Social computing and knowledge creation

SOCIAL COMPUTING FOR KNOWLEDGE CREATION – THE
ROLE OF TACIT KNOWLEDGE
Miia Kosonen
Aino Kianto
School of Business
Lappeenranta University of Technology, Finland
miia.kosonen@lut.fi
aino.kianto@lut.fi
Abstract
To advance understanding on knowledge creation through social computing, we posed two
research questions: What are the processes underlying knowledge creation online? What is
the role of tacit knowledge in online communication? We note that even if the online
environment is beset with apparent limitations due to physical distance, tacit knowledge is
by no means absent. It enables individuals to communicate with others and to build new
knowledge through interpreting and reflecting the available information. On the collective
level, tacit knowledge is demonstrated as the shared language and understanding of the
members, and the norms of interaction.
Keywords: social computing, online communication, community, knowledge creation, tacit
knowledge

1 INTRODUCTION
As knowledge has become the primary competitive asset for all types of organizations,
understanding knowledge-related processes has become a key item on the agendas of both
researchers and practicing managers. The increasingly turbulent operating environment
means that, in addition to exploiting their existing knowledge assets, organizations have to
be able to continuously explore new sources of success and create new knowledge
(Nonaka, 1991; Leonard-Barton, 1995; Grant, 1996; Teece et al., 1997).
Knowledge-creation processes are the basis for organizational learning and sustained
innovativeness (Nonaka, 1994; Nonaka & Takeuchi, 1995).
Knowledge creation is essentially a social activity: knowledge is typically created,
enriched, shared and leveraged in social communities, in interaction among several people
(Lave & Wenger, 1991; Brown & Duguid, 1991; Nonaka and Takeuchi 1995; Nahapiet and
Ghoshal 1998). A recent trend is that social communities are becoming ‘virtual’ to an
increasing degree, and more and more knowledge-creation activities take place online.
Novel communication technologies are opening up new possibilities for knowledge
creation among organizationally and geographically dispersed individuals, and harness their
collective wisdom by facilitating interaction (Sharpton & Jhaveri, 2006; Ridings et al.,
2002; Wasko & Faraj, 2000). In particular, social computing seems to offer fruitful avenues
for collaborative knowledge creation. This refers to forms of online communication that
focus on social interaction and relations between people, not simply on managing
information. Social-computing applications, such as weblogs, instant messengers and
discussion forums, support either synchronous (real-time) or asynchronous mutual
interaction among groups of people, allow the giving and receiving of feedback, facilitate
status and reputation building, and maintain networks of social relationships.
Despite the proliferation of such technologies, the effects of social computing on
organizations remain an understudied field. This may be due to the novelty of its
organizational adoption and use. At the same time, communication technologies tend to be
assessed solely in terms of their ability to mediate codified knowledge (i.e., information).
For instance, Vaccaro et al. (2008) note how current literature on information systems (IS)
and innovation management associate the role of virtual technologies solely with explicit
knowledge processes. Whereas tacit and explicit knowledge in general are mutually
constitutive and complementary (Polanyi, 1962; Tsoukas, 1994), within the online
environment explicit knowledge is considered to substitute tacit knowing (see e.g., Johnson
et al., 2002; Hemetsberger & Reinhardt, 2004; Lee & Cole, 2003).
Current research has largely neglected the issue of social computing, and studies
systematically linking it with knowledge creation still seem to be lacking. At this point, we
make the basic assumption that the knowledge processes related to social computing are
somehow different than those related to knowledge-management systems and databases,
and hence deserve further investigation. Our aim is to shed light on some controversies
characterizing the current literature on knowledge and online communication, and to
illustrate the processes that may enable knowledge creation online. In order to advance
understanding of this emerging phenomenon, we therefore posed two research questions:
What are the processes underlying knowledge creation online? What is the role of
tacit knowledge in online communication? Our methodological approach was to conduct
an analytical literature review within the fields of knowledge creation, learning,

computer-mediated communication, and virtual communities, in which communication is
supported by social-computing technologies as a matter of course. Noting the lack of
studies on social computing in the context of knowledge creation, we considered research
on virtual communities a valid point of departure – communities are the context in which
knowledge creation takes place (Nonaka & Konno, 1998; Sawhney & Prandelli, 2000).
