Ramagr Final

Refugee Camp Design and its
Impact on Refugee Safety
Laura Ramage
Advisor: Dr. Kesgin
Senior Seminar Research
5/2/2016

Table of Contents
List of Abbreviations………………………………………………………………...............……ii
Introduction………………………………………………………………………………………..1
Background………………………………………………………………………………………..2
Literature Review………………………………………………………………………………….8
Theory……………………………………………………………………………………………11
Methodology……………………………………………………………………………………..12
Case Studies………….………………………………………..…………………………………16
Al Za’atari Refugee Camp…………………………………………………………....….18
Domiz Refugee Camp …………………………………………………………………...26
Kilis Oncupinar Refugee Camp…………………………………………………...……..30
Discussion…………………………………………………………………………..……………33
Appendices ………………………………………………………………………………………38
Bibliography……………………………………………………………………………………..43
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LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS
AFAD: Afet ve Acil Durum Yönetimi Başkanlığı (Disaster and Emergency Management
Authority of Turkey)
GBV: Gender-Based Violence
Handbook: UNHCR Handbook for Emergencies
HRO: Human Rights Organization
HRV: Human Rights Violations
INGO: International Non-Governmental Organization
JHCO: Jordan Hashemite Charity Organization
MSF: Médecins Sans Frontières
NGO: Non-Governmental Organization
SGBV: Sexual Gender-based Violence
UN: United Nations
UNHCR: United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees
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INTRODUCTION
Refugees are some of the most powerless people in the world and are often left without
the resources and care they need. Their vulnerability often exposes them to more violence and
unstable situations when they are relocated to a refugee camp. Approximately half of the world’s
refugees live in camps, where overpopulation and scarce access to resources are common
challenges. Camps are meant to be temporary shelters, yet most have become long-term homes.
Many refugee camps exploit the disparity of individuals when they are most vulnerable, and few
provide constant care and protection to everyone. The unfortunate reality is that refugees still
have a high probability of victimization despite the fact that they have been removed from the
initial conflict.
Security forces and NGO officials appear to have little power in enforcing peace and
stopping the violence within the confines of camps. The United Nations High Commissioner for
Refugees (UNHCR), local governments, and International Non-Governmental organizations
(INGOs) have been forced to change policies and adapt to the growing number of refugees,
especially recently with the Syrian Refugee Crisis. While much of the research focuses on ways
to enforce authority and amend protection laws within the camps (Barakat, 2012; Farr, 2009;
Gebreiyosus, 2014; and Human Rights Watch, 2010), this paper will focus on the design and
layout of refugee camps to examine whether specific camp characteristics and security measures
influence the opportunities for violence. To better understand how refugee camp design can
influence the safety of refugees, this research focuses on the Syrian refugee crisis and how the
neighboring countries’ camps provide for Syrian refugees.
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Many are recognizing that refugee camps around the world violate basic human rights,
and systems of design and construction need to be revised. With this recent understanding,
focusing on Syrian refugees provides information about camps that were specifically built in
response to their crisis, and a three-year review on how effective the response strategies for
equipping refugees with necessities and security have been. By focusing on this crisis, this study
seeks to understand the strengths and weaknesses in their response. According to the findings,
the organization of camp design and security features affect the prevalence of violence and
security of the individuals living in refugee camps.
BACKGROUND INFORMATION
Refugees
According to the 1951 Refugee Convention, refugees are some of the most vulnerable
people in the world (Kälin, 2013, 3). When the United Nations High Commissioner (UNHCR)
was established in 1951, there were 1.9 million refugees around the world. By the end of 2014,
there were 14.4 million refugees. Refugees are people who have been displaced from their homes
and have been forced to flee their country for an undetermined amount of time. They leave from
fear of persecution for their race, nationality, religion, and social or political preference (United
Nations, Treaty Series, vol. 189, 150). There are three possible outcomes for people with refugee
status: repatriation, local integration, or resettlement.
There are currently 19.5 million refugees in the world, and 14.4 million are mandated
refugees, or registered with the UNHCR (UNHCR Database, 2014). All members who signed the
Geneva Convention legally recognize a refugee, and these states have agreed to work with the
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UNHCR and protect refugees to the best of their ability (UNHCR, General Assembly, 1946).
The 1951 Convention calls on participating parties including governments, INGOs, and the UN
to provide protection of refugees. While legislation and international support are well
established, millions of refugees are still fighting for the life they had before the unrest.
Today, there are a growing number of protracted refugee situations. A refugee situation is
deemed protracted when over 25,000 refugees fleeing from the same situation have remained in
one location for more than five years (UNHCR Executive Committee, 2004). These instances
involve refugees who remain in the same location for an extended, or indefinite period of time.
From civil war to the fall of the Taliban, Afghanistan has had a refugee crisis for approximately
40 years (Poppelwell, 2007). Since 2002, 5.8 million Afghan refugees have been assisted in
repatriation, officially returning home (UNHCR Data, 2015). While the Afghan repatriation is
great success, there are still millions of refugees in protracted situations. Some of Afghan
refugees have resettled in their host country, while some are still doing what they can to survive
and return to Afghanistan. This is a grave disadvantage for their future because they are not able
to progress towards any of the three listed outcomes.
All refugees face challenges and hardship. Women and children make up 80% of the
world refugee population, and are much more likely to experience discrimination and violence
associated with their role in their societal structure (Howard, National Geographic, 2014). With
many unstable factors of life at play, women and children are subject to an increased rate of
vulnerability. Women and children are predisposed to safety risks that the global community
now recognizes as needing specific and customized care.
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UNHCR Handbook for Emergencies
The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees’ Handbook for Emergencies is the
principal field manual used around the world to guide the construction, development, and
management of refugee camps. The Handbook for Emergencies was first published in 1982. The
most current publication is the fourth edition and has modified many of the regulations as current
situations persist and transform refugee and asylum trends. It outlines the UNHCR’s project
mandate, outlines the planning and coordination response, discusses vital sectors of refugee
emergencies, and provides support for field operations. The Handbook for Emergencies is
centered on universal human rights and needs and prioritizes structural planning with those
needs.
Refugee camps are usually planned by architects and technical planners of the UNHCR
and host country. The sections reviewed from the handbook for this research were site-selection,
planning and shelter and coordination and site-level organization. These sections outline
mandatory regulations that camp design must adhere to. The site-selection, planning, and shelter
section addresses the micro-level layout and shelter topics. The coordination and site-level
organization and commodity distribution sections focused on the governance structure in camps
(UNHCR Handbook for Emergencies, 2014). The specific regulations for each section reviewed
will be expanded with the case studies. Out of the 595 pages of the Handbook for Emergencies,
only 22 pages are devoted to refugee camp site-planning.
Refugee Camps
There are approximately 1,000 refugee camps hosted by the UNHCR worldwide. While
unauthorized or illegal camps exist, they are not included in data sources provided by the
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UNHCR (Topper, 2015). A refugee camp is a specific space reserved to house displaced persons
for a temporary amount of time. Camps have borders and protection so they are blatantly
separated from surrounding locations (Turner, 2015, 3).
Designed for temporary housing, refugee camps are now indefinite homes for millions of
refugees. A refugee camp provides all necessities that people need on a daily basis. These
include shelter, food, clean water, and sanitation facilities. Many camps build shelters from local
materials such as wood, metal sheets, or plastic. Tents are provided if there are not enough
resources locally to use. Some camps provide stoves for heating the space, but these are never
guaranteed (UNHCR Data, 2015). Many camps are not able to ensure the safety of refugees
when placed in overcrowded living conditions, which often leads to poor sanitation, high rate of
disease, and inability to provide enough supplies (Médecins Sans Frontières, 2002, 18). Refugee
camps create a difficult dynamic for families. Since the camps are designed for temporary life,
many refugees face lack of work and difficulties protecting their family from violence and
dangerous living conditions (Turner, 2015, 3).
Refugee camps have general guidelines that are required in the steps for designing camps
to ensure that refugees have access to any sort of care and necessity. The physical layout of a
refugee camp should mimic the basic lifestyle of a small community. Living quarters should be
organized as a village of no more than 1,000 people (Department of the Air Force, 2000, 60).
The development of medical centers and registration facilities are typically centralized services
in the middle of the camp to make accessing these facilities easier for all refugees. Each camp
has regulations for the amount of space given per person, appropriate access to water and latrine
facilities, food stations and markets, schools, and cemeteries (Médecins Sans Frontières, 2002,
114). According to Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF), all refugees are guaranteed 3.5m2
of
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shelter space and 30m2
of area space per person. A water station should accommodate up to 250
people, and there needs to be a latrine facility for 20 people per latrine. Water sources are the
most important criterion for selecting a camp location. There needs to be a water source no
farther than 150m from each living quarter, and latrines need to be located, at maximum, 30m
from living quarters, while latrines and water sources are required to be at least 100m from each
other (MSF, 2002, 118).
When camps have been established and then grown upon to accommodate more in
emergency situations, the regulations no longer remain a priority if the given space cannot
accommodate it. In these situations, the lack of order and regulation allows for more
humanitarian violations. While few camps are truly temporary settlements in recent cases, camp
layouts and blueprints are being evaluated and progressing towards new designs to accommodate
fluctuating trends is refugee migration (Turner, 2015, 4).
Types of Violence in Refugee Camps
Violence in refugee camps is extremely prevalent, and is consistently present around the
world. Often the byproduct of impoverished and desperate living situations, violence can leave
victims with physical and psychological difficulties. The cycle of violence in refugee camps can
rarely be broken. Structural and cultural violence often perpetuate specific attacks on certain
demographics in the camp (Buckley-Zistel and Krause, 2013, 1). Structural violence is often
referred to as social injustice. It is any violent actions provoked by the defiance of social
structure (Gilligan, 1997, 196). Cultural violence is defined as any aspect of a culture that can be
used to legitimize violence in societal or structural forms (Galtung, 1969, 167). Much of refugee
violence stems from these categories into gender-based violence (GBV), youth violence, and
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violence between refugees in the community, security officials, and local raids in the camps
(Hartman, Deveneau, and Lanier, 2016, 618).
Gender-based violence (GBV) remains one of the most pressing issues found in refugee
camps (UNHCR Gender-based Violence, 2003, 11). Since two-thirds of refugees living in camps
are women and children, they are far more. GBV includes actions directed at groups or
individuals based on their gender. This violence includes physical, mental, and sexual abuse
(UNHCR Gender-based Violence, 2003, 18). By understanding the different forms of violence
that are present in camps, it enables the UNHCR and other INGOs to decipher when and where
attacks occur, and how they can be prevented.
Syrian Refugee Crisis
The Syrian refugee crisis is the largest humanitarian emergency since World War II. The
civil war in Syria began in 2011, after the Arab Spring protests in hopes that President Bashar al
Assad would relinquish his title. President Assad countered the protests with extreme violence,
war crimes, imprisonment of citizens, and death to the Syrian people. Many rebel groups have
branched off from the Syrian government and general public through religion and are continually
fighting against each other. Throughout the civil war, chemical weapons and heinous war crimes
have been committed and killed over 250,000 civilians (Gritten, BBC, 2016). Since 2011, 4.6
million people have fled as refugees, while 7.6 million remain as internally displaced people
(UNHCR Data, 2016).
The majority of Syrian refugees have fled to neighboring countries such as Turkey,
Jordan, Lebanon, and Iraq. These countries host 95% of Syrian refugees (World Vision, 2015).
There is no end in sight for the Syrian civil war, and thousands continue to flee Syria daily. With
half of the refugee population being children, it is critical that they are placed in an environment
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that provides all basic necessities and opportunities to grow with education and school. With half
of the refugee population residing in camps, all persons, especially children, are susceptible to
disease, malnutrition, and a poor quality of life if refugee camps are not built to the standard
provided by the UNHCR.
LITERATURE REVIEW
The literature exposes many facts about refugee camps and the overall effect they have
on refugees living in them for an extended period of time. While refugee camps are designed for
short-term shelter, they create many safety hazards and human rights violations through poor
quality of life, and lack of stable governing and protection for those whom live there. The
majority of the literature suggests that violence and maltreatment of refugees can be exasperated
in asylum situations, and that if given the appropriate opportunities to resettle their lives, the
quality of life can be greatly improved.
Hostility and violence in camps, against and by refugees, are very common. There are
many different variables that contribute to violent actions in refugee camps. Mental instability
from post-traumatic stress disorder and other mental health effects from war tend to be
exacerbated in refugee camps (Murphy, 2006, 25). Refugee camps that take in a high volume of
people at one time, or are over maximum capacity for the camp structure, tend to see a shortage
in food, adequate shelter, clean water, sanitary facilities, and other necessities, creating a
competitive environment for resources (Barakat, 2012, 20). Due to these life-threatening
conditions, violence generates between refugees who are competing for supplies for their
families.
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To fully understand how instability in refugee camps can affect the safety of refugees, it
is important to understand the most common volatile actions experienced in camps around the
world. Many agree that certain characteristics in refugee camps contribute to many forms of
violence, including physical abuse and sexual assault towards predominately women, but men
and children as well (Aubone and Hernandez, 2012; Bulley, 2014; and Gebreiyosus, 2014;). The
layout and design of camps can provide opportunities for instances of rape and sexual assault to
become one of the most common forms of violence in refugee camps. Patterns of rape were
studied in civil-war torn states, and found that when the state is extremely weak or is not able to
exert authority, rape as means of intimidation is more prevalent (Farr, 2009, 2). This is especially
true in refugee camps with little surveillance and protection by the local government or the
UNHCR. The weakness of a security measures determines the accountability for crimes, which
in many cases, is none. The UNHCR as well as UNICEF, Gebreiyosus, Farr, International
Medical Corps, and Human Rights Watch agree that violence in refugee camps consistently
involves some forms of gender-based violence. The majority of reports of violent attacks include
sexual assault and other forms of GBV.
Refugee camps tend to reinforce previous power structures and gender-roles in previous
communities (Turner, 2015, 6). Kenyan refugee camps, for instance, have some of the highest
rates of violence and human rights violations (HRV) in the world (Human Rights Watch, 2015).
A study done in Kenya discovered that the more the UNHCR and local NGOs promoted
women’s empowerment programs in camps, the more it actually suppressed women’s
importance and increased subordination (as cited in Turner, 2014). Turner argues that the more
women are recognized as vulnerable and in need of assistance by the global community, the
more exposed and insecure women become in displacement situations. This theory increases the
