![vigorous hand of Athens had kept him excluded for more than fifty
years; how Sparta, bidding for his aid, had consented by three
formal conventions to surrender them to him, while her
commissioner Lichas even reproved the Milesians for their aversion
to this bargain; how Athens also, in the days of her weakness,
competing for the same advantage, had expressed her willingness to
pay the same price for it.[352] After the battle of Ægospotami, this
convention was carried into effect; though seemingly not without
disputes between the satrap Pharnabazus on one side, and Lysander
and Derkyllidas on the other.[353] The latter was Lacedæmonian
harmost at Abydos, which town, so important as a station on the
Hellespont, the Lacedæmonians seem still to have retained. But
Pharnabazus and his subordinates acquired more complete
command of the Hellespontine Æolis and of the Troad, than ever
they had enjoyed before, both along the coast and in the interior.
[354]
Another element, however, soon became operative. The condition
of the Greek cities on the coast of Ionia, though according to Persian
regulations they belonged to the satrapy of Tissaphernes, was now
materially determined,—first, by the competing claims of Cyrus, who
wished to take them away from him, and tried to get such transfer
ordered at court,—next, by the aspirations of that young prince to
the Persian throne. As Cyrus rested his hope of success on Grecian
coöperation, it was highly important to him to render himself popular
among the Greeks, especially on his own side of the Ægean. Partly
his own manifestations of just and conciliatory temper, partly the
bad name and known perfidy of Tissaphernes, induced the Grecian
cities with one accord to revolt from the latter. All threw themselves
into the arms of Cyrus, except Miletus, where Tissaphernes
interposed in time, slew the leaders of the intended revolt, and
banished many of their partisans. Cyrus, receiving the exiles with
distinguished favor, levied an army to besiege Miletus and procure
their restoration; while he at the same time threw strong Grecian
garrisons into the other cities to protect them against attack.[355]](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/20360-250317125546-8a3ee0d0/85/Solution-Manual-for-Visual-C-How-to-Program-6th-Edition-Deitel-Series-6th-Edition-14-320.jpg)
![This local quarrel was, however, soon merged in the more
comprehensive dispute respecting the Persian succession. Both
parties were found on the field of Kunaxa; Cyrus with the Greek
soldiers and Milesian exiles on one side,—Tissaphernes on the other.
How that attempt, upon which so much hinged in the future history
both of Asia Minor and of Greece, terminated, I have already
recounted. Probably the impression brought back by the
Lacedæmonian fleet which left Cyrus on the coast of Syria, after he
had surmounted the most difficult country without any resistance,
was highly favorable to his success. So much the more painful would
be the disappointment among the Ionian Greeks when the news of
his death was afterwards brought; so much the greater their alarm,
when Tissaphernes, having relinquished the pursuit of the Ten
Thousand Greeks at the moment when they entered the mountains
of Karduchia, came down as victor to the seaboard; more powerful
than ever,—rewarded[356] by the Great King, for the services which
he had rendered against Cyrus, with all the territory which had been
governed by the latter, as well as with the title of commander-in-
chief over all the neighboring satraps,—and prepared not only to
reconquer, but to punish, the revolted maritime cities. He began by
attacking Kymê;[357] ravaging the territory, with great loss to the
citizens, and exacting from them a still larger contribution, when the
approach of winter rendered it inconvenient to besiege their city.
In such a state of apprehension, these cities sent to Sparta, as
the great imperial power of Greece, to entreat her protection against
the aggravated slavery impending over them.[358] The
Lacedæmonians had nothing farther to expect from the king of
Persia, with whom they had already broken the peace by lending aid
to Cyrus. Moreover, the fame of the Ten Thousand Greeks, who were
now coming home along the Euxine towards Byzantium, had become
diffused throughout Greece, inspiring signal contempt for Persian
military efficiency, and hopes of enrichment by war against the
Asiatic satraps. Accordingly, the Spartan ephors were induced to
comply with the petition of their Asiatic countrymen, and to send
over to Asia Thimbron at the head of a considerable force: two](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/20360-250317125546-8a3ee0d0/85/Solution-Manual-for-Visual-C-How-to-Program-6th-Edition-Deitel-Series-6th-Edition-15-320.jpg)
![thousand Neodamodes (or Helots who had been enfranchised) and
four thousand Peloponnesians heavy-armed, accompanied by three
hundred Athenian horsemen, out of the number of those who had
been adherents of the Thirty, four years before; an aid granted by
Athens at the special request of Thimbron. Arriving in Asia during
the winter of 400-399 B.C., Thimbron was reinforced in the spring of
399 B.C. by the Cyreian army, who were brought across from Thrace
as described in my last chapter, and taken into Lacedæmonian pay.
With this large force he became more than a match for the satraps,
even on the plains where they could employ their numerous cavalry.
The petty Grecian princes of Pergamus and Teuthrania, holding that
territory by ancient grants from Xerxes to their ancestors, joined
their troops to his, contributing much to enrich Xenophon at the
moment of his departure from the Cyreians. Yet Thimbron achieved
nothing worthy of so large an army. He not only miscarried in the
siege of Larissa, but was even unable to maintain order among his
own soldiers, who pillaged indiscriminately both friends and foes.
[359] Such loud complaints were transmitted to Sparta of his
irregularities and inefficiency, that the ephors first sent him order to
march into Karia, where Tissaphernes resided,—and next, before
that order was executed, despatched Derkyllidas to supersede him;
seemingly in the winter 399-398 B.C. Thimbron on returning to
Sparta was fined and banished.[360]
It is highly probable that the Cyreian soldiers, though excellent in
the field, yet having been disappointed of reward for the prodigious
toils which they had gone through in their long march, and having
been kept on short allowance in Thrace, as well as cheated by
Seuthes,—were greedy, unscrupulous, and hard to be restrained, in
the matter of pillage; especially as Xenophon, their most influential
general, had now left them. Their conduct greatly improved under
Derkyllidas. And though such improvement was doubtless owing
partly to the superiority of the latter over Thimbron, yet it seems
also partly ascribable to the fact that Xenophon, after a few months
of residence at Athens, accompanied him to Asia, and resumed the
command of his old comrades.[361]](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/20360-250317125546-8a3ee0d0/85/Solution-Manual-for-Visual-C-How-to-Program-6th-Edition-Deitel-Series-6th-Edition-16-320.jpg)
![Derkyllidas was a man of so much resource and cunning, as to
have acquired the surname of Sisyphus.[362] He had served
throughout all the concluding years of the war, and had been
harmost at Abydus during the naval command of Lysander, who
condemned him, on the complaint of Pharnabazus, to the disgrace of
public exposure with his shield on his arm;[363] this was (I presume)
a disgrace, because an officer of rank always had his shield carried
for him by an attendant, except in the actual encounter of battle.
Having never forgiven Pharnabazus for thus dishonoring him,
Derkyllidas now took advantage of a misunderstanding between that
satrap and Tissaphernes, to make a truce with the latter, and
conduct his army, eight thousand strong, into the territory of the
former.[364] The mountainous region of Ida generally known as the
Troad,—inhabited by a population of Æolic Greeks (who had
gradually Hellenized the indigenous inhabitants), and therefore
known as the Æolis of Pharnabazus,—was laid open to him by a
recent event, important in itself as well as instructive to read.
The entire Persian empire was parcelled into so many satrapies;
each satrap being bound to send a fixed amount of annual tribute,
and to hold a certain amount of military force ready, for the court at
Susa. Provided he was punctual in fulfilling these obligations, little
inquiry was made as to his other proceedings, unless in the rare
case of his maltreating some individual Persian of high rank. In like
manner, it appears, each satrapy was divided into sub-satrapies or
districts; each of these held by a deputy, who paid to the satrap a
fixed tribute and maintained for him a certain military force,—having
liberty to govern in other respects as he pleased. Besides the tribute,
however, presents of undefined amount were of constant
occurrence, both from the satrap to the king, and from the deputy to
the satrap. Nevertheless, enough was extorted from the people (we
need hardly add), to leave an ample profit both to the one and to
the other.[365]
This region, called Æolis, had been entrusted by Pharnabazus to
a native of Dardanus named Zênis, who, after holding the post for](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/20360-250317125546-8a3ee0d0/85/Solution-Manual-for-Visual-C-How-to-Program-6th-Edition-Deitel-Series-6th-Edition-17-320.jpg)
![some time and giving full satisfaction, died of illness, leaving a
widow with a son and daughter still minors. The satrap was on the
point of giving the district to another person, when Mania, the
widow of Zênis, herself a native of Dardanus, preferred her petition
to be allowed to succeed her husband. Visiting Pharnabazus with
money in hand, sufficient not only to satisfy himself, but also to gain
over his mistresses and his ministers,[366]—she said to him,—“My
husband was faithful to you, and paid his tribute so regularly as to
obtain your thanks. If I serve you no worse than he, why should you
name any other deputy? If I fail in giving you satisfaction, you can
always remove me, and give the place to another.” Pharnabazus
granted her petition, and had no cause to repent it. Mania was
regular in her payment of tribute,—frequent in bringing him
presents,—and splendid, beyond any of his other deputies, in her
manner of receiving him whenever he visited the district.
