtesy Schlitzer, Reiner, 2020. Ocean Data View, https://odv.awi.de. A narrative of historical, methodological, and technological observations in marine science 19
- 38. The problems in using the thermometers are clearly presented by Camuffo (2002). Members of many societies (e.g., Accademia del Cimento in Florence, The Royal Society of London, and later Societas Meteorologica Palatina in Mannheim) stressed the need to have a perfectly cylindrical tube . or at least a tube with a constant internal section along its entire length. Improve- ments in glassmaking technology enabled scientists and technicians to confirm that the liquid inside the thermometer and the glass both expanded when the heat increased. Fahrenheit used two different liquids, mercury and spirit, to evaluate the law of expansion, obtaining different results. At the end of the 18th century, various volumetric expansions of spirit and mercury were verified, and calibration methods were suggested (Camuffo, 2002). James Six (1731e1793) invented a maximum and minimum thermom- eter (Six, 1794) which began to be a commonly used tool during most voyages of exploration. The thermometer was invented in 1782, but the book that described it was published 12 years later, post-mortem. The ther- mometer contained mercury (the colored or gray part in Fig. 1.8) and spirit Figure 1.8 The Six’s thermometer and the different parts showing the sections of the different parts of it (Six, 1794). 20 Giuseppe M.R. Manzella et al.
- 39. of wine. The expansion of the latter pushed the mercury upwards into the tube on the right. “Within the small tube of the Thermometer, above the surface of the mercury, immersed in the spirit of wine, is placed, on either side, a small index, so fitted as to be moved up and down as occasion may require” (Six, 1794). A magnet was used to restore the position of the metal needle (McConnell, 1982). Specific gravity and salinity Specific gravity was measured instead of gravity. A definition of specific gravity was given (among others) by Becket (1775): “that which meant by the term Specific Gravity of bodies, being nothing more than the differ- ence, or comparative weight of those bodies to that of a common water, we might easily find the specific gravity of any fluid, by weighing a quantity of it against an equal quantity of water.” In a note, the author provided additional useful information: in hydrostatic calculation, water, as the standard from which all the respective gravities are taken, is reckoned as unity or 1, 10, 100, 1000, c. as the case requires. The reference liquid selected was distilled water, differently from Marsili, who used rain-water (Marsili, 1681). From a practical point of view, there were many advantages in using distilled water, since it could be obtained by each “weight-keeper,” also on board a ship at sea for many months, as was common at that time. In the 18th century precision balances were introduced in response to scientific as well as commercial needs. They furnished accurate measure- ments of the specific gravity by defining a standard temperature for the refer- ence water. Phipps (1744e1792) provided, among other seafarers, information on the salt contained in sea water: “Sea-water contains chiefly a neutral salt, composed of fossil alcali and marine acid (muriatic or hydrochloric acid). It likewise contains a salt which has magnesia for its basis, and the same acid . The mother liquor now remaining, being evaporated, affords a vitri- olic magnesia salt, which in England is manufactured in large quantities, un- der the name of Epsom salt (magnesium sulphate). Besides these salts, which are objects of trade, sea-water contains a selenitic salt (calcium sulphate), a little true Glauber’s salt (sodium sulphate), often a little nitre, and always a quantity of gypseous earth suspended (sulphate mineral) by means of fixed air” (Phipps 1774). The measurements of salts in sea water were obtained by dissolving them in alcohol after evaporation of the water. A narrative of historical, methodological, and technological observations in marine science 21
- 40. Distilled water In A Voyage toward the North Pole Phipps (1774) mentioned the participation of experts in various scientific and engineering disciplines, including Dr. Irv- ing who, in an appendix, examined the different methods of obtaining distilled water on board a ship. The distiller was a boiler with openings (the two holes on the back of Fig. 1.9) for cocks. The water was evaporated and forced into tubes that decreased in size and at the end of which distilled water was collected. To clean the tube, steam was forced through for one minute. To ensure maximum purity, the water was distilled until a third of the water originally introduced remained in the boiler. The text interestingly notes that “The principal intention of this machine, however, is to distil rum and other liquors; for which purpose it has been employed with extraordinary success, in preventing an ‘empyr- euma’ or ‘fiery’ taste.” Marine zoology In that historical period, it was normal practice to collect samples of flora and fauna in order to acquire knowledge of the new lands that were discovered. During the voyage, Phipps’ crew also recorded biological observations of mammals, fishes, amphibians, insects, etc. Flora and fauna were described and depicted in tables of high artistic value. Examples can be seen in Fig. 1.10. Figure 1.9 The distiller used by Dr. Irving on board the H.M.S. Racehorse and Carcass during the voyage toward North Pole in 1773. 22 Giuseppe M.R. Manzella et al.
- 41. Figure 1.10 Biological observations during the voyage toward the North Pole by Phipps (1774). A narrative of historical, methodological, and technological observations in marine science 23
- 42. 19th century: A century of changes The correct analysis of sea-water being a difficult problem, the usual measure of the saltness of the sea, is by its specific gravity; this, though but an approxima- tion to the truth, when the quantity of any particular salt only is considered, gives the saline contents in the gross with tolerable accuracy. William Scoresby, An Account of the Arctic regions with a History and Descrip- tion of the Northern Whale-Fishery, 1820 The scientific revolution that began in the 16th century saw continuous and increasingly faster advances in mathematics, physics, chemistry, and biology (Preti, 1975). At the same time, there were far-reaching changes in industry, commerce and finance, and, in particular, a surge in the devel- opment of commercial relations between Europe and overseas lands that led to the construction of vast and efficient merchant and military fleets (AAVV, 2004). In the mid-19th century, the first submarine telegraph cables were laid. This made bathymetric knowledge increasingly necessary even in the deep sea. The whaling industry increased significantly during this period. The search for new hunting grounds for the whale fishery led to the exploration of unknown regions, as in the case of William Scoresby Junior, who was cited by Melville (1851) in Moby Dick or The Whale (‘No branch of Zoology is so much involved as that which is entitled Cetology,’ says Captain Scoresby, AD 1820). Whaling, an ancient activity that was practiced in the Basque region in the Middle Ages and later moved to the North Atlantic, was carried out in a predatory way. The hunting grounds were depleted considerably in number of animals to the extent that Maury published a map in 1851 showing that the best hunting region was no longer the Atlantic but the Pa- cific Ocean (https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Maurys_whale_ chart-1851.jpg; accessed September 2020). Maury (1806e1873) was an important figure in the history of oceanog- raphy. His work The Physical Geography of the Sea, dated 1855, marked the boundaries between a geographical description of the seas and oceans and modern oceanography. (Note this book is still in print.) 24 Giuseppe M.R. Manzella et al.