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difficulty of providing service and aid to women and children who are at risk of gender-based
and domestic violence because all of the safety measures taken place seem to be
counterproductive and increasing harm to women and children.
Research also indicates that the presence of NGOs and women-oriented programs can
increase their vulnerability and risk of violence. This is perplexing as it leads one to believe that
a new approach should be considered to help women in need (Gebreiyosus, 2014; Turner, 2015).
If all efforts to support and protect women do the opposite of their purpose, then it could be
interpreted that any form of special or targeted aid will endanger more lives than it saves. Since
this has been found in multiple camps from different countries, it brings attention to other ways
to help or prevent this from occurring.
According to Aubone and Hernandez (2012), camp design has a direct correlation to
potentially harmful occurrences in camps. Their study at the Dadaab Camp in Kenya examined
camp characteristics in relation to the prevalence of sexual violence. They found that any
location lacking in inhabitant security drastically increases the danger that many may face
(Aubone and Hernandez, 2012: 30). In the example of Aubone and Hernandez, the two factors of
camp design they discussed were the installation of thorn bushes around the perimeter of the
camp and the location & lighting of latrine facilities. The authors found that these efforts delayed
the occurrence of sexual assault in those locations, but it did not decrease the amount of rapes
reported (Aubone and Hernandez, 2012, 37).
The literature has shown that refugees fleeing from fear of their life are not guaranteed a
safe sanctuary provided by the United Nations or local government. Refugees fleeing conflict
often face much more in their efforts to find a safe location to reside. The literature has shown
that violence comes in many forms towards refugees, yet women and children are the most
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prone. There have been hundreds of efforts by the UNHCR and NGOs to bring help and
protection to victims in camps, yet there has not been a drastic change in the multiple crises.
There are commonalities in camp design and how access to security consistently affects the
likelihood of volatile actions towards refugees. While some scholarly sources examine factors of
camp design and its impact on the prevalence of violence, I have yet to find a cross-camp
analysis that will specify factors within refugee camps that provide the best security and overall
wellbeing. It is believed that if initial security measures are heavily strengthened, refugees will
be ensconced and more secure in normal day-to-day actions.
THEORY
The presence or absence of structural factors in refugee camps directly affects violence
therein. Refugees experience a great deal of loss and control when in camps for extended periods
of time, exasperated by depressing and dangerous conditions. These can increase the
pervasiveness of volatile situations. The structure of refugee camps also reinstates familial and
gender roles, which is one of the reasons that gender-based violence affects a large majority of
refugee living in camps. Refugee camps have many common and recurring issues that remain
similar around the world, including population size, climate, demographic, and proximity to
unstable locations. I expect that refugee camps with well-developed construction plans, along
with proper security systems and facilities, will be more likely to have a peaceful population with
limited reasons for violence and conflict. It is likely that an original, formal camp designs will
decrease the potential threat of violence that exists throughout refugee camps around the world if
a refugee camp is equipped with strong perimeter protection, site access/exit control, and
constant internal surveillance that is integrated with the camp design and layout. If modifications
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to general camp design are made once a large amount of refugees have settled there, the change
could alter the normal social construct that has developed in camps as they form into a society.
This can alter how and where refugees congregate within the camp, and influence patterns where
violence is located.
METHODOLOGY
The purpose of this research was to examine refugee camps, and whether their specific
building plans and characteristics created opportunities for violence and lack of security to
thrive. More specifically, the focus of this research looked at three refugee camps built in
response to the Syrian refugee crisis: the Al Za’atari Refugee Camp in Jordan, the Domiz camp
in Iraq, and the Kilis Oncupinar Refugee Camp in Turkey.
This research answered the question of whether camps with a consistent and thoroughly
developed design, with strong security measures, create a more secure environment with less
violence towards refugees. Key factors that pair with camp design were the general layout of the
campsite, the implemented security features, and whether the camp continues to change over
time. All of these features were equally important when analyzing a camp’s effectiveness. When
refugee camps had structured guidelines and security plans that are adhered to, there were fewer
factors that contributed to subordination and violence. The independent variable was the original
camp design at the time of construction, which includes the structural elements for shelters and
all public buildings, as well as the proposed security measures. The dependent variables were
any violations of basic human rights for the refugees. This included the camp’s capability to
protect the refugees from physical harm and ability to prevent of health-related issues. Violations
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to the regulations laid out in the Handbook for Emergencies were accounted for as a dependent
variable as well. Refugee camps that follow the handbook’s recommendations and have safe
structures with properly maintained facilities and security present have safer populations less
volatile situations.
Figure 1. Master Plan from the Handbook for Emergencies
PLANNED FEATURES NATURAL AND
EXISTING FEATURES
Shelter areas; potential expansion
zones
Contours; lines joining points
of identical elevation
Roads and footpaths Rivers
Drainage system and terracing Forests
Environmental sanitation plan Hills
Water distribution plan Flood plains
Utilities, camp lighting, other
safety features
Swamps
Administration areas Rocky patches or sand soil
Educational and health facilities Existing buildings, roads, and
bridges
Warehousing facilities Existing farmland, electrical
power grids, water pipelines
Distribution centers
Feeding centers
Community centers
Playground and sports centers
Area for religious activities
Markets and recreation areas
Fire prevention breaks
Agricultural plots
Note: This chart details important features that should be established within a camp,
and recommendations for useful, natural features in the area chosen for construction.
(UNHCR Handbook for Emergencies, 2014, 207),
Jordan, Iraq, and Turkey, along with Lebanon, host approximately 95% of the Syrian
refugee population. Lebanon, however, does not have any official refugee camps (UNHCR Data,
2015). The Za’atari camp is currently hosting 79,900, and the Domiz camp has 40,159 refugees
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(UNHCR Data, 2015) while the Kilis Oncupinar camp is currently hosting 33,820 Syrian
refugees (AFAD, 2015). Each camp varied in structural design, overall layout, and location
within the country. These variations show that structural design and security features of these
camps influence the safety of the camp for refugees.
Each camp was built in 2012, specifically for Syrian refugees. These camps differ in
geographical location, housing material, food & water sources, and availability to essential
necessities. By studying the specifics on the camp design and opportunities for the refugees, I
was able to see how the specific camp structures and infrastructure affected the prevalence of
violence within the camp. Based on annual reports and statistics, I examined what factors were
relatable between camps and determined if they had an effect on the health and security for
refugees residing there. The UNHCR, INGOs, and local government response teams provided
information on refugee camp profiles, which included design, planned capacity, availability of
resources, and success in meeting set regulations for camp structures. I looked at local and
international newspapers, found through the source LexisNexis, for headlines involving violence
in the refugee camps to determine if information at the local level was more detailed and
transparent than what was provided by the UNHCR. The news articles were able to provide more
information on specific locations and details of violent action within the camp and the cause of
the violent outbreaks.
In order to do so, I used key word searches to narrow my results to include only relevant
articles. I searched the name of the refugee camp and then added other key words individually, to
narrow my results. These key words were: violence, violent, injured, crime, assault, and rape.
These key words were paired with the name of the refugee camp to find news article discussing
any violent situations that happened. LexisNexis provided thousands of different newspapers
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reporting on these subjects, and I was able to gain more information than what was purely
published through the UNHCR Annual Reports and documents from the host government. From
here, I read all of the proposed articles, and only saved articles that provided detailed incident
reports or statistical data. The findings were analyzed within each case study and are presented in
chronological order.
There were many reports that used the term “violence” in relation to the refugee’s
experiences before fleeing from the civil war in Syria. The same result occurred a few times
when searching with the key word “injured”. Only articles that discussed violence within the
camps were used. Another factor that affects the number of results provided is duplication of
articles. Some articles used were listed multiple times in the same search, as well as in other
keyword searches. Some reports will provide narration from refugees that witnessed volatile
situations. Their testimonies will be included in the collaborative data analysis. These search
variables are applicable to each refugee camp evaluated.
Through assessing the characteristics of each camp, and how they directly and indirectly
affected the lifestyle and security for refugees living there, I am able to conclude that camp
design should be extremely detailed and accurate to maintain a peaceful environment. Through
thorough planning that included all recommendations for building a camp by the UNHCR,
refugee camps could lessen issues that are common in in these locations such as, violence, lack
of resources, and overpopulation. The design of a refugee camp is able to possibly avoid these
common occurrences, and can decrease many crises that leave refugee camps open to scrutiny.
Many have recognized that camps fuel issues that refugees tend to be fleeing from, and have
made it a priority to change. There are currently evolutionary changes to general camp designs
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that are currently beginning to be constructed. These new changes and ideas will completely
change the perception of camp life temporarily and long-term.
CASE STUDIES
The Syrian refugee crisis has created decades of projected displacement for the millions
affected by the civil war. Jordan, Iraq, and Turkey currently have approximately 3.4 million
Syrian refugees living in urban areas and refugee camps. The refugee camps prove to be some of
the most complicated living solutions for refugees. They are dangerous situations primarily for
the women and children in the camps. The Al Za’atari camp in Jordan, the Domiz camp in Iraq,
and the Kilis Oncupinar camp in Turkey are all different in their camp design, building process,
and ability to accommodate the refugees, yet share similar struggles to fund essential supplies for
the refugees. Throughout the following case studies, the prevalence of violence will be analyzed
in context to the camp layout and structure, as it relates to the original design, to determine if that
is a key factor in the security for refugees living in refugee camps.
Principles of Response from the Handbook
The Handbook for Emergencies has a detailed list of the UNHCR’s key principles that
are kept as priority when planning the refugee camp site. The Principles of Response, listed
below, is a complete list of necessary actions that should be upheld during the beginning stages
of planning a refugee camp.
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Principles of Response*
a. Planning should take in to consideration the long-term provision of services even if the
situation is expected to be temporary
b. Decisions on site selection and camp planning are very difficult to reverse, therefore seek
technical support
c. Avoid high population density congestion in settlements and in accommodation
d. Involve refugees in all phases of settlement layout and shelter design and construction
e. Use a bottom-up planning approach, beginning with the smallest social units, preserving
traditional social arrangements and structures as far as possible
f. Develop a comprehensive master plan with a layout based on open community forms and
community services, such as water points, latrines, showers, cloth washing facilities and
garbage collection to promote ownership and maintenance of the services
* All text in this section is quoted from UNHCR Handbook for Emergencies (UNHCR
Handbook for Emergencies, 2014, 206), (UNHCR Governance Plan, 2013, 3-9)
Summary of Master Plan
There are three main features taken into account when selecting land to build new camps
on: water, size of future camp, and land rights. The availability of water to the camp year-round
has been noted as the most important criterion when choosing appropriate land for camps
(UNHCR Emergency Handbook, 2015, 210). A camp location cannot be selected where water is
scarce or requires constant long-distance transportation.
The size of land being considered for future development of refugee camps is not only
important for the immediate response, but for the future development or possibility of expansion.
A camp is required to give a minimum of 30m2
to each person living there. That number includes
all public infrastructure as well, including roads, religious sanctuaries, schools, sanitation
facilities, and markets (UNHCR Emergency Handbook, 2015, 210). With this required, the land
chosen must be flexible during the development process based on the anticipated population.
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Figure 2: Master Plan from the Handbook for Emergencies
SERVICES AND INFASTRUCTURE APPROPRIATE FOR
1 Water tap 1 Community (80-100 persons)
1 Latrine 1 Family (4-6 persons)
1 Health center 1 Site (20,000 persons)
1 Referral hospital 10 Sites (200,000 persons)
1 School block 1 Sector (5,000 persons)
4 Distribution points 1 Site (20,000 persons)
1 Market 1 Site (20,000 persons)
1 Feeding center 1 Site (20,000 persons)
2 Refuse drums 1 Community (80-100 persons)
(Source: UNHCR Handbook for Emergencies, 2014, 208)
Al Za’atari Refugee Camp
The Al Za’atari Refugee Camp was built in July 28, 2012 as part of a UN-response effort
to the Syrian refugees crossing the border into Jordan (Ledwith, 2014, 14). The UNHCR and the
Jordan Hashemite Charity Organization (JHCO) jointly planned and developed the camp on land
owned by the Jordanian Air Force (Bricocoli, 2014, 107). Originally designed as a tent camp,
Zaatari has grown into the second largest refugee camp in the world and the fourth largest city in
Jordan, only 5 miles from the Jordanian/Syrian border (UNHCR Governance Plan, 2013, 4). In
September 2012, Zaatari had approximately 2,400 family dwellings established. By April 2013,
the camp reached 25,378 family shelters (Ledwith, 2014, 16). As shown in Figure 2, a family
dwelling or sheltered is measured for families of four to six, meaning the total number of Syrian
refugees in April 2013 could be approximately 100,000.
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The most recent figure for population number in Al Za’atari refugee camp is 79,900
(UNHCR Data, 2015). The UNHCR responded to the mass-influx of refugees by re-structuring
the campsite. Zaatari was transformed into 12 different neighborhoods to disperse the population
from settling in the original, west side of the camp. This action alleviated the congestion to the
facilities in that area and allowed for families to settle more privately than before (UNHCR
Governance Plan, 2013, 3). There are currently 26,963 homes in Za’atari, however, thousands of
these shelters are continuously closed or under construction, forcing many families to relocate
within the camp (UNITAR, 2015).
Al Za’atari Refugee Camp was designed and built in two weeks as an emergency
response camp and therefore did not have a formal, detailed site plan that has remained
consistent. The original design was specified for only 100 families (Weston, 2015, 1). The camp
grew from the west side of the camp and therefore that is seen as “Old Camp” or “Downtown”.
As mentioned previously, Zaatari camp was originally tent structures, and this can still be found
in the original, west side. When Zaatari was re-structured in 2013, they used a grid system with
caravans for the new neighborhoods in the camp (Bricocoli, 2014, 107). Figure 3 in the
appendices shows the growth of Al Za’atari refugee camp through satellite imagery. Many
refugees are able to illegally rearrange their housing to situate next to friends, or create an
environment that was similar to their home. Figure 4 shows the population density within the
camp as a result of families rearranging their housing locations. The red within the map shows an
extremely high density while the pale yellow areas are extremely low density of population.
They often arrange the caravans or tents to create a U-shape courtyard space in front of their
shelters (Barakat, 2012, 12). It was reported in 2014 that only 74% of refugees lived with the
19