Her chief residence was at Skêpsis, Gergis, and Kebrên,—inland
towns, strong both by position and by fortification, amidst the
mountainous region once belonging to the Teukri Gergithes. It was
here too that she kept her treasures, which, partly left by her
husband, partly accumulated by herself, had gradually reached an
enormous sum. But her district also reached down to the coast,
comprising among other towns the classical name of Ilium, and
probably her own native city, the neighboring Dardanus. She
maintained, besides, a large military force of Grecian mercenaries in
regular pay and excellent condition, which she employed both as
garrison for each of her dependent towns, and as means for
conquest in the neighborhood. She had thus reduced the maritime
towns of Larissa, Hamaxitus, and Kolônæ, in the southern part of
the Troad; commanding her troops in person, sitting in her chariot to
witness the attack, and rewarding every one who distinguished
himself. Moreover, when Pharnabazus undertook an expedition
against the predatory Mysians or Pisidians, she accompanied him,
and her military force formed so much the best part of his army, that
he paid her the highest compliments, and sometimes condescended
to ask her advice.[367] So, when Xerxes invaded Greece, Artemisia,](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/20360-250317125546-8a3ee0d0/85/Solution-Manual-for-Visual-C-How-to-Program-6th-Edition-Deitel-Series-6th-Edition-18-320.jpg)
![queen of Halikarnassus, not only furnished ships among the best
appointed in his fleet, and fought bravely at Salamis, but also, when
he chose to call a council, stood alone, in daring to give him sound
opinions contrary to his own leanings; opinions which, fortunately for
the Grecian world, he could bring himself only to tolerate, not to
follow.[368]
Under an energetic woman like Mania, thus victorious and well-
provided, Æolis was the most defensible part of the satrapy of
Pharnabazus, and might probably have defied Derkyllidas, had not a
domestic traitor put an end to her life. Her son-in-law, Meidias, a
Greek of Skêpsis, with whom she lived on terms of intimate
confidence—“though she was scrupulously mistrustful of every one
else, as it is proper for a despot to be,”[369]—was so inflamed by his
own ambition and by the suggestions of evil counsellors, who told
him it was a shame that a woman should thus be ruler while he was
only a private man, that he strangled her in her chamber. Following
up his nefarious scheme, he also assassinated her son, a beautiful
youth of seventeen. He succeeded in getting possession of the three
strongest places in the district, Kebrên, Skêpsis, and Gergis, together
with the accumulated treasure of Mania; but the commanders in the
other towns refused obedience to his summons, until they should
receive orders from Pharnabazus. To that satrap Meidias instantly
sent envoys, bearing ample presents, with a petition that the satrap
would grant to him the district which had been enjoyed by Mania.
Pharnabazus, repudiating the presents, sent an indignant reply to
Meidias,—“Keep them until I come to seize them, and seize you, too,
along with them. I would not consent to live, if I were not to avenge
the death of Mania.”[370]
At that critical moment, prior to the coming of the satrap,
Derkyllidas presented himself with his army, and found Æolis almost
defenceless. The three recent conquests of Mania,—Larissa,
Hamaxitus, and Kolônæ, surrendered to him as soon as he
appeared; while the garrisons of Ilium and some other places, who
had taken special service under Mania, and found themselves worse](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/20360-250317125546-8a3ee0d0/85/Solution-Manual-for-Visual-C-How-to-Program-6th-Edition-Deitel-Series-6th-Edition-19-320.jpg)
![off now that they had lost her, accepted his invitation to renounce
Persian dependence, declare themselves allies of Sparta, and hold
their cities for him. He thus became master of most part of the
district, with the exception of Kebrên, Skêpsis, and Gergis, which he
was anxious to secure before the arrival of Pharnabazus. On arriving
before Kebrên, however, in spite of this necessity for haste, he
remained inactive for four days,[371] because the sacrifices were
unpropitious; while a rash, subordinate officer, hazarding an
unwarranted attack during this interval, was repulsed and wounded.
The sacrifices at length became favorable, and Derkyllidas was
rewarded for his patience. The garrison, affected by the example of
those at Ilium and the other towns, disobeyed their commander,
who tried to earn the satrap’s favor by holding out and assuring to
him this very strong place. Sending out heralds to proclaim that they
would go with Greeks and not with Persians, they admitted the
Lacedæmonians at once within the gates. Having thus fortunately
captured, and duly secured this important town, Derkyllidas marched
against Skêpsis and Gergis, the former of which was held by Meidias
himself; who, dreading the arrival of Pharnabazus, and mistrusting
the citizens within, thought it best to open negotiations with
Derkyllidas. He sent to solicit a conference, demanding hostages for
his safety. When he came forth from the town, and demanded from
the Lacedæmonian commander on what terms alliance would be
granted to him, the latter replied,—“On condition that the citizens
shall be left free and autonomous;” at the same time marching on,
without waiting either for acquiescence or refusal, straight up to the
gates of the town. Meidias, taken by surprise, in the power of the
assailants, and aware that the citizens were unfriendly to him, was
obliged to give orders that the gates should be opened; so that
Derkyllidas found himself by this manœuvre in possession of the
strongest place in the district without either loss or delay,—to the
great delight of the Skepsians themselves.[372]
Derkyllidas, having ascended the acropolis of Skêpsis to offer a
sacrifice of thanks to Athênê, the great patron goddess of Ilium and
most of the Teukrian towns,—caused the garrison of Meidias to](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/20360-250317125546-8a3ee0d0/85/Solution-Manual-for-Visual-C-How-to-Program-6th-Edition-Deitel-Series-6th-Edition-20-320.jpg)
![evacuate the town forthwith, and consigned it to the citizens
themselves, exhorting them to conduct their political affairs as
became Greeks and freemen. This proceeding, which reminds us of
Brasidas in contrast with Lysander, was not less politic than
generous; since Derkyllidas could hardly hope to hold an inland town
in the midst of the Persian satrapy except by the attachments of the
citizens themselves. He then marched away to Gergis, still
conducting along with him Meidias, who urgently entreated to be
allowed to retain that town, the last of his remaining fortresses.
Without giving any decided answer, Derkyllidas took him by his side,
and marched with him at the head of his army, arrayed only in
double file, so as to carry the appearance of peace, to the foot of
the lofty towers of Gergis. The garrison on the walls, seeing Meidias
along with him, allowed him to approach without discharging a
single missile. “Now, Meidias (said he), order the gates to be
opened, and show me the way in, to the temple of Athênê, in order
that I may there offer sacrifice.” Again Meidias was forced, from fear
of being at once seized as a prisoner, to give the order; and the
Lacedæmonian forces found themselves in possession of the town.
Derkyllidas, distributing his troops around the walls, in order to make
sure of his conquest, ascended to the acropolis to offer his intended
sacrifice; after which he proceeded to dictate the fate of Meidias,
whom he divested of his character of prince and of his military force,
—incorporating the latter in the Lacedæmonian army. He then called
upon Meidias to specify all his paternal property, and restored to him
the whole of what he claimed as such, though the bystanders
protested against the statement given in as a flagrant exaggeration.
But he laid hands on all the property, and all the treasures of Mania,
—and caused her house, which Meidias had taken for himself, to be
put under seal,—as lawful prey; since Mania had belonged to
Pharnabazus,[373] against whom the Lacedæmonians were making
war. On coming out after examining and verifying the contents of the
house, he said to his officers, “Now, my friends, we have here
already worked out pay for the whole army, eight thousand men, for
nearly a year. Whatever we acquire besides, shall come to you also.”
He well knew the favorable effect which this intelligence would](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/20360-250317125546-8a3ee0d0/85/Solution-Manual-for-Visual-C-How-to-Program-6th-Edition-Deitel-Series-6th-Edition-21-320.jpg)
![produce upon the temper, as well as upon the discipline, of the army
—especially upon the Cyreians, who had tasted the discomfort of
irregular pay and poverty.
“And where am I to live?” asked Meidias, who found himself
turned out of the house of Mania. “In your rightful place of abode, to
be sure (replied Derkyllidas); in your native town Skêpsis, and in
your paternal house.[374]” What became of the assassin afterwards,
we do not hear. But it is satisfactory to find that he did not reap the
anticipated reward of his crime; the fruits of which were an
important advantage to Derkyllidas and his army,—and a still more
important blessing to the Greek cities which had been governed by
Mania,—enfranchisement and autonomy.