- 43. He promoted the First International Maritime Conference (Houvena- ghel, 1990; WMO, 1973), held in Brussels in 1853, “at the invitation of the Government of the United-States of America, for the purpose of con- certing a systematical and uniform plan of meteorological observation at sea” (De Groote, 1853). The delegates of Belgium, Denmark, France, Great Britain, the Netherlands, Norway, Portugal, Russia, Sweden, and the United States agreed “on a plan of uniform observation, in which all nations might be engaged in order to establish a concerted action between the mete- orologist on land and the navigator at sea.” During the conference, difficulties in concerting comparable and compatible observations were discussed. These difficulties were the variety of scales in use in different countries, the equipment used for observations, and their accuracy. With regard to scales, it was decided that each country could use its own, except for temperature, for which the use of the centi- grade scale was agreed, possibly together with the scales of the different countries. The establishment of a universal system of meteorological observations was left to future initiatives. With reference to instruments, it was noted that barometers were approximate and gave poor results. It was therefore recom- mended to accurately determine the errors in them. It was also noted that the errors for thermometers had been accurately determined. Furthermore, the use of mercurial thermometers was recommen- ded. However, the delegates added that the data they produced was of little value, probably referring to their use for navigation. As for wind measure- ments, the conference decided that the use of anemometers on board ships was a desideratum. The conclusion on instrumentation was important: “In bringing to a conclusion the remarks upon instruments, the Conference considered it desirable, in order the better to establish uniformity, and to secure compa- rability among the observations, to suggest as a measure conducive thereto, that a set of the standard instruments used by each of the cooperating Gov- ernments, together with the instructions which might to given to such Gov- ernment for their use, should be interchanged.” The conference recommended to carry out the observations reported in Table 1.2. The conference also defined sampling intervals: “at least the po- sition of the vessel and the set of the current, the height of the barometer, the temperature of the air and water should each be determined once a day, the force and direction of the wind three times a day, and the observed variation of the needle occasionally.” A narrative of historical, methodological, and technological observations in marine science 25
- 44. Table 1.2 Measurements to be done on board of ships as agreed at the First International Maritime Conference held in Brussels from August 23 to September 8, 1853. Column 1 Column 2 Column 3 Column 4 Column 5 Column 6 Date Hour Latitude Longitude Currents Magnetic variation observed Observed For dead reckoning Observed For dead reckoning Directions Velocity Column 7 Column 8 Column 9 Column 10 Column 11 and 12 Column 13 Magnetic variation adopted or used Form and direction of the clouds Part of the sky not obscured Quantity of rain Winds Barometer Direction Force Barometer Temperat. Reduced to the Temperat. of zero Column 14 Column 15 Column 16 Column 17 Column 18 Thermometer for the air Thermometer with the wet bulb Temperature of the water at surface Temperature of the water at certain depth Specific gravity of the water 26 Giuseppe M.R. Manzella et al.
- 45. It was also stated that any additional information reported in logbooks would be of great value. The Brussels conference was a beginning for international marine meteo-oceanographic cooperation, and was followed by a series of initia- tives having the aim to establish a uniform system of meteorological observations (Ballot, 1872). An international coordination and standardiza- tion of climatological practices was established during the First International Meteorological Congress held in Vienna in September 1873. The congress was a starting point for the establishment of the International Meteorological Organisation (WMO, 1973), that in 1952 was reestablished as an intergov- ernmental body: the World Meteorological Organisation (Zillman, 2009). Deep sea soundings Difficulties in sounding the deep sea were clearly indicated in this statement by Hjoert (1912): “It has often been said that studying the depths of the sea is like hovering in a balloon high above an unknown land which is hidden by clouds, for it is a peculiarity of oceanic research that direct observations of the abyss are impracticable.” The exploration and study of new lands and oceans sparked an interest in maps describing the trend of the seabed (Fig. 1.11). The methodology for determining the depth of the sea was described by Thomson (1873). Traditional methodology consisted of a weight attached to a graduated line with strips of variously colored fabric. The distance and the color of the stripes indicated fathoms, tens of fathoms, and hundreds of fathoms, or, for the deep sea, the white stripes were fixed every 50 fathoms, the black every 100 fathoms, and the red every 1000 fathoms. When the weight (a prismatic leaden block about two feet in length and 80 to 120 lbs in weight) touched the seabed, an approximative measure of the depth of the sea could be made. The maximum depth measurement with this system was about 3200 fathoms, beyond which a symbol was used on the bathymetric chart that was : 3200 meaning no bottom at 3200 fathoms. Deep-sea sounding was done while the ship was moving. When an accurate position was required, as in the case of bathymetric measurements near the coast, the position made reference to some fixed objects on the shore. The measurements of the depth of the sea with this method were dis- torted by the currents that inclined the wire, and consequently provided A narrative of historical, methodological, and technological observations in marine science 27
- 46. measurements higher than the true values. Thomson was aware of this and described another method adopted by the United States Navy. A 32- or 68- pound weight was attached to a fine line and thrown into the water. When the descent speed began to decrease significantly, the wire was cut. The depth of the sea was calculated from the length of the thread left on board the ship. Thomson reported soundings of up to 50,000 fathoms produced by US Navy officers. Figure 1.11 Soundings of the North Atlantic from Thomson on board the Lightning in 1868 (Thomson, 1873). 28 Giuseppe M.R. Manzella et al.
- 47. During the century, the sounding machine became more sophisticated. Sir William Thomson (Lord Kelvin, 1824e1907) developed a sounding machine using a steel wire instead of a hemp line, thus reducing friction in the water and the weight of the entire apparatus (Fig. 1.12). The Thom- son sounding machine took up less space than the previous models, enabled greater speed, and due to less friction, a more perpendicular line and there- fore greater precision (McConnell, 1982). Temperature in the polar regions In a sea perpetually covered by sea ice, there was initially considerable surprise in finding a sea surface temperature of about 2 O 3.5C at a latitude of 76e78N. Measurements made in the polar regions showed that temper- ature increased with depth. The son of a whaler, William Scoresby Junior (1789e1857), made a significant contribution to the knowledge of the properties of the sea and currents in his book An account of the Arctic Regions with a History and Description of the Northern Whale-Fishery (Scoresby, 1820). The recurrent problem with this type of measurement was to avoid contaminating the temperature at a certain depth with the sea water temper- ature detected by the thermometer during its rise to the surface. Scoresby devised an apparatus consisting of a fir cask, considered a poor heat Figure 1.12 The Thomson (Lord Kelvin) sounding machine. From Hjort, J., 1912. The ship and its equipment. In: Murray, J., Hjort, J. (Eds.), Chapter II in the Depths of the Ocean. MacMillan and Co., London, pp. 22e51). A narrative of historical, methodological, and technological observations in marine science 29
- 48. conductor, containing a thermometer and with two valves at its extremities. The cask was lowered to the desired height and left there for half an hour. During the ascent, the valves closed, maintaining the temperature value. But “. after a few experiments had been made, the wood of the cask became soaked with water; several of the staves rent from end to end; and the appa- ratus became leaky and useless.” This was also a problem with Hooke’s wooden balls that became water-logged at depth. Subsequent experiments were not successful, despite the numerous sug- gestions of many marine experts including Cavendish; moreover, the use of Six thermometers proved to be problematic as they were extremely fragile. To avoid any problems, Scoresby built an apparatus called “marine di- ver” (Fig. 1.13), which had the shape of an octagonal prism with a length Figure 1.13 The marine diver constructed by Scoresby to measure temperatures at depths below the sea surface (left) and specific gravities and temperatures collected in the Arctic regions. From Scoresby, W, 1820. An Account of the Arctic Regions with a Description of the Northern Whale-Fishery. Archibald Constable Co. Edinburg, Hurts, Robinson co, London. 30 Giuseppe M.R. Manzella et al.