minimum personal space requirements of 3.5m2
. The remaining 26% are living below that
requirement due to the overcrowded nature.
The Al Za’atari refugee camp has created a unique situation for accommodating refugees.
It is constantly under construction as they respond to hundreds of refugees that arrive at the camp
daily. Since the camp is growing and evolving daily, the constant change creates an unsettled
environment and hostility between refugees and camp officials. The tension that comes from lack
of readily available resources is a result of the camp location and initial design. As portrayed in a
mini-documentary series produced by the UNCHR on life inside Al Za’atari refugee camp,
hostilities can arise quickly when refugees are denied goods for the time being or engaging in
arguments with fellow refugees. In the documentary, Killian Kleinschmidt, the Camp Manager
for Al Za’atari, explained that hostility, fighting, and gunfire daily (A Day in the Life, 2013).
For the size of this camp, Al Za’atari is relatively safe. Data has been collected from
Camp Management Meeting Minutes since 2013. The Camp management committee meets once
a month, and the meeting minutes detail any violence that occurred since the previous meeting.
Consistent violent crimes include stabbing, sexual assault, gunfire, community raids, and persons
being hit by vehicles. While there were two sexual assault cases reported in these minutes, many
more reports have been found from other sources as gender-based violence is extremely
prevalent in Al Za’atari.
As discussed earlier, gender-based violence can occur as a direct result of the camp’s
physical site plan. During the expansion of Za’atari refugee camp, many locations within did not
receive the security modifications that were needed. These included the first and second district
homes, WASH fascilities, and general perimiter security features such as lighting and security
guards. There are certain areas within the camp that are far away from necessary facilities, which
20

