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Emergency Management Planning

PLAN 4015/6015: Risk & Vulnerability
Anuradha Mukherji
Assistant Professor of Urban and Regional Planning
VULNERABILITY
Ian Davis and Colleagues (1994). At Risk: Natural Hazards, Peoples Vulnerability & Disasters

 1.    Social, political and economic environment as much a cause
       as the natural environment
 2.    Exposure to risk is different depending on living condition
 3.    Events such as famines, drought, biological, floods, coastal
       storms, earthquakes, volcanos & landslides are hazards by
       themselves, but can become disasters (loss of life and property)
       under certain conditions.
 4.    Can include macro forces such as urbanization, loss of forests or
       at the micro level, lack of mobility, insurance, community
       preparedness.
 5.    “Vulnerability is defined as the characteristics of a person or
       group that influence their capacity to anticipate, cope
       with, and recover from the impact of a hazard”
 6.    Some variables are:
       class, occupation, ethnicity, gender, health, disability, age, and
       immigration status (legal or illegal).
 7.     “So Vulnerability is very relative – some experience higher level
       of vulnerability”
VULNERABILITY & ASSETS
Ian Davis and Colleagues (1994). At Risk: Natural Hazards, Peoples Vulnerability & Disasters

 Some Important Points on Vulnerability:
 1. Vulnerability does not necessarily equate to financial poverty
 2. Vulnerability to loss during a hazard creates disaster at all levels
 3. E.g., Vulnerable to loss of life, health, livelihood, resources,
    assets, etc – not to be equated with capacity or ability to cope
 4. Absolute and Relative Loss (wealthy greater absolute loss; poor
    greater relative loss)
 5. Wealthy also suffer losses in a disaster – but they hold resources
    such as home insurance, personal savings, financial assets, and
    stable employment – so able to recover faster
 6. Low-income groups – have fewer assets, usually no insurance,
    no access to financial resources, and less diversified sources of
    income
 7. Assets can include: Financial (cast, savings, loans, pensions);
    Physical (house, land, livestock, tools, equipment, gold), human
    (education, skills, knowledge, health); social (kinship networks,
    relations based on trust, access to institutions)
 8. More assets mean less vulnerability to long-term negative
    impacts of a disaster and ability to cope with and recover
VULNERABILITY IN THE UNITED STATES
       Susan Cutter and Colleagues (2006). Moral Hazard, Social Catastrophe


1.   In 2003 more that 159 million Americans (53 percent of US
     population) lived in a coastal county, up from 28 percent in 1980
2.   Growth is most visible along nation‟s hurricane coasts – Cape
     Cod to Miami & Texas to Florida Keys
3.   Not just seasonal population but year round residents – elderly
     retirees or service industry workers in tourism
4.   Coastal residents are more racially & ethnically diverse than in
     past decades – low wage jobs have fuelled the diversity
5.   Rich live right along the shoreline and income gradient
     decreases with distance away from the water‟s edge
6.   American dream of single detached house is beyond reach of
     half of nation‟s households, so households living in manufactured
     housing or mobile homes (highly vulnerable to high winds and
     storms) especially in coastal counties in the Gulf and southeast
     US
SOCIAL VULNERABILITY
       Susan Cutter and Colleagues (2006). Moral Hazard, Social Catastrophe
      Morrow, Betty H. (1999) Identifying and Mapping Community Vulnerability


Susceptibility of social groups to hazard impacts:

1.   Product of social inequalities
2.   Demographic characteristics of the population (e.g., age,
     gender, wealth)
3.   For instance, women suffer more – more care giving
     responsibilities; have to meet daily needs of family, children,
     elderly; more likely to lose job; lack secure income or
     employment; less resources, aid is often given automatically to
     male head of household; increase in family violence
4.   Complex constructs as well – health care provision, access to
     lifelines (e.g., emergency response personnel, goods, services)
5.   Built environment – nature and age of the housing stock
6.   Comerio obseves: In San Francisco, 20,000 seismically unsafe
     tenement units and another 44,000 in Los Angeles, inhabited by
     low-income immigrant communities. Making them safe would
     increase rents and put them out of the units, possibily into
     homelessness, so units remain vulnerable
SOCIAL VULNERABILITY IN URBAN DISASTER
        Susan Cutter and Colleagues (2006). Moral Hazard, Social Catastrophe

Social vulnerability in urban disaster:

