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Ocean Science Data
Collection, Management,
Networking and Services
Editors
Giuseppe Manzella
OceanHis SrL, Torino, Italy
Antonio Novellino
ETT SpA - Gruppo SCAI, Genova, Italy

Table of Contents
Copyright
Contributors
Biographies
Part 1. Marine science: history and data archaeology
Chapter One. A narrative of historical, methodological, and
technological observations in marine science
Introduction
17th century: Summum frigidum
18th century: Polar explorations
19th century: A century of changes
Farthest north
From physical geography of the sea to oceanography
The birth of modern oceanography
Crossing the north-west passage
Lesson learned
Conclusions
Part 2. Data services in ocean science
Chapter Two. Data services in ocean science with a focus
on the biology

Historical data
Research Data Life Cycle
Essential variables: their relevance for policies and
conventions
Use cases and stories
Toward the next decade: what are the challenges we are
facing?
In conclusion
Chapter Three. Data management infrastructures and their
practices in Europe
The importance of marine data
Marine environmental monitoring services
Data governance
FAIRness of data and related services
Ocean data standards for processing data and metadata
The marine data management landscape
EMODnet—European Marine Observation and Data network
Fit-for-use/fit-for-purpose infrastructure
An operational fit-for-use infrastructure: EMODnet Physics
New challenges
Conclusion and recommendations

Part 3. Society-driven data and co-production
Chapter Four. A collaborative framework among data
producers, managers, and users
Data cycle and data collection
Gridded products
Satellite products
Ocean reanalysis
Societal challenges products
Products quality and transparency
Conclusions and recommendations
Part 4. Education
Chapter Five. Connecting marine data to society
EMODnet: a marine knowledge broker for society
Wider data visualization tools and applications
The European Atlas of the Seas: an EU online
communication tool for an increasingly blue, ocean literate
society
Catalyzing and mobilizing citizens through ocean literacy
Toward a transparent, accessible, and digital ocean
Chapter Six. How can ocean science observations
contribute to humanity?

The importance of the ocean in the human environment
Ocean data science
Data adequacy
Added value chain in ocean data science education
Part 5. Appendix
Chapter Seven. Oceanography: a recent scientific discipline
with ancient origins
List of acronyms
Index

Copyright
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Contributors
A. Barth , University of Liege, Liege, Belgium
Joana Beja , Flanders Marine Institute (VLIZ), Oostende, Belgium
Abigail Benson , U.S. Geological Survey, Lakewood, CO, United States
T. Boyer , National Centers for Environmental Information, National
Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration, Asheville, NC, United States
Jan-Bart Calewaert
Seascape Belgium bvba, Brussels, Belgium
European Marine Observation and Data Network (EMODnet) Secretariat,
Ostend, Belgium
C. Coatanoan , Ifremer Centre de Bretagne, Plouzané, Brest, France
Tim Collart
Ostend, Belgium
Conor Delaney
Ostend, Belgium
Daphnis De Pooter , Commission for the Conservation of Antarctic
Marine Living Resources, (CCAMLR), Hobart, TAS, Australia
Federico De Strobel , The Historical Oceanography Society, La Spezia,
Italy

S. Diggs , Scripps Institution of Oceanography, University of California
San Diego, La Jolla, CA, United States
William Emery , University of Colorado, Boulder, CO, United States
Michele Fichaut , IFREMER/SISMER, Brest, France
Vasilis Gerovasileiou , Hellenic Centre for Marine Research (HCMR),
Institute of Marine Biology, Biotechnology and Aquaculture (IMBBC),
Heraklion, Greece
Kate E. Larkin
Ostend, Belgium
Dan Lear , Marine Biological Association, Plymouth, United Kingdom
Helen Lillis , Joint Nature Conservation Committee (JNCC),
Peterborough, United Kingdom
M. Lipizer , Istituto Nazionale di Oceanografia e di Geofisica
Sperimentale – OGS, Trieste, Italy
Eleonora Manca , Joint Nature Conservation Committee (JNCC),
Peterborough, United Kingdom
Giuseppe M.R. Manzella
The Historical Oceanography Society, La Spezia, Italy
OceanHis SrL, Torino, Italy
Andrée-Anne Marsan
Ostend, Belgium

Patricia Miloslavich
Scientific Committee on Oceanic Research (SCOR), University of Delaware,
College of Earth, Ocean and Environment, Newark, DE, United States
Departamento de Estudios Ambientales, Universidad Simón Bolívar,
Caracas, Miranda, Venezuela
Gwenaëlle Moncoiffé , British Oceanographic Data Centre, National
Oceanography Centre, Liverpool, United Kingdom
V. Myroshnychenko , Middle East Technical University, Institute of
Marine Sciences, Erdemli-Mersin, Turkey
John Nicholls , Norfish Project, Centre for Environmental Humanities,
Trinity College Dublin, Dublin, Ireland
Antonio Novellino , ETT SpA, Genova, Italy
Nadia Pinardi
The Historical Oceanography Society, La Spezia, Italy
Department of Physics and Astronomy, Università di Bologna, Bologna,
Italy
A. Pisano , Consiglio Nazionale delle Ricerche - Istituto di Scienze
Marine (CNR-ISMAR), Rome, Italy
A. Pititto , COGEA, Rome, Italy
Dick M.A. Schaap , Mariene Informatie Service MARIS B.V., Nootdorp,
the Netherlands
R. Schlitzer , Alfred Wegener Institute, Bremerhaven, Germany
S. Simoncelli , Istituto Nazionale di Geofisica e Vulcanologia, Sezione di
Bologna, Italy
A. Storto , Consiglio Nazionale delle Ricerche - Istituto di Scienze
Marine (CNR-ISMAR), Rome, Italy

Nathalie Tonné
Ostend, Belgium
C. Troupin , University of Liege, Liege, Belgium
Leen Vandepitte , Flanders Marine Institute (VLIZ), Oostende, Belgium
Anton Van de Putte
Royal Belgian Institute for Natural Sciences, Brussels, Belgium
Université Libre de Bruxelles, Brussels, Belgium
Nathalie Van Isacker
Ostend, Belgium
Mickaël Vasquez , Ifremer, Brest, France
Nina Wambiji , Kenya Marine and Fisheries Research Institute,
Mombasa, Kenya
Biographies
Giuseppe Manzella received a degree in physics from the Department of
Physics, University of Rome “La Sapienza.” After some fellowships, and
attendance of specialization courses in Europe, he first worked at National
Research Council (1982–92) and then was employed as research manager
in ENEA (1992–2013). From 1978 he has been active in national,
European, and international programs in oceanography. He has worked as
expert on marine ecosystem for the Italian Ministry of Research, and the
Italian representative to WMO-IOC Joint Committee for Marine
Meteorology (JCOMM). He has chaired the Italian Oceanographic
Commission from January 2009 to June 2014. He is chairing the Historical

Oceanography Society. He is author/co-author of 50 refereed papers
published in international journals, co-editor of two books published, and
the Topic Editor of the Journal Earth System Science Data .
Antonio Novellino received a PhD in Biotechnology and Bioengineering
and a MSc in Biomedical Engineering. From 2008 to 2010, he served on
the European Commission, JRC – IHCP, as a senior researcher. He is the
ETT Research Manager where he coordinates R&D activities (
www.ettsolutions.com ). He served on the Board of Directors of
Consortium Si4Life ( www.si4life.com ) and on the board of Consortium
Tecnomar (SMEs working on maritime and environment technology,
www.consorziotecnomar.com ). He is serving on the techno-scientific
board of the Ligurian Cluster of Marine Technology DLTM ( www.dltm.it );
the board of Consortium TRAIN (innovation in energy and transport
management, www.consorziotrain.org ); EMODnet Steering Committee
and Technical Working Group; Expert Team on WIS Centres (ET-WISC);
and Southern Ocean Observing System Data Management team (SOOS
DMSC). He is a member of the EuroGOOS DATAMEQ group for advising on
operational oceanography data management procedures. He is the
EMODnet physics coordinator ( www.emodnet-physics.eu ) and CMEMS
Dissemination Unit (CMEMS DU) deputy coordinator.
Part 1
Marine science: history and data archaeology
Outline
Chapter One. A narrative of historical,
methodological, and technological observations in
marine science
Chapter One: A narrative of historical,
methodological, and technological observations in
marine science

Giuseppe M.R. Manzella ¹ , ⁴ , Federico De Strobel ¹ , Nadia Pinardi ¹ , ²
, and William Emery ³ ¹ The Historical Oceanography Society, La
Spezia, Italy ² Department of Physics and Astronomy, Università di
Bologna, Bologna, Italy ³ University of Colorado, Boulder, CO, United
States ⁴ OceanHis SrL, Torino, Italy
Abstract
Over the years, tools and methods to measure ocean characteristics have
evolved with some of the early instruments being rather curious-looking
while others have anticipated the current approaches to observations.
Information contained in historical books from the 17th to the beginning
of the 20th century, from Boyle and Hooke to Nansen and Ekman,
demonstrate the evolution of instruments and methods used to
investigate the marine environment. This chapter offers a summary of the
changes in technologies and methods for the measurements of ocean
depth, temperature, salinity, sea water gravity, and zoological
observations. It also presents examples of historical data collected in the
Arctic compared with present observations in this geographic region. The
chapter provides a general view of the rapid evolution in methods and
technology resulting in new observational procedures.
Keywords
Arctic regions environment; Geography of the sea; Instruments’evolution;
North-west passage; Observation methodology evolution; Oceanography
Introduction
Our planet is invested with two great oceans; one visible, the other
invisible; one underfoot, the other overhead; one entirely envelops it, the
other covers about two thirds of its surface.
Matthew Fontaine Maury, The Physical Geography of the Sea and Its
Meteorology , 1855
The earliest studies of the oceans date back to Aristotle (384 BC–322 BC),
but a true methodological approach only began about two millennia after
his death. Initially, ocean science derived from the practical arts of
navigation and cartography ( Henry, 2008 ). During the 15th century,