leaves many vulnerable to attacks. If inhabitants are having to walk a great distance at night
without street lights or security guards in the area, their probability of being sexually assaulted
increases by 50% (UNHCR Gender-Based Violence, 2013, 43).
Across all of the districts, 30% of shower doors are missing. In District 2 alone, 89% of
all shower doors are missing (UNICEF WASH Assessment, 2014, 5). Every WASH facility and
latrine has some form of vandalism and is not up to the safety standards needed. As mentioned
by Aubone and Hernandez (2012) in the Literature Review, sexual assault is very prevalent in
latrines and WASH facilities. If they are inadequately secure, they pose as an extreme safety risk.
While the Al Za’atari refugee camp does see violence daily, it has diminished over the
past year as a result of the restructuring of the camp design and new management (Ledwith,
2013, 72). The Za’atari camp is not an ideal situation, for it is constantly under construction and
reorganizing the overall camp design. The revised camp structure from 2013 provides everything
shown in Figure 2 that is mandated by the United Nations.
The data on violent instances within the camp is collected strictly through the Camp
Management Coordination Meeting Minutes provided by the UNHCR for the Al Za’atari
Refugee Camp. While all of the information is accurate, it does not express all of the violence
that occurs in the camp. Through LexisNexis, I collected applicable news articles from various
papers reporting on specific instances of violence and criminal action. Figure 6 (below) contains
the results from the LexisNexis searches.
From all of these reports, 11 of them provide enough information to be detailed below.1
The news reports provide in-depth reports of violent outbreaks of riots, assault, protests, and
1
There are some variables that account for lower numbers of news articles used in this study. One of the major
factors that affected all searches for the Za’atari refugee camp were articles written by Mohammed Zaatari, an
accredited journalist for the Daily Star Lebanon (The Daily Star Lebanon, 2015).
21