1.    Our preparedness experience mostly in suburban context, not an
      urban central city (e.g., New Orleans after Hurricane Katrina)
2.    Suburban areas have lower population and housing densities
3.    Primary mode of transport is the private automobile
4.    Evacuation is relatively straightforward (even with traffic
      congestion)
5.    Small percentage of „special needs‟ populations requiring
      assistance (e.g., infirm or mobility impaired elderly)
6.    Evacuations from Mississippi and Alabama reflect the suburban
      experience and went smoothly as opposed to New Orleans
7.    Inner city residents in urban metropolitan areas may not have
      the wealth of their suburban counter parts & rely on public
      transport
8.    In New Orleans, more than 50,000 people or 27 percent of
      population did not have a car and had to seek shelter
9.    Pre-existing social vulnerabilities made Hurricane Katrina into a
      catastrophe
SOCIAL VULNERABILITY INDEX (SoVI)
       Susan Cutter and Colleagues (2006). Moral Hazard, Social Catastrophe
      Morrow, Betty H. (1999) Identifying and Mapping Community Vulnerability

1.   SOVI - method to create vulnerability maps
2.   Shows which communities, counties, and states are most
     vulnerable and the factors driving their vulnerability
3.   The SoVI can help policy makes and responders tailor response
     according to vulnerability characteristics of populations
4.   Not „one size fits all‟ policy and response to risk reduction and
     disaster response
5.   Factors – Economic resources (e.g., assets, savints); Housing
     Location (economic and social arrangement decides location);
     Housing Quality (housing an indicator of social and economic
     status).
6.   Poor usually do not have choice where to locate – usually close
     to jobs, cannot spend on transport; Rich locate on risky places
     out of choice
7.   “Unequal access to opportunities, resources, and unequal
     exposure to risk”
VULNERABILITY & HAZARD MITIGATION
      Boyce, J. (2000). Let Them Eat Risk? Wealth, Rights & Disaster Vulnerability

Boyce helps us understand the problem of vulnerability and
mitigation in larger theoretical terms – framing it as public bad or
goods
1. Vulnerability to natural and technological hazards is to a large
     extent a public bad, because disasters typically strike
     communities and not isolated individuals
2. By same token, measures to reduce vulnerability are to a large
     extent public good
3. Pure public good – when provided to one is provided to all (non-
     excludability), consumption does not diminish availability to
     others (e.g. national defense)
4. Vulnerability reduction – impure public good & impure private
     good
5. An impure public good – when provided to one, it is also
     provided to others but not equally (e.g., flood control, only
     populations who live or own assets in protected areas benefit)
6. An impure private good – not everyone can acquire it and the
     market may not want to provide it
7. Measures to reduce vulnerability often lie in-between the public
     & private good
POLICY ISSUES
      Boyce, J. (2000). Let Them Eat Risk? Wealth, Rights & Disaster Vulnerability




1.   How much disaster vulnerability reduction to provide?
2.   Whom it should be provided to?
3.   A political-economy problem, we are discussing allocation of
     scarce resources among competing individuals, groups, and
     class
4.   Two ways to approach these questions
WEALTH BASED APPROACH
      Boyce, J. (2000). Let Them Eat Risk? Wealth, Rights & Disaster Vulnerability



1.   Founded on willingness to pay, in turn conditioned by ability to
     pay. Those willing and able to pay more deserve to get more
2.   Richer individuals, groups, and classes will get more of the
     impure public good of vulnerability reduction than the poor
3.   Probably how it usually works in practice, though not very
     effective when poor communities are located in risky areas
     because the rent or housing price is cheaper there
RIGHTS BASED APPROACH
      Boyce, J. (2000). Let Them Eat Risk? Wealth, Rights & Disaster Vulnerability



1.   Based on egalitarian distribution of the right to a clean and safe
     environment
2.   Puts equal weight on the right of risk reduction to all individuals
     regardless of their income or wealth
3.   Rights based approach would define liability on the same basis
     as right to a safe environment for all, infringement of this right
     would create legal ground for restitution claims
4.   Private companies would insure against such claims, this opens
     an avenue for the insurance sector to play a role in the
     enforcement of safety standers (e.g., BP oil spill), more unsafe the
     facility, higher the price of insurance
5.   In case of industrial disasters, this allows the insurance sector to
     play a role even when the individuals whose safety are at risk are
     too poor to buy insurance
PROBLEMS WITH RIGHTS BASED APPROACH
       Boyce, J. (2000). Let Them Eat Risk? Wealth, Rights & Disaster Vulnerability

1.    Non-uniform spatial distribution of human population
2.    Difference between saying each individual has equal rights to
      risk mitigation and that the weight of each individual‟s risk is
      equal (e.g., risks in densely populated areas carry greater weight
      than same risks in less dense areas)
3.    Reconciling equitable allocation of right to life and the
      inequitable allocation of economic wealth and political power
4.    Private risk mitigation can be privately purchased, so distribution
      is based on ability and willingness to pay.
5.    So priority will be for those who are less able to pay privately. This
      is a public policy dilemma as there is no guarantee that
      wealthier communities will agree OR what happens when
      wealthy communities refuse to comply with public mitigation
      initiatives and strategies because they do not want anyone
      telling them what to do on their private properties