- 49. of approximately 35.5 cm, a diameter of approximately 13 cm at the top and 15.25 cm at the bottom. On opposite sides there were glass panes approxi- mately 5.5 cm thick. With this apparatus and a reinforced “fir cask” Scoresby collected water samples and measured temperatures at various depths. In a certain sense, these were measurements made with protected thermometers, as the insulating material used for the “marine diver” ensured protection, but it isn’t clear that they were protected from pressure. The temperature values collected in the spring from 1810 to 1816 by Scoresby are shown in Fig. 1.14 and are compared with profiles collected in the same areas in the summer of 2006 and 2007. The differences are very significant and may be due to the annual/seasonal variability and the insulating capacity of the materials of the “marine diver” was most likely far from optimal. Figure 1.14 Comparison of potential temperature data collected by Scoresby (lines with blue [black in printed version] big dots at their end) with profiles collected in the same regions during summers 2006e07. These data are free and open in SeaData- Net (www.seadatanet.org). The graph has been obtained with the Ocean Data View software. The potential temperature was computed by using the thermodynamic equa- tion of seawater (IOC, SCOR and IAPSO, 2010). Courtesy Schlitzer, Reiner, 2020. Ocean Data View, https://odv.awi.de. A narrative of historical, methodological, and technological observations in marine science 31
- 50. The use of thermometers for the observation of air and water temper- atures became part of data collection practice that was widely used, result- ing in the recording of measurement errors. However, deep sea temperatures began to be measured accurately when thermometers pro- tected from the effects of pressure came into use. The first to use this type of protected thermometer was probably a certain Captain Pullen in 1857 (Murray, 1912). Detailed instructions for the measurement of sea temperatures were pro- vided by Abbe (1838e1916). The methodology recommended for the acquisition of sea surface data consisted in a thermometer case to be lowered “to a slight depth below the surface.” The case would “allow the water to flow freely through it, but shall then close and bring up from a given depth a sufficient amount of water with the enclosed thermometer, so that no change of temperature can possibly take place before the thermometer is read off” (Abbe, 1888). Abbe was critical about the usual method “of rising a bucketful from the surface of the water and dipping the thermometer into it for a minute or less.” Abbe considered that the errors associated with this latter method were greater than 0.5F (about 0.3C). An interesting presentation of methodologies used to measure the sea surface temperature of the sea from uninsulated buckets has been provided by Folland and Parker (1995). Wooden buckets were recommended as a type to use in instructions derived from the First International Maritime Conference. These instructions were including location of sampling the sea surface temperature, location of the bucket after withdrawal from the sea, time-lapse between withdrawal from the sea and reading the ther- mometer, stirring and attempts to reduce the influence of the initial tem- perature of the thermometer and bucket. Correction to sea surface temperature were calculated by Folland and Parker by considering the bucket geometry and physical phenomena such as sensible heat transfer between the bucket or water surface and the ambient air, heat transfer by longwave radiation, influence of solar radiation from monthly 24- hour climatological averages of incident shortwave solar intensity over the sea surface, change in bucket temperature during the time lapse and influence of inserted thermometer on heat transfer rate and water temper- ature. The sea surface temperature was also affected by the ship speed. The errors associated with sea surface temperature were calculated to be around 0.11e0.30C for data collected at the sea surface in the northern hemisphere in the period 1850e1900. In conclusion, the Folland and 32 Giuseppe M.R. Manzella et al.
- 51. Parker calculations are more optimistic than Abbe’s ones, but questions on errors associated with measurements below the sea surface remained unanswered. Abbe described a protected thermometer for deep sea measurements by means of which “the pressure effect is wholly annulled by adopting a special protection for the bulb. The whole thermometer is placed within a strong bottle or cylinder, which is then partly filled with water or mercury, above which some air remains; the protecting cylinder is hermetically sealed, and when lowered to the ocean depths the external pressure, compressing the cylinder somewhat, causes the water to rise and compress the air slightly. This latter slight increase of pressure is the only one that affects the ther- mometer bulb.” A functioning maximum and minimum protected thermometer (i.e., providing maximum and minimum temperature measurements in deep wa- ter) based on Six thermometers previously adopted by most investigators was described by Negretti and Zambra (Fig. 1.15) in a report to the Royal So- ciety. An article on the instrument was published in the Chemical News Maga- zine (Negretti and Zambra, 1874). A kind of in situ calibration was done by many scientists who compared the temperature near the seabed with that of the mud in the same place. For example, Ross (1777e1856) “employed, a register thermometer, the indi- cations of which were occasionally compared with the temperature of the mud and earthy fragments of various kinds which he raised from the bottom of the sea, by an appropriate instrument of his own contrivance; as this mud, both from the quantity raised, and from the manner in which it was confined, retained its temperature for a sufficient length of time not to be materially altered on reaching the surface” (Marcet, 1819). Specific gravity and salinity In an appendix to the book A Voyage of Discovery, Ross (1819a) presented an instrument, called hydraphorus (Fig. 1.16), for the collection of water sam- ples at various depths, “during the voyage, with a view of ascertaining its specific gravity . This Instrument consists of a copper vessel, the body of which is cylindrical. The upper part, where the machinery is fixed, is square, having on one side a small aperture to admit water. This is covered by a cir- cular plate in which another aperture is made to coincide with the former, when placed opposite the fleur-delis; a cover is fitted to protect this plate, the edge of which being divided into 800 equal parts, the aperture on the A narrative of historical, methodological, and technological observations in marine science 33
- 52. outside can be set to the required position. On the opposite side of the in- strument there is a similar plate or wheel, which moves the former; and both are turned by the rotator as the Instrument descends, by the action of the water, the former in a proportion as 1 is to 100. The vanes of the rotator are made to fix in any position, which by actual experiment may be found to be applicable to a graduated wheel; and it is evident, that by placing them in a more vertical or horizontal position, a greater or lesser depth may be ob- tained during a revolution of the graduated plate; but when it has been once regulated, to agree in a convenient proportion, to these divisions, it will not be necessary to alter the vanes, as the aperture may be easily set to the exact Figure 1.15 The Negretti and Zambra thermometer. It was an improvement of the Six thermometer which was very fragile. 34 Giuseppe M.R. Manzella et al.