logbooks and annotated navigation maps began to be collected
systematically. Unfortunately, few early travel records have survived due
to physical deterioration, loss of logbooks or privacy policies ( Peterson
et al., 1996 ). With the Portuguese exploration of new lands and seas,
important advances were made in one branch of science in particular: the
geography of the sea.
The first methodological and technological approach to observing the sea
was established at the meeting of the Royal Society of London on June
14, 1661. The document Propositions of Some Experiments to Be Made by
the Earl of Sandwich in His Present Voyage ( Birch, 1760 ) defined the
guidelines for data collection.
“Diligent observations” were required by Galilei (1564–1642) and were the
basis of his experimental method. The concept was underlined, inter alia,
in the “Forth Day” chapter, discussing the causes of the tides, in the
famous book Dialogue on the Two Chief World Systems ( Galilei, 1632 ).
The “Propositions” were asking for “diligent observations” and their
recommendations were subsequently included in the Directions for the
Observations and Experiments to Be Made by Masters of Ships , Pilots ,
and Other Fit Persons on Their Sea-Voyages by Murray and Hooke (1667)
on behalf of the Royal Society. Seafarers were asked to
Observe the declination and variations of the compass or needle from
the meridian exactly, in as many places as they can, and in the same
place, every several voyage,
Carry dipping-needles with them,
Mark carefully the flowings and ebbings of the sea, in as many places
as may be,
Sound the deepest seas without a line, …
Keep a register of all changes of wind and weather …,
Observe and record all extraordinary meteors, lightnings, thunders, …
Carry with them good scales and glass-viols of a pint or so, with very
narrow mouths, which are to be filled with sea water in different

degrees of latitude, and the weight of the viol full of water taken
exactly at every time, and recorded; marking withal the degrees of
latitude and longitude of the place, and the day of the month, and
the temperature of the weather: and as well of water near the top, as
at a greater depth,
Fetch up water from any depth of the sea.
The “Directions” were accompanied by instructions on the use of methods
and instruments. Theoretically, they constituted a systematization of a
general request by several European scientists made explicit by Vincenzo
Viviani (a pupil of Galileo Galilei), on behalf of the Accademia del Cimento
to gather knowledge of the variability of ocean circulation by means of
“diligent” observations of the sea (see Pinardi et al., 2018 ). It is
worthwhile to mention that the Accademia del Cimento motto was “by
trying and trying again” (e.g., Magalotti, 1667 ).
A further step toward a more “diligent” observational methodology was
made by Ferdinando Marsili (1658–1730) with his famous treatise
“Osservazioni intorno al Bosforo Tracio” ( Marsili, 1681 ). For the first
time, an appropriate observation strategy was defined in order to
understand the effects of density differences on the circulation of water
masses ( Pinardi et al., 2018 ; Peterson et al., 1996 ; Deacon, 1971 ).
The efforts of the Royal Society to gain greater knowledge of the physical
characteristics of the sea met with little success. However, an important
contribution came from William Dampier (1651–1715), who was the first
person to circumnavigate the globe three times ( Dampier, 2012 ). In
Dampier’s records, data were not reported as requested in the
“Directions,” but contained substantial information on winds and currents.
The essay “A New Voyage Round the World” ( Dampier, 1703 ) was sent
to the Royal Society with the aim to promote “useful knowledge, and of
anything that may never so remotely tend to my Countries advantage.”
During his voyages, Dampier found that currents in the equatorial region
were driven by the trade winds ( Deacon, 1971 ).
The westward currents in the north equatorial region were used during
the discovery of America and were associated with the Aristotelian
conception of sea motion. In actual fact, Aristotle never spoke of a

westward sea flow, but this was the scholarly interpretation of a passage
in the second book of Meteorologica (e.g., Aristotle, 1952 ):
The whole Mediterranean flows according to the depth of the sea-bed and
the volume of the rivers. For Lake Maeotis (Azov Sea) flows into the
Pontus and thus into the Aegean … In the seas mentioned it (the flow)
takes place because of the rivers—for more rivers flow into the Euxine
and Lake Maeotis than into other areas many times their size—and
because of their shallowness. For the sea seem to get deeper and deeper
than Lake Maeotis, the Aegean deeper than the Pontus and the Sicilian
Sea deeper than the Aegean, while the Sardinian and Tyrrhenian are the
deepest of all. The water outside the pillars of Heracles is shallow because
of the mud but calm because the sea lies in a hollow.
The westward flow of the surface currents in the north equatorial
region was noted by Pietro Martire d’Angera (1457–1526) in De Orbe
Novo, 3rd “Decade,” Book 4 of the English translation by MacNutt ( Martyr
d’Anghiera, 1912 ):
It was in the year of salvation 1502 on the sixth day of the ides of May
that Columbus sailed from Cadiz with a squadron of four vessels of from
fifty to sixty tons burthen, manned by one hundred and seventy men. Five
days of favourable weather brought him to the Canaries; seventeen days’
sailing brought him to the island of Domingo, the home of the Caribs, and
from thence he reached Hispaniola in five days more, so that the entire
crossing from Spain to Hispaniola occupied twenty-six days, thanks to
favourable winds and currents, which set from the east towards the west.
According to the mariners’ report the distance is twelve hundred leagues.
Pietro Martire d’Angera in the same “Decade” (from Latin “decas”—group
of 10) analyzed the consequences of this flow in terms of the
conservation of water masses and wrote explicitly in Book 6:
The time has come, Most Holy Father, to philosophise a little, leaving
cosmography to seek the causes of Nature’s secrets. The ocean currents
in those regions run towards the west, as torrents rushing down a
mountain side. Upon this point the testimony is unanimous. Thus, I find
myself uncertain when asked where these waters go which flow in a
circular and continuous movement from east to west, never to return to

their starting-place; and how it happens that the west is not consequently
overwhelmed by these waters, nor the east emptied. If it be true that
these waters are drawn towards the centre of the earth, as is the case
with all heavy objects, and that this centre, as some people affirm, is at
the equinoctial line, what can be the central reservoir capable of holding
such a mass of waters? And what will be the circumference filled with
water, which will yet be discovered? The explorers of these coasts offer no
convincing explanation. There are other authors who think that a large
strait exists at the extremity of the gulf formed by this vast continent and
which, we have already said, is eight times larger than the ocean. This
strait may lie to the west of Cuba, and would conduct these raging waters
to the west, from whence they would again return to our east. Some
learned men think the gulf formed by this vast continent is an enclosed
sea, whose coasts bend in a northerly direction behind Cuba, in such wise
that the continent would extend unbrokenly to the northern lands beneath
the polar circle bathed by the glacial sea. The waters, driven back by the
extent of land, are drawn into a circle, as may be seen in rivers whose
opposite banks provoke whirlpools; but this theory does not accord with
the facts. The explorers of the northern passages, who always sailed
westwards, affirm that the waters are always drawn in that direction, not
however with violence, but by a long and uninterrupted movement.
Amongst the explorers of the glacial region a certain Sebastiano Cabotto,
of Venetian origin, but brought by his parents in his infancy to England, is
cited. It commonly happens that Venetians visit every part of the
universe, for purposes of commerce. Cabotto equipped two vessels in
England, at his own cost, and first sailed with three hundred men towards
the north, to such a distance that he found numerous masses of floating
ice in the middle of the month of July. Daylight lasted nearly twenty-four
hours, and as the ice had melted, the land was free. According to his
story he was obliged to tack and take the direction of west-by-south. The
coast bent to about the degree of the strait of Gibraltar. Cabotto did not
sail westward until he had arrived abreast of Cuba, which lay on his left.
In following this coast-line which he called Bacallaos, he says that he
recognised the same maritime currents flowing to the west that the
Castilians noted when they sailed in southern regions belonging to them.
It is not merely probable, therefore, but becomes even necessary to
conclude that between these two hitherto unknown continents there
extend large openings through which the water flows from east to west. I

think these waters flow all round the world in a circle, obediently to the
Divine Law, and that they are not spewed forth and afterwards absorbed
by some panting Demogorgon. This theory would, up to a certain point,
furnish an explanation of the ebb and flow.
Soon after the discovery of the new land mass named “America”, one of
the most exciting and tragic adventures in the history of seafaring began:
the search for the passage from the Atlantic to the Pacific. Martire
D’Angera hypothesized that this passage was in Central America, but the
idea of a “passage to the East Indies by the North Pole was suggested as
early as the year 1527 by Robert Thorn, merchant, of Bristol” ( Phipps,
1774 , see also McConnell, 1982 ). The polar passage would have allowed
England to shorten the travel time to the Spice Islands, compared to the
circumnavigation of South America through the Strait of Magellan or
South Africa around the Cape of Good Hope. A chronological history of
travel to the Arctic regions and the polar passage between the Atlantic
and Pacific Oceans was given by Barrow (1818) . Ross (1835) ( Fig. 1.1 )
provided a map showing the possible location of the north-west passage.
This chapter shows how observation technologies and methodologies are
important for understanding oceanic phenomena. It provides a general
overview of the consequences of the rapid evolution of knowledge
and technology’s impact on work practices. Our knowledge of ocean
science is based on scientific debates that began centuries ago, a cultural
aspect that should not be overlooked and should be included in academic
courses.
Margaret Deacon (1971) in her Scientists and the Sea wrote:
Oceanography is a descriptive and environmental science; as such it
depends for its existence on the application of knowledge already gained
in physical and other sciences. However, observations in the sea are very
difficult and expensive, and the data collected cannot be reproduced.
Technological and methodological advances were key points of progress in
ocean science.