In conclusion, both approaches have long co-existed, both have
problems as none are perfect when applied to vulnerability
reduction…so tension between the two will remain…

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Emergency Management Planning - Risk & Vulnerability

  • 1. Emergency Management Planning PLAN 4015/6015: Risk & Vulnerability Anuradha Mukherji Assistant Professor of Urban and Regional Planning
  • 2. VULNERABILITY Ian Davis and Colleagues (1994). At Risk: Natural Hazards, Peoples Vulnerability & Disasters 1. Social, political and economic environment as much a cause as the natural environment 2. Exposure to risk is different depending on living condition 3. Events such as famines, drought, biological, floods, coastal storms, earthquakes, volcanos & landslides are hazards by themselves, but can become disasters (loss of life and property) under certain conditions. 4. Can include macro forces such as urbanization, loss of forests or at the micro level, lack of mobility, insurance, community preparedness. 5. “Vulnerability is defined as the characteristics of a person or group that influence their capacity to anticipate, cope with, and recover from the impact of a hazard” 6. Some variables are: class, occupation, ethnicity, gender, health, disability, age, and immigration status (legal or illegal). 7. “So Vulnerability is very relative – some experience higher level of vulnerability”
  • 3. VULNERABILITY & ASSETS Ian Davis and Colleagues (1994). At Risk: Natural Hazards, Peoples Vulnerability & Disasters Some Important Points on Vulnerability: 1. Vulnerability does not necessarily equate to financial poverty 2. Vulnerability to loss during a hazard creates disaster at all levels 3. E.g., Vulnerable to loss of life, health, livelihood, resources, assets, etc – not to be equated with capacity or ability to cope 4. Absolute and Relative Loss (wealthy greater absolute loss; poor greater relative loss) 5. Wealthy also suffer losses in a disaster – but they hold resources such as home insurance, personal savings, financial assets, and stable employment – so able to recover faster 6. Low-income groups – have fewer assets, usually no insurance, no access to financial resources, and less diversified sources of income 7. Assets can include: Financial (cast, savings, loans, pensions); Physical (house, land, livestock, tools, equipment, gold), human (education, skills, knowledge, health); social (kinship networks, relations based on trust, access to institutions) 8. More assets mean less vulnerability to long-term negative impacts of a disaster and ability to cope with and recover
  • 4. VULNERABILITY IN THE UNITED STATES Susan Cutter and Colleagues (2006). Moral Hazard, Social Catastrophe 1. In 2003 more that 159 million Americans (53 percent of US population) lived in a coastal county, up from 28 percent in 1980 2. Growth is most visible along nation‟s hurricane coasts – Cape Cod to Miami & Texas to Florida Keys 3. Not just seasonal population but year round residents – elderly retirees or service industry workers in tourism 4. Coastal residents are more racially & ethnically diverse than in past decades – low wage jobs have fuelled the diversity 5. Rich live right along the shoreline and income gradient decreases with distance away from the water‟s edge 6. American dream of single detached house is beyond reach of half of nation‟s households, so households living in manufactured housing or mobile homes (highly vulnerable to high winds and storms) especially in coastal counties in the Gulf and southeast US
  • 5. SOCIAL VULNERABILITY Susan Cutter and Colleagues (2006). Moral Hazard, Social Catastrophe Morrow, Betty H. (1999) Identifying and Mapping Community Vulnerability Susceptibility of social groups to hazard impacts: 1. Product of social inequalities 2. Demographic characteristics of the population (e.g., age, gender, wealth) 3. For instance, women suffer more – more care giving responsibilities; have to meet daily needs of family, children, elderly; more likely to lose job; lack secure income or employment; less resources, aid is often given automatically to male head of household; increase in family violence 4. Complex constructs as well – health care provision, access to lifelines (e.g., emergency response personnel, goods, services) 5. Built environment – nature and age of the housing stock 6. Comerio obseves: In San Francisco, 20,000 seismically unsafe tenement units and another 44,000 in Los Angeles, inhabited by low-income immigrant communities. Making them safe would increase rents and put them out of the units, possibily into homelessness, so units remain vulnerable
  • 6. SOCIAL VULNERABILITY IN URBAN DISASTER Susan Cutter and Colleagues (2006). Moral Hazard, Social Catastrophe Social vulnerability in urban disaster: 1. Our preparedness experience mostly in suburban context, not an urban central city (e.g., New Orleans after Hurricane Katrina) 2. Suburban areas have lower population and housing densities 3. Primary mode of transport is the private automobile 4. Evacuation is relatively straightforward (even with traffic congestion) 5. Small percentage of „special needs‟ populations requiring assistance (e.g., infirm or mobility impaired elderly) 6. Evacuations from Mississippi and Alabama reflect the suburban experience and went smoothly as opposed to New Orleans 7. Inner city residents in urban metropolitan areas may not have the wealth of their suburban counter parts & rely on public transport 8. In New Orleans, more than 50,000 people or 27 percent of population did not have a car and had to seek shelter 9. Pre-existing social vulnerabilities made Hurricane Katrina into a catastrophe