This paper is organized as follows. We first construct an understanding of the core concepts
of communities, knowledge, and knowledge creation. Then we address the processes
underlying knowledge creation in distributed, online environments, and move on to the role
of tacit knowledge in online communication. We conclude by highlighting the gaps in the
existing literature in order to point the way to further research on knowledge creation
within the field of social computing.
2 KEY CONCEPTS
2.1 Virtual communities
Communities are the context in which knowledge is created and embedded. They may be
physical, mental, virtual, or a combination of these (Nonaka & Konno, 1998; Sawhney &
Prandelli, 2000; Preece, 2004). In virtual communities, people who share an interest based
upon a certain subject or practice interact repeatedly inside certain boundaries and at least
partially mediated by conversational, social technologies (Preece, 2000; Wasko & Faraj,
2000; Chiu et al., 2006). Virtual communities of practice (VCoPs), in turn, extend
interactions within a specific practice by adding the online environment (e.g., Usoro et al.,
2007; von Wartburg et al., 2006). The most prevalent examples of VCoPs are communities
of software programmers, as in open-source software development (Hemetsberger &
Reinhardt, 2004; Lee & Cole, 2003).
In terms of member participation and knowledge-sharing behavior, studies on virtual
communities focus on the enabling role of social-interaction ties (Wasko & Faraj, 2005;
Chiu et al., 2006), trust (Ridings et al., 2002; Hsu et al., 2007; Usoro et al., 2007),
commitment (Wiertz & de Ruyter, 2007), identification (Bagozzi & Dholakia, 2006), and
norms of reciprocity and shared language (Chiu et al., 2006). Knowledge sharing in virtual
communities is thus a social process involving complex structures, relational processes and
cognitive frames, manifesting the interrelated dimensions of social capital (Wasko & Faraj,
2005; Chiu et al., 2006; Nahapiet & Ghoshal, 1998).
Novel forms of communication technologies significantly affect how organizations and
individual knowledge workers locate, share and create knowledge within communities. In
particular, social computing refers to computing applications that serve as an intermediary
or a focus for social relations (Kwai & Wagner, 2007, see also Schuler, 1994). Closely
related concepts include conversational technology (Wagner & Bolloju, 2005) and social
software, to which Boyd (2005, ref. in Avram, 2006) gives the following characteristics:
support for conversational interaction, support for feedback, and support for building and
maintaining social networks. We hereby note the similarity between the three concepts, and
approach social computing as a set of socially-oriented communication technologies
characterized by conversational and reciprocal interaction within networks.

2.2 Tacit knowledge
According to Polanyi (1962), the tacit dimension of knowing is reflected in the process in
which we are able to rely on what we are only subsidiarily aware of. Thus, tacit knowledge
remains hidden, the focal issue being the way in which a piece of knowledge interacts with
other pieces of knowledge (Ancori et al., 2000). Tacit knowledge is described as personal,
abstract, difficult to express, and based on experience (e.g., Polanyi, 1962; Meso & Smith,
2000; Nonaka & Konno, 1998). Haldin-Herrgard (2004, 14) enlarges the concept as
follows: “Tacit knowledge is personal, but can be shared by individuals collectively,
abstract but expressible in other forms than verbalization, affecting the ability to act
independent of activity and competence, and obtained by experience”.
On the individual level, tacit knowledge has two dimensions, the technical and the
cognitive (Nonaka, 1991; Nonaka & Takeuchi, 1995). The former refers to skills and
know-how that are learned implicitly through experience; usually it cannot be articulated or
described, but may be transferred to others by observation or by being mentored, for
example. Cognitive tacit knowledge, in turn, consists of mental models or exemplars,
beliefs and values, providing unconscious reasoning on why we choose certain actions
(Schön, 1999; Taylor, 2007).