This rapid, easy, and skilfully managed exploit,—the capture of
nine towns in eight days,—is all which Xenophon mentions as
achieved by Derkyllidas during the summer. Having acquired pay for
so many months, perhaps the soldiers may have been disposed to
rest until it was spent. But as winter approached, it became
necessary to find winter quarters, without incurring the reproach
which had fallen upon Thimbron of consuming the substance of
allies. Fearing, however, that if he changed his position, Pharnabazus
would employ the numerous Persian cavalry to harass the Grecian
cities, he tendered a truce, which the latter willingly accepted. For
the occupation of Æolis by the Lacedæmonian general was a sort of
watch-post (like Dekeleia to Athens,) exposing the whole of Phrygia
near the Propontis (in which was Daskylium the residence of
Pharnabazus) to constant attack.[375] Derkyllidas accordingly only
marched through Phrygia, to take up his winter quarters in Bithynia,
the north-western corner of Asia Minor, between the Propontis and
the Euxine; the same territory through which Xenophon and the Ten
Thousand had marched, on their road from Kalpê to Chalkêdon. He
procured abundant provisions and booty, slaves as well as cattle, by
plundering the Bithynian villages; not without occasional losses on
his own side, by the carelessness of marauding parties.[376]](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/20360-250317125546-8a3ee0d0/85/Solution-Manual-for-Visual-C-How-to-Program-6th-Edition-Deitel-Series-6th-Edition-22-320.jpg)
![One of these losses was of considerable magnitude. Derkyllidas
had obtained from Seuthes in European Thrace (the same prince of
whom Xenophon had so much reason to complain) a reinforcement
of three hundred cavalry and two hundred peltasts,—Odrysian
Thracians. These Odrysians established themselves in a separate
camp, nearly two miles and a half from Derkyllidas, which they
surrounded with a palisade about man’s height. Being indefatigable
plunderers, they prevailed upon Derkyllidas to send them a guard of
two hundred hoplites, for the purpose of guarding their separate
camp with the booty accumulated within it. Presently the camp
became richly stocked, especially with Bithynian captives. The hostile
Bithynians, however, watching their opportunity when the Odrysians
were out marauding, suddenly attacked at daybreak the two
hundred Grecian hoplites in the camp. Shooting at them over the
palisade with darts and arrows, they killed and wounded some, while
the Greeks with their spears were utterly helpless, and could only
reach their enemies by pulling up the palisade and charging out
upon them; but the light-armed assailants, easily evading the charge
of warriors with shield and spear, turned round upon them when
they began to retire, and slew several before they could get back. In
each successive sally the same phenomena recurred, until at length
all the Greeks were overpowered and slain, except fifteen of them,
who charged through the Bithynians in the first sally, and marched
onward to join Derkyllidas, instead of returning with their comrades
to the palisade. Derkyllidas lost no time in sending a reinforcement,
which, however, came too late, and found only the naked bodies of
the slain. The victorious Bithynians carried away all their own
captives.[377]
At the beginning of spring the Spartan general returned to
Lampsakus, where he found Arakus and two other Spartans, just
arrived out as commissioners sent by the ephors. Arakus came with
instructions to prolong the command of Derkyllidas for another year;
as well as to communicate the satisfaction of the ephors with the
Cyreian army, in consequence of the great improvement in their
conduct, compared with the year of Thimbron. He accordingly](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/20360-250317125546-8a3ee0d0/85/Solution-Manual-for-Visual-C-How-to-Program-6th-Edition-Deitel-Series-6th-Edition-23-320.jpg)
![assembled the soldiers, and addressed them in a mingled strain of
praise and admonition; expressing his hope that they would continue
the forbearance which they had now begun to practise towards all
Asiatic allies. The commander of the Cyreians (probably Xenophon
himself), in his reply, availed himself of the occasion to pay a
compliment to Derkyllidas. “We (said he) are the same men now as
we were in the previous year; but we are under a different general;
you need not look farther for the explanation.[378]” Without denying
the superiority of Derkyllidas over his predecessor, we may remark
that the abundant wealth of Mania, thrown into his hands by
accident (though he showed great ability in turning the accident to
account), was an auxiliary circumstance, not less unexpected than
weighty, for ensuring the good behavior of the soldiers.
It was among the farther instructions of Arakus to visit all the
principal Asiatic Greeks, and report their condition at Sparta; and
Derkyllidas was pleased to see them entering on this survey at a
moment when they would find the cities in undisturbed peace and
tranquillity.[379] So long as the truce continued both with
Tissaphernes and Pharnabazus, these cities were secure from
aggression, and paid no tribute; the land-force of Derkyllidas
affording to them a protection[380] analogous to that which had been
conferred by Athens and her powerful fleet, during the interval
between the formation of the Confederacy of Delos and the Athenian
catastrophe at Syracuse. At the same time, during the truce, the
army had neither occupation nor subsistence. To keep it together
and near at hand, yet without living at the cost of friends, was the
problem. It was accordingly with great satisfaction that Derkyllidas
noticed an intimation accidentally dropped by Arakus. Some envoys
(the latter said) were now at Sparta from the Thracian Chersonesus
(the long tongue of land bordering westward on the Hellespont),
soliciting aid against their marauding Thracian neighbors. That fertile
peninsula, first hellenized a century and a half before by the
Athenian Miltiades, had been a favorite resort for Athenian citizens,
many of whom had acquired property there during the naval power
of Athens. The battle of Ægospotami dispossessed and drove home](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/20360-250317125546-8a3ee0d0/85/Solution-Manual-for-Visual-C-How-to-Program-6th-Edition-Deitel-Series-6th-Edition-24-320.jpg)
![these proprietors, at the same time depriving the peninsula of its
protection against the Thracians. It now contained eleven distinct
cities, of which Sestos was the most important; and its inhabitants
combined to send envoys to Sparta, entreating the ephors to send
out a force for the purpose of building a wall across the isthmus
from Kardia to Paktyê; in recompense for which (they said) there
was fertile land enough open to as many settlers as chose to come,
with coast and harbors for export close at hand. Miltiades, on first
going out to the Chersonese, had secured it by constructing a cross-
wall on the same spot, which had since become neglected during
the period of Persian supremacy; Perikles had afterwards sent fresh
colonists, and caused the wall to be repaired. But it seems to have
been unnecessary while the Athenian empire was in full vigor,—since
the Thracian princes had been generally either conciliated, or kept
off, by Athens, even without any such bulwark.[381] Informed that
the request of the Chersonesites had been favorably listened to at
Sparta, Derkyllidas resolved to execute their project with his own
army. Having prolonged his truce with Pharnabazus, he crossed the
Hellespont into Europe, and employed his army during the whole
summer in constructing this cross-wall, about four and a quarter
miles in length. The work was distributed in portions to different
sections of the army, competition being excited by rewards for the
most rapid and workmanlike execution; while the Chersonesites
were glad to provide pay and subsistence for the army, during an
operation which provided security for all the eleven cities, and gave
additional value to their lands and harbors. Numerous settlers seem
to have now come in, under Lacedæmonian auspices,—who were
again disturbed, wholly or partially, when the Lacedæmonian
maritime empire was broken up a few years afterwards.[382]
On returning to Asia in the autumn, after the completion of this
work, which had kept his army usefully employed and amply
provided during six months, Derkyllidas undertook the siege of
Artaneus, a strong post (on the continental coast eastward of
Mitylênê) occupied by some Chian exiles, whom the Lacedæmonian
admiral Kratesippidas had lent corrupt aid in expelling from their](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/20360-250317125546-8a3ee0d0/85/Solution-Manual-for-Visual-C-How-to-Program-6th-Edition-Deitel-Series-6th-Edition-25-320.jpg)
![native island a few years before.[383] These men, living by predatory
expeditions against Chios and Ionia, were so well supplied with
provisions that it cost Derkyllidas a blockade of eight months before
he could reduce it. He placed in it a strong garrison well supplied,
that it might serve him as a retreat in case of need,—under an
Achæan named Drako, whose name remained long terrible from his
ravages on the neighboring plain of Mysia.[384]
Derkyllidas next proceeded to Ephesus, where orders presently
reached him from the ephors, directing him to march into Karia and
attack Tissaphernes. The temporary truce which had hitherto
provisionally kept off Persian soldiers and tribute-gatherers from the
Asiatic Greeks, was now renounced by mutual consent. These
Greeks had sent envoys to Sparta, assuring the ephors that
Tissaphernes would be constrained to renounce formally the
sovereign rights of Persia, and grant to them full autonomy, if his
residence in Karia were vigorously attacked. Accordingly Derkyllidas
marched southward across the Mæander into Karia, while the
Lacedæmonian fleet under Pharax coöperated along the shore. At
the same time Tissaphernes, on his side, had received
reinforcements from Susa, together with the appointment of
generalissimo over all the Persian force in Asia Minor; upon which
Pharnabazus (who had gone up to court in the interval to concert
more vigorous means of prosecuting the war, but had now returned)
[385] joined him in Karia, prepared to commence vigorous operations
for the expulsion of Derkyllidas and his army. Having properly
garrisoned the strong places, the two satraps crossed the Mæander
at the head of a powerful Grecian and Karian force, with numerous
Persian cavalry, to attack the Ionian cities. As soon as he heard this
news, Derkyllidas came back with his army from Karia, to cover the
towns menaced. Having recrossed the Mæander, he was marching
with his army in disorder, not suspecting the enemy to be near, when
on a sudden he came upon their scouts, planted on some sepulchral
monuments in the road. He also sent some scouts up to the
neighboring monuments and towers, who apprised him that the two
satraps, with their joint force in good order, were planted here to](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/20360-250317125546-8a3ee0d0/85/Solution-Manual-for-Visual-C-How-to-Program-6th-Edition-Deitel-Series-6th-Edition-26-320.jpg)
![intercept him. He immediately gave orders for his hoplites to form in
battle array of eight deep, with the peltasts, and his handful of
horsemen, on each flank. But such was the alarm caused among his
troops by this surprise, that none could be relied upon except the
Cyreians and the Peloponnesians. Of the insular and Ionian hoplites,
from Priênê and other cities, some actually hid their arms in the
thick standing corn, and fled; others, who took their places in the
line, manifested dispositions which left little hope that they would
stand a charge; so that the Persians had the opportunity of fighting
a battle not merely with superiority of number, but also with
advantage of position and circumstances. Pharnabazus was anxious
to attack without delay. But Tissaphernes, who recollected well the
valor of the Cyreian troops, and concluded that all the remaining
Greeks were like them, forbade it; sending forward heralds to
demand a conference. As they approached, Derkyllidas, surrounding
himself with a body-guard of the finest and best-equipped soldiers,
[386] advanced to the front of the line to meet them; saying that he,
for his part, was prepared to fight,—but since a conference was
demanded, he had no objection to grant it, provided hostages were
exchanged. This having been assented to, and a place named for
conference on the ensuing day, both armies were simultaneously
withdrawn; the Persians to Tralles, the Greeks to Leukophrys,
celebrated for its temple of Artemis Leukophryne.[387]
This backwardness on the part of Tissaphernes even at a time
when he was encouraged by a brother satrap braver than himself,
occasioned to the Persians the loss of a very promising moment, and
rescued the Grecian army out of a position of much peril. It helps to
explain to us the escape of the Cyreians, and the manner in which
they were allowed to cross rivers and pass over the most difficult
ground without any serious opposition; while at the same time it
tended to confirm in the Greek mind the same impressions of
Persian imbecility as that escape so forcibly suggested.