sexual abuse in the Al Za’atari refugee camp. In order to illustrate how violence in the camp
evolved since its establishment, the articles are summarized in chronological order.
Figure 6: Results from LexisNexis Searches
Key Word Search Number of Newspaper
Articles Provided
Al Za’atari Refugee Camp 1,000
The following key word searches were an additional
search with the name of the refugee camp
Violence 267
Violent 68
Injured 74
Crime 44
Assault 28
Rape 8
On August 14th
, 2012 the Toronto Star reported of poor conditions fueling violence
between the aid workers and refugees. At this stage of Al Za’atari’s existence, only tents were
available for the 5,500 camp residents. The camp was only one district and still in very poor
condition. Sandstorms were a daily occurrence and continuously destroyed tent structures. In this
particular incident reported, the refugees were allegedly trying to attack the police station right
outside of the camp circumference with sticks, rocks, and knives. It was a group of
approximately 70 men. Al Za’atari had under 100 officials working in the camp. It was urged at
the time that female aid workers did not go anywhere alone in Al Za’atari during the day. Most
22

camp employees refused to stay in the camp past dark because of how violent the refugees were
(Westhead, 2012). The violence was a result of the inadequate living conditions for the refugees.
The Belfast Telegraph reported on January 8th
, 2013 that refugees had attacked aid
workers in the camp. Many tents had been swept away due to high winds and ice from the
camp’s first winter storm. The inadequate shelters and terrible resilience from the weather made
the refugees riot against the members of the UNHCR. A few refugees went on record to say that
conditions were worse than in Syria (Belfast Telegraph, 2013).
The Jordan Times reported an incident of more violence in the Za’atari refugee camp on
April 20th
, 2013. There were 20 refugees and 10 security personnel injured in the outbreak. A
witness said the fighting ensued when officials arrested multiple refugees for attempting to leave
the camp illegally. The refugees were throwing rocks at the officials (Jordan Times, 2013).
The National Post Canada reported instances of crime on May 21st
, 2013. Al Za’atari has
a high number of theft cases because inadequate living conditions and lack of funding to improve
the situations. Many refugees will steal tents, empty caravans, infrastructure material, cookware,
and blankets, and attempting to sell them outside of the camp (Blackwell, 2013). Camp residents
rarely get punished for minor crimes, as theft is not often noticed until after the incident.
The Evening Standard published a compelling article on June 6th
, 2013 about the effect
that violence in the refugee has on one specific population: the children. Approximately 60% of
the refugees in Za’atari are children under the age of 18. One child said, “Fighting and killing
forced us to get out of Syria. We have the same thing happening here.” It is reported that knife
fights between gangs that have developed in the camp break out regularly along with other forms
of assault (Evening Standard, 2013).
23

The Korea Times released an interview with Kilian Kleinschmidt, the Senior Field
Coordinator for the Al Za’atari refugee camp, in June of 2013. He is employed by the UNHCR
to manage the camp. He speaks openly about the amount of violence that takes place in the
camp. “We have a lot of violence both among refugees and with the staff. We had six staff
injured just last week,” said Kleinsschmidt. He also said that a recent incident occurred where
two policemen were killed and 12 injured. One of the policemen was dragged from his patrol
vehicle. This extreme violence was at the height of the camp’s overpopulation and was sparked
by continuing anger that the refugees feel about the living conditions in the camp (May, 2013).
An analysis done by The Guardian on sexual assault in the refugee camp was published
on July 25th
, 2013. The author of the report stated that aid workers have reported an extreme
increase in sexual assault claims and reports of rape since the beginning of 2013. It is concerning
because of the nature of sharing information like this. In most societies, sexual assaults are
underreported. What many women have told aid workers in the refugee camps is that they do not
admit to assaults for fear of ruining their reputation and pride in themselves. Therefore, aid
workers feel that twice as many instances are actually occurring (Greenwood, 2013). The poor
security measures that have been implemented in Za’atari are one reason that sexual assault is
rarely caught.
A mid-September 2013 news story from the Globe and Mail detailed how specific camp
characteristics directly lead to violence. The UNHCR laid a carpet of stones across open-soiled
spaces in the camp to decrease the intensity of dust storms, yet now these stones are used as
weapons by refugees and police forces (MacKinnon, 2013, 2). There are many reports on sexual
violence and the unsafe nature of the camp for women and girls and details the dangerous
environment that has been created in the residential area of the camp. Mackinnon expresses the
24