On the collective level, tacit knowledge resides in systemic routines, relationships, roles
and the unwritten procedures prevailing in the group. Taylor (2007) refers to collective
implicit (tacit) knowledge, which is understood as “the way we do things around here”, and
is accessible only to in-group members. Blackler (1995) further identifies a subset,
encultured knowledge, which refers to knowledge that individuals (within a collective) hold
about the cultural or social norms regarding how to behave or interact with other group
members in specific situations. Such knowledge is learnt implicitly through on-going
socialization (Taylor, 2007). Tsoukas and Vladimirou (2001) argue that organizational
knowledge could be thought of as the “corpus of generalizations in the form of generic
rules” that are produced by the organization and which its members draw and act upon.
According to them, “the social (dimension of knowledge)… is not an aggregation of
individual experiences but a set of background distinctions which underlie individual
action”. In this sense, the social precedes the individual, as individual knowledge is built
through socializing, i.e. learning from others within the context of a particular life-world.
The concepts of collective knowledge (Spender, 1996), common back face knowledge
(Spender, 2002), shared organizing principles (Kogut & Zander, 1992) and routines
(Nelson & Winter, 1982) also refer to knowledge that is embedded in forms of social and
organizational practice, residing in the tacit experiences and enactment of the collective.
According to Tsoukas (1994; 1996), formistic type of thinking, which is inherent in any
typology, eventually sets limitations on understanding knowledge. Tacit and explicit
knowledge are mutually constituted, but the former forms the necessary component of all
knowledge (ibid.). The way in which a piece of codified information is interpreted, i.e.
turned into knowledge as a human characteristic, is dependent upon the context in which it
is connected in the thinker’s mind, as well as the way in which it is connected. Thus it is
likely that no two individuals, upon getting acquainted with the same piece of codified
information, will interpret it in an identical way, because they assimilate it from different
backgrounds (individual experiences, worldviews, mindsets) and connect it in different
ways. The same piece of codified information will have different meanings to different

individuals, as they connect it with different background knowledge and interpret it from
their own perspectives, conditioned by their life experiences, previous understandings,
attitudes and values. In a similar vein, the social practices within which individuals are
embedded precede the existence of individual knowledge: the individual and collective
levels of knowledge interact with each other iteratively and continuously (Ancori et al.,
2000).
2.3 Knowledge creation
Arguably the most widely disseminated theoretical model of knowledge creation (Serenko
& Bontis, 2004) is the SECI model developed by Nonaka and his collaborators (Nonaka,
1991; 1994; Nonaka & Takeuchi, 1995; Nonaka & Konno, 1998). According to this model,
knowledge creation takes place through four conversions between tacit and explicit
knowledge. Tacit knowledge is defined as “personal, context-specific, and therefore hard to
formalize and communicate”, and explicit knowledge as “knowledge that is transmittable in
formal, systematic language”. It is claimed that human knowledge is created through social
interaction between tacit and explicit knowledge, and that the articulation of tacit into
explicit knowledge is the key factor in creating new knowledge. The SECI model posits
four modes of knowledge creation: 1) socialization, when individuals share experiences and
thereby create shared tacit knowledge, such as mental models and technical skills; 2)
externalization, when tacit knowledge is articulated into explicit concepts through
metaphors, analogies, concepts, hypotheses or models; 3) combination, when explicit
knowledge is turned into more refined explicit knowledge systems through the combining
of different bodies of knowledge; and 4) internalization, when the newly created explicit
knowledge is embodied in tacit knowledge. It is argued that the knowledge-creation process
is an “ontological” spiral, starting on the individual level and moving up through
communities, departments, and organizational boundaries.