The conference, as might be expected, ended in nothing.
Derkyllidas required on behalf of the Asiatic Greeks complete](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/20360-250317125546-8a3ee0d0/85/Solution-Manual-for-Visual-C-How-to-Program-6th-Edition-Deitel-Series-6th-Edition-27-320.jpg)
![autonomy,—exemption from Persian interference and tribute; while
the two satraps on their side insisted that the Lacedæmonian army
should be withdrawn from Asia, and the Lacedæmonian harmosts
from all the Greco-Asiatic cities. An armistice was concluded, to allow
time for reference to the authorities at home; thus replacing matters
in the condition in which they had been at the beginning of the year.
[388]
Shortly after the conclusion of this truce, Agesilaus, king of
Sparta, arrived with a large force, and the war in all respects began
to assume larger proportions,—of which more in the next chapter.
But it was not in Asia alone that Sparta had been engaged in war.
The prostration of the Athenian power had removed that common
bond of hatred and alarm which attached the allies to her headship;
while her subsequent conduct had given positive offence, and had
even excited against herself the same fear of unmeasured imperial
ambition which had before run so powerfully against Athens. She
had appropriated to herself nearly the whole of the Athenian
maritime empire, with a tribute scarcely inferior, if at all inferior, in
amount. How far the total of one thousand talents was actually
realised during each successive year, we are not in a condition to
say; but such was the assessment imposed and the scheme laid
down by Sparta for her maritime dependencies,—enforced too by
omnipresent instruments of rapacity and oppression, decemvirs and
harmosts, such as Athens had never paralleled. When we add to this
great maritime empire the prodigious ascendency on land which
Sparta had enjoyed before, we shall find a total of material power
far superior to that which Athens had enjoyed, even in her day of
greatest exaltation, prior to the truce of 445 B.C.
This was not all. From the general dulness of character pervading
Spartan citizens, the full resources of the state were hardly ever put
forth. Her habitual short-comings at the moment of action are keenly
criticised by her own friends, in contrast with the ardor and
forwardness which animated her enemies. But at and after the battle
of Ægospotami, the entire management of Spartan foreign affairs](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/20360-250317125546-8a3ee0d0/85/Solution-Manual-for-Visual-C-How-to-Program-6th-Edition-Deitel-Series-6th-Edition-28-320.jpg)
![was found in the hands of Lysander; a man not only exempt from
the inertia usual in his countrymen, but of the most unwearied
activity and grasping ambition, as well for his country as for himself.
Under his direction the immense advantages which Sparta enjoyed
from her new position were at once systematized and turned to the
fullest account. Now there was enough in the new ascendency of
Sparta, had it been ever so modestly handled, to spread
apprehension through the Grecian world. But apprehension became
redoubled, when it was seen that her ascendency was organized and
likely to be worked by her most aggressive leader for the purposes
of an insatiable ambition. Fortunately for the Grecian world, indeed,
the power of Sparta did not long continue to be thus absolutely
wielded by Lysander, whose arrogance and overweening position
raised enemies against him at home. Yet the first impressions
received by the allies respecting Spartan empire, were derived from
his proceedings and his plans of dominion, manifested with
ostentatious insolence; and such impressions continued, even after
the influence of Lysander himself had been much abated by the
counterworking rivalry of Pausanias and others.
While Sparta separately had thus gained so much by the close of
the war, not one of her allies had received the smallest remuneration
or compensation, except such as might be considered to be involved
in the destruction of a formidable enemy. Even the pecuniary result
or residue which Lysander had brought home with him (four
hundred and seventy talents remaining out of the advances made by
Cyrus), together with the booty acquired at Dekeleia, was all
detained by the Lacedæmonians themselves. Thebes and Corinth
indeed presented demands, in which the other allies did not
(probably durst not) join, to be allowed to share. But though all the
efforts and sufferings of the war had fallen upon these allies no less
than upon Sparta, the demands were refused, and almost resented
as insults.[389] Hence there arose among the allies not merely a fear
of the grasping dominion, but a hatred of the monopolizing rapacity,
of Sparta. Of this new feeling, an early manifestation, alike glaring
and important, was made by the Thebans and Corinthians, when](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/20360-250317125546-8a3ee0d0/85/Solution-Manual-for-Visual-C-How-to-Program-6th-Edition-Deitel-Series-6th-Edition-29-320.jpg)
![they refused to join Pausanias in his march against Thrasybulus and
the Athenian exiles in Peiræus,[390]—less than a year after the
surrender of Athens, the enemy whom these two cities had hated
with such extreme bitterness down to the very moment of surrender.
Even Arcadians and Achæans too, habitually obedient as they were
to Lacedæmon, keenly felt the different way in which she treated
them, as compared with the previous years of war, when she had
been forced to keep alive their zeal against the common enemy.[391]
The Lacedæmonians were however strong enough not merely to
despise this growing alienation of their allies, but even to take
revenge upon such of the Peloponnesians as had incurred their
displeasure. Among these stood conspicuous the Eleians; now under
a government called democratical, of which the leading man was
Thrasydæus,—a man who had lent considerable aid in 404 B.C. to
Thrasybulus and the Athenian exiles in Peiræus. The Eleians, in the
year 420 B.C., had been engaged in a controversy with Sparta,—had
employed their privileges as administrators of the Olympic festival to
exclude her from attendance on that occasion,—and had
subsequently been in arms against her along with Argos and
Mantineia. To these grounds of quarrel, now of rather ancient date,
had been added afterwards, a refusal to furnish aid in the war
against Athens since the resumption of hostilities in 414 B.C., and a
recent exclusion of king Agis, who had come in person to offer
sacrifice and consult the oracle of Zeus Olympius; such exclusion
being grounded on the fact that he was about to pray for victory in
the war then pending against Athens, contrary to the ancient canon
of the Olympic temple, which admitted no sacrifice or consultation
respecting hostilities of Greek against Greek.[392] These were
considered by Sparta as affronts; and the season was now favorable
for resenting them, as well as for chastising and humbling Elis.[393]
Accordingly Sparta sent an embassy, requiring the Eleians to make
good the unpaid arrears of the quota assessed upon them for the
cost of the war against Athens; and farther,—to relinquish their
authority over their dependent townships or Periœki, leaving the
latter autonomous.[394] Of these dependencies there were several,](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/20360-250317125546-8a3ee0d0/85/Solution-Manual-for-Visual-C-How-to-Program-6th-Edition-Deitel-Series-6th-Edition-30-320.jpg)
![no one very considerable individually, in the region called Triphylia,
south of the river Alpheus, and north of the Neda. One of them was
Lepreum, the autonomy of which the Lacedæmonians had vindicated
against Elis in 420 B.C., though during the subsequent period it had
again become subject.
The Eleians refused compliance with the demand thus sent,
alleging that their dependent cities were held by the right of
conquest. They even retorted upon the Lacedæmonians the charge
of enslaving Greeks;[395] upon which Agis marched with an army to
invade their territory, entering it from the north side where it joined
Achaia. Hardly had he crossed the frontier river Larissus and begun
his ravages, when an earthquake occurred. Such an event, usually
construed in Greece as a divine warning, acted on this occasion so
strongly on the religious susceptibilities of Agis, that he not only
withdrew from the Eleian territory, but disbanded his army. His
retreat gave so much additional courage to the Eleians, that they
sent envoys and tried to establish alliances among those cities which
they knew to be alienated from Sparta. Not even Thebes and
Corinth, however, could be induced to assist them; nor did they
obtain any other aid except one thousand men from Ætolia.
In the next summer Agis undertook a second expedition,
accompanied on this occasion by all the allies of Sparta; even by the
Athenians, now enrolled upon the list. Thebes and Corinth alone
stood aloof. On this occasion he approached from the opposite or
southern side, that of the territory once called Messenia; passing
through Aulon, and crossing the river Neda. He marched through
Triphylia to the river Alpheius, which he crossed, and then proceeded
to Olympia, where he consummated the sacrifice from which the
Eleians had before excluded him. In his march he was joined by the
inhabitants of Lepreum, Makistus, and other dependent towns,
which now threw off their subjection to Elis. Thus reinforced, Agis
proceeded onward towards the city of Elis, through a productive
country under flourishing agriculture, enriched by the crowds and
sacrifices at the neighboring Olympic temple, and for a long period](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/20360-250317125546-8a3ee0d0/85/Solution-Manual-for-Visual-C-How-to-Program-6th-Edition-Deitel-Series-6th-Edition-31-320.jpg)
![unassailed. After attacking, not very vigorously, the half-fortified city,
—and being repelled by the Ætolian auxiliaries,—he marched onward
to the harbor called Kyllênê, still plundering the territory. So ample
was the stock of slaves, cattle, and rural wealth generally, that his
troops not only acquired riches for themselves by plunder, but were
also joined by many Arcadian and Achæan volunteers, who crowded
in to partake of the golden harvest.[396]
The opposition or wealthy oligarchical party in Elis availed
themselves of this juncture to take arms against the government;
hoping to get possession of the city, and to maintain themselves in
power by the aid of Sparta. Xenias their leader, a man of immense
wealth, with several of his adherents, rushed out armed, and
assailed the government-house, in which it appears that Thrasydæus
and his colleagues had been banqueting. They slew several persons,
and among them one, whom, from great personal resemblance, they
mistook for Thrasydæus. The latter was however at that moment
intoxicated, and asleep in a separate chamber.[397] They then
assembled in arms in the market-place, believing themselves to be
masters of the city; while the people, under the like impression that
Thrasydæus was dead, were too much dismayed to offer resistance.