- 53. depth from which the water is required. At the top of the instrument there is a spring valve, for the double purpose of allowing the air to escape when the water enters, and to let the air enter when the water is drawn off by the stop cock at the bottom, and in the latter case the valve must be moved up by hand.” Many sea water samples were not analyzed by scientists participating in the expeditions. In an article of the “Philosophical Transactions,” Marcet (1819) noted this fact by expressing concerns about the loss of data and in- formation: “In the course of few years I became possessed, through the kind- ness of several friends, of a great variety of specimens of sea water; and I was preparing to examine them, when a most deplorable accident deprived sci- ence of the sagacious philosopher from those friendship and enlightened assistance I had anticipated so much advantage. Procrastination and delay were the natural consequence of this misfortune; and I should probably have entirely lost sight of the subject, had not my intention been again directed to it by the late expeditions to the Arctic regions, and the great zeal and kindness of some of the officers engaged in them, in procuring for me specimens of sea water, collected in different latitudes, and under peculiar circumstances, so as to add greatly to the value of those which I pre- viously possessed.” Figure 1.16 The hydraphorus invented by John Ross to sample waters at different depths. From Ross, J, 1819b. A description of the deep sea clams, hydraphorus and ma- rine artificial horizon. Strahan and Spottiswoode, London. A narrative of historical, methodological, and technological observations in marine science 35
- 54. Another problem that was given considerable attention in Marcet’s anal- ysis concerned the conservation of sea water specimens. The water collected at depth by a “cylindrical vessel having an opening at the top, and a similar one at the bottom, each closed by a flap or valve opening only upwards, and moving freely upon hinges” was poured into a corked bottle. The sample taken at the desired depth could be contaminated by other water during the ascent of the “vessel” (container). Various improvements to the water collection devices were therefore proposed. Furthermore, the conservation of the samples in corked bottles could be imperfect and therefore cause the evaporation (or contamination) of the water they contained. Marcet remarked that in the records of the Arctic explorers there was a wealth of information about the weather, the state of the sea, and details of navigation, i.e., what we now call “metadata” (Fig. 1.17). Alexander Marcet (1770e1822) and later John Murray (1841e1914) came to the conclusion that salinity could not be determined by the direct evaporation of sea water. The best solution was to determine salinity by precipitating the components. In 1865 Georg Forchhammer (a Danish chemist) proposed to define a salinity value proportional to hydrochloric acid or chlorine content in sea water, as this was the most abundant and easiest to determine. The reagent for precipitating chlorine was silver nitrate for use in highly acidified sea water (Wallace, 1974). A little-known Italian chemist, Giulio Usiglio (Sobrero, 2006), carefully analyzed the results obtained by Murray and Marcet, as well as the method proposed by Forchhammer, and suggested a method to find the saline composition using nonconcentrated sea water and then apply the precipita- tive method (Wallace, 1974). Friedrich Mohr (1806e1879) was the first to introduce titrimetric anal- ysis. He added a solution of potassium chromate to the sample of sea water, which colored the solution a light yellow. After a process with silver nitrate of known concentration, the solution turned a light pink-hazel color and all the chloride was precipitated (Wallace, 2002). Marine zoology Marine zoology observations were made on many expeditions. John Ross (1819a) probed Baffin Bay and Davis Strait for white coral, shells, mud worms, snakes, and shrimps. Ross invented an apparatus called “Deep-Sea Clam” (Fig. 1.18) “to procure substances from the bottom of the sea in 36 Giuseppe M.R. Manzella et al.
- 55. Random documents with unrelated content Scribd suggests to you:
- 56. departing Frenchman, saying mockingly,—“Farewell, popinjay. The treacherous ever make suggestion of treachery.” To the Earl she added, “My lord, I am entirely unarmed.” “What have you to say to me?” replied Strafford severely, bending his dark gaze upon her. “Sir,”—her voice lowered so that none might by any chance overhear,—“Sir, I am Frances Wentworth, your lordship’s eldest daughter.”
- 57. T CHAPTER II.—RECOGNITION. he Earl lowered upon the girl, and the black anger upon his brow might have warned a more intrepid person than even she appeared to be that there was peril in trifling. When at last he spoke, his voice was harsh and menacing. “What do you expect to gain by a statement so preposterous?” “I expect to gain a father.” The girl’s answer trod quick upon the heels of the question, but her colour changed from red to pale, and from pale to red again, and her hurried breathing hinted of some knowledge of her hazard, which nevertheless she faced without flinching. “My eldest daughter, say you? My eldest daughter is Ann, aged thirteen, a modest little maid. I take you to be older, and I should hesitate to apply to you the qualification I have just coupled with her name.” “I am sixteen, therefore her senior. Thus one part of my contention is admitted. If she is modest, it doth become a maid, and is reasonably to be expected, for she hath a mother’s care. I have had none. If you detect a boldness in my manner, ’t is but another proof I am my father’s daughter.” Something resembling a grimace rather than a smile disturbed the white lips of Strafford at this retort. He bent his eyes on the ground, and his mind seemed to wander through the past. They stood thus in silence opposite each other, the girl watching him intently, and when she saw his mouth twitch with a spasm of pain, a great wave of pity overspread her face and brought the moisture to her eyes; but she made no motion toward him, held in increasing awe of him.
- 58. “Boldness is not a virtue,” he muttered, more to himself than to her. “There’s many a jade in England who can claim no relationship with me.” This remark, calling for no response, received none. “Sixteen years of age! Then that was in——” The Earl paused in his ruminations as if the simple mathematical problem baffled him, the old look of weariness and pain clouding his downturned face. “The year 1624,” said the girl promptly. “Doubtless, doubtless. 1624. It is long since; longer than the days that have passed seem to indicate. I was a young man then, now ——now——I am an aged wreck, and all in sixteen years. And so in you, the spirit of youth, the unknown past confronts me, demanding ——demanding what?” “Demanding nothing, my lord.” “Humph. You are the first then. They all want something. You think I am an old dotard who is ready, because you say you want nothing, to accept your absurd proposal. But I am not yet fifty, nor as near it as these fell maladies would have me appear; and a man should be in his prime at fifty. Madam, it will require more convincing testimony to make me listen to you further.” “The testimony, irrefutable, stands here before you. Raise your eyes from the ground, my lord, and behold it. If, scrutinizing me, you deny that I am your daughter, I shall forthwith turn from you and trouble you no more.” Strafford slowly lifted his gloomy face, prematurely seamed with care, and his heavy eyes scanned closely the living statue that confronted him. The sternness of his features gradually relaxed, and an expression near akin to tenderness overspread his face.
- 59. “Any man might be proud to claim you, my girl, no matter how many other reasons for pride he possessed. But you have not come here merely because someone flattered the Earl of Strafford by saying you resembled him.” “No, my lord. I am come to return to you this document which once you presented to my mother.” She handed him a paper, which he read with intent care. It ran thus: “I have, in little, much to say to you, or else one of us must be much to blame. But in truth I have that confidence in you, and that assurance in myself, as to rest secure the fault will never be made on either side. Well, then; this short and this long which I aim at is no more than to give you this first written testimony that I am your husband; and that husband of yours that will ever discharge these duties of love and respect toward you which good women may expect, and are justly due from good men to discharge them; and this is not only much, but all which belongs to me; and wherein I shall tread out the remainder of life which is left to me——” Strafford looked up from his perusal, blank amazement upon his countenance. “How came you by this paper?” “I found it among the documents left by my grandfather, who died a year ago. It was sent by you to my mother.” “Impossible.” “Do you deny the script?” “I do not deny it, but ’t was written by me eight years since, and presented to my third wife, whom I married privately.” “Your third wife? Who was she?” “She was Mistress Elizabeth Rhodes, and is now Lady Strafford.”