The shortcomings of the SECI model can be traced to two main causes. First, it is based on
the separability of tacit and explicit types of knowledge. In our view, this is a misreading of
Polanyi (1966), the inventor of the concept of tacit knowledge, who in his original work
“The tacit dimension” argued: “The idea of a strictly explicit knowledge is indeed
self-contradictory; deprived of their tacit coefficients, all spoken words, all formulae, all
maps and graphs, are strictly meaningless”. In other words, rather than being
fundamentally distinct and separable, explicit and tacit knowledge are mutually
constitutive. As Tsoukas (2003) puts it, “Tacit knowledge cannot be ‘captured’,
‘translated’, or ‘converted’ but only displayed – manifested – in what we do. New
knowledge comes about not when the tacit becomes explicit, but when our skilled
performance – or praxis – is punctuated in new ways through social interaction.” According
to this view, new knowledge is created through personal insight, which cannot be
transferred by socialization, or converted by externalization. It is rather created through
“seeing new connections” - by means of discussing and interacting with others, relating to
novel contexts and situations, and reflecting on and re-viewing these lessons with
“instructive forms of talk” (Tsoukas & Vladimirou, 2001).
Secondly, Nonaka et al. claim that knowledge only exists on the level of individuals.
However, account should also be taken of a stream of research encompassing knowledge on
collective levels, such as routines, norms, and shared mental models (Nelson & Winter,

1982; Kogut & Zander, 1992; Weick and Roberts, 1993; Spender, 1996; Nahapiet &
Ghoshal, 1998).
Lee and Cole (2003) emphasize the importance of examining in detail how knowledge is
created in virtual communities. In addressing this issue we draw on a recent study by
DeSanctis et al. (2003) in which the authors discuss three types of group learning processes
related to online interactions. It should be noted at this point that the relationship between
learning and knowledge creation is an unresolved issue in the literature: many authors use
these concepts as synonyms (Stacey, 2001; McElroy, 2003), some view learning as the
mechanism through which knowledge creation happens (Cohen & Levinthal, 1990), and
others argue that knowledge-creation processes are the basis for organizational learning
(Nonaka & Takeuchi, 1995). Furthermore, some authors perceive knowledge creation to be
a subset of organizational learning (Argote et al. 2003), while others consider the relation to
be the other way round (Nonaka & Takeuchi, 1995). In this paper we adopt the view that
learning and knowledge creation both address what is essentially the same phenomenon,
but tend to be based on different literary traditions.
To return to the study of DeSanctis et al. (2003), the first type of learning is declarative
and procedural information exchange, which refers to situations in which people seek and
provide factual, objective knowledge together (such as question-answer types of exchange).
This process is well suited to online venues, and large volumes of exchange are possible.
The focus of the learning is more on the knowledge (or know-that) than on the relationships
between the parties. Secondly, transactive learning refers to the process of sharing
information about the knowledge boundaries and capabilities that exist in the group
(Wegner, 1986). The boundaries of the learning network are elaborated through discussions
on “who knows what”, thus incorporating information about the persons who are involved.
Finally, sense-making is the process in which shared mental models are developed within
the group in order to coordinate efforts, respond to novel events, absorb information, and
reduce errors. Of the three processes, sense-making emphasizes tacit knowledge, which is
manifested in dialogue including interpretation, exchanging opinions, trying out ideas,
reflecting actions, and telling stories. (DeSanctis et al., 2003)
3 ONLINE COMMUNICATION AND KNOWLEDGE CREATION
3.1 The processes underlying knowledge creation online
There is a small body of research focusing on the processes of knowledge creation online
(i.e. with the support of computer-mediated technology). Typically, prior studies illustrate
two knowledge-creation contexts: open-source software development, and virtual customer
communities. This section explores the previous studies in more detail.
3.1.1 Establishing a shared context
According to DeSanctis et al. (2003), a key challenge in online venues is to establish a
shared social context, in other words a level of co-presence that promotes a sense of ‘us’
rather than of unconnected individuals. Sharing a social context helps people to make
inferences about what others know, and thus to engage in learning and knowledge creation.