danger of latrines for girls, and how dangerous they have become. Approximately 10,000 people
have to walk over 200 meters to reach a wash facilities, and at night, there is a high probability
that girls will face sexual harassment and attempted assault. Due to the private culture that most
practice, many do not report rape or assault to maintain a sense of pride (MacKinnon, 2013, 3).
On September 24th
, 2013, the Jordan Times released an article entitled, “Three refugees
suspected of raping 14-year-old Syrian”. A 14 year old girl was sent to the hospital after being
raped by three refugee men. One was arrested and the other two were not found. According to
camp administration, there have been 10 sexual assault cases reported since 2012. This number
of cases is much lower than camp officials think actually happens in the camp (Jordan Times,
2013).
On April 6th
, 2014, the New Zealand Herald reported a deadly protest in the Za’atari
refugee camp. The protest involved thousands of refugees throwing rocks at the security officers
and police station inside the camp. The violence ensued after the police detained a family that
attempted to smuggle other refugees out of the camp illegally. Firearms were used as well as
teargas by the police. Three refugees received gunshot wounds, one of which died. 29 policemen
were wounded in the attack (New Zealand Herald, 2014). The camp must follow Jordanian law
in that no refugees can leave the camp freely. Refugees are continuously trying to escape Al
Za’atari for poor living conditions. If refugees want to leave, they must file a formal request,
which can take months to process.
Based on all of the violent instances reported, it is clear that many violent cases are
connected to multiple causes. The overcrowded nature, distress from lack of resources, and
mental and physical trauma from the war in Syria create a hostile environment where tension
typically causes violence to occur. All of these variables directly relate to how the camp is
25

designed, its location, and the security system for the camp. With the camp’s constant
reconfiguration and lack of natural resources in the area, it is not seen as an ideal camp in
accordance to the Handbook Mandate. Al Za’atari refugee camp is not consistent in maintaining
functioning facilities. An analysis of WASH centers in 2014 detailed insufficient facilities.
Districts 1 and 2 showed the most damage at 47%. District 5 only had 1 WASH center for all
persons living there (UNICEF WASH Assessment, 2014, 2). Many facilities had doors ripped
off, poor drainage, and lack of running water.
Over 50% of water taps are not functioning in 8 of the 12 districts. Since each district has
approximately 6,000 refugees, there should be a similar number of water taps in each district
(UNICEF WASH Assessment, 2014, 4). With the requirement from the Master Plan stating that
there must be one water tap per 80-100 people, each district fails to provide such.
There are many criticisms on the functionality of the Za’atari refugee camp. The camp’s
physical structures and alternate layout from the original design allow for many problems to
occur. Most of the violence that happens within the camp is a result of protesting inadequate
resources. This means that Za’atari’s inability to guarantee security for the refugees as well as
detailed in the Mandate contributes to the violence that occurs.
Domiz Refugee Camp
The Domiz Refugee Camp, located in Duhok Kurdish Region in Iraq, opened on April 1,
2012 by the Kurdish Regional Government. It is the largest refugee camp in Iraq. Located 40
miles from the Syrian border, it was originally designed to host 2,000 people. It currently houses
approximately 42,000 refugees (UNHCR Database, 2015). Similar to Al Za’atari, the Domiz
refugee camp went through a restructuring phase to accommodate the hundreds of refugees
26

arriving daily. Figures 10 in the appendices show the Domiz camp after the restructuring and the
population density within the camp as of 2013. Even after the restructuring phase subsided, the
max capacity for refugees were 27,000, meaning the camp was grossly overpopulated (UNHCR
Domiz Camp Profile, 2014). Figure 11 in the appendices shows the overpopulation within the
Domiz camp.
During the site-planning phase, the Mines Advisory Group (MAG) had to sweep the
surrounding area for explosives in the ground. It is an NGO that provides humanitarian aid in
terms of securing an environment that may contain landmines and explosives. This has been an
issue when establishing refugee camps in previous military land. The Duhok region where the
Domiz camp is located was a former military base and had thousands of potential landmines and
unexploded ordnance (MAG, 2013).
UNHCR has been the mainstay provider of the support to the Domiz Camp. This camp is
well equipped with electricity, running water, and latrines. In Domiz, about 73% of refugees live
in tents, while the remaining 27% live in houses constructed from brick and cement (Salman,
2015, 9). The constructed houses provide more protection from harsh weather. The UNHCR has
published Camp Profile Analyses that discuss the effectiveness of the necessary programs
detailed in the Handbook mandate. These include access to healthcare, WASH facilities,
protection to registered refugees, CRI kits that include all kitchenware and other necessities, and
adequate shelter facilities.
At the end of each year, the UNHCR compiles an updated Camp Profile for Domiz. In
2013, the Domiz camp was evaluated and successfully provided two of the five programs:
security and giving refugees cookware, blankets, and other daily items. It failed for providing
appropriate WASH facilities, adequate shelter for refugee families, and having accessibility to
27

healthcare programs. Only 80% of refugees live in homes that meet the minimum requirements
as detailed by the Handbook. While all WASH facilities (latrines, showers, and water taps)
should provide water to a maximum of 20 people per source, all of the water sources are trying
to accommodate over 50 people per source. In a Full Facility Sweep conducted in 2013, 121
water taps were found to be broken or missing. The Principles of Response section in the
Handbook says that there must be one hospital facility per 20,000 residents. There is currently
only one medical center for over 40,000 refugees (UNHCR Camp Profile, 2013). By 2014, the
Camp Profile suggested that facilities had improved and the camp now adequately provided all
services to the necessary programs except for adequate homes and shelters for refugees. The
average area per person was 26m2
, instead of 32m2
(UNHCR Camp Profile, 2014). In 2015, the
Camp Profile stated that Domiz passed on all categories except for WASH facilities. They were
not able to provide enough water for refugees as instructed in the Handbook (Domiz Camp
Profile, 2015).
Violence against children living in Domiz camp was reported by some children and
adolescents, stating that violence in the families also led to violence between the children. Four
groups of adult males interviewed did not report of violence or any problems for women or
persons with specific needs (Kurdistan Regional Government, 2012). Young girls expressed fear
and limited opportunity to move freely in the camp because of harassment by single men and
other male youth. Both girls and boys in the camp are reportedly harassed by the young men’s
group from the singles side of the camp, often causing the children to hide and reducing their
mobility within the camp and surrounding area. UNICEF has built a playground for the children
in efforts to decrease idle time for the children in a more visible location. This area only benefits
620 children within the camp (UNICEF Bi-Weekly Humanitarian Situation Report, 2013, 9).
28