- 60. “Then she is your fourth wife. You will see by your own inditing that this letter was written in March, 1624.” The date was unmistakably set down by the same hand that had penned the bold signature, “Thomas Wentworth,” and the bewilderment of the Earl increased as he recognized that here was no forgery, but a genuine letter antedating its duplicate. “Is it possible,” he murmured to himself, “that a man has so little originality as to do practically the same thing twice?” Then aloud to the girl he said: “Who was your mother?” “I had hoped the reading of this document would have rendered your question unnecessary. Has a man such gift of forgetting, that the very name of the woman he solemnly married has slipped his memory as easily as the writing of the letter she cherished?” “She was Frances, daughter of Sir John Warburton,” murmured the Earl. “His only daughter, as I am hers, my lord.” “But when Sir John wrote me coldly of her death, he made no mention of any issue.” “My grandfather always hated you, my lord. It is very like that he told you not the cause of my mother’s death was her children’s birth.” “Children?” “Yes, my lord. My twin brother and myself.” An ashen hue overspread the Earl’s face, and the hand that held the letter trembled until the fateful missive shook like one of the autumn leaves on the tree above it. Again his mind wandered through the past and conjured up before him the laughing face of his supposedly only son, whose position was thus unexpectedly
- 61. challenged by a stranger, unknown and unloved. A daughter more or less was of small account, but an elder son promised unsuspected complications. The ill favour with which he had at first regarded the girl returned to his troubled countenance, and she saw with quick intuition that she had suddenly lost all the ground so gradually gained. Cold dislike tinctured the tone in which the next question was asked. “If, as you say, you have a brother, why is he not here in your place; you in the background, where you properly belong?” “Sir, I suppose that her good name is thought more of by a woman than by a man. She wishes to be assured that she came properly authenticated into this world, whereas a man troubles little of his origin, so be it he is here with some one to fight or to love. Or perhaps it is that the man is the deeper, and refuses to condone where a woman yearns to forgive. My brother shares our grandfather’s dislike of you. He thinks you cared little for our mother, or you would not have been absent during her last days when——” “I knew nothing of it. The times then, as now, were uncertain, requiring absorbed attention from those thrown willingly or unwillingly into public affairs. What can a boy of sixteen know of the duties thrust upon a man in my situation?” “Sixteen or not, he considers himself even now a man of position, and he holds your course wrong. He says he has taken up the opinions you formerly held, and will do his best to carry them to success. He is for the Parliament and against the King. As for me, I know little of the questions that disturb the State. My only knowledge is that you are my father, and were you the wickedest person in the world I would come to you. A man may have many daughters, but a daughter can have but one father; therefore am I here, my lord.” Like the quick succession of shade and sunshine over the sensitive surface of a lovely lake, the play of varying emotions added an ever-
- 62. changing beauty to the girl’s expressive face; now a pitiful yearning toward her father when she saw he suffered; then a coaxing attitude, as if she would win him whether he would or no; again a bearing of pride when it seemed she would be denied; and throughout all a rigid suppression of herself, a standing of her ground, a determination not to give way to any rising sentiment which might make the after repulse a humiliation; if a retreat must come it should be carried out with dignity. The Earl of Strafford saw nothing of this, for his eyes were mostly on the ground at his feet. That his mind was perturbed by the new situation so unexpectedly presented to him was evident; that he was deeply suspicious of a trap was no less clear. When he looked up at her he found his iron resolution melting in spite of himself, and, as he wished to bring an unclouded judgment to bear upon the problem, he scrutinized the brown sward at his feet. Nevertheless he was quick to respond to any show of sympathy with himself, even though he was unlikely to exhibit appreciation, and he was equally quick to resent the slightest lack of deference on the part of those who addressed him. If the girl had made a thorough study of his character she could not have better attuned her manner to his prejudices. Her attitude throughout was imbued with the deepest respect, and if the eye refused to be advocate for her, the ear could not close itself to the little thrill of affection that softened her tone as she spoke to him. He raised his head abruptly as one who has come to a decision. “November is the stepmother of the months, and the air grows cold. Come with me to the palace. In a world of lies I find myself believing you; thus I am not grown so old as I had feared. Come.” The girl tripped lightly over the rustling leaves and was at his side in an instant, then slowed her pace in unison with his laboured mode of progression. “Sir, will you lean upon my shoulder?”
- 63. “No. I am ailing, but not decrepit.” They walked together in silence, and if any viewed them the onlookers were well concealed, for the park seemed deserted. Entering the palace and arriving at the foot of a stairway, solicitous menials proffered assistance, but Strafford waved them peremptorily aside, and, accepting now the support he had shortly before declined, leaned on his daughter’s shoulder and wearily mounted the stair. The room on the first floor into which he led her overlooked a court. A cheerful fire burned on the hearth and cast a radiance upon the sombre wainscoting of the walls. A heavy oaken table was covered with a litter of papers, and some books lay about. Into a deep arm-chair beside the fire Strafford sank with a sigh of fatigue, motioning his daughter to seat herself opposite him, which she did. He regarded her for some moments with no pleased expression on his face, then said with a trace of petulancy in the question: “Did your grandfather bring you up a lady, or are you an ignorant country wench?” She drew in quickly the small feet out-thrust to take advantage of the comforting fire, and the blaze showed her cheek a ruddier hue than heretofore. “Sir,” she said, “the children of the great, neglected by the great, must perforce look to themselves. I was brought up, as you know, without a mother’s care, in the ancient hall of a crusty grandfather, a brother my only companion. We played together and fought together, as temper willed, and he was not always the victor, although he is the stronger. I can sometimes out-fence him, and, failing that, can always outrun him. Any horse he can ride, I can ride, and we two have before now put to flight three times our number among the yokels of the neighborhood. As to education, I have a smattering, and can read and write. I have studied music to some advantage, and foreign tongues with very little. I daresay
- 64. there are many things known to your London ladies that I am ignorant of.” “We may thank God for that,” muttered her father. “If there are those in London, saving your lordship, who say I am not a lady, I will box their ears for them an they make slighting remarks in my presence.” “A most unladylike argument! The tongue and not the hand is the Court lady’s defence.” “I can use my tongue too, if need be, my lord.” “Indeed I have had evidence of it, my girl.” “Queen Elizabeth used her fists, and surely she was a lady.” “I have often had my doubts of it. However, hereafter you must be educated as doth become a daughter of mine.” “I shall be pleased to obey any commands my father places on me.” The conversation was interrupted by a servant throwing open the door, crying: “His Majesty the King!” The girl sprang instantly to her feet, while her father rose more slowly, assisting himself with his hands on the arms of the chair.
- 65. T CHAPTER III.—MAJESTY. here was more of hurry than of kingly dignity in the entrance of Charles. The handsome face was marred by an imperious querulousness that for the moment detracted from its acknowledged nobility. “Strafford,” he cried impatiently, “I have been kept waiting. Servants are at this moment searching palace and park for you. Where have you been?” “I was in the forest, your Majesty. I am deeply grieved to learn that you needed me.” “I never needed you more than now. Are you ready to travel?” Strafford’s gloomy face almost lighted up. “On the instant, your Majesty,” he replied with a sigh of relief. “That is well. I trust your malady is alleviated, in some measure at least; still I know that sickness has never been a bar to duty with you. Yet I ask no man to do what I am not willing to do myself for the good of the State, and I shall be shortly on the road at your heels.” “Whither, your Majesty?” asked the Earl with falling countenance, for it was to Ireland he desired to journey, and he knew the King had no intention of moving toward the west. “To London, of course; a short stent over bad roads. But if you are ailing and fear the highway, a barge on the river is at your disposal.” “To London!” echoed the Earl, something almost akin to dismay in his tone. “I had hoped your Majesty would order me to Ireland, which I assure your Majesty has been somewhat neglected of late.”