But presently it became known that he was yet alive; the people
crowded to the government-house “like a swarm of bees,”[398] and
arrayed themselves for his protection as well as under his guidance.
Leading them forth at once to battle, he completely defeated the
oligarchical insurgents, and forced them to flee for protection to the
Lacedæmonian army.
Agis presently evacuated the Eleian territory, yet not without
planting a Lacedæmonian harmost and a garrison, together with
Xenias and the oligarchical exiles, at Epitalium, a little way south of
the river Alpheius. Occupying this fort (analogous to Dekeleia in
Attica), they spread ravage and ruin all around throughout the
autumn and winter, to such a degree, that in the early spring,
Thrasydæus and the Eleian government were compelled to send to
Sparta and solicit peace. They consented to raze the imperfect](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/20360-250317125546-8a3ee0d0/85/Solution-Manual-for-Visual-C-How-to-Program-6th-Edition-Deitel-Series-6th-Edition-32-320.jpg)
![fortifications of their city, so as to leave it quite open. They farther
surrendered their harbor of Kyllênê with their ships of war, and
relinquished all authority over the Triphylian townships, as well as
over Lasion, which was claimed as an Arcadian town.[399] Though
they pressed strenuously their claim to preserve the town of Epeium
(between the Arcadian town of Heræa and the Triphylian town of
Makistus), on the plea that they had bought it from its previous
inhabitants at the price of thirty talents paid down,—the
Lacedæmonians, pronouncing this to be a compulsory bargain
imposed upon weaker parties by force, refused to recognize it. The
town was taken away from them, seemingly without any
reimbursement of the purchase money either in part or in whole. On
these terms the Eleians were admitted to peace, and enrolled again
among the members of the Lacedæmonian confederacy.[400]
The time of the Olympic festival seems to have been now
approaching, and the Eleians were probably the more anxious to
obtain peace from Sparta, as they feared to be deprived of their
privilege as superintendents. The Pisatans,—inhabitants of the
district immediately around Olympia,—availed themselves of the
Spartan invasion of Elis to petition for restoration of their original
privilege, as administrators of the temple of Zeus at Olympia with its
great periodical solemnity,—by the dispossession of the Eleians as
usurpers of that privilege. But their request met with no success. It
was true indeed that such right had belonged to the Pisatans in early
days, before the Olympic festival had acquired its actual Pan-hellenic
importance and grandeur; and that the Eleians had only
appropriated it to themselves after conquering the territory of Pisa.
But taking the festival as it then stood, the Pisatans, mere villagers
without any considerable city, were incompetent to do justice to it,
and would have lowered its dignity in the eyes of all Greece.
Accordingly the Lacedæmonians, on this ground, dismissed the
claimants, and left the superintendence of the Olympic games still in
the hands of the Eleians.[401]](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/20360-250317125546-8a3ee0d0/85/Solution-Manual-for-Visual-C-How-to-Program-6th-Edition-Deitel-Series-6th-Edition-33-320.jpg)
![This triumphant dictation of terms to Elis, placed the
Lacedæmonians in a condition of overruling ascendency throughout
Peloponnesus, such as they had never attained before. To complete
their victory, they rooted out all the remnants of their ancient
enemies the Messenians, some of whom had been planted by the
Athenians at Naupaktus, others in the island of Kephallenia. All of
this persecuted race were now expelled, in the hour of
Lacedæmonian omnipotence, from the neighborhood of
Peloponnesus, and forced to take shelter, some in Sicily, others at
Kyrênê.[402] We shall in a future chapter have to commemorate the
turn of fortune in their favor.](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/20360-250317125546-8a3ee0d0/85/Solution-Manual-for-Visual-C-How-to-Program-6th-Edition-Deitel-Series-6th-Edition-34-320.jpg)
Solution Manual for Visual C# How to Program (6th Edition) (Deitel Series) 6th Edition
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- 5. 2 Chapter 1 Introduction to Computers, the Internet and Visual C# Self-Review Exercises 2 Self-Review Exercises 1.1 Fill in the blanks in each of the following statements: a) Computers process data under the control ofsequences of instructions called . ANS: computer programs. b) A computer consists of various devices referred to as , such as the keyboard, screen, mouse, hard disks, memory, DVD drives and processing units. ANS: hardware. c) Data items processed by computers form a(n) that becomes larger and more complex in structure as we progress from the simplest data items (called “bits”) to richer data items, such as characters, fields, and so on. ANS: data hierarchy. d) Computers can directly understand only their language, which is composed only of 1s and 0s. ANS: machine. e) The three types of computer programming languages discussed in the chapter are ma- chine languages, and . ANS: assembly languages, high-level languages. f) Programs that translate high-level-language programs into machine language are called . ANS: compilers. g) A(n) processor implements several processors on a single “microchip”—a dual-core processor has two CPUs and a quad-core processor has four CPUs. ANS: multicore. h) Windows 10 introduced the for building Windows apps that run on desktop computers, notebook computers, tablets, phones, Xbox and even Microsoft’s new HoloLens augmented reality holographic headset—all using nearly identical code. ANS: Universal Windows Platform (UWP). 1.2 Fill in the blanks in each of the following statements: a) Objects, or more precisely the that objects come from, are essentially reusable software components. ANS: classes. b) You send messages to an object. Each message is implemented as a method that tells a method of the object to perform its task. ANS: call. c) A new class of objects can be created quickly and conveniently by ; the new class absorbs the characteristics of an existing class, possibly customizing them and add- ing unique characteristics of its own. ANS: inheritance. d) To create the best solutions, you should follow a detailed analysis process for determin- ing your project’s (i.e., defining what the system is supposed to do) and de- veloping a design that satisfies them (i.e., deciding how the system should do it). ANS: requirements. e) Visual C# is driven. You’ll write programs that respond to mouse clicks, key- strokes, timer expirations and touches and finger swipes. ANS: event. f) A key goal of Java is to be able to write programs that will run on a great variety of com- puter systems and computer-control devices. This is sometimes called . ANS: write once, run anywhere. 1.3 Fill in the blanks in each of the following statements:
- 6. 3 Chapter 1 Introduction to Computers, the Internet and Visual C# Self-Review Exercises 3 a) The executes .NET programs. ANS: Common Language Runtime (CLR) of the .NET Framework. b) The CLR provides various services to code, such as integrating software com- ponents written in different .NET languages, error handling between such components, enhanced security and more. ANS: managed. c) The ability of a program to run without modification across multiple platforms is known as platform . ANS: independence. d) Visual Studio is a(n) in which C# programs are developed. ANS: IDE. e) You can sell your own Windows Phone apps in the . ANS: Windows Store. 1.4 State whether each of the following is true or false. If false, explain why. a) Software objects model both abstract and real-world things. ANS: True. b) The most popular database model is the relational database in which data is stored in simple tables. A table includes records and fields. ANS: True. c) A database is a collection of data that’s organized for easy access and manipulation. ANS: True. d) Secondary storage data takes much longer to access than data in primary memory, but the cost per unit of secondary storage is much higher than that of primary memory. ANS: False: The cost per unit of secondary storage is much lower than that of primary memory. e) High-level languages allow you to write instructions that look almost like everyday Eng- lish and contain commonly used mathematical expressions. ANS: True. f) An object has attributes that it carries along as it’s used in a program. ANS: True. g) The Transmission Control Protocol (TCP) ensures that messages, consisting of sequen- tially numbered pieces called bytes, were properly routed from sender to receiver, ar- rived intact and were assembled in the correct order ANS: False. The pieces are called packets, not bytes. h) The information-carrying capacity of communications lines on the Internet has in- creased tremendously, while hardware costs have increased. ANS: False. Hardware costs have decreased. i) You can build web-based apps with C# and Microsoft’s ASP.NET technology. ANS: True. j) Java has become the key programming language for the Mac OS X desktop operating system and all iOS-based devices, such as iPods, iPhones and iPads. ANS: False. The language is Swift, not Java. k) Microsoft’s ASP.WEB technology is used to create web apps. ANS: False. It’s ASP.NET technology. l) Microsoft’s Windows operating system is the most widely used desktop operating sys- tem worldwide. ANS: True. 1.5 Arrange these byte measurements in order from smallest to largest: terabyte, megabyte, petabyte, gigabyte and kilobyte. ANS: kilobyte, megabyte, gigabyte, terabyte, petabyte.
- 7. 4 Chapter 1 Introduction to Computers, the Internet and Visual C# Self-Review Exercises 4 1.6 Describe the two-step translation process for preparing your C# code to execute on your particular computer. ANS: C# code is first compiled into MSIL and placed in an executable file. When the app executes, another compiler called the JIT (just-in-time) compiler in the CLR trans- lates the MSIL in the executable file into machine-language code (for a particular platform). Exercises 1.7 Fill in the blanks in each of the following statements: a) The programs that run on a computer are referred to as . ANS: software b) Systems such as smartphones, appliances, game controllers, cable set-top boxes and au- tomobiles that contain small computers are called . ANS: embedded systems c) Just as characters are composed of bits, are composed of characters or bytes. ANS: fields d) Information on secondary storage devices is ; it’s preserved even when the computer’s power is turned off. ANS: persistent e) Translator programs called convert high-level language code into machine- language code. ANS: compilers f) In object-oriented programming languages, we create a program unit called a(n) to house the set of methods that perform its tasks. ANS: class g) Use a building-block approach to creating your programs. Avoid reinventing the wheel—use existing pieces wherever possible. Such software is a key benefit of object-oriented programming. ANS: reuse 1.8 Fill in the blanks in each of the following statements: a) Although many different OOAD processes exist, a single graphical language for com- municating the results of any OOAD process has come into wide use. This language, known as the , is now the most widely used graphical scheme for modeling ob- ject-oriented systems. ANS: UML b) Tim Berners-Lee developed the for sharing information via “hyperlinked” text documents on the web. ANS: HyperText Markup Language (HTML) c) The CLR is a(n) machine. It is software that manages the execution of pro- grams and hides from them the underlying operating system and hardware. ANS: virtual d) Converting a program to run on a different platform from which it was originally in- tended is called . ANS: porting. e) Microsoft’s Windows is a cloud-computing platform that allows you to de- velop, manage and distribute your apps in the cloud. ANS: Azure. (Instructor Note: "Microsoft’s Windows" should be simply "Microsoft" in this exercise.)