In more general terms, research on virtual communities has shown that the development of
a shared context is not an online oddity, either: the development of ‘we-intentions’ is a
function of social identification and thus represents an increase in norm-accordant behavior
(Bagozzi & Dholakia, 2006; Lea & Spears, 1991). Shared interpretations and familiarity
with others provides an interpretative background against which information provided is
made sensible and meaningful (Alavi & Leidner, 2001; Huysman & Wulf, 2006; Walther,
1996). We argue that the shared background knowledge of virtual-community members is
an important contextual factor and input of knowledge creation, as well as an outcome.
3.1.2 Developing routines
DeSanctis et al. (2003, 568) note how online venues that “emulate face-to-face meetings,
such as video-conferenced classrooms, are more likely to foster sense-making than
asynchronous or text-based venues, since, in the former, dialogue can be rich and rapid, and
non-verbal cues are available”. However, they also point out how technology does not fully
determine patterns of communication, and that lean media can also produce complex
communication (Lea & Spears, 1991; Markus, 1994).
In order to enable sense-making, online groups need to build a coherent social structure.
DeSanctis et al. (2003), for example, found that online learners overcame space constraints
by developing routines of conversation and routines of managing (e.g., setting deadlines,
following progress and conducting planned meetings), demonstrating a willingness to
modify routines, using the communication space regularly, and showing mutual respect.
3.1.3 Developing norms and a shared culture
When investigating a virtual community of practice dealing with public-sector knowledge
management, DeSanctis et al. (2003) found that knowledge exchange occurred on all three
levels: the declarative/prodecural, the transactive and, over time, also the sense-making
level. The success of the learning was facilitated by investment in transactive learning
about one another, and by developing a sense of identity and organizational culture. Again,
such advances were enabled by the helping, friendly and respectful atmosphere in the
forum on the one hand, and by the clear purpose and structure on the other (e.g., roles; on
the evolvement of roles in online technology communities, see Madanmohan & Navelkar,
2004).
Lee & Cole (2003) investigated knowledge-creation processes within the community
developing the Linux kernel. They found out that culture was not merely a social-control
mechanism through which to manage virtual community membership, make decisions and
collectively adhere to group norms, it also fulfilled an important function in learning and
knowledge creation through criticism and error correction. The socially maintained norm of
open sharing is the crux of the community culture.
Reflecting on the process of sense-making (DeSanctis et al., 2003), Lee & Cole (2003)
emphasize how criticism serves as a central driver of the learning process within the OSS
community. As a mechanism, criticism is supported by the Linux community’s norms and
structural arrangements, through which innovations are generated on an ongoing basis.
Similarly, Hemetsberger & Reinhardt (2004) refer to “collective reflection-on-action”
(Schön, 1999), meaning that developers, relying on patterns of asynchronous

communication, further elaborate on ideas and express different perspectives on the
problem through the use of analogies, for example – hence the conversation focuses around
the construction of the problem, not its solution (Hemetsberger & Reinhardt, 2004). This is
an example of double-loop learning (Argyris, 1992).
3.1.4 Virtual socialization, externalization, combination, and internalization
Vaccaro et al. (2008) focus on the effects of virtualization on processes of organizational
knowledge creation in general, with a specific focus on innovation activities. They present
two case studies from the automotive sector to illustrate the knowledge-creation processes,
relying on a variety of ICT tools ranging from computer aided design tools and databases to
instant messaging. As a result, ICTs were found to support “virtual socialization” by
enabling designers to engage in simultaneous design, directly observe each other’s
contributions, and give comments using messenger systems. The source of such practice is
considered tacit in that it is based on previous experience and complex patterns of expertise
that could not be formulated by the designers themselves. The authors thus refer to a virtual
‘ba’, which advances individual and collective knowledge through shared simulations and
experimentation.
Another case of virtual socialization is described by Füller et al. (2006). They present an
empirical study on innovation activities within virtual customer communities (VCCs),
namely, online consumer communities dedicated to the modification of physical products.