  • 7. SOCIAL VULNERABILITY INDEX (SoVI) Susan Cutter and Colleagues (2006). Moral Hazard, Social Catastrophe Morrow, Betty H. (1999) Identifying and Mapping Community Vulnerability 1. SOVI - method to create vulnerability maps 2. Shows which communities, counties, and states are most vulnerable and the factors driving their vulnerability 3. The SoVI can help policy makes and responders tailor response according to vulnerability characteristics of populations 4. Not „one size fits all‟ policy and response to risk reduction and disaster response 5. Factors – Economic resources (e.g., assets, savints); Housing Location (economic and social arrangement decides location); Housing Quality (housing an indicator of social and economic status). 6. Poor usually do not have choice where to locate – usually close to jobs, cannot spend on transport; Rich locate on risky places out of choice 7. “Unequal access to opportunities, resources, and unequal exposure to risk”
  • 8. VULNERABILITY & HAZARD MITIGATION Boyce, J. (2000). Let Them Eat Risk? Wealth, Rights & Disaster Vulnerability Boyce helps us understand the problem of vulnerability and mitigation in larger theoretical terms – framing it as public bad or goods 1. Vulnerability to natural and technological hazards is to a large extent a public bad, because disasters typically strike communities and not isolated individuals 2. By same token, measures to reduce vulnerability are to a large extent public good 3. Pure public good – when provided to one is provided to all (non- excludability), consumption does not diminish availability to others (e.g. national defense) 4. Vulnerability reduction – impure public good & impure private good 5. An impure public good – when provided to one, it is also provided to others but not equally (e.g., flood control, only populations who live or own assets in protected areas benefit) 6. An impure private good – not everyone can acquire it and the market may not want to provide it 7. Measures to reduce vulnerability often lie in-between the public & private good
  • 9. POLICY ISSUES Boyce, J. (2000). Let Them Eat Risk? Wealth, Rights & Disaster Vulnerability 1. How much disaster vulnerability reduction to provide? 2. Whom it should be provided to? 3. A political-economy problem, we are discussing allocation of scarce resources among competing individuals, groups, and class 4. Two ways to approach these questions
  • 10. WEALTH BASED APPROACH Boyce, J. (2000). Let Them Eat Risk? Wealth, Rights & Disaster Vulnerability 1. Founded on willingness to pay, in turn conditioned by ability to pay. Those willing and able to pay more deserve to get more 2. Richer individuals, groups, and classes will get more of the impure public good of vulnerability reduction than the poor 3. Probably how it usually works in practice, though not very effective when poor communities are located in risky areas because the rent or housing price is cheaper there
  • 11. RIGHTS BASED APPROACH Boyce, J. (2000). Let Them Eat Risk? Wealth, Rights & Disaster Vulnerability 1. Based on egalitarian distribution of the right to a clean and safe environment 2. Puts equal weight on the right of risk reduction to all individuals regardless of their income or wealth 3. Rights based approach would define liability on the same basis as right to a safe environment for all, infringement of this right would create legal ground for restitution claims 4. Private companies would insure against such claims, this opens an avenue for the insurance sector to play a role in the enforcement of safety standers (e.g., BP oil spill), more unsafe the facility, higher the price of insurance 5. In case of industrial disasters, this allows the insurance sector to play a role even when the individuals whose safety are at risk are too poor to buy insurance
  • 12. PROBLEMS WITH RIGHTS BASED APPROACH Boyce, J. (2000). Let Them Eat Risk? Wealth, Rights & Disaster Vulnerability 1. Non-uniform spatial distribution of human population 2. Difference between saying each individual has equal rights to risk mitigation and that the weight of each individual‟s risk is equal (e.g., risks in densely populated areas carry greater weight than same risks in less dense areas) 3. Reconciling equitable allocation of right to life and the inequitable allocation of economic wealth and political power 4. Private risk mitigation can be privately purchased, so distribution is based on ability and willingness to pay. 5. So priority will be for those who are less able to pay privately. This is a public policy dilemma as there is no guarantee that wealthier communities will agree OR what happens when wealthy communities refuse to comply with public mitigation initiatives and strategies because they do not want anyone telling them what to do on their private properties In conclusion, both approaches have long co-existed, both have problems as none are perfect when applied to vulnerability reduction…so tension between the two will remain…