- 8. Exercises 5 5 Chapter 1 Introduction to Computers, the Internet and Visual C# f) By using existing controls—which are objects—you can create powerful apps much fasterthan if you had to write all the code yourself. This is a key benefit of software . ANS: reuse 1.9 State whether each of the following is true or false. If false, explain why. a) The smallest data item in a computer can assume the value 1 or the value 2. Such a data item is called a bit (short for “binary digit”—a digit that can assume either of two val- ues). ANS: False. Such items have the value 0 or 1. b) The Unicode character set is a popular subset of ASCII that represents uppercase and lowercase letters, digits and some common special characters. ANS: False. ASCII is a subset of Unicode. c) Each of the following is a form of computer output: data displayed on screens, printed on paper, played as audio or video on PCs and media players, used to control other de- vices, such as robots, 3D printersand “intelligent” appliances. ANS: True. d) Reuse helps you build more reliable and effective systems, because existing classes and components often have gone through extensive testing, debugging and performance tuning. ANS: True. e) One of the W3C’s primary goals is to make the web universally accessible to everyone regardless of disabilities, language or culture. ANS: True. f) C# is available only on Microsoft Windows. ANS: False. There are ports of C# for other platforms, such as Linux. g) The .NET Framework Class Library has millions of valuable prebuilt classes that have been tested and tuned to maximize performance. ANS: False. Thousands, not millions, of prebuilt classes. h) .NET programs can run on any platform. ANS: False. .NET prorgrams run on the Common Language Runtime, which is a virtual machine. i) The Universal Windows Platform (UWP) is designed to provide a common platform (the underlying system on which apps run) and user experience across all of your devices including personal computers, smartphones, tablets and Xbox Live. ANS: True. 1.10 What is a key advantage of interpreters over compilers? What is a key disadvantage? ANS: A key advantage is that interpreters can execute high-level language programs directly (without the need for compilation). A key disadvantage is that interpreted programs exexute more slowly than compiled programs. 1.11 What is the key advantage of using the new async feature in preference to using old-style multithreading? ANS: The new features simplify asynchronous programming, because the compilerhides much of the associated complexity from the developer. 1.12 What are operating systems? ANS: Operating systems are software systems that make using computers more convenient for users, app developers and system administrators. They provide services that allow each app to execute safely, efficiently and concurrently (i.e., in parallel) with other apps.
- 9. Exercises 6 6 Chapter 1 Introduction to Computers, the Internet and Visual C# 1.13 Why is using cloud-computing resources sometimes preferable to purchasing all the hard- ware you need for your own computer? ANS: Cloud computing gives you the flexibility to increase or decrease computing resourc- es to meet your resource needs at any given time, making it more cost effective than purchasing expensive hardware to ensure that you have enough storage and process- ing power at their occasional peak levels. 1.14 Categorize each of the following items as either hardware or software: a) CPU ANS: Hardware. b) Compiler ANS: Software c) Input unit ANS: Hardware. d) A word-processor program ANS: Software e) A C# program ANS: Software 1.15 Translator programs, such as assemblers and compilers, convert programs from one lan- guage (referred to as the source language) to another language (referred to as the target language). Determine which of the following statements are true and which are false: a) An assembler translates source-language programs into machine-language programs. ANS: True. b) High-level languages are generally machine dependent. ANS: False. A high-level language must be compiled into machine-dependent language be- fore it can be executed. This allows high-level languages to be used on all computers with appropriate compilers. c) A machine-language program requires translation before it can be run on a computer. ANS: False. A machine-language program is native to a specific machine. d) The C# compiler translates high-level-language programs into SMIL. ANS: False. It translates C# into MSIL. 1.16 Expand each of the following acronyms: a) W3C ANS: World Wide Web Consortium b) OOP ANS: Object-Oriented Programming c) CLR ANS: Common Language Runtime d) MSIL ANS: Microsoft Intermediate Language e) UML ANS: Unified Modeling Language f) IDE ANS: Integrated Development Environment 1.17 What are the key benefits of the .NET Framework and the CLR? What are the drawbacks? ANS: The key benefits are portability between operating systems and interoperability be- tween languages. As long as a CLR exists for a platform, it can run any .NET pro- gram. Programmers can concentrate on program logic instead of platform-specific details. Thus, the double compilation (code-to-MSIL, and MSIL-to-machine code) allows for platform independence: Programs can be written once and executed on any
- 10. Exercises 7 7 Chapter 1 Introduction to Computers, the Internet and Visual C# platform supporting the CLR—this is known as platform independence. Code writ- ten once could easily be used on another machine without modification, saving time and money. A second benefit of the .NET framework is language interoperability— software components written in different languages can interact (language indepen- dence). A drawback associated with these features is that .NET programs cannot be run until the .NET Framework is developed for a platform. Another is the overhead of the double compilation that is needed before a .NET-language program can be ex- ecuted. 1.18 What are the advantages to using object-oriented techniques? ANS: Programs that use object-oriented programming techniques are easier to understand, correct and modify. The key advantage with using object-oriented programming is that it tends to produce software that is more understandable, because it is better or- ganized and has fewer maintenance requirements than software produced with earlier methodologies. OOP helps the programmer build applications faster by reusing ex- isting software components that model items in the real world. OOP also helps pro- grammers create new software components that can be reused on future software development projects. Building software quickly, correctly, and economically has been an elusive goal in the software industry. The modular, object-oriented design and implementation approach has been found to increase productivity while reduc- ing development time, errors, and cost. 1.19 You are probably wearing on your wrist one of the world’s most common types of objects— a watch. Discuss how each of the following terms and concepts applies to the notion of a watch: object, attributes and behaviors. ANS: The entire watch is an object that is composed of many other objects (the moving parts, the band, the face, etc.) Watch attributes are time, color, band style, technology (digital or analog), and the like. The behaviors of the watch include setting the time and getting the time. A watch can be considered a specific type of clock (as can an alarm clock). 1.20 What is the key accomplishment of the UML? ANS: It replaced the many different graphical modeling languages with a single (unified) language for modeling that can be used by developers regardless of the different OOAD processes they may use. 1.21 What did the chief benefit of the early Internet prove to be? ANS: Communication by e-mail. Today, that communication is also facilitated by appli- cations such as instant messaging and file transfer. 1.22 What is the key capability of the web? ANS: It allows computer users to locate and view multimedia-based documents on almost any subject over the Internet. 1.23 What is the key vision of Microsoft’s .NET initiative? ANS: To embrace the Internet and the web in the development and use of software. 1.24 How does the .NET Framework Class Library facilitate the development of .NET apps? ANS: First, the Framework Class Library is a large library of reusable classes that reduces development time. Programmers can build software quickly by reusing framework’s classes, rather than building new classes “from scratch.” Second, the Framework Class Library is shared by all of the .NET languages, which means that programmers who work in multiple languages have to learn only one class library.
- 11. Exercises 8 8 Chapter 1 Introduction to Computers, the Internet and Visual C# 1.25 Besides the obvious benefits of reuse made possible by OOP, what do many organizations report as another key benefit of OOP? ANS: That OOP tends to produce software that is more understandable, better organized, and easier to maintain, modify and debug. Making-a-Difference Exercises The Making-a-Difference exercises will ask you to work on problems that really matter to individ- uals, communities, countries and the world. 1.26 (Test Drive: Carbon Footprint Calculator) Some scientists believe that carbon emissions, especially from the burning of fossil fuels, contribute significantly to global warming and that this can be combatted if individuals take steps to limit their use of carbon-based fuels. Various organi- zations and individuals are increasingly concerned about their “carbon footprints.” Websites such as TerraPass http://www.terrapass.com/carbon-footprint-calculator-2/ and Carbon Footprint http://www.carbonfootprint.com/calculator.aspx provide carbon-footprint calculators. Test drive these calculators to determine your carbon foot- print. Exercises in later chapters will ask you to program your own carbon-footprint calculator. To prepare for this, research the formulas for calculating carbon footprints. 1.27 (Test Drive: Body-Mass-Index Calculator) By recent estimates, two-thirds of the people in the United States are overweight and about halfof those are obese. This causes significant increases in illnesses such as diabetes and heart disease. To determine whether a person is overweight or obese, you can use a measure called the body mass index (BMI). The United States Department of Health and Human Services provides a BMI calculator at http://www.nhlbi.nih.gov/guidelines/ obesity/BMI/bmicalc.htm. Use it to calculate yourown BMI. An exercise in Chapter 3 will ask you to program your own BMIcalculator. To prepare for this, research the formulas for calculating BMI. 1.28 (Attributes of Hybrid Vehicles) In this chapter you learned the basics of classes. Now you’ll begin “fleshing out” aspects of a class called “Hybrid Vehicle.” Hybrid vehicles are becoming increas- ingly popular, because they often get much better mileage than purely gasoline-powered vehicles. Browse the web and study the features of four or five of today’s popular hybrid cars, then list as many of their hybrid-related attributes as you can. For example, common attributes include city-miles-per- gallon and highway-miles-per-gallon. Also list the attributes of the batteries (type, weight, etc.). ANS: • Manufacturer • Type of Hybrid—Battery hybrid (Hybrid Electric Vehicles), Plug-in hybrid, Fuel cell etc. • Driverfeedback system—so the driver can monitor fuel efficiency based on their driving • Energy recovery—for example, regenerative breaking • Carbon footprint—tons of CO2 per year • Fuel capacity • City-miles-per-gallon • Highway-miles-per-gallon • Two-mode hybrid propulsion system • Engine size—V6, V8, etc. • Vehicle type—SUV, crossover, compact, mid-size, etc.