Sixty one percent of and girls ages 3-17 do not feel safe when walking in the camp (REACH
Kurdish Report, 2015, 41). While domestic violence is very common, there has only been one
reported incidence of rape since the camp’s establishment (Salman, 2015, 12).
Articles Provided
Domiz Refugee Camp 84
Violence 21
Violent 4
Injured 6
Crime 7
Assault 5
Rape 3
Domiz camp is one of the lesser-known refugee camps for Syrians, even though it is the
largest camp in Iraq. One of the challenges encountered when reading news articles was the lack
of availability to reports. The news articles that appeared in my initial search from Figure 7
included all of the key words that were used; yet they were in context for the civil war in Syria,
not inside the refugee camp. The majority of the 84 original news articles on Domiz included
medical crisis in the camp, yet did not report any instances of violence. One factor that is
believed to affect this result is the population of refugees, and how they can relate to the
surrounding community. The majority of the Syrian refugees lived in the Kurdish region in
Syria, and now lives in the Kurdish region in Iraq (Kurdistan Regional Government, 2012). This
leads us to believe that there is more of a cohesive relationship for the refugees and the local
community since they are welcome to leave the camp to find work. Za’atari is home to a vast
demographic of Syrian refugees who are not allowed to leave the camp. This can create conflict
29

when different communities settle together. This may be the reason that the refugees in the
Domiz camp function well together.2
A Detailed Indicator Report was published in May, 2014 by the Department of Health
Duhok and the UNHCR. This report provided numerical reports of illness, medical care, and
mortality rates for the past three months.3
The crude mortality rate, intentional injury rate, and
reports of sexual or gender-based violence were all at zero. There were reports of death and
injury, yet they were unrelated to violence (DOH Duhok, 2014).
While the camp has improved the majority of the living quarters to include concrete
flooring, a kitchen, and shower, the extreme living conditions have resulted in health issues.
Thousands of Domiz residents are being treated at all times for various infections and diseases
that are a result of living in cold shelters exposed to flooding and harsh weather. While the result
of a poorly built Domiz refugee camp are mostly illness related, the Za’atari refugee camp has a
high rate of violence as a result of the camp’s inability to provide essential necessities to all
residents. These essential necessities include water, food, supplies, and protected facilities.
Kilis Oncupinar Refugee Camp
The Kilis Oncupınar refugee camp is located at Oncupınar in Kilis, about 10km from the
Turkish/Syrian border. The camp opened on March 17th
, 2012 by the Government of Turkey
Disaster and Emergency Management Authority (AFAD) and now hosts over 15,000 (UNHCR
Turkey, 2015). In its first year open, it was the largest Syrian refugee camp in Turkey (BBC
Monitoring Europe, 2012). The camp consists of 2,053 container homes, a health center, a
mosque, two elementary schools, one high school and a sports facility over 315,000 square
2
This possibility was not accounted for in the initial research design.
3
Reports were not published every three months. This was the only document of its kind found.
30

meters of land as seen in Figure 12 in the appendices (BBC Worldwide Monitoring, 2012).
Instead of using tents as shelters, the Kilis camp is made up of durable shipping containers,
which are housing units for families. Each container has three rooms, hot water and electricity,
and a lockable front door (All Source Analysis, 2015).
AFAD is responsible for the construction of the camp and the protection of the refugees.
The camp has a police station and there are some security cameras around the exterior of the
camp. Kilis has a well-developed drainage system from each container home, allowing families
to use the kitchen and bathroom in their private spaces (Dalmasso, 2014, 3). The camp has at
least one police station, health facility, school, mosque, market, playground, television room,
vocational training center, pressroom, water tank and water treatment center, power distribution
unit, and generator (Ay, 2014, 19). Specific security measures have been established which
include 14 watchtowers and 165 security cameras. In addition, 23 policemen, 12 gendarmes and
140 private security guards work in the camp at all times. Similar to the Domiz camp, refugees
are free to leave the camp when they please.
The camp resides on the Syrian border, which contradicts the principal policy of UNCHR
that foresees that the camps must be built at least 50 km away from the border (Taniyici, 2015,
12). However, security is a main priority for the camp. The Kilis refugee camp is surrounded by
fences with barbed wire, along with security cameras and X-ray scanners. When the refugees
registered with AFAD and the UNHCR, they were given an ID card with their photo and
fingerprint identification chip inside. Upon entering the camp, they must scan their ID card, as
well as go through the metal detector. All of the streets within the camp are fully paved and have
streetlights as well as guards on staff 24 hours a day (Cagaptay, 2013, 18). There is limited
31

information on the construction and initial design of the Kilis Oncupinar camp because of the
lack of information in English.4
Articles Provided
Kilis Oncupinar Refugee
Camp
60
Violence 17
Violent 1
Injured 10
Crime 2
Assault 12
Rape 1
There were a few serious incidents of violence at the camp, yet they were not due to the
camp structural design. In 2012, five refugees were wounded by gunfire shot into the camp from
the Syrian side of the border (The New Zealand Herald, 2012). In 2013, there were many armed
conflict events and car bombs happening at the Oncupinar-Syrian border. These dangerous
situations put the refugees at risk. One report learned of a planned attack on the Kilis Oncupinar
refugee camp that was prevented from that information (BBC Monitoring Europe, “Border
Bombers”, 2013)
New York Times reports that women feel safe in Kilis camp. While rape is a huge
problem at many camps, ''There are guards everywhere. At night, the lights are like daylight. I
can go out alone at 4 a.m., 3 a.m.'' (NY Times, 2014). The Kilis Oncupinar refugee camp
4
Since the camp is run by AFAD and not the UNHCR, there is little reason for their documentation to be in English.
32

exceeds the expectations and standards held by the UNHCR and are considered one of the most
successful and secure refugee camps in the world. UN Office for the Coordination of
Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) operations director John Ging told reporters that the UN could not
present such a high standard of assistance in refugee camps as Turkey has for the Syrian refugees
(Cihan News Agency, 2013).
DISCUSSION
The Al Za’atari refugee camp is home to over 79,000 people. The majority of the
refugees live in caravan homes while a quarter of the population still lived in tents. The area of
Za’atari is flat and spans an area of 2.008 square miles. The area is prone to severe droughts,
sand storms, and extreme temperatures, leaving many refugees, especially those living in tents,
exposed to harsh conditions. The size of the camp, paired with the overpopulation, has created
unmet demands for food, water, and appropriate living and WASH facilities. The overpopulation
within camps has also decreased the accessibility to many public facilities. This has given
opportunity for these facilities to lack regular maintenance. Many structures are left vandalized
or not functioning. This is most evident with latrine and WASH facilities. The shortage of
necessary goods, such as food and water, has directly impacted the social structure of refugee
camps as it creates competition between refugees. This competition to provide for families
creates hostility between refugees and aid workers within the camp. Much of the anger and
frustration portrayed by refugees is seen through riots, protesting these conditions. The majority
of the violence that ensues within the confines of the Al Za’atari refugee camp is directly tied to
the camp’s initial building and planning, and its inability to maintain secure facilities as required
by the Handbook for Emergencies. The prevalence of aggression justifies the commonality of
these actions. Refugee enmity is validated when individual cases of violence occur, and allow
33