Members of VCCs innovate not in isolation, but in interaction with like-minded people:
they organize design competitions emphasizing the playful element of knowledge creation.
By engaging in such activity the designers disclose both explicit and tacit knowledge, i.e.
are able to convey values, feelings and perceptions. (Füller et al., 2006).
Vaccaro et al. (2008) also note how online tools have enhanced the potential for knowledge
combination by increasing the availability of useful sources of explicit knowledge: existing
documents and reports are recombined and summarized in new ones. As regards
internalization, technology supports the knowledge-creation process by means of guided
simulation and experimentation through the use of design tools, which allow designers to
attend virtual tutorials in which they could ‘internalize working practices’. Furthermore,
following Nonaka’s SECI model, Nambisan (2002) developed a design theme related to
customer knowledge creation in VCCs. He discusses how new knowledge can be created
by combining explicit knowledge, such as flaws within the product, or by converting tacit
knowledge into explicit knowledge, such as when customers vote on a design feature. With
regard to knowledge conversion, two types of process thus assume importance:
combination (explicit-explicit) and externalization (tacit-explicit). For the latter to occur,
customers need to be able to make multiple interpretations of the product or technology in
question, and to exchange them with other members of the community.
In sum, the relatively scarce prior work on online knowledge creation can be traced back to
two streams: research strictly following Nonaka’s SECI model and the related four modes
of knowledge conversion, and studies focusing on the development of shared contexts,
routines, norms and organizational cultures.
3.2 The role of tacit knowledge in online communication

We begin this section by briefly introducing two perspectives on computer-mediated (i.e.,
online) communication. The so-called rational perspective (Kock, 2005) stresses the ways
in which online media are inadequate to support social interaction (Short et al., 1976;
Kiesler et al., 1984), at least when face-to-face interaction as “full bandwidth
communication” is seen as the measurement standard (Watt et al., 2002). The rational
perspective could also be labelled the reduced social cues approach (Culnan & Markus,
1987), and relies on the notions of media richness (Daft & Lengel, 1986) and the level of
social presence (Short et al., 1976).
According to the social perspective, in turn, the effect of the mediated communication is
more dependent on the context within which the media are used. According to the theory of
social information processing (Walther, 1996), the reduced social cues do not prevent
relational communication, although relationships take a longer time to evolve in online
conditions. The theory of social identity and de-individuation (SIDE), in turn, is based on
the notion that identification within a group is essential in terms of increasing normative
behavior in anonymous online communication. The level of group identification increases
in conditions of visual anonymity, and in this sense, mediated communication may be even
more socially regulated than face-to-face communication (Lea & Spears, 1991). Watt et al.
(2002, 77) note: “Although ‘anarchic’ in the sense of lacking central regulation, the internet
seems to be richly social, regulated by its own inhabitants and by group norms”. We
consider the development of norms an important characteristic of virtual-community
interaction, and decisive for the development of knowledge processes (on the role of norms,
see also Chiu et al., 2006; Wasko & Faraj, 2000; Preece, 2004).
Proponents of the SECI model claim that tacit knowledge can only be shared via real-time
face-to-face interaction (Nonaka & Takeuchi, 1995; Nonaka & Konno, 1998), while online
communication is only suitable for transmitting and combining explicit knowledge. A
lengthy period of socialization and the difficult process of externalization are needed in
order to reach the point at which virtual interaction can be used for systematizing explicit
knowledge bases.
The distinction and conversions between the two types of knowledge also seem to dominate
the relatively scarce research on online communication and knowledge creation. Indeed,
Hemetsberger & Reinhardt (2004, 4) state how it is necessary “to distinguish between
explicit and tacit knowledge” in order to understand the possibilities and difficulties in
creating knowledge in an online context. They further note: “Therefore, given that
individuals share some common understanding and thus are able to derive meaning from
verbalized knowledge, explicit knowledge can efficiently be transferred on virtual
platforms” (p. 4). The interesting point is that, while the authors refer to “common
understanding” and the group’s ability to “derive meanings”, they do not refer to tacit
knowledge. Lee & Cole (2003, 646) suggest that the Linux case is unique due to the fact a
computer source code is codified knowledge, which can be explicitly documented as text.