- 66. “Yes, yes,” exclaimed the King brusquely, “I know your anxiety in that quarter. A man ever thinks that task the most important with which he intimately deals, but my position gives me a view over the whole realm, and the various matters of State assume their just proportions in my eyes; their due relations to each other. Ireland is well enough, but it is the heart and not the limbs of the empire that requires the physicians’ care. Parliament has opened badly, and is like to give trouble unless treated with a firm hand.” The hand of the Earl appeared anything but firm. It wavered as it sought the support of the chair’s arm. “Have I your Majesty’s permission to be seated? I am not well,” Strafford said faintly. “Surely, surely,” cried the King, himself taking a chair. “I am deeply grieved to see you so unwell; but a journey to London is a small matter compared with a march upon Dublin, which is like to have killed you in your present condition.” “Indeed, your Majesty, the smaller journey may well have the more fatal termination,” murmured the Earl; but the King paid no attention to the remark, for his wandering eye now caught sight of a third in the conference, which brought surprised displeasure to his brow. The girl was standing behind the high back of the chair in which she had been seated, in a gloomy angle where the firelight which played so plainly on the King and Strafford did not touch her. “In God’s name, whom have we here? The flippant prophet of the forest, or my eyes deceive me! How comes this girl in my palace, so intimate with my Lord Strafford, who seemed to meet her as a stranger but yesterday?” The slumbering suspicion of Charles was aroused, and he glanced from one to the other in haughty questioning. “I never met her until I encountered her in the forest when I had the honour to accompany your Majesty. To-day, as I walked with De
- 67. Courcy and others, there came a second accosting from her, as unexpected as the first. The girl craved private speech with me, which I somewhat reluctantly granted. The upshot is, she brings me proof, which I cannot deny, that she is my eldest daughter.” “Your eldest daughter!” cried the King, amazed. “Is your family then so widely scattered, and so far unknown to you, that such a claimant may spring up at any moment?” “I was married privately to the daughter of Sir John Warburton. Circumstances separated me from my wife, and although her father curtly informed me of her death he said nothing of issue. There was a feud between us,—entirely on his part,—I had naught against him. It seems he has been dead this year past, and my daughter, getting news of her father among Sir John’s papers, comes thus southward to make inquiry.” “You fall into good fortune, my girl. Your extraordinary claim is most readily allowed.” Frances, finding nothing to say, kept silence and bowed her head to the King, whom she had regarded throughout with rapt attention. “Where got you your gift of prophecy? Is prescience hereditary, and has your father’s mantle already fallen on your shoulders? He is my best friend, you said, and I my worst enemy. God’s truth, Madam, you did not lack for boldness, but the force of the flattery of your father is lessened by my knowledge of your relationship, hitherto concealed from me.” “Your Majesty, it has hitherto been concealed from myself,” said the Earl wearily. “Has the girl no tongue? It wagged freely enough in the forest. Come, masquerader, what have you to say for yourself?” “Your Majesty, I humbly crave your pardon. The words I used yesterday were not mine, but those of a gipsy in the north, who told me I was the daughter of the Earl of Strafford at a time when such a
- 68. tale seemed so absurd that I laughed at her for connecting my name of Wentworth with one so exalted as the Earl of Strafford. Later, when I received proof that such indeed was the case, her words returned to me. I had no right to use them in your august presence, but the entourage of the Lord Strafford prevented my meeting him; thus, baffled, I sought to intercept him in the forest, and was willing to use any strategy that might turn his attention toward me, in the hope of getting a private word with him.” “I knew you had a tongue. Well, it matters little what you said; your mission seems to have been successful. Do not think I placed any weight upon your words, be they gipsy-spoken or the outcome of a spirit of mischief. My Lord Strafford, you will to London then?” “Instantly, your Majesty.” “I will consult with you there to-morrow. And have no fear; for on my oath as a man, on my honour as a king, I will protect you.” The King rose and left the room as abruptly as he had entered it. For some moments Strafford lay back in his chair, seemingly in a state of collapse. The girl looked on him in alarm. “Sir, is there anything I can do for you?” she asked at length. “Call a servant. Tell him to order a coach prepared at once, and see that it is well horsed, for I would have the journey as short as possible.” “My lord, you are in no condition of health to travel to London. I will go to the King and tell him so.” “Do that I requested you, and trouble me not with counsel. There is enough of woman’s meddling in this business already.” Frances obeyed her father’s instructions without further comment, then came and sat in her place again. The Earl roused himself, endeavouring to shake off his languor.
- 69. “What think you of the King?” he asked. “He is a man corroded with selfishness.” “Tut, tut! Such things are not to be spoken in the precincts of a Court. No, nor thought. He is not a selfish monarch, other than all monarchs are selfish, but——discussion on such a theme is fruitless, and I must be nearing my dotage to begin it. I am far from well, Frances, and so, like the infirm, must take to babbling.” “Do you fear Parliament, my lord? How can it harm you when you have the favour of the King?” “I fear nothing, my girl, except foolish unseen interference; interference that may not be struck at or even hinted against. Did they teach you the history of France in your school?” “No, my lord.” “Then study it as you grow older; I’ll warrant you’ll find it interesting enough. Ruined by women. Ruined by women. Seven civil wars in seventeen years, and all because of viperish, brainless women. Well, we have one of the breed here in England, and God help us!” “You mean the Queen, my lord?” “Hush! Curses on it, will you be as outspoken as another of your sex is spiteful and subtle? Mend your manners, hussy, and guard your tongue. Could you not see you spoke too freely to the King a moment since?” “Sir, I am sorry.” “Be not sorry, but cautious.” Strafford fell into a reverie, and there was silence in the room until the servant entered and announced that the coach was ready, whereupon his master rose unsteadily.