Figure 1.1 The possible location of the north-west passage from Atlantic
to Pacific as in the book of John Ross (1835) .
The Renaissance brought about an epochal change in human thinking
that resulted in the rise of a humanistic culture and major scientific
discoveries. The experimental method initiated by Galileo required a
procedural systematization which began to take shape in the 17th
century. Important cultural and scientific institutions were founded for the
advancement of thought and to debate methodologies and technologies.
Florence’s Accademia del Cimento was founded in 1657 and the Royal
Society of London in 1660; both were incubators of ideas on natural
sciences.
Methodologies and technologies developed during the 17th to 19th
centuries are presented with particular attention to their applications
in the northern polar regions. These extreme areas, on account of their

oceanographic and meteorological peculiarities, represent interesting case
studies for the validity of those methodologies and technologies.
This chapter provides some important historical elements on data
collection methods and technologies from the 17th century to the
beginning of the 20th century in the science later known as
oceanography. In order to evaluate and compare past and present
technologies and methods, the data collected in particular areas of the
Arctic Sea are presented.
17th century: Summum frigidum
Show us the sensible experience, that the ebb and flow of the sea water
is not a swelling, or shrinking of the parts of it element, similar to what
we see taking place in the water placed in the heat of the fire, while it for
vehement heat becomes rarefied, and rises, and in reducing itself to
natural Coldness it reunites, and lowers; but in the Seas there is a true
local motion, and so to speak progressive, sometime towards one,
sometime towards the other extreme term of the Sinus of the Sea,
without any alteration of this element, coming from other accident than
from Local Mutation.
Galileo Galilei’s speech over the ebb and flow of the sea, 1616; Acts and
unpublished memoirs of the Accademia del Cimento, 1780
Speculation on the properties of the oceans during the 17th century was
provided by many skilled people (“ virtuosi ”). Galileo’s studies (1638) on
falling bodies were the basis of many “inquiries” relating to surveys of the
sea. Boyle (1627–1691) and Hooke (1635–1703) spent considerable time
testing and applying the concept of “gravitation” to ocean studies.
Boyle asked navigators to explore the different aspects of the oceans:
with regard to the water are to be considered the sea, its depth, specific
gravity, difference of saltness in different places, the plants, insects, and
fishes to be found in it, tides, with respect to the adjacent lands, currents,
whirlpools, &c ( Shaw, 1738 ). The requirements for these observations
were explained in detail in the “Directions for the observations and
experiments to be made by masters of ships, pilots, and other fit persons
in their sea-voyages” that also contained information on the instruments

that should be used routinely for the collection of geographical,
atmospheric, oceanographic, and biological data.
The “Directions” were the first step in the creation of a data quality
management system:
• essential information describing the sensors and platforms,
• measurement position,
• measurement units,
• processing, date and time information.
During the 17th century, scientists began to define some specific inquiries
on natural phenomena (e.g., tides, currents, winds). The diverse
interpretations of observations or results of “experiments” made it
necessary to adopt precise experimental methodologies. The concept of
standards agreed upon by the scientific community and now adopted in
everyday practice did not exist then. The “best practices” were defined by
one or more highly reputable people (persons of great repute), one of
whom was Robert Hooke, who presented the “Method of Making
Experiments” to the Royal Society ( Derham, 1726 ). Hooke’s
experimental method included some specific recommendations:
After finishing the Experiment, to discourse, argue, defend, and
further explain, such Circumstances and Effects in the preceding
Experiments, as may seem dubious “or difficult”: and to propound
what new Difficulties and Queries do occur, that require other Trials
and Experiments to be made, in order to their clearing and
answering: And farther, to raise such Axioms. and Propositions, as
are thereby plainly demonstrated and proved.
To register the whole Process of the Proposal, Design, Experiment,
Success, or Failure: the Objections and Objectors, the Explanation
and Explainers, the Proposals and Propounded of new and farther
Trials; the Theories and Axioms, and their Authors; and, in a Word,
the History of every Thing and Person, that is material and
circumstantial in the whole Entertainment of the said Society which

shall be prepared and made ready, fairly written in a bound Book, to
be read at the Beginning of the Sitting of the said Society.
Sounding: Nuntius Inanimatus , Esplorator Distantiae
One of the major problems of the 17th century was the lack of good maps
with marine topography for use in the Art of Navigation , one of the most
useful in the World ( Derham, 1726 ).
The sounding instrument illustrated in the “Directions” was a ball made of
waterproofed light wood (e.g., maple), to which an iron or stone weight
was tied. When it touched the seabed, the wooden ball came off and rose
to the surface ( Fig. 1.2 ). The depth was calculated with tables on the
basis of the time taken by the ball to descend and ascend. The
“Directions” provided warnings on the weights and dimensions of the
different parts of the apparatus.
Hooke gave precise indications on the different components of
“instruments for sounding the great depth of the sea”, and highlighted
two possible technological sources of errors: The first was, that “it was
necessary to make the Weight, that was to sink the Ball, of a certain Size
and Figure, so proportioned to the Ball, as that the Velocity of them,
downwards, when united, should be equal to the Velocity of the Ball
alone, when it ascended in its Return; in Order to which, it required to be
prepared with Care, and required also some Charge, it being almost
necessary to make it of Lead, of a certain Weight and Figure. The other
was, the Difficulty of discovering the Ball at the first Moment of its Return,
which was likewise of absolute Necessity; and it was likewise necessary to
keep the Time most exactly of its Stay, or Continuance, under the Surface
of the Water, by the Vibrations of a Pendulum, held in one’s Hand …” (
Derham, 1726 ).

Figure 1.2 Instruments for measurements to be done during voyages, as
from “Directions” by Murray and Hooke (1667) : Dipping-needle (Fig. 1),
Deep sea sounding without a line (Fig. 2) with different forms of weights
(Fig. 3, Fig. 4, Fig. 5) substituting the ball D in Fig. 2, Instrument
measuring wind strength (Fig. 6), water sampler (Fig. 7). The sounding
principle was very simple: a buoyant object attached to a weight that
came off in contact with the seabed.
While Hooke acknowledged the error introduced if the ball was
not detected immediately upon reaching the surface, he did not realize
the difficulty of doing so in anything but a totally calm sea. Many were
the complaints as to the difficulties in locating the ball upon its return to
the surface.
Hooke was aware of the errors associated with calculations of descent
and ascent speeds and of the need to consider the buoyancy of the
materials used for the various components of the sounding apparatus. On

the contrary, he was confident of the use of the “pendulum clock”
described in “Philosophical Experiments” ( Derham, 1726 ). To avoid
problems, he proposed a cone-shaped sounding machine ( Fig. 1.3 ) with
a small hole to receive water based on external pressure ( Nuntius
Inanimatus or Explorator Distantiae ). In Hooke’s idea, the increasing
pressure of sea water at depth would fill the sounding machine in
proportion to the actual depth. Therefore, by weighing the content of the
water in it after it returned to the surface, it would be possible to have a
measurement of the depth of the water.
Whatever the operation of this Nuntius , Hooke was sure that the sea
temperature would influence the results, as the heat or the cold caused
the air contained in the machine to expand or contract. For this reason,
he thought of adding a temperature sensitive apparatus. However, there
was another important question to answer before evaluating the results of
a sounding apparatus, that is , “Whether the Gravitation, towards the
Center of the Earth, do continue the same, at any Depth; or whether it do
increase or diminish, according as the Body is posited lower and lower,
beneath the Surface of the Sea; for if Gravity do increase, then the Body
will move downwards, or sink faster, than at the Top; and if it decreases,
it will do the Contrary.”

Figure 1.3 The Nuntius Inanimatus (on the left) and Explorator
Profunditatis (on the right) proposed by Hooke ( Derham, 1726 ).
The solution was in the so-called Explorator Profunditatis , which
consisted of a ball of a selected material with holes allowing the passage
of water. The ball had pinions and cogwheels that turned during the
descent and during the ascent ( Fig. 1.3 ). The apparatus described by
Murray (1912) was composed of two clockwork odometers, one for the
descent and another for the ascent. The number of revolutions of the
rotors gave values proportional to the depth of the sea.
Esplorator temperature
The history of temperature measurements, from the thermoscope to the
thermometer, has been presented in many books (e.g., Knowles
Middleton, 2003 ). Despite still imperfect technology and methodology,
temperature measurements revealed some aspects of the marine
environment which were analyzed by Boyle, a scientist whose interests
ranged from human to natural, chemical and physical sciences. Boyle
obtained information on temperature and salt from various sailors and
divers and concluded that sea water is not the summum frigidum .
Therefore, the sea was made up of a surface layer whose temperature
was influenced by the atmosphere and a deeper and colder layer ( Shaw,
1783 ). From this information a question arose: why was the deep sea,
despite being cold, not frozen? Boyle’s conclusion was, “so, I have more
than once try’d that salt-water will, without freezing, admit a much
greater degree of cold, that is necessary to turn fresh water into ice.”
Hooke described a thermometer that was nothing “but a small Bolt-head,
filled up with Spirit of Wine, to a convenient Height of the Stem, with a
small Embolus and Valve; the Embolus is made so, as to be thrust down
the Neck, as the Spirit of Wine shall be contracted by Cold; and the Valve
is to let out the Spirit of Wine, when it is again expanded with Heat, in its
Ascent”. It is important to note that the effect of the pressure on the
volume of the Spirit was very well known: “It may, possibly, be thought
that the great Pressure, of the incumbent Body of Water, may contribute
somewhat to the Contraction, or Shrinking, of the Spirit” ( Derham, 1726
).

Esplorator Qualitatum
The measurements of sea gravity and saltness were done with a vial of
known magnitude having a narrow neck or a graduated glass-tube. The
gravity was determined by the weight of the water and the saltness by
the weight of substance remaining after evaporation of the water. Water
at depth was sampled with a “Square Wooden Bucket” having two valves
that remained open during the descent of the sampler and closed in the
ascent ( Fig. 1.2 ).
Boyle described various experiments for the calculation of the specific
gravity: “We took a vial, with a long and strait neck, and having counter
pois’d it, we filled it to a certain height with common conduit-water: we
noted the weight of that liquor; which being poured out, the vial was filled
to the same height with sea-water, taken up at the surface; and by the
difference between the two weights, the sea-water appeared to be about
a forty-fifth part heavier than the other.”
Having compared the results of different experiments that were giving
slightly different results, Boyle deduced that the seawater during the
weight operation was “ rarified ” by the effect of the sun. In one
experiment Boyle used “distilled rain” as reference, but there were no
indications that this water was assumed to be a standard. Boyle gave
some values of the gravity of sea water weight using units of
measurement from the old English avoirdupois measurement system
derived from the Anglo-Norman French “aveir de peis,” a derivation of the
Latin “habere de pensum.”
Specific gravity
The scales used to weigh specific gravity took various forms and Hooke
presented some to the Royal Society ( Fig. 1.4 ). The position of the
reference weights along the arms ( Fig. 1.4a ) would provide “the
proportionate Weight of those two Bodies” ( Derham, 1726 ). In order to
obtain a greater precision, a scale with the beam “in the Form of a Cross,
equilibrated upon a sharp Edge in the Center” was proposed, but it is not
known if it was actually used ( Fig. 1.4b ).