issues to not only become long term, but permanent. By installing more thorough measures of
safety and security for refugees in the beginning of the camp’s development, less problems are
likely to occur as a result. There is a level of practicality that would be visible to the UNHCR
and host-countries if security problems for refugees could be prevented, instead of the need to fix
issues as they arise.
The Domiz refugee camp is located in the Kurdish region of Iraq. This region is vulnerable
to heavy rain and snowstorms during the winter and extreme heat in the summer months. The
natural conditions paired with the lack of adequate building codes has created exceedingly
unsanitary and poor conditions to live in. There are no paved roads within the camp and over
70% of the refugees live in tents. These structures do not protect the refugees from the elements
and in turn, contribute to the high risk of illness within the camp. A typical home for the refugees
is one to two tents, shared between families of three to twelve (DOH Duhok, 2014). The interior
of these homes is cold, wet, and offers very little privacy. The structured homes in the camp offer
concrete flooring and walls, to protect the residents from weather, tents or tin roofs, and have
partitioned rooms. The refugees are able to lock their doors, which offers an extra level of
protection that most refugees living in camps do not have. These permanent homes offer
structural security and allow the refugees to establish a stable lifestyle. A refugee camp’s
purpose is to offer refugees with a safe home. When it is possible to ensure a home that will
endure harsh weather conditions and protection from any possible threats, refugees are able to
focus their energy on reestablishing a normal life. While these structures are more secure, they
still do not offer a high level of protection for the families living there. Poor drainage systems
leave the refugees exposed to unsanitary areas, which expose them to illness. Despite these poor
conditions, there was little to no violence linked to the refugee camp design and structure.
34

The Kilis Oncupinar camp was described by the New York Times as the perfect refugee
camp. The Turkish government has been able to expand on the UNHCR’s regulations for camp
design and improve the quality and maintenance of the camp. Each container home has three
rooms, hot water, a kitchen, and electricity. All roads and paths are paved, and the streets and
public facilities are cleaned and maintained daily. The Kilis camp has maintained their original
camp layout and design, maintained the quality of all public facilities, and has extensive security
measures to protect the refugees. This camp is recognized as one of the best refugee camps in the
world, and has little to no violence. In Figure 9 below, each category in the “Principles of
Response” of the Handbook for Emergencies is analyzed within the camp to determine if the
specific camp met the stated regulations.
35

Figure 9
PRINCIPLES OF RESPONSE* AL ZAATARI DOMIZ KILIS ONCUPINAR
Planning should take in to
consideration the long-term provision
of services even if the situation is
expected to be temporary
Yes, Al Za’atari planning accounted for
space for the camp to expand upon
Yes, the Domiz Refugee camp’s
location was chosen for its ability to
expand when needed
Yes, the location of Kilis
Oncupinar can expand to
accommodate an influx of
refugees if needed.
Decisions on site selection and camp
planning are very difficult to reverse,
therefore seek technical support
Yes, technical support was used in
planning the layout of the camp by
UNHCR architects
Yes, the Duhok Governance and
UNHCR had support from
architects when planning the camp
Yes, there is a very strong
technical system for the entire
camp
Avoid high population density
congestion in settlements and in
accommodation
No, Al Za’atari has grown into the
second largest refugee camp in the
world and has extreme overpopulation
in the western region of the camp
No, Domiz has continued to accept
refugees as needed and has created
an overpopulated situation
Yes, the Kilis camp has
remained approximately the
same size as intended, and has
avoided overcrowding of
space and necessities
Involve refugees in all phases of
settlement layout and shelter design
and construction
No, refugees are involved in community
life and activities, but were not involved
in the initial building of the camp
No, refugees were not involved in
the planning of the refugee camp.
Refugees are now employed by the
camp to do construction and
maintenance work
No, the camp was executed
professionally without
consulting refugees
Use a bottom-up planning approach,
beginning with the smallest social
units, preserving traditional social
arrangements and structures as far as
possible
No, many refugees living in Za’atari
have relocated their housing in U-
shaped settlements to recreate their
community in Syria, creating a
courtyard in front of friend or family
housing
No, refugees have resituated or
made extensions to their homes in
order to be closer to relatives or
friends
No, the refugee camp follows
a grid system that cannot be
manipulated or restructured
by the refugees
Develop a comprehensive master plan
with a layout based on open
community forms and community
services, such as water points,
latrines, showers, cloth washing
facilities and garbage collection to
promote ownership and maintenance
of the services
Yes, all of these services are provided to
the refugees living in the camp, yet their
condition and security has created many
safety issues. The master plan has
changed since the initial design. The
maintenance of these facilities is poor
and leaves refugees more vulnerable
Yes, all of these services are
provided to the refugees living in
the camp, yet their condition and
security has created many safety
issues. The master plan has changed
since the initial design. The
maintenance of these facilities is
poor and leaves refugees more
vulnerable
Yes, the Kilis camp provides
all of these services plus
some, including, schools,
sports and recreation
facilities, religious sanctions,
etc.
*The text in this column is taken directly from the Handbook for Emergencies. The other columns are conclusions of this study
36

The Kilis Oncupinar refugee camp is an exemplary model in this research to demonstrate
the connection that camp design, layout, and maintenance of structures is correlated to the
amount of violence within the camp. Refugee camps remain crucial establishments in emergency
response procedures, yet modifications to long-term regulations for these camps need to follow
the efforts shown by the Turkish Government as appropriate responses. The Turkish
Government’s response to the Syrian refugees has shown that refugee camps can provide a safer
life for refugees without stripping their accessibility to acceptable and secure living conditions
within refugee camps. If future refugee camps are constructed following the Handbook for
Emergencies and are able to maintain facilities similar to the Kilis Oncupinar refugee camp,
future violence within camps could be mitigated. The ability to understand the roots of violence
within refugee camps can prevent future disruptions, which would support the efforts of the
UNHCR and host countries further. Understanding the roots of violence within refugee camps is
of the upmost importance in preventing future vulnerability or safety concerns for camp
residents. This instability within camps undermines the efforts of the UNHCR and host
countries, thus necessitating careful consideration of camp facility’s structural measures.
37

APPENDICES
Figure 3: Growth of Al Za’atari Refugee Camp
The Growth of Al Za’atari refugee camp. UNOSAT, 2013
http://www.maximizingprogress.org/2013/08/zaatari-city-syrian-refugee-camp-in.html
38

Figure 4: Population Density of Al Za’atari Refugee Camp
Population Density in Al Za’atari camp. Reach Initiative, 2013. http://www.reach-
initiative.org/wp-content/uploads/2013/04/JOR_Zaatri_shelter-
density_09APR2013_A0_ACTED_landscape.pdf
39

Figure 10: Map of Domiz Refugee Camp
Domiz Camp Layout. UNHCR
http://img.static.reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/styles/attachment-large/public/resources-
pdf-previews/182394-IRQ_DOMIZ_AddressingSystem_A1_16DEC2013%5B1%5D.png?
itok=gC0LyV_a
40

Figure 11: Population Density of Domiz Refugee Camp
Population Density in Domiz Refugee camp. UNHCR
http://img.static.reliefweb.int/sites/reliefweb.int/files/styles/attachment-large/public/resources-
pdf-previews/182382-IRQ_DOMIZ_ShelterDensity_A3_17Jun2013.png?itok=DeUU2Lt_
41

Figure 12: Map of Kilis Oncupinar Refugee Camp
Map of Kilis Oncupinar Camp
http://unosat-maps.web.cern.ch/unosat-
maps/SY/CE20130604SYR/UNOSAT_OncuniparCamp_CE20130604SYR_05Jun2015opt.jpg
42

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