- 70. “Sir,” said the girl, “will you not eat or drink before you depart?” “No.” Then, looking sharply at his daughter, he inquired, “Are you hungry?” “Yes, my lord.” “Bring hither some refreshments, whatever is most ready to hand, and a measure of hot spiced wine. I had forgotten your youth, Frances, thinking all the world was old with me.” When the refection came, she ate but sparingly, despite her proclamation, but coaxed him to partake and to drink a cup of wine. He ordered a woman’s cloak brought for her, which, when she had thrown it over her shoulders, he himself fastened at her throat. “There,” he said, when the cloak enveloped her, “that will protect you somewhat, for the night grows cold.” Strafford himself was wrapped in warm furs, and thus together they went down the stairs to the court, now dimly lighted. A cavalier, who seemed to have been standing in wait for them, stepped out from the shadow of the arches, and Frances recognized the French spark whom she had so frankly characterized earlier in the day. “My lord,” protested De Courcy jauntily, “you have your comrades at a disadvantage. You have captured the woodland nymph, and, I hear, propose spiriting her away to London. I do protest ’t is most unfair to those who are thus left behind.” “Sir,” said Strafford, with severity, pausing in his walk, “I would have you know that the lady to whom you refer is the Lady Frances Wentworth, my eldest daughter, ever to be spoken of with respect by high and low. Native and foreign shall speak otherwise at their distinct peril.” The Frenchman pulled off his bonnet with an impressive sweep that brushed its ample feather lightly on the stones. He bent his
- 71. body in a low obeisance that threatened, were it not so acrobatically accomplished, to pitch him forward on his nose. “If I congratulate your lordship on finding so rare a daughter, rather than offer my felicitations to the lady in the attainment of so distinguished a father, it is because I am filled with envy of any man who acquires a companionship so charming. My lady, may I have the honour of escorting you to the carriage?” The girl shrank closer to her father and made no reply. On the other hand the father offered no objection, but returned—rather stiffly, it is true—the bow of the foreigner, and De Courcy, taking this as an acceptance, tripped daintily by the girl’s side, chattering most amiably. “I hear on the highest authority that our sovereign lady is tired of Hampton, and that we are all to be on the march for London again; to-morrow, they tell me. London delights me not. ’T is a grimy city, but if, as I suspect, a new star of beauty is to arise there, then ’t will be indeed the centre of refulgence, to which worshippers of loveliness will hasten as pilgrims to a shrine. I take it, my lord, that you will introduce your daughter to the Court, and hide her no longer in the cold and envious northland?” “My daughter has already been presented to his Majesty, and doubtless will take the place at Court to which her birth entitles her.” “And to which her grace and charm no less lay claim. I hope to be present when the lady is greeted by the Queen we both adore. The meeting of the Lily of France with the Rose of England will be an occasion to be sung by poets; would that I were a minstrel to do justice to the theme.” Their arrival at the carriage, with its four impatient horses, postillion-ridden, saved Strafford the effort of reply had he intended such. He seated himself in the closed vehicle, and his daughter sprang nimbly in beside him, ignoring the proffered aid of De Courcy, who stood bowing and bending with much courtesy, and did not
- 72. resume his bonnet until the coach lurched on its lumbering way, preceded and followed by a guard of horsemen, for the Earl of Strafford always travelled in state. Nothing was said by either until the jingling procession was well clear of the park, when the girl, with a shudder, exclaimed: “I loathe that scented fop!”—then, seeming to fear a reproof for her outspoken remark, added, “I know I should not say that, but I cannot see what you have in common with such a creature that you are civil to him.” To her amazement her father laughed slightly, the first time she had heard him do so. “When we travel, Frances, safe out of earshot, you may loathe whom you please, but, as I have warned you, ’t is sometimes unsafe to give expression to your feelings within four walls. I may find little in common with any man, least of all with such as De Courcy, whom I take to be as false as he is fair; but there is slight use in irritating a wasp whom you cannot crush. Wait till he is under my hand, then I shall crush ruthlessly; but the time is not yet. He has the ear of the Queen, and she has the ear of her husband.” “Sir, what reason have you to suspect that the Queen moves against you?” “One reason is that I am this moment journeying east when I would be travelling west. In truth, my girl, you seem resolved unconsciously to show you are your father’s daughter with that uncurbed tongue of yours, for a lack of lying is like to be my undoing. If I had told the King I must to London, ’t is most like we were now on our way to Dublin.” “But it may be the King himself who thus orders you contrarywise.” “I know the King. He is not, as you think, selfish, but ever gives ear to the latest counsellor. He is weak and thinks himself strong; a
- 73. most dangerous combination. With trembling hand he speaks of its firmness. Now, a weak monarch or a strong monarch matters little; England has been blessed with both and has survived the blessing; but a monarch who is. weak and strong by turns courts disaster. ‘War with the Scots,’ says the King. He will smite them with a firm hand. Very good; a most desirable outcome. But our captains, promoted by a woman’s whisper and not by their own merit, trust to the speed of their horses rather than the ingenuity of military skill, and so escape the Scots. Our army is scattered, and there is panic in Whitehall. I am called, for God’s sake, from Ireland, and I come scarce able, through illness, to sit my horse. I gather round me men of action and brain, and send Madam’s favourites to the rear, where they will gallop in any case as soon as the enemy shows front. What is the result? A portion of our Scottish friends are cut up, and those whose legs are untouched are on the run. Very good again. The dogs are rushing for their kennels. What happens? An added title for me, you might suppose. Not so. A censure comes post haste from London. ‘Leave the Scots alone, the King is negotiating with them.’ In the face of victory he embraces defeat. A peace is made that I know nothing of; all their demands are granted, as if they had environed London! I am left like a fool, with a newly inspired army and no enemy. They termed it ‘negotiating’ in London, but I call it ‘surrender.’ If you intend to submit, keep the sword in its sheath and submit. If you draw the sword, fight till you are beaten, then submit when there is nothing else to do. God’s name! they did not need to hale me from Ireland, where I had wrenched peace from chaos, to encompass a disgraceful retreat! Even De Courcy could have managed that with much greater urbanity than I.” “And you think the Queen is responsible?” “Who else? Her generals were disgraced and whipped like dogs. Unvaliant in the battle-field, they are powerful in the ante-chamber, and their whines arise in the ears of the Lily of France, who would rather see her husband wrecked than saved by me. But I was never one to hark back on things that are past. My duty was to save the
- 74. King from future errors. One more grave mistake lay open to him, and that was the summoning of Parliament at such a moment. It was a time for action, not for words. ‘If you meant to concede, why did you not concede without bloodshed?’ was a question sure to be asked; a question to which there could be no answer. Very well. I accepted in humbleness the censure that should have been placed on other shoulders, and sent back by the courier who brought it a message imploring the King to call no Parliament until we had time to set our house in order and face Lords and Commons with good grace. I then arranged my command so that if the Scots broke forth again they would meet some examples of military science, and not view only the coat-tails of the Queen’s favourite generals. No reply coming from the King, I mounted my horse, and, with only one follower, set forth for London. Pushing on through darkness on the second night of my journey, I heard the galloping of a horse behind me, and drew rein, fully expecting that the greedy Scots, asking more than could be allowed, had taken to the field again. ‘Good friend,’ I cried, ‘what news, that you ride so fast?’ ‘Great news,’ he answered, breathless. ‘A Parliament is summoned, and as I am an elected member I ride in haste. Please God, before the month is done we have Strafford’s head in our hands and off his treacherous shoulders.’” The girl gave utterance to a little cry of terror. “Oh, ’t was nothing but some braggart countryman, knowing not to whom he spoke so freely, and big in the importance of his membership, dashing on to London, thinking the world rested on his speed; and thus I learned how my advice had been scorned. When I met the King he was all panic and regret. He had conjured up the Devil easily enough, but knew not how to allay him. He bewailed his mistakes and called himself the most unfortunate of monarchs, eager to please, yet constantly offending. He was in a contrite mood, but that soon changed. ’T is my head they want,’ I said. ‘Do with it as you please. If it is useless to you, toss it to them; if useful, then send me to Ireland, where I shall be out of the way, yet ready
- 75. to afford you what service lies in my power.’ He swore he would concede them nothing. He was done with unappreciated complaisance, and now it was to be the firm hand. They should learn who was ruler of the realm. He gave me permission to return to my post. I was his only friend; his truest counsellor. That was yesterday. You heard him speak to-day. It is still the firm hand, but I must to London. There indeed exists a firm hand, but it is concealed, and so directed by hatred of me that it may project the avalanche that will overwhelm us all.” “And what will you do in London?” asked his daughter in an awed whisper. “God knows! Had I the untrammelled ordering of events, I would strike terror into Parliament, as I struck terror into the Scots or the Irish, but——but if, after that, there was a similar sneaking underhand surrender, why then the countryman would have my head, as he hoped. I fear there are troublous times before us. This alternate grip of the firm hand, and offering of open-palmed surrender, each at the wrong time, is like the succeeding hot and cold fits of an ague; ’T will rend the patient asunder if long continued. Frances, be ever a womanly woman. Never meddle with politics. Leave sword and State to men.” Tired with long converse and the jolting of the vehicle, Strafford sank into a troubled sleep, from which he was at last awakened by the stopping of the carriage in front of his town house.