Hooke received samples of sea surface water and fresh water, the latter
for use as a reference. Unfortunately, there were no indications in the text
on the location of the sea sampling location, while the reference fresh
water was collected in the Thames River at Greenwich during low tide
(which is very likely not completely fresh). The salt content found by
Hooke was about 22 parts per 1000, a fairly good value, given the many
uncertainties and factors and the use of water from the Thames as
reference.
Figure 1.4 Two balances by Hooke. The one on the left is a typical
steelyard balance. On the right is a balance proposed by Hooke to
improve precision in weight measurements ( Derham, 1726 ).
It can be anticipated that the value of specific gravity measured in the
18th century in Nore, a sandbank in the Thames estuary, ranged from
1000 to 1024.6 and in the North Sea 1000 to 1028.02. These values were
provided in the appendix “Account of Doctor Irving’s Method of Obtaining
Fresh Water from the Sea by Distillation” of “A Voyage towards the North
Pole” ( Phipps, 1774 ). One of the many methodologies for the
preparation of a reference water is presented in paragraph 18th century:
Polar explorations - Distilled water.
18th century: Polar explorations

The usefulness of physical geography is manifest. It teaches us to know
the workshop of nature in which we find ourselves, its instruments, its
first laboratory, and its attempts.
Immanuel Kant, Physische Geografie (from Augusto Eckerlin edition),
1807
A letter by Stephen Hales (1677–1761) dated June 8, 1751, appeared in
the Philosophical Transaction ( Hales, 1753 ), which describes a “bucket
sea-gage” used by Henry Ellis during his voyage to Hudson’s Bay in 1746.
This apparatus was used to collect temperature, salinity, and specific
gravity information at various depths. The sea-gage “was a common
household pail or bucket, with two heads in it; which heads had each a
round hole in the middle, near four inches diameter, which were cover’d
with valves which open’d upwards; and that they might both open and
shut together.” The water temperature was measured on board with a
mercury thermometer. However, Hales advised users to be very careful
since the measurement was altered by contact with air.
Important steps forward in technology and methodology are described in
the book A Voyage towards the North Pole - 1773 ( Fig. 1.5 ), by Phipps
(1774) . The methodology used during that expedition was based on an
intercomparison of measurements made by different people, e.g.,
longitude was calculated by different people making astronomical
observations and time-keepers, and when all the results were reported
and compared, corrections made were described in detail.
Temperature
Temperature was measured with Cavendish’s overflow thermometers,
which were presented to the Royal Society on June 30, 1757 ( Fig. 1.6 ).
Cavendish (1704–1783) wrote: “The instrument for finding the greatest
heat might be made just like that of Fig. 1. only leaving the top open. It is
to be filled with mercury only, as is also the lower part of the ball at top,
but not near so high as the end of the capillary tube. The upper part of
that ball, being left open, will in a great measure be filled with the
seawater, which will be forced into it by the pressure … The thermometer
for finding the greatest cold, if applied to this purpose, must also be left
open at top … the most convenient construction, which occurs to me, is

that of Fig. 4” ( Cavendish, 1757 ). The thermometer was filled with
mercury (the dark part of the figure) and “spirit of wine” (the gray part).
Soon after the publication of the Cavendish report by the Royal Society, it
was noted that “spirits of wine” and other fluids were compressible and
that, furthermore, corrections to temperature measurements were
necessary. The corrections were presented in an appendix to Phipps’
book. The corrected temperature data collected during the Phipps voyage
to the North Pole are shown in Table 1.1 (details on Cavendish
thermometers and corrections are presented in McConnell, 1982 ).
The quality of the data can be discussed on the basis of the temperature
collected at 780 fathoms (about 1426 m) which, after correction, turned
out to be − 3.3°C, a very low value in light of current knowledge.
The corrections to temperatures made by Dr. Irving, a scientific member
of Phipps’ crew, considered compression and unequal expansion of spirits
. However, based on some indications provided by Abbe (1888) , the
temperature should be corrected by more than 0.5°F, probably greater
than 2°F, as shown by Fig. 1.7 .

Figure 1.5 Chart of A Voyage toward the North Pole by Phipps (1774) .

Figure 1.6 Cavendish thermometers. The “minimum thermometer” used
by Phipps is presented in “Fig. 4”. The gray part was “spirit of wine” and
the dark part was mercury. Note the opening on top of “Fig. 4”. Cavendish
was aware of the effect of pressure on the apparent volume of liquids,
causing a shift in reading. Following Cavendish, the pressure exerted on
the top causes mercury to pass into the alcohol tank C. Initially C
contained “spirit of wine.” As the temperature fell, the spirit is contracted
and the mercury flows into C where it is trapped. The reading of the
mercury in the shorter limb would give a measure of the temperature.
More details are in McConnell (1982) . (Note the references to figures in
the text refer to the numbers next to the thermometers in the figure.).
From Cavendish, C., 1757. A description of some thermometers for
particular uses. Phil. Trans. 50, 300–310.

To understand the quality of these first observations of the thermal
content of the sea in the polar regions, the temperature values collected
by Phipps ( Table 1.1 ) are compared with the data collected in recent
years ( Fig. 1.7 ). Data above 120 fathoms correspond to the temperature
values collected at the beginning of the 21st century, but data for the
deepest point are completely out of acceptable ranges. The navigation
journal reported that the air temperature was 48.5°F and was calm
almost all day; consequently, the low temperature at 780 fathoms was not
contaminated by weather events. Any quality problems must be attributed
to the measuring device.
Table 1.1
Figure 1.7 Vertical profiles of potential temperatures collected in June in
polar regions during the years 2000–05 compared with data collected by
Phipps in June 1774 ( blue dots : black dots in printed version). The
vertical profiles were downloaded from SeaDataNet ( www.seadatanet.org
). The graph has been obtained using Ocean Data View software.

Courtesy Schlitzer, Reiner, 2020. Ocean Data View, https://odv.awi.de .
The problems in using the thermometers are clearly presented by
Camuffo (2002) . Members of many societies (e.g., Accademia del
Cimento in Florence, The Royal Society of London, and later Societas
Meteorologica Palatina in Mannheim) stressed the need to have a
perfectly cylindrical tube … or at least a tube with a constant internal
section along its entire length . Improvements in glassmaking technology
enabled scientists and technicians to confirm that the liquid inside the
thermometer and the glass both expanded when the heat increased.
Fahrenheit used two different liquids, mercury and spirit, to evaluate the
law of expansion, obtaining different results. At the end of the 18th
century, various volumetric expansions of spirit and mercury were verified,
and calibration methods were suggested ( Camuffo, 2002 ).
James Six (1731–1793) invented a maximum and minimum thermometer
( Six, 1794 ) which began to be a commonly used tool during most
voyages of exploration. The thermometer was invented in 1782, but the
book that described it was published 12 years later, post-mortem. The
thermometer contained mercury (the colored or gray part in Fig. 1.8 ) and
spirit of wine. The expansion of the latter pushed the mercury upwards
into the tube on the right. “Within the small tube of the Thermometer,
above the surface of the mercury, immersed in the spirit of wine, is
placed, on either side, a small index, so fitted as to be moved up and
down as occasion may require” ( Six, 1794 ). A magnet was used to
restore the position of the metal needle ( McConnell, 1982 ).

Figure 1.8 The Six’s thermometer and the different parts showing the
sections of the different parts of it ( Six, 1794 ).
Specific gravity and salinity
Specific gravity was measured instead of gravity. A definition of specific
gravity was given (among others) by Becket (1775) : “that which meant
by the term Specific Gravity of bodies, being nothing more than the
difference, or comparative weight of those bodies to that of a common
water, we might easily find the specific gravity of any fluid, by weighing a
quantity of it against an equal quantity of water.” In a note, the author
provided additional useful information: in hydrostatic calculation, water, as

the standard from which all the respective gravities are taken, is reckoned
as unity or 1, 10, 100, 1000, &c. as the case requires. The reference
liquid selected was distilled water, differently from Marsili, who used rain-
water ( Marsili, 1681 ). From a practical point of view, there were many
advantages in using distilled water, since it could be obtained by each
“weight-keeper,” also on board a ship at sea for many months, as was
common at that time.
In the 18th century precision balances were introduced in response to
scientific as well as commercial needs. They furnished accurate
measurements of the specific gravity by defining a standard temperature
for the reference water.
Phipps (1744–1792) provided, among other seafarers, information on the
salt contained in sea water: “Sea-water contains chiefly a neutral salt,
composed of fossil alcali and marine acid (muriatic or hydrochloric acid).
It likewise contains a salt which has magnesia for its basis, and the same
acid … The mother liquor now remaining, being evaporated, affords a
vitriolic magnesia salt, which in England is manufactured in large
quantities, under the name of Epsom salt (magnesium sulphate). Besides
these salts, which are objects of trade, sea-water contains a selenitic salt
(calcium sulphate), a little true Glauber’s salt (sodium sulphate), often a
little nitre, and always a quantity of gypseous earth suspended (sulphate
mineral) by means of fixed air” ( Phipps 1774 ). The measurements of
salts in sea water were obtained by dissolving them in alcohol after
evaporation of the water.
Distilled water
In A Voyage toward the North Pole Phipps (1774) mentioned the
participation of experts in various scientific and engineering disciplines,
including Dr. Irving who, in an appendix, examined the different methods
of obtaining distilled water on board a ship. The distiller was a boiler with
openings (the two holes on the back of Fig. 1.9 ) for cocks. The water
was evaporated and forced into tubes that decreased in size and at the
end of which distilled water was collected. To clean the tube, steam was
forced through for one minute. To ensure maximum purity, the water was
distilled until a third of the water originally introduced remained in the
boiler.

The text interestingly notes that “The principal intention of this machine,
however, is to distil rum and other liquors; for which purpose it has been
employed with extraordinary success, in preventing an ‘empyreuma’ or
‘fiery’ taste.”
Marine zoology
In that historical period, it was normal practice to collect samples of flora
and fauna in order to acquire knowledge of the new lands that were
discovered. During the voyage, Phipps’ crew also recorded biological
observations of mammals, fishes, amphibians, insects, etc. Flora and
fauna were described and depicted in tables of high artistic value.
Examples can be seen in Fig. 1.10 .
Figure 1.9 The distiller used by Dr. Irving on board the H.M.S. Racehorse
and Carcass during the voyage toward North Pole in 1773.
Figure 1.10 Biological observations during the voyage toward the North
Pole by Phipps (1774) .