- 12. Making-a-Difference Exercises 9 • Seating capacity • Horse power • Drive train (front wheel drive, all wheel drive) • Top speed • Torque • Price 1.29 (Gender Neutrality) Some people want to eliminate sexism in all forms of communication. You’ve been asked to create a program that can process a paragraph of text and replace gender-spe- cific words with gender-neutral ones. Assuming that you’ve been given a list of gender-specific words and their gender-neutral replacements (e.g., replace “wife” with “spouse,” “man” with “per- son,” “daughter” with “child” and so on), explain the procedure you’d use to read through a para- graph of text and manually perform these replacements. How might your procedure generate a strange term like “woperchild,” which is actually listed in the Urban Dictionary (www.urbandic- tionary.com)? In Chapter 5, you’ll learn that a more formal term for “procedure” is “algorithm,” and that an algorithm specifies the steps to be performed and the order in which to perform them. ANS: Search through the entire paragraph for a word such as “wife” and replace every oc- currence with “spouse.” Repeat this searching process for every gender specific word in the list. You could accidentally get a word like “woperchild” if you are not careful about how you perform replacements. For example, the word “man” can be part of a larger word, like “woman.” So, replacing every occurrence of “man” can yield strange results. Consider the process of replacing “man” with “person” then replacing “son” with “child.” If you encounter the word “woman,” which contains the word “man,” you’d replace “man” with “person” resulting in the word “woperson.” In a subsequent pass you’d encounter “woperson” and replace “son” with “child” result- ing in the “woperchild.”
- 13. Other documents randomly have different content
- 14. vigorous hand of Athens had kept him excluded for more than fifty years; how Sparta, bidding for his aid, had consented by three formal conventions to surrender them to him, while her commissioner Lichas even reproved the Milesians for their aversion to this bargain; how Athens also, in the days of her weakness, competing for the same advantage, had expressed her willingness to pay the same price for it.[352] After the battle of Ægospotami, this convention was carried into effect; though seemingly not without disputes between the satrap Pharnabazus on one side, and Lysander and Derkyllidas on the other.[353] The latter was Lacedæmonian harmost at Abydos, which town, so important as a station on the Hellespont, the Lacedæmonians seem still to have retained. But Pharnabazus and his subordinates acquired more complete command of the Hellespontine Æolis and of the Troad, than ever they had enjoyed before, both along the coast and in the interior. [354] Another element, however, soon became operative. The condition of the Greek cities on the coast of Ionia, though according to Persian regulations they belonged to the satrapy of Tissaphernes, was now materially determined,—first, by the competing claims of Cyrus, who wished to take them away from him, and tried to get such transfer ordered at court,—next, by the aspirations of that young prince to the Persian throne. As Cyrus rested his hope of success on Grecian coöperation, it was highly important to him to render himself popular among the Greeks, especially on his own side of the Ægean. Partly his own manifestations of just and conciliatory temper, partly the bad name and known perfidy of Tissaphernes, induced the Grecian cities with one accord to revolt from the latter. All threw themselves into the arms of Cyrus, except Miletus, where Tissaphernes interposed in time, slew the leaders of the intended revolt, and banished many of their partisans. Cyrus, receiving the exiles with distinguished favor, levied an army to besiege Miletus and procure their restoration; while he at the same time threw strong Grecian garrisons into the other cities to protect them against attack.[355]
- 15. This local quarrel was, however, soon merged in the more comprehensive dispute respecting the Persian succession. Both parties were found on the field of Kunaxa; Cyrus with the Greek soldiers and Milesian exiles on one side,—Tissaphernes on the other. How that attempt, upon which so much hinged in the future history both of Asia Minor and of Greece, terminated, I have already recounted. Probably the impression brought back by the Lacedæmonian fleet which left Cyrus on the coast of Syria, after he had surmounted the most difficult country without any resistance, was highly favorable to his success. So much the more painful would be the disappointment among the Ionian Greeks when the news of his death was afterwards brought; so much the greater their alarm, when Tissaphernes, having relinquished the pursuit of the Ten Thousand Greeks at the moment when they entered the mountains of Karduchia, came down as victor to the seaboard; more powerful than ever,—rewarded[356] by the Great King, for the services which he had rendered against Cyrus, with all the territory which had been governed by the latter, as well as with the title of commander-in- chief over all the neighboring satraps,—and prepared not only to reconquer, but to punish, the revolted maritime cities. He began by attacking Kymê;[357] ravaging the territory, with great loss to the citizens, and exacting from them a still larger contribution, when the approach of winter rendered it inconvenient to besiege their city. In such a state of apprehension, these cities sent to Sparta, as the great imperial power of Greece, to entreat her protection against the aggravated slavery impending over them.[358] The Lacedæmonians had nothing farther to expect from the king of Persia, with whom they had already broken the peace by lending aid to Cyrus. Moreover, the fame of the Ten Thousand Greeks, who were now coming home along the Euxine towards Byzantium, had become diffused throughout Greece, inspiring signal contempt for Persian military efficiency, and hopes of enrichment by war against the Asiatic satraps. Accordingly, the Spartan ephors were induced to comply with the petition of their Asiatic countrymen, and to send over to Asia Thimbron at the head of a considerable force: two
- 16. thousand Neodamodes (or Helots who had been enfranchised) and four thousand Peloponnesians heavy-armed, accompanied by three hundred Athenian horsemen, out of the number of those who had been adherents of the Thirty, four years before; an aid granted by Athens at the special request of Thimbron. Arriving in Asia during the winter of 400-399 B.C., Thimbron was reinforced in the spring of 399 B.C. by the Cyreian army, who were brought across from Thrace as described in my last chapter, and taken into Lacedæmonian pay. With this large force he became more than a match for the satraps, even on the plains where they could employ their numerous cavalry. The petty Grecian princes of Pergamus and Teuthrania, holding that territory by ancient grants from Xerxes to their ancestors, joined their troops to his, contributing much to enrich Xenophon at the moment of his departure from the Cyreians. Yet Thimbron achieved nothing worthy of so large an army. He not only miscarried in the siege of Larissa, but was even unable to maintain order among his own soldiers, who pillaged indiscriminately both friends and foes. [359] Such loud complaints were transmitted to Sparta of his irregularities and inefficiency, that the ephors first sent him order to march into Karia, where Tissaphernes resided,—and next, before that order was executed, despatched Derkyllidas to supersede him; seemingly in the winter 399-398 B.C. Thimbron on returning to Sparta was fined and banished.[360] It is highly probable that the Cyreian soldiers, though excellent in the field, yet having been disappointed of reward for the prodigious toils which they had gone through in their long march, and having been kept on short allowance in Thrace, as well as cheated by Seuthes,—were greedy, unscrupulous, and hard to be restrained, in the matter of pillage; especially as Xenophon, their most influential general, had now left them. Their conduct greatly improved under Derkyllidas. And though such improvement was doubtless owing partly to the superiority of the latter over Thimbron, yet it seems also partly ascribable to the fact that Xenophon, after a few months of residence at Athens, accompanied him to Asia, and resumed the command of his old comrades.[361]
- 17. Derkyllidas was a man of so much resource and cunning, as to have acquired the surname of Sisyphus.[362] He had served throughout all the concluding years of the war, and had been harmost at Abydus during the naval command of Lysander, who condemned him, on the complaint of Pharnabazus, to the disgrace of public exposure with his shield on his arm;[363] this was (I presume) a disgrace, because an officer of rank always had his shield carried for him by an attendant, except in the actual encounter of battle. Having never forgiven Pharnabazus for thus dishonoring him, Derkyllidas now took advantage of a misunderstanding between that satrap and Tissaphernes, to make a truce with the latter, and conduct his army, eight thousand strong, into the territory of the former.[364] The mountainous region of Ida generally known as the Troad,—inhabited by a population of Æolic Greeks (who had gradually Hellenized the indigenous inhabitants), and therefore known as the Æolis of Pharnabazus,—was laid open to him by a recent event, important in itself as well as instructive to read. The entire Persian empire was parcelled into so many satrapies; each satrap being bound to send a fixed amount of annual tribute, and to hold a certain amount of military force ready, for the court at Susa. Provided he was punctual in fulfilling these obligations, little inquiry was made as to his other proceedings, unless in the rare case of his maltreating some individual Persian of high rank. In like manner, it appears, each satrapy was divided into sub-satrapies or districts; each of these held by a deputy, who paid to the satrap a fixed tribute and maintained for him a certain military force,—having liberty to govern in other respects as he pleased. Besides the tribute, however, presents of undefined amount were of constant occurrence, both from the satrap to the king, and from the deputy to the satrap. Nevertheless, enough was extorted from the people (we need hardly add), to leave an ample profit both to the one and to the other.[365] This region, called Æolis, had been entrusted by Pharnabazus to a native of Dardanus named Zênis, who, after holding the post for