Further, they state that it may be more difficult to design knowledge mechanisms for
development projects in which “the building blocks are tacit”.
Vaccaro et al. (2008), in turn, report their methodological concerns with regard to the
data-collection phase, in other words how to distinguish between tacit and explicit
knowledge in practice. They looked for particular processes such as intensive joint work
related to experimental practices (tacit knowledge) and the preparation of reports (explicit

knowledge). They also asked their interviewees whether the knowledge was available in a
codified form as manuals and online guides, or whether it was mainly based on tacit,
non-codified expertise.
Based on the above discussions, we offer some concluding notes. Whereas tacit and explicit
knowledge are generally considered mutually constitutive and complementary forms of
knowledge that are inherently linked to each other (Polanyi, 1962; Tsoukas, 1994; 1996), in
an online environment explicit knowledge is considered to substitute tacit knowing (e.g.,
Johnson et al., 2002; Hemetsberger & Reinhardt, 2004; Lee & Cole, 2003). The influence
of Nonaka’s work is evident here, although it could also be assumed that the rational
perspective of online communication (focusing on the characteristics of the medium) and
the strong tradition of information-system-oriented research on knowledge processes also
play a role. According to Watt et al. (2002), perspectives on online communication
grounded on the “bandwidth principle” equate the technical efficiency of the medium with
its social efficiency; in other words, the level of sociability is evaluated based on a
mechanistic analysis of information transfer. This perspective leaves less space for
understanding patterns of social interaction online, however, and particularly its role in
knowledge creation. Even when communication is text-based, there is more in the text than
simply the words it comprises. In other words, codified information is de-coded or
interpreted based on an awareness of the context and expectations of the source (see Weick
& Roberts, 1993).
4 CONCLUSIONS
This paper examined prior studies on knowledge creation in order to determine how the
role of tacit knowledge and processes of knowledge creation have been addressed in the
online environment. We claim that the constructionist view of knowledge provides a
fruitful approach. According to this perspective, tacit knowledge is considered “a necessary
component of all knowledge” (Tsoukas, 1996). Consequently, it has a part to play even in
online interaction, and is shared and transferred online. Furthermore, it provides the
interpretative context that enables sense to be made of the information transferred, and thus
facilitates knowledge creation.
In sum, there is little research addressing tacit knowledge and knowledge creation that
relate to social computing, and the existing literature provides quite a confusing picture.
First, some studies mention tacit knowledge, but do not really proceed to explain what is
meant by this concept, and there is little explicit discussion on how it is demonstrated in
online environments (e.g., Füller et al., 2006). Secondly, several studies deny the role of
tacit knowledge, but simultaneously emphasize the importance of collective norms and
mental models as enablers of knowledge sharing and creation in virtual communities (e.g.,
Lee & Cole, 2003; Hemetsberger & Reinhardt, 2004; see also Johnson et al., 2002).
Thirdly, in the few studies that do address tacit knowledge, it is portrayed as something
distinctly separate and distinguishable from explicit knowledge (e.g. Vaccaro et al., 2008;
Chou & Chang, 2008; Preece, 2004).
We have stressed that even if the online environment is beset with apparent limitations due
to physical distance, tacit knowledge is by no means absent. We claim that it is a prevalent
feature of online communication as it basically enables individuals to communicate with

others and to build new knowledge through interpreting and reflecting the available
information in relation to their background knowledge. On the collective level, tacit
knowledge is demonstrated in virtual communities as the shared language and
understanding of the members and the norms of interaction, which form the invisible social
structure and the relational web of interactions in the community (Lee & Cole, 2003;
Hemetsberger & Reinhardt, 2004; Chiu et al., 2006; Wasko & Faraj, 2005).