19th century: A century of changes
The correct analysis of sea-water being a difficult problem, the usual
measure of the saltness of the sea, is by its specific gravity; this, though
but an approximation to the truth, when the quantity of any particular salt
only is considered, gives the saline contents in the gross with tolerable
accuracy.
William Scoresby, An Account of the Arctic regions with a History and
Description of the Northern Whale-Fishery , 1820
The scientific revolution that began in the 16th century saw continuous
and increasingly faster advances in mathematics, physics, chemistry, and
biology ( Preti, 1975 ). At the same time, there were far-reaching changes
in industry, commerce and finance, and, in particular, a surge in the
development of commercial relations between Europe and overseas lands
that led to the construction of vast and efficient merchant and military
fleets ( AAVV, 2004 ). In the mid-19th century, the first submarine
telegraph cables were laid. This made bathymetric knowledge increasingly
necessary even in the deep sea.
The whaling industry increased significantly during this period. The search
for new hunting grounds for the whale fishery led to the exploration of
unknown regions, as in the case of William Scoresby Junior, who was cited
by Melville (1851) in Moby Dick or The Whale (‘ No branch of Zoology is
so much involved as that which is entitled Cetology , ’ says Captain
Scoresby , AD 1820 ).
Whaling, an ancient activity that was practiced in the Basque region in the
Middle Ages and later moved to the North Atlantic, was carried out in a
predatory way. The hunting grounds were depleted considerably in
number of animals to the extent that Maury published a map in 1851
showing that the best hunting region was no longer the Atlantic but the
Pacific Ocean (
https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Maurys_whale_chart-1851.jpg ;
accessed September 2020).
Maury (1806–1873) was an important figure in the history of
oceanography. His work The Physical Geography of the Sea , dated 1855,

marked the boundaries between a geographical description of the seas
and oceans and modern oceanography. (Note this book is still in print.)
He promoted the First International Maritime Conference ( Houvenaghel,
1990 ; WMO, 1973 ), held in Brussels in 1853, “at the invitation of the
Government of the United-States of America, for the purpose of
concerting a systematical and uniform plan of meteorological observation
at sea” ( De Groote, 1853 ). The delegates of Belgium, Denmark, France,
Great Britain, the Netherlands, Norway, Portugal, Russia, Sweden, and the
United States agreed “on a plan of uniform observation, in which all
nations might be engaged in order to establish a concerted action
between the meteorologist on land and the navigator at sea.”
During the conference, difficulties in concerting comparable and
compatible observations were discussed. These difficulties were the
variety of scales in use in different countries, the equipment used for
observations, and their accuracy. With regard to scales, it was decided
that each country could use its own, except for temperature, for which
the use of the centigrade scale was agreed, possibly together with the
scales of the different countries. The establishment of a universal system
of meteorological observations was left to future initiatives. With reference
to instruments, it was noted that barometers were approximate and gave
poor results. It was therefore recommended to accurately determine the
errors in them.
It was also noted that the errors for thermometers had been accurately
determined. Furthermore, the use of mercurial thermometers was
recommended. However, the delegates added that the data they
produced was of little value, probably referring to their use for navigation.
As for wind measurements, the conference decided that the use of
anemometers on board ships was a desideratum .
The conclusion on instrumentation was important: “In bringing to a
conclusion the remarks upon instruments, the Conference considered it
desirable, in order the better to establish uniformity, and to secure
comparability among the observations, to suggest as a measure
conducive thereto, that a set of the standard instruments used by each of
the cooperating Governments, together with the instructions which might
to given to such Government for their use, should be interchanged.”

The conference recommended to carry out the observations reported in
Table 1.2 . The conference also defined sampling intervals: “at least the
position of the vessel and the set of the current, the height of the
barometer, the temperature of the air and water should each be
determined once a day, the force and direction of the wind three times a
day, and the observed variation of the needle occasionally.”
Table 1.2
It was also stated that any additional information reported in logbooks
would be of great value.
The Brussels conference was a beginning for international marine meteo-
oceanographic cooperation, and was followed by a series of initiatives
having the aim to establish a uniform system of meteorological
observations ( Ballot, 1872 ). An international coordination and
standardization of climatological practices was established during the First
International Meteorological Congress held in Vienna in September 1873.
The congress was a starting point for the establishment of the
International Meteorological Organisation ( WMO, 1973 ), that in 1952
was reestablished as an intergovernmental body: the World
Meteorological Organisation ( Zillman, 2009 ).
Deep sea soundings
Difficulties in sounding the deep sea were clearly indicated in this
statement by Hjoert (1912) : “It has often been said that studying the
depths of the sea is like hovering in a balloon high above an unknown
land which is hidden by clouds, for it is a peculiarity of oceanic research
that direct observations of the abyss are impracticable.”
The exploration and study of new lands and oceans sparked an interest in
maps describing the trend of the seabed ( Fig. 1.11 ). The methodology
for determining the depth of the sea was described by Thomson (1873) .
Traditional methodology consisted of a weight attached to a graduated
line with strips of variously colored fabric. The distance and the color of
the stripes indicated fathoms, tens of fathoms, and hundreds of fathoms,
or, for the deep sea, the white stripes were fixed every 50 fathoms, the

black every 100 fathoms, and the red every 1000 fathoms. When the
weight ( a prismatic leaden block about two feet in length and 80 to 120
lbs in weight ) touched the seabed, an approximative measure of the
depth of the sea could be made.
The maximum depth measurement with this system was about 3200
fathoms, beyond which a symbol was used on the bathymetric chart that
was
meaning no bottom at 3200 fathoms .
Deep-sea sounding was done while the ship was moving. When an
accurate position was required, as in the case of bathymetric
measurements near the coast, the position made reference to some fixed
objects on the shore.
The measurements of the depth of the sea with this method were
distorted by the currents that inclined the wire, and consequently
provided measurements higher than the true values. Thomson was aware
of this and described another method adopted by the United States Navy.
A 32- or 68-pound weight was attached to a fine line and thrown into the
water. When the descent speed began to decrease significantly, the wire
was cut. The depth of the sea was calculated from the length of the
thread left on board the ship. Thomson reported soundings of up to
50,000 fathoms produced by US Navy officers.

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of. The last thing I remember distinctly is walking through the forest
and hearing a loud noise. Something probably killed me then, and it
certainly ought to have been the end of me. Yet here I am, alive
again, with four monstrous wings and a body which I venture to say
would make any respectable animal or fowl weep with shame to
own. What does it all mean? Am I a Gump, or am I a juggernaut?"
The creature, as it spoke, wiggled its chin whiskers in a very comical
manner.
"You're just a Thing," answered Tip, "with a Gump's head on it. And
we have made you and brought you to life so that you may carry us
through the air wherever we wish to go."
"Very good!" said the Thing. "As I am not a Gump, I cannot have a
Gump's pride or independent spirit. So I may as well become your
servant as anything else. My only satisfaction is that I do not seem
to have a very strong constitution, and am not likely to live long in a
state of slavery."
"Don't say that, I beg of you!" cried the Tin Woodman, whose
excellent heart was strongly affected by this sad speech. "Are you
not feeling well today?"
"Oh, as for that," returned the Gump, "it is my first day of existence;
so I cannot judge whether I am feeling well or ill." And it waved its
broom tail to and fro in a pensive manner.
"Come, come!" said the Scarecrow, kindly; "do try to be more
cheerful and take life as you find it. We shall be kind masters, and
will strive to render your existence as pleasant as possible. Are you
willing to carry us through the air wherever we wish to go?"
"Certainly," answered the Gump. "I greatly prefer to navigate the air.
For should I travel on the earth and meet with one of my own
species, my embarrassment would be something awful!"
"I can appreciate that," said the Tin Woodman, sympathetically.
"And yet," continued the Thing, "when I carefully look you over, my
masters, none of you seems to be constructed much more artistically

than I am."
"Appearances are deceitful," said the Woggle-Bug, earnestly. "I am
both Highly Magnified and Thoroughly Educated."
"Indeed!" murmured the Gump, indifferently.
"And my brains are considered remarkably rare specimens," added
the Scarecrow, proudly.
"How strange!" remarked the Gump.
"Although I am of tin," said the Woodman, "I own a heart altogether
the warmest and most admirable in the whole world."
"I'm delighted to hear it," replied the Gump, with a slight cough.
"My smile," said Jack Pumpkinhead, "is worthy your best attention. It
is always the same."
"Semper idem," explained the Woggle-Bug, pompously; and the
Gump turned to stare at him.
"And I," declared the Saw-Horse, filling in an awkward pause, "am
only remarkable because I can't help it."
"I am proud, indeed, to meet with such exceptional masters," said
the Gump, in a careless tone. "If I could but secure so complete an
introduction to myself, I would be more than satisfied."
"That will come in time," remarked the Scarecrow. "To 'Know
Thyself' is considered quite an accomplishment, which it has taken
us, who are your elders, months to perfect. But now," he added,
turning to the others, "let us get aboard and start upon our journey."
"Where shall we go?" asked Tip, as he clambered to a seat on the
sofas and assisted the Pumpkinhead to follow him.
"In the South Country rules a very delightful Queen called Glinda the
Good, who I am sure will gladly receive us," said the Scarecrow,
getting into the Thing clumsily. "Let us go to her and ask her
advice."

"That is cleverly thought of," declared Nick Chopper, giving the
Woggle-Bug a boost and then toppling the Saw-Horse into the rear
end of the cushioned seats. "I know Glinda the Good, and believe
she will prove a friend indeed."
"Are we all ready?" asked the boy.
"Yes," announced the Tin Woodman, seating himself beside the
Scarecrow.
"Then," said Tip, addressing the Gump, "be kind enough to fly with
us to the Southward; and do not go higher than to escape the
houses and trees, for it makes me dizzy to be up so far."
"All right," answered the Gump, briefly.
It flopped its four huge wings and rose slowly into the air; and then,
while our little band of adventurers clung to the backs and sides of
the sofas for support, the Gump turned toward the South and soared
swiftly and majestically away.
"The scenic effect, from this altitude, is marvelous," commented the
educated Woggle-Bug, as they rode along.
"Never mind the scenery," said the Scarecrow. "Hold on tight, or you
may get a tumble. The Thing seems to rock badly."
"It will be dark soon," said Tip, observing that the sun was low on
the horizon. "Perhaps we should have waited until morning. I
wonder if the Gump can fly in the night."
"I've been wondering that myself," returned the Gump, quietly. "You
see, this is a new experience to me. I used to have legs that carried
me swiftly over the ground. But now my legs feel as if they were
asleep."
"They are," said Tip. "We didn't bring 'em to life."
"You're expected to fly," explained the Scarecrow; "not to walk."
"We can walk ourselves," said the Woggle-Bug.