- 18. some time and giving full satisfaction, died of illness, leaving a widow with a son and daughter still minors. The satrap was on the point of giving the district to another person, when Mania, the widow of Zênis, herself a native of Dardanus, preferred her petition to be allowed to succeed her husband. Visiting Pharnabazus with money in hand, sufficient not only to satisfy himself, but also to gain over his mistresses and his ministers,[366]—she said to him,—“My husband was faithful to you, and paid his tribute so regularly as to obtain your thanks. If I serve you no worse than he, why should you name any other deputy? If I fail in giving you satisfaction, you can always remove me, and give the place to another.” Pharnabazus granted her petition, and had no cause to repent it. Mania was regular in her payment of tribute,—frequent in bringing him presents,—and splendid, beyond any of his other deputies, in her manner of receiving him whenever he visited the district. Her chief residence was at Skêpsis, Gergis, and Kebrên,—inland towns, strong both by position and by fortification, amidst the mountainous region once belonging to the Teukri Gergithes. It was here too that she kept her treasures, which, partly left by her husband, partly accumulated by herself, had gradually reached an enormous sum. But her district also reached down to the coast, comprising among other towns the classical name of Ilium, and probably her own native city, the neighboring Dardanus. She maintained, besides, a large military force of Grecian mercenaries in regular pay and excellent condition, which she employed both as garrison for each of her dependent towns, and as means for conquest in the neighborhood. She had thus reduced the maritime towns of Larissa, Hamaxitus, and Kolônæ, in the southern part of the Troad; commanding her troops in person, sitting in her chariot to witness the attack, and rewarding every one who distinguished himself. Moreover, when Pharnabazus undertook an expedition against the predatory Mysians or Pisidians, she accompanied him, and her military force formed so much the best part of his army, that he paid her the highest compliments, and sometimes condescended to ask her advice.[367] So, when Xerxes invaded Greece, Artemisia,
- 19. queen of Halikarnassus, not only furnished ships among the best appointed in his fleet, and fought bravely at Salamis, but also, when he chose to call a council, stood alone, in daring to give him sound opinions contrary to his own leanings; opinions which, fortunately for the Grecian world, he could bring himself only to tolerate, not to follow.[368] Under an energetic woman like Mania, thus victorious and well- provided, Æolis was the most defensible part of the satrapy of Pharnabazus, and might probably have defied Derkyllidas, had not a domestic traitor put an end to her life. Her son-in-law, Meidias, a Greek of Skêpsis, with whom she lived on terms of intimate confidence—“though she was scrupulously mistrustful of every one else, as it is proper for a despot to be,”[369]—was so inflamed by his own ambition and by the suggestions of evil counsellors, who told him it was a shame that a woman should thus be ruler while he was only a private man, that he strangled her in her chamber. Following up his nefarious scheme, he also assassinated her son, a beautiful youth of seventeen. He succeeded in getting possession of the three strongest places in the district, Kebrên, Skêpsis, and Gergis, together with the accumulated treasure of Mania; but the commanders in the other towns refused obedience to his summons, until they should receive orders from Pharnabazus. To that satrap Meidias instantly sent envoys, bearing ample presents, with a petition that the satrap would grant to him the district which had been enjoyed by Mania. Pharnabazus, repudiating the presents, sent an indignant reply to Meidias,—“Keep them until I come to seize them, and seize you, too, along with them. I would not consent to live, if I were not to avenge the death of Mania.”[370] At that critical moment, prior to the coming of the satrap, Derkyllidas presented himself with his army, and found Æolis almost defenceless. The three recent conquests of Mania,—Larissa, Hamaxitus, and Kolônæ, surrendered to him as soon as he appeared; while the garrisons of Ilium and some other places, who had taken special service under Mania, and found themselves worse
- 20. off now that they had lost her, accepted his invitation to renounce Persian dependence, declare themselves allies of Sparta, and hold their cities for him. He thus became master of most part of the district, with the exception of Kebrên, Skêpsis, and Gergis, which he was anxious to secure before the arrival of Pharnabazus. On arriving before Kebrên, however, in spite of this necessity for haste, he remained inactive for four days,[371] because the sacrifices were unpropitious; while a rash, subordinate officer, hazarding an unwarranted attack during this interval, was repulsed and wounded. The sacrifices at length became favorable, and Derkyllidas was rewarded for his patience. The garrison, affected by the example of those at Ilium and the other towns, disobeyed their commander, who tried to earn the satrap’s favor by holding out and assuring to him this very strong place. Sending out heralds to proclaim that they would go with Greeks and not with Persians, they admitted the Lacedæmonians at once within the gates. Having thus fortunately captured, and duly secured this important town, Derkyllidas marched against Skêpsis and Gergis, the former of which was held by Meidias himself; who, dreading the arrival of Pharnabazus, and mistrusting the citizens within, thought it best to open negotiations with Derkyllidas. He sent to solicit a conference, demanding hostages for his safety. When he came forth from the town, and demanded from the Lacedæmonian commander on what terms alliance would be granted to him, the latter replied,—“On condition that the citizens shall be left free and autonomous;” at the same time marching on, without waiting either for acquiescence or refusal, straight up to the gates of the town. Meidias, taken by surprise, in the power of the assailants, and aware that the citizens were unfriendly to him, was obliged to give orders that the gates should be opened; so that Derkyllidas found himself by this manœuvre in possession of the strongest place in the district without either loss or delay,—to the great delight of the Skepsians themselves.[372] Derkyllidas, having ascended the acropolis of Skêpsis to offer a sacrifice of thanks to Athênê, the great patron goddess of Ilium and most of the Teukrian towns,—caused the garrison of Meidias to
- 21. evacuate the town forthwith, and consigned it to the citizens themselves, exhorting them to conduct their political affairs as became Greeks and freemen. This proceeding, which reminds us of Brasidas in contrast with Lysander, was not less politic than generous; since Derkyllidas could hardly hope to hold an inland town in the midst of the Persian satrapy except by the attachments of the citizens themselves. He then marched away to Gergis, still conducting along with him Meidias, who urgently entreated to be allowed to retain that town, the last of his remaining fortresses. Without giving any decided answer, Derkyllidas took him by his side, and marched with him at the head of his army, arrayed only in double file, so as to carry the appearance of peace, to the foot of the lofty towers of Gergis. The garrison on the walls, seeing Meidias along with him, allowed him to approach without discharging a single missile. “Now, Meidias (said he), order the gates to be opened, and show me the way in, to the temple of Athênê, in order that I may there offer sacrifice.” Again Meidias was forced, from fear of being at once seized as a prisoner, to give the order; and the Lacedæmonian forces found themselves in possession of the town. Derkyllidas, distributing his troops around the walls, in order to make sure of his conquest, ascended to the acropolis to offer his intended sacrifice; after which he proceeded to dictate the fate of Meidias, whom he divested of his character of prince and of his military force, —incorporating the latter in the Lacedæmonian army. He then called upon Meidias to specify all his paternal property, and restored to him the whole of what he claimed as such, though the bystanders protested against the statement given in as a flagrant exaggeration. But he laid hands on all the property, and all the treasures of Mania, —and caused her house, which Meidias had taken for himself, to be put under seal,—as lawful prey; since Mania had belonged to Pharnabazus,[373] against whom the Lacedæmonians were making war. On coming out after examining and verifying the contents of the house, he said to his officers, “Now, my friends, we have here already worked out pay for the whole army, eight thousand men, for nearly a year. Whatever we acquire besides, shall come to you also.” He well knew the favorable effect which this intelligence would
- 22. produce upon the temper, as well as upon the discipline, of the army —especially upon the Cyreians, who had tasted the discomfort of irregular pay and poverty. “And where am I to live?” asked Meidias, who found himself turned out of the house of Mania. “In your rightful place of abode, to be sure (replied Derkyllidas); in your native town Skêpsis, and in your paternal house.[374]” What became of the assassin afterwards, we do not hear. But it is satisfactory to find that he did not reap the anticipated reward of his crime; the fruits of which were an important advantage to Derkyllidas and his army,—and a still more important blessing to the Greek cities which had been governed by Mania,—enfranchisement and autonomy. This rapid, easy, and skilfully managed exploit,—the capture of nine towns in eight days,—is all which Xenophon mentions as achieved by Derkyllidas during the summer. Having acquired pay for so many months, perhaps the soldiers may have been disposed to rest until it was spent. But as winter approached, it became necessary to find winter quarters, without incurring the reproach which had fallen upon Thimbron of consuming the substance of allies. Fearing, however, that if he changed his position, Pharnabazus would employ the numerous Persian cavalry to harass the Grecian cities, he tendered a truce, which the latter willingly accepted. For the occupation of Æolis by the Lacedæmonian general was a sort of watch-post (like Dekeleia to Athens,) exposing the whole of Phrygia near the Propontis (in which was Daskylium the residence of Pharnabazus) to constant attack.[375] Derkyllidas accordingly only marched through Phrygia, to take up his winter quarters in Bithynia, the north-western corner of Asia Minor, between the Propontis and the Euxine; the same territory through which Xenophon and the Ten Thousand had marched, on their road from Kalpê to Chalkêdon. He procured abundant provisions and booty, slaves as well as cattle, by plundering the Bithynian villages; not without occasional losses on his own side, by the carelessness of marauding parties.[376]
- 23. One of these losses was of considerable magnitude. Derkyllidas had obtained from Seuthes in European Thrace (the same prince of whom Xenophon had so much reason to complain) a reinforcement of three hundred cavalry and two hundred peltasts,—Odrysian Thracians. These Odrysians established themselves in a separate camp, nearly two miles and a half from Derkyllidas, which they surrounded with a