- 76. F CHAPTER IV.—PROPOSAL. rances Wentworth crossed the threshold of her father’s house with more trepidation than she had experienced on entering the palace of the King at Hampton Court. Here probably awaited a stepmother with her children, and Frances doubted the cordiality of the approaching reception. The ever-increasing fear of her father, a sentiment felt by nearly all those who encountered him, mingled with hatred, usually, on their part, but with growing affection on hers, prevented the putting of the question whether or no Lady Strafford was now in London. Their journey together had been silent since he ceased the exposition of the difficulties which surrounded him,—a man whom all England regarded as being paramount in the kingdom, yet in reality baffled and almost at bay. Looking back over the day now drawn to its close, she marvelled at her own courage in approaching him as she had done, light- heartedly and confident. Were her task to be re-enacted her mind misgave her that she would not possess the temerity to carry it through, with her new knowledge of the man. Yet if Strafford were hated in the three kingdoms, he seemed to be well liked in that little despotism, his home, where servants clustered round, for each of whom he had a kind word. Whether they knew of his coming or not, the house was prepared for his reception, fires blazing, and a table spread in the room to which he conducted his daughter. Outside, the night was cold and damp, and the inward warmth struck gratefully upon the senses of the travellers. “Mrs. Jarrett,” said the Earl to his housekeeper, who looked with wonder at the new-comer he had brought, “have you aught of woman’s trappings that will fit my daughter here?” “Your daughter, my lord?”
- 77. “Yes, and as you will be consumed by curiosity until you know how it comes so, I will add that she is newly found, having lived till now with her grandfather in the North, and is the child of my second wife, Frances Warburton, married by me some seventeen years since. Any further particulars my daughter herself will supply, if you question shrewdly, as I doubt not you will; but postpone inquiry, I beg of you, until to-morrow. Meanwhile robe her as best you may with the materials at hand, and that quickly, for I wish her company at supper.” Frances was then spirited away to the apartment assigned to her, and when presently she reappeared she was costumed more to her father’s liking than had hitherto been the case. They sat down together to the meal that had hastily been prepared for them. “To-morrow, if I remember aright what you said, is your birthday.” “Yes, my lord.” “Is it difficult for you to say ‘Father’? My other children pronounce the word glibly enough. When you and I first met, and even since then, you seemed not backward in speech.” “Sir, I find myself more afraid of you than I was at the beginning.” Strafford smiled, but answered: “I assure you there is no need. I may be an implacable enemy, but I have the reputation of being as staunch a friend. So to-morrow is your birthday, saddened by the fact that it is also the date of your mother’s death. That is a loss for which a man in my onerous position cannot even partially atone, but it is a loss which you perhaps have not keenly felt. It seems heartless to speak thus, but the fact remains that we cannot deeply deplore the departure of what we have never enjoyed. One thing I can covenant; that you shall not hereafter know the lack of money, which is something to promise in a city of shops.” “I have never known the lack of it, my lord.”
- 78. “Have you indeed been so fortunate? Well, there again you bear a resemblance to your father. Sir John was reputed comfortably off in the old days, and I infer he harboured his wealth, a somewhat difficult task in times gone by. Are you then his heir?” “One of two, my lord.” “Ah, yes! I had momentarily forgotten the brother who favours his grandfather rather than his sire. I am like to be over-busy to-morrow to attend the mart of either mercer or goldsmith, and if I did, I should not know what to purchase that would please you. But here are all the birthday presents of London in embryo, needing but your own touch to bring forth the full blossom of perfect satisfaction. Midas, they say, transmuted everything he fingered into gold, and it is the province of your sex to reverse the process. Buy what catches your fancy, and flatter your father by naming it his gift.” He held forward a very well filled purse, through whose meshes the bright gold glittered. “Sir, I do not need it, and you have been very kind to me as it is.” “Nonsense! We all desire more than we can obtain. It is my wish that you take it; in any case it is but part payment of a debt long running and much overdue.” Fearing again to refuse, she accepted the proffered purse with evident reluctance, now standing opposite her father, who said: “I am very tired and shall not rise early to-morrow. Do not wait breakfast for me. Good-night, daughter.” “Good-night, father.” Although he had said the last conventional words of the day, he still stood there as if loath to retire, then he stooped and kissed her on the lips, ruffling her black, wayward, curly hair so like his own in texture, colour, and freedom from restraint, and patting her affectionately on the shoulder.
- 79. “You will not be afraid of me from this time forward, child?” he asked. “Indeed, Frances, I grow superstitious as I become older, and I look on your strange arrival as in some measure providential. There is none of my own kind to whom I can speak freely, as I did to you in the carriage; my daughters—my other daughters—are too young. My Lady Strafford takes much interest in her garden, and dislikes this London house and this London town, for which small blame is to be imputed to her. In you, a man’s courage is added to a woman’s wit, and who knows but my daughter may prove the reinforcement I lacked in my baffling fight with the unseen. Do you speak French, my girl, or are you as ignorant of the language of that country as of its history?” “I speak it but haltingly, sir, though I was taught its rudiments.” “We must amend that. It is to our tongue what the thin rapier is to the broadsword. Good lack! there was a time when one language served the English, yet great deeds were done and great poems written; but that time is past now. I must get you a master. I have likely used the broadsword overmuch, but who knows? You may be the rapier by my side.” “I hope I shall not disappoint you, sir, though I am but a country maid, with some distrust of this great city and its Court.” “City and Court are things we get speedily accustomed to. Well, again good-night, sweetheart, and sleep soundly. I see those fine eyes are already heavy with slumber.” But sleep came not so quickly as he surmised to the eyes he had complimented. The day had been too full of rapid change and tense excitement. The strange transformation of the present, and the dim, troubled vista of the future which opened out to her, cherished thought and discouraged slumber. Was it possible that she was thus to be transplanted, was to stand by the side of the greatest man in England, his acknowledged daughter, his welcome aid? God grant she might not fail him, if he had real need of her. And so she
- 80. Welcome to our website – the perfect destination for book lovers and knowledge seekers. We believe that every book holds a new world, offering opportunities for learning, discovery, and personal growth. That’s why we are dedicated to bringing you a diverse collection of books, ranging from classic literature and specialized publications to self-development guides and children's books. More than just a book-buying platform, we strive to be a bridge connecting you with timeless cultural and intellectual values. With an elegant, user-friendly interface and a smart search system, you can quickly find the books that best suit your interests. Additionally, our special promotions and home delivery services help you save time and fully enjoy the joy of reading. Join us on a journey of knowledge exploration, passion nurturing, and personal growth every day! ebookbell.com