"I begin to understand what is required of me," remarked the Gump;
"so I will do my best to please you," and he flew on for a time in
silence.
Presently Jack Pumpkinhead became uneasy.
"I wonder if riding through the air is liable to spoil pumpkins," he
said.
"Not unless you carelessly drop your head over the side," answered
the Woggle-Bug. "In that event your head would no longer be a
pumpkin, for it would become a squash."
"Have I not asked you to restrain these unfeeling jokes?" demanded
Tip, looking at the Woggle-Bug with a severe expression.
"You have; and I've restrained a good many of them," replied the
insect. "But there are opportunities for so many excellent puns in our
language that, to an educated person like myself, the temptation to
express them is almost irresistible."
"People with more or less education discovered those puns centuries
ago," said Tip.
"Are you sure?" asked the Woggle-Bug, with a startled look.
"Of course I am," answered the boy. "An educated Woggle-Bug may
be a new thing; but a Woggle-Bug education is as old as the hills,
judging from the display you make of it."
The insect seemed much impressed by this remark, and for a time
maintained a meek silence.
The Scarecrow, in shifting his seat, saw upon the cushions the
pepper-box which Tip had cast aside, and began to examine it.
"Throw it overboard," said the boy; "it's quite empty now, and
there's no use keeping it."
"Is it really empty?" asked the Scarecrow, looking curiously into the
box.

"Of course it is," answered Tip. "I shook out every grain of the
powder."
"Then the box has two bottoms," announced the Scarecrow; "for the
bottom on the inside is fully an inch away from the bottom on the
outside."
"Let me see," said the Tin Woodman, taking the box from his friend.
"Yes," he declared, after looking it over, "the thing certainly has a
false bottom. Now, I wonder what that is for?"
"Can't you get it apart, and find out?" enquired Tip, now quite
interested in the mystery.
"Why, yes; the lower bottom unscrews," said the Tin Woodman. "My
fingers are rather stiff; please see if you can open it."
He handed the pepper-box to Tip, who had no difficulty in
unscrewing the bottom. And in the cavity below were three silver
pills, with a carefully folded paper lying underneath them.
This paper the boy proceeded to unfold, taking care not to spill the
pills, and found several lines clearly written in red ink.
"Read it aloud," said the Scarecrow; so Tip read as follows:
"DR. NIKIDIK'S CELEBRATED WISHING PILLS.
"Directions for Use: Swallow one pill; count seventeen by twos;
then make a Wish.—The Wish will immediately be granted.
"CAUTION: Keep in a Dry and Dark Place."
"Why, this is a very valuable discovery!" cried the Scarecrow.
"It is, indeed," replied Tip, gravely. "These pills may be of great use
to us. I wonder if old Mombi knew they were in the bottom of the
pepper-box. I remember hearing her say that she got the Powder of
Life from this same Nikidik."
"He must be a powerful Sorcerer!" exclaimed the Tin Woodman;
"and since the powder proved a success we ought to have

confidence in the pills."
"But how," asked the Scarecrow, "can anyone count seventeen by
twos? Seventeen is an odd number.
"That is true," replied Tip, greatly disappointed. "No one can possibly
count seventeen by twos."
"Then the pills are of no use to us," wailed the Pumpkinhead; "and
this fact overwhelms me with grief. For I had intended wishing that
my head would never spoil."
"Nonsense!" said the Scarecrow, sharply. "If we could use the pills at
all we would make far better wishes than that."
"I do not see how anything could be better," protested poor Jack. "If
you were liable to spoil at any time you could understand my
anxiety."
"For my part," said the Tin Woodman, "I sympathize with you in
every respect. But since we cannot count seventeen by twos,
sympathy is all you are liable to get."
By this time it had become quite dark, and the voyagers found
above them a cloudy sky, through which the rays of the moon could
not penetrate.
The Gump flew steadily on, and for some reason the huge sofa-body
rocked more and more dizzily every hour.
The Woggle-Bug declared he was sea-sick; and Tip was also pale
and somewhat distressed. But the others clung to the backs of the
sofas and did not seem to mind the motion as long as they were not
tipped out.
Darker and darker grew the night, and on and on sped the Gump
through the black heavens. The travelers could not even see one
another, and an oppressive silence settled down upon them.
After a long time Tip, who had been thinking deeply, spoke.

"How are we to know when we come to the palace of Glinda the
Good?" he asked.
"It's a long way to Glinda's palace," answered the Woodman; "I've
traveled it."
"But how are we to know how fast the Gump is flying?" persisted the
boy. "We cannot see a single thing down on the earth, and before
morning we may be far beyond the place we want to reach."
"That is all true enough," the Scarecrow replied, a little uneasily.
"But I do not see how we can stop just now; for we might alight in a
river, or on the top of a steeple; and that would be a great disaster."
So they permitted the Gump to fly on, with regular flops of its great
wings, and waited patiently for morning.
Then Tip's fears were proven to be well founded; for with the first
streaks of gray dawn they looked over the sides of the sofas and
discovered rolling plains dotted with queer villages, where the
houses, instead of being dome-shaped—as they all are in the Land
of Oz—had slanting roofs that rose to a peak in the center. Odd
looking animals were also moving about upon the open plains, and
the country was unfamiliar to both the Tin Woodman and the
Scarecrow, who had formerly visited Glinda the Good's domain and
knew it well.
"We are lost!" said the Scarecrow, dolefully. "The Gump must have
carried us entirely out of the Land of Oz and over the sandy deserts
and into the terrible outside world that Dorothy told us about."
"We must get back," exclaimed the Tin Woodman, earnestly; "we
must get back as soon as possible!"
"Turn around!" cried Tip to the Gump; "turn as quickly as you can!"
"If I do I shall upset," answered the Gump. "I'm not at all used to
flying, and the best plan would be for me to alight in some place,
and then I can turn around and take a fresh start."

Just then, however, there seemed to be no stopping-place that
would answer their purpose. They flew over a village so big that the
Woggle-Bug declared it was a city; and then they came to a range of
high mountains with many deep gorges and steep cliffs showing
plainly.
"Now is our chance to stop," said the boy, finding they were very
close to the mountain tops. Then he turned to the Gump and
commanded: "Stop at the first level place you see!"
"Very well," answered the Gump, and settled down upon a table of
rock that stood between two cliffs.
But not being experienced in such matters, the Gump did not judge
his speed correctly; and instead of coming to a stop upon the flat
rock he missed it by half the width of his body, breaking off both his
right wings against the sharp edge of the rock and then tumbling
over and over down the cliff.
Our friends held on to the sofas as long as they could, but when the
Gump caught on a projecting rock the Thing stopped suddenly—
bottom side up—and all were immediately dumped out.
By good fortune they fell only a few feet; for underneath them was a
monster nest, built by a colony of Jackdaws in a hollow ledge of
rock; so none of them—not even the Pumpkinhead—was injured by
the fall. For Jack found his precious head resting on the soft breast
of the Scarecrow, which made an excellent cushion; and Tip fell on a
mass of leaves and papers, which saved him from injury. The
Woggle-Bug had bumped his round head against the Saw-Horse, but
without causing him more than a moment's inconvenience.

ALL WERE IMMEDIATELY DUMPED OUT.
The Tin Woodman was at first much alarmed; but finding he had
escaped without even a scratch upon his beautiful nickel-plate he at
once regained his accustomed cheerfulness and turned to address
his comrades.
"Our journey has ended rather suddenly," said he, "and we cannot
justly blame our friend the Gump for our accident, because he did
the best he could under the circumstances. But how we are ever to
escape from this nest I must leave to someone with better brains
than I possess."
Here he gazed at the Scarecrow; who crawled to the edge of the
nest and looked over. Below them was a sheer precipice several

hundred feet in depth. Above them was a smooth cliff unbroken
save by the point of rock where the wrecked body of the Gump still
hung suspended from the end of one of the sofas. There really
seemed to be no means of escape, and as they realized their
helpless plight the little band of adventurers gave way to their
bewilderment.
"This is a worse prison than the palace," sadly remarked the
Woggle-Bug.
"I wish we had stayed there," moaned Jack. "I'm afraid the
mountain air isn't good for pumpkins."
"It won't be when the Jackdaws come back," growled the Saw-
Horse, which lay waving its legs in a vain endeavor to get upon its
feet again. "Jackdaws are especially fond of pumpkins."
"Do you think the birds will come here?" asked Jack, much
distressed.
"Of course they will," said Tip; "for this is their nest. And there must
be hundreds of them," he continued, "for see what a lot of things
they have brought here!"
Indeed, the nest was half filled with a most curious collection of
small articles for which the birds could have no use, but which the
thieving Jackdaws had stolen during many years from the homes of
men. And as the nest was safely hidden where no human being
could reach it, this lost property would never be recovered.
The Woggle-Bug, searching among the rubbish—for the Jackdaws
stole useless things as well as valuable ones—turned up with his foot
a beautiful diamond necklace. This was so greatly admired by the
Tin Woodman that the Woggle-Bug presented it to him with a
graceful speech, after which the Woodman hung it around his neck
with much pride, rejoicing exceedingly when the big diamonds
glittered in the sun's rays.