Somewhat paradoxically, research on virtual communities seems to adopt the
individual-level view on knowledge. Even though a community is identified - operating
online at least to a certain degree and based on common norms and practices, mutual trust,
feelings of belonging and a shared language - knowledge as such is not considered on the
community level. A general fallacy within the research on tacit knowledge is the reduction
of collective patterns to individual explorations, as Taylor (2007) notes: while it is
theoretically argued that knowledge may take collective forms, the operationalizations
targeting it are still situated on the individual level.
Moreover, although knowledge may be technically labeled collective in research on virtual
communities, the actual focus is on the information-sharing behavior among individuals,
such as the extent of posting and reading messages, rather than on the collaborative creation
of new, not pre-existing knowledge (cf. Chou & Chang, 2008, Hsu et al., 2007, Chiu et al.,
2006; Ridings et al., 2002; Wasko & Faraj, 2000, 2005). For instance, Chou & Chang
(2008) studied an electronic network of practice, focusing on the individual’s
knowledge-creation intention and behavior. Hence, the authors dismiss the social nature of
knowledge creation, even if they note how “knowledge creation entails not only
individual’s knowledge sharing and transforming behavior but also complicated social
interactions and activities” (p. 1).
Why is this the case? We could suggest three possible reasons. The first one may relate to
the history of communication technologies, as a decade ago social computing was not as
extensive and had not developed into the forms it takes today. In organizations, ICTs have
had their knowledge-management systems (e.g., Alavi & Leidner, 2001), while group-ware
supporting informal communications such as instant messaging, weblogs and forums in
professional use are much newer phenomena (e.g., Wagner & Bolloju, 2005). The simple
fact is that they have not yet been extensively studied.
Secondly, prior research has typically focused on a set of ICT tools meant primarily for
processing, storing and retrieving information, and not for maintaining social relations. Not
surprisingly, such tools are deemed suitable for supporting explicit knowledge processes,
but are suspect in terms of mediating embodiments of tacit knowledge. For instance,
Nonaka & Konno (1998, 47) refer to cyber ba, a virtual place supporting knowledge
conversion by combining existing and new explicit knowledge with the support of
group-ware, documentation and databases, and Vaccaro et al. (2008, 4) discuss knowledge
creation with the support of computer aided design technologies. Johnson et al. (2002, 253)
refer to attempts to use ICTs to develop expert systems, the implementation efforts
demonstrating “…that it is difficult and costly to transform expert skills into information
that can be used by others”. While we certainly agree with such notions, we also note the
tendency to view technology as a mere substitute for social and personal relationships,
consisting of information infrastructures, standards and manuals (Johnson et al., 2002).

This emphasizes the utility-based functions of ICTs (see Ancori et al., 2000) and neglects
their potentially complementary role in supporting social relationships.
The third reason could be related to the more prevalent question of what is considered
scientifically and managerially valuable knowledge. For instance, Ancori et al. (2000, 256)
note how “the rapid cumulative expansion of the codified knowledge-base of society is
frequently presented as a key characteristic of the development of modern economies and
has contributed to the legitimation of the approach whereby the analysis of knowledge is
restricted to its codified form” (italics added). It is thus suggested that the economic view of
measuring and assessing all knowledge as objectively as possible has led researchers to
focus on information systems and codified knowledge in the search for sustainable
competitive advantage (e.g., Johannessen et al., 2001), not on the much more complex
processes of social interaction and informal communications. This may prevent us from
seeing the wood for the trees: is it really only codified knowledge that moves in (socially
oriented) communication technologies, or is this the only type of knowledge we are
equipped to see?
Social computing, when embedded in communities, is not just a vehicle for transferring
information – it supports spaces for interaction, dialogue, idea elaboration and play with
professional language. Hence, it may facilitate a space for knowledge creation. We believe
that knowledge-creation processes in the field of social computing provide an important
and promising area for further research.

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