TURNED UP A BEAUTIFUL DIAMOND NECKLACE.
But now they heard a great jabbering and flopping of wings, and as
the sound grew nearer to them Tip exclaimed:
"The Jackdaws are coming! And if they find us here they will surely
kill us in their anger."
"I was afraid of this!" moaned the Pumpkinhead. "My time has
come!"
"And mine, also!" said the Woggle-Bug; "for Jackdaws are the
greatest enemies of my race."
The others were not at all afraid; but the Scarecrow at once decided
to save those of the party who were liable to be injured by the angry
birds. So he commanded Tip to take off Jack's head and lie down

with it in the bottom of the nest, and when this was done he
ordered the Woggle-Bug to lie beside Tip. Nick Chopper, who knew
from past experience just what to do, then took the Scarecrow to
pieces—(all except his head)—and scattered the straw over Tip and
the Woggle-Bug, completely covering their bodies.
Hardly had this been accomplished when the flock of Jackdaws
reached them. Perceiving the intruders in their nest the birds flew
down upon them with screams of rage.

The Tin Woodman was usually a peaceful man, but when occasion
required he could fight as fiercely as a Roman gladiator. So, when
the Jackdaws nearly knocked him down in their rush of wings, and
their sharp beaks and claws threatened to damage his brilliant
plating, the Woodman picked up his axe and made it whirl swiftly
around his head.
But although many were beaten off in this way, the birds were so
numerous and so brave that they continued the attack as furiously
as before. Some of them pecked at the eyes of the Gump, which
hung over the nest in a helpless condition; but the Gump's eyes
were of glass and could not be injured. Others of the Jackdaws
rushed at the Saw-Horse; but that animal, being still upon his back,
kicked out so viciously with his wooden legs that he beat off as
many assailants as did the Woodman's axe.
Finding themselves thus opposed, the birds fell upon the Scarecrow's
straw, which lay at the center of the nest, covering Tip and the
Woggle-Bug and Jack's pumpkin head, and began tearing it away
and flying off with it, only to let it drop, straw by straw into the great
gulf beneath.
The Scarecrow's head, noting with dismay this wanton destruction of
his interior, cried to the Tin Woodman to save him; and that good

friend responded with renewed energy. His axe fairly flashed among
the Jackdaws, and fortunately the Gump began wildly waving the
two wings remaining on the left side of its body. The flutter of these
great wings filled the Jackdaws with terror, and when the Gump by
its exertions freed itself from the peg of rock on which it hung, and
sank flopping into the nest, the alarm of the birds knew no bounds
and they fled screaming over the mountains.
When the last foe had disappeared, Tip crawled from under the
sofas and assisted the Woggle-Bug to follow him.
"We are saved!" shouted the boy, delightedly.
"We are, indeed!" responded the Educated Insect, fairly hugging the
stiff head of the Gump in his joy; "and we owe it all to the flopping
of the Thing and the good axe of the Woodman!"
"If I am saved, get me out of here!" called Jack, whose head was
still beneath the sofas; and Tip managed to roll the pumpkin out and
place it upon its neck again. He also set the Saw-Horse upright, and
said to it:
"We owe you many thanks for the gallant fight you made."
"I really think we have escaped very nicely," remarked the Tin
Woodman, in a tone of pride.
"Not so!" exclaimed a hollow voice.
At this they all turned in surprise to look at the Scarecrow's head,
which lay at the back of the nest.

"I am completely ruined!" declared the Scarecrow, as he noted their
astonishment. "For where is the straw that stuffs my body?"
The awful question startled them all. They gazed around the nest
with horror, for not a vestige of straw remained. The Jackdaws had
stolen it to the last wisp and flung it all into the chasm that yawned
for hundreds of feet beneath the nest.
"My poor, poor friend!" said the Tin Woodman, taking up the
Scarecrow's head and caressing it tenderly; "whoever could imagine
you would come to this untimely end?"
"I did it to save my friends," returned the head; "and I am glad that
I perished in so noble and unselfish a manner."
"But why are you all so despondent?" inquired the Woggle-Bug. "The
Scarecrow's clothing is still safe."
"Yes," answered the Tin Woodman; "but our friend's clothes are
useless without stuffing."
"Why not stuff him with money?" asked Tip.
"Money!" they all cried, in an amazed chorus.

"To be sure," said the boy. "In the bottom of the nest are thousands
of dollar bills—and two-dollar bills—and five-dollar bills—and tens,
and twenties, and fifties. There are enough of them to stuff a dozen
Scarecrows. Why not use the money?"
The Tin Woodman began to turn over the rubbish with the handle of
his axe; and, sure enough, what they had first thought only
worthless papers were found to be all bills of various denominations,
which the mischievous Jackdaws had for years been engaged in
stealing from the villages and cities they visited.
There was an immense fortune lying in that inaccessible nest; and
Tip's suggestion was, with the Scarecrow's consent, quickly acted
upon.
They selected all the newest and cleanest bills and assorted them
into various piles. The Scarecrow's left leg boot were stuffed with
five-dollar bills; his right leg was stuffed with ten-dollar bills, and his
body so closely filled with fifties, one-hundreds and one-thousands
that he could scarcely button his jacket with comfort.

"You are now," said the Woggle-Bug, impressively, when the task
had been completed, "the most valuable member of our party; and
as you are among faithful friends there is little danger of your being
spent."
"Thank you," returned the Scarecrow, gratefully. "I feel like a new
man; and although at first glance I might be mistaken for a Safety
Deposit Vault, I beg you to remember that my Brains are still
composed of the same old material. And these are the possessions
that have always made me a person to be depended upon in an
emergency."
"Well, the emergency is here," observed Tip; "and unless your brains
help us out of it we shall be compelled to pass the remainder of our
lives in this nest."
"How about these wishing pills?" enquired the Scarecrow, taking the
box from his jacket pocket. "Can't we use them to escape?"
"Not unless we can count seventeen by twos," answered the Tin
Woodman. "But our friend the Woggle-Bug claims to be highly
educated, so he ought easily to figure out how that can be done."
"It isn't a question of education," returned the Insect; "it's merely a
question of mathematics. I've seen the Professor work lots of sums
on the black-board, and he claimed anything could be done with x's
and y's and a's, and such things, by mixing them up with plenty of
plusses and minuses and equals, and so forth. But he never said
anything, so far as I can remember, about counting up to the odd
number of seventeen by the even numbers of twos."
"Stop! stop!" cried the Pumpkinhead. "You're making my head ache."
"And mine," added the Scarecrow. "Your mathematics seem to me
very like a bottle of mixed pickles—the more you fish for what you
want the less chance you have of getting it. I am certain that if the
thing can be accomplished at all, it is in a very simple manner."
"Yes," said Tip; "old Mombi couldn't use x's and minuses, for she
never went to school."

"Why not start counting at a half of one?" asked the Saw-Horse,
abruptly. "Then anyone can count up to seventeen by twos very
easily."
They looked at each other in surprise, for the Saw-Horse was
considered the most stupid of the entire party.
"You make me quite ashamed of myself," said the Scarecrow,
bowing low to the Saw-Horse.
"Nevertheless, the creature is right," declared the Woggle-Bug; "for
twice one-half is one, and if you get to one it is easy to count from
one up to seventeen by twos."
"I wonder I didn't think of that myself," said the Pumpkinhead.
"I don't," returned the Scarecrow. "You're no wiser than the rest of
us, are you? But let us make a wish at once. Who will swallow the
first pill?"
"Suppose you do it," suggested Tip.
"I can't," said the Scarecrow.
"Why not? You've a mouth, haven't you?" asked the boy.
"Yes; but my mouth is painted on, and there's no swallow connected
with it," answered the Scarecrow. "In fact," he continued, looking
from one to another critically, "I believe the boy and the Woggle-Bug
are the only ones in our party that are able to swallow."
Observing the truth of this remark, Tip said:
"Then I will undertake to make the first wish. Give me one of the
Silver Pills."
This the Scarecrow tried to do; but his padded gloves were too
clumsy to clutch so small an object, and he held the box toward the
boy while Tip selected one of the pills and swallowed it.
"Count!" cried the Scarecrow.
"One-half, one, three, five, seven, nine, eleven, thirteen, fifteen,
seventeen!" counted Tip.

"Now wish!" said the Tin Woodman anxiously.
But just then the boy began to suffer such fearful pains that he
became alarmed.
"The pill has poisoned me!" he gasped; "O—h! O-o-o-o-o! Ouch!
Murder! Fire! O-o-h!" and here he rolled upon the bottom of the nest
in such contortions that he frightened them all.
"What can we do for you? Speak, I beg!" entreated the Tin
Woodman, tears of sympathy running down his nickel cheeks.
"I—I don't know!" answered Tip. "O—h! I wish I'd never swallowed
that pill!"
Then at once the pain stopped, and the boy rose to his feet again
and found the Scarecrow looking with amazement at the end of the
pepper-box.
"What's happened?" asked the boy, a little ashamed of his recent
exhibition.
"Why, the three pills are in the box again!" said the Scarecrow.
"Of course they are," the Woggle-Bug declared.
"Didn't Tip wish that he'd never swallowed one
of them? Well, the wish came true, and he
didn't swallow one of them. So of course they
are all three in the box."
"That may be; but the pill gave me a dreadful
pain, just the same," said the boy.
"Impossible!" declared the Woggle-Bug. "If you
have never swallowed it, the pill can not have
given you a pain. And as your wish, being
granted, proves you did not swallow the pill, it is
also plain that you suffered no pain."
"Then it was a splendid imitation of a pain,"
retorted Tip, angrily. "Suppose you try the next pill yourself. We've
wasted one wish already."

"Oh, no, we haven't!" protested the Scarecrow. "Here are still three
pills in the box, and each pill is good for a wish."
"Now you're making my head ache," said Tip. "I can't understand
the thing at all. But I won't take another pill, I promise you!" and
with this remark he retired sulkily to the back of the nest.
"Well," said the Woggle-Bug, "it remains for me to save us in my
most Highly Magnified and Thoroughly Educated manner; for I seem
to be the only one able and willing to make a wish. Let me have one
of the pills."
He swallowed it without hesitation, and they all stood admiring his
courage while the Insect counted seventeen by twos in the same
way that Tip had done. And for some reason—perhaps because
Woggle-Bugs have stronger stomachs than boys—the silver pellet
caused it no pain whatever.
"I wish the Gump's broken wings mended, and as good as new!"
said the Woggle-Bug, in a slow, impressive voice.
All turned to look at the Thing, and so quickly had the wish been
granted that the Gump lay before them in perfect repair, and as well
able to fly through the air as when it had first been brought to life
on the roof of the palace.

"Hooray!" shouted the Scarecrow, gaily. "We can now leave this
miserable Jackdaws' nest whenever we please."
"But it is nearly dark," said the Tin Woodman; "and unless we wait
until morning to make our flight we may get into more trouble. I
don't like these night trips, for one never knows what will happen."
So it was decided to wait until daylight, and the adventurers amused
themselves in the twilight by searching the Jackdaws' nest for
treasures.
The Woggle-Bug found two handsome bracelets of wrought gold,
which fitted his slender arms very well. The Scarecrow took a fancy
for rings, of which there were many in the nest. Before long he had
fitted a ring to each finger of his padded gloves, and not being
content with that display he added one more to each thumb. As he
carefully chose those rings set with sparkling stones, such as rubies,
amethysts and sapphires, the Scarecrow's hands now presented a
most brilliant appearance.
"This nest would be a picnic for Queen Jinjur," said he, musingly;
"for as nearly as I can make out she and her girls conquered me

merely to rob my city of its emeralds."
The Tin Woodman was content with his diamond necklace and
refused to accept any additional decorations; but Tip secured a fine
gold watch, which was attached to a heavy fob, and placed it in his
pocket with much pride. He also pinned several jeweled brooches to
Jack Pumpkinhead's red waistcoat, and attached a lorgnette, by
means of a fine chain, to the neck of the Saw-Horse.
"It's very pretty," said the creature, regarding the lorgnette
approvingly; "but what is it for?"
None of them could answer that question, however; so the Saw-
Horse decided it was some rare decoration and became very fond of
it.
That none of the party might be slighted, they ended by placing
several large seal rings upon the points of the Gump's antlers,
although that odd personage seemed by no means gratified by the
attention.
Darkness soon fell upon them, and Tip and the Woggle-Bug went to
sleep while the others sat down to wait patiently for the day.
Next morning they had cause to congratulate themselves upon the
useful condition of the Gump; for with daylight a great flock of
Jackdaws approached to engage in one more battle for the
possession of the nest.
But our adventurers did not wait for the assault. They tumbled into
the cushioned seats of the sofas as quickly as possible, and Tip gave
the word to the Gump to start.
At once it rose into the air, the great wings flopping strongly and
with regular motions, and in a few moments they were so far from
the nest that the chattering Jackdaws took possession without any
attempt at pursuit.
The Thing flew due North, going in the same direction from whence
it had come. At least, that was the Scarecrow's opinion, and the
others agreed that the Scarecrow was the best judge of direction.

After passing over several cities and villages the Gump carried them
high above a broad plain where houses became more and more
scattered until they disappeared altogether. Next came the wide,
sandy desert separating the rest of the world from the Land of Oz,
and before noon they saw the dome-shaped houses that proved
they were once more within the borders of their native land.
"But the houses and fences are blue," said the Tin Woodman, "and
that indicates we are in the land of the Munchkins, and therefore a
long distance from Glinda the Good."
"What shall we do?" asked the boy, turning to their guide.
"I don't know," replied the Scarecrow, frankly. "If we were at the
Emerald City we could then move directly southward, and so reach
our destination. But we dare not go to the Emerald City, and the
Gump is probably carrying us further in the wrong direction with
every flop of its wings."
"Then the Woggle-Bug must swallow another pill," said Tip,
decidedly, "and wish us headed in the right direction."
"Very well," returned the Highly Magnified one; "I'm willing."
But when the Scarecrow searched in his pocket for the pepper-box
containing the two silver Wishing Pills, it was not to be found. Filled
with anxiety, the voyagers hunted throughout every inch of the
Thing for the precious box; but it had disappeared entirely.
And still the Gump flew onward, carrying them they knew not where.
"I must have left the pepper-box in the Jackdaws' nest," said the
Scarecrow, at length.
"It is a great misfortune," the Tin Woodman declared. "But we are
no worse off than before we discovered the Wishing Pills."
"We are better off," replied Tip; "for the one pill we used has
enabled us to escape from that horrible nest."
"Yet the loss of the other two is serious, and I deserve a good
scolding for my carelessness," the Scarecrow rejoined, penitently.

"For in such an unusual party as this accidents are liable to happen
any moment, and even now we may be approaching a new danger."
No one dared contradict this, and a dismal silence ensued.
The Gump flew steadily on.
Suddenly Tip uttered an exclamation of surprise.
"We must have reached the South Country," he cried, "for below us
everything is red!"
Immediately they all leaned over the backs of the sofas to look—all
except Jack, who was too careful of his pumpkin head to risk its
slipping off his neck. Sure enough; the red houses and fences and
trees indicated they were within the domain of Glinda the Good; and
presently, as they glided rapidly on, the Tin Woodman recognized
the roads and buildings they passed, and altered slightly the flight of
the Gump so that they might reach the palace of the celebrated
Sorceress.

"Good!" cried the Scarecrow, delightedly. "We do not need the lost
Wishing Pills now, for we have arrived at our destination."
Gradually the Thing sank lower and nearer to the ground until at
length it came to rest within the beautiful gardens of Glinda, settling
upon a velvety green lawn close by a fountain which sent sprays of
flashing gems, instead of water, high into the air, whence they fell
with a soft, tinkling sound into the carved marble basin placed to
receive them.
Everything was very gorgeous in Glinda's gardens, and while our
voyagers gazed about with admiring eyes a company of soldiers
silently appeared and surrounded them. But these soldiers of the
great Sorceress were entirely different from those of Jinjur's Army of
Revolt, although they were likewise girls. For Glinda's soldiers wore
neat uniforms and bore swords and spears; and they marched with a
skill and precision that proved them well trained in the arts of war.
The Captain commanding this troop—which was Glinda's private
Body Guard—recognized the Scarecrow and the Tin Woodman at
once, and greeted them with respectful salutations.
"Good day!" said the Scarecrow, gallantly removing his hat, while
the Woodman gave a soldierly salute; "we have come to request an
audience with your fair Ruler."
"Glinda is now within her palace, awaiting you," returned the
Captain; "for she saw you coming long before you arrived."
"That is strange!" said Tip, wondering.
"Not at all," answered the Scarecrow; "for Glinda the Good is a
mighty Sorceress, and nothing that goes on in the Land of Oz
escapes her notice. I suppose she knows why we came as well as
we do ourselves."
"Then what was the use of our coming?" asked Jack, stupidly.

"To prove you are a Pumpkinhead!" retorted the Scarecrow. "But, if
the Sorceress expects us, we must not keep her waiting."
So they all clambered out of the sofas and followed the Captain
toward the palace—even the Saw-Horse taking his place in the queer
procession.
Upon her throne of finely wrought gold sat Glinda, and she could
scarcely repress a smile as her peculiar visitors entered and bowed
before her. Both the Scarecrow and the Tin Woodman she knew and
liked; but the awkward Pumpkinhead and Highly Magnified Woggle-
Bug were creatures she had never seen before, and they seemed
even more curious than the others. As for the Saw-Horse, he looked
to be nothing more than an animated chunk of wood; and he bowed
so stiffly that his head bumped against the floor, causing a ripple of
laughter among the soldiers, in which Glinda frankly joined.
"I beg to announce to your glorious highness," began the Scarecrow,
in a solemn voice, "that my Emerald City has been overrun by a
crowd of impudent girls with knitting-needles, who have enslaved all

the men, robbed the streets and public buildings of all their emerald
jewels, and usurped my throne."
"I know it," said Glinda.
"They also threatened to destroy me, as well as all the good friends
and allies you see before you," continued the Scarecrow; "and had
we not managed to escape their clutches our days would long since
have ended."
"I know it," repeated Glinda.
"Therefore I have come to beg your assistance," resumed the
Scarecrow, "for I believe you are always glad to succor the
unfortunate and oppressed."
"That is true," replied the Sorceress, slowly. "But the Emerald City is
now ruled by General Jinjur, who has caused herself to be
proclaimed Queen. What right have I to oppose her?"
"Why, she stole the throne from me," said the Scarecrow.
"And how came you to possess the throne?" asked Glinda.
"I got it from the Wizard of Oz, and by the choice of the people,"
returned the Scarecrow, uneasy at such questioning.
"And where did the Wizard get it?" she continued, gravely.
"I am told he took it from Pastoria, the former King," said the
Scarecrow, becoming confused under the intent look of the
Sorceress.
"Then," declared Glinda, "the throne of the Emerald City belongs
neither to you nor to Jinjur, but to this Pastoria from whom the
Wizard usurped it."
"That is true," acknowledged the Scarecrow, humbly; "but Pastoria is
now dead and gone, and some one must rule in his place."
"Pastoria had a daughter, who is the rightful heir to the throne of the
Emerald City. Did you know that?" questioned the Sorceress.

"No," replied the Scarecrow. "But if the girl still lives I will not stand
in her way. It will satisfy me as well to have Jinjur turned out, as an
impostor, as to regain the throne myself. In fact, it isn't much fun to
be King, especially if one has good brains. I have known for some
time that I am fitted to occupy a far more exalted position. But
where is this girl who owns the throne, and what is her name?"
"Her name is Ozma," answered Glinda. "But where she is I have
tried in vain to discover. For the Wizard of Oz, when he stole the
throne from Ozma's father, hid the girl in some secret place; and by
means of a magical trick with which I am not familiar he also
managed to prevent her being discovered—even by so experienced
a Sorceress as myself."
"That is strange," interrupted the Woggle-Bug, pompously. "I have
been informed that the Wonderful Wizard of Oz was nothing more
than a humbug!"
"Nonsense!" exclaimed the Scarecrow, much provoked by this
speech. "Didn't he give me a wonderful set of brains?"
"There's no humbug about my heart," announced the Tin Woodman,
glaring indignantly at the Woggle-Bug.
"Perhaps I was misinformed," stammered the Insect, shrinking back;
"I never knew the Wizard personally."
"Well, we did," retorted the Scarecrow, "and he was a very great
Wizard, I assure you. It is true he was guilty of some slight
impostures, but unless he was a great Wizard how—let me ask—
could he have hidden this girl Ozma so securely that no one can find
her?"
"I—I give it up!" replied the Woggle-Bug, meekly.
"That is the most sensible speech you've made," said the Tin
Woodman.
"I must really make another effort to discover where this girl is
hidden," resumed the Sorceress, thoughtfully. "I have in my library a
book in which is inscribed every action of the Wizard while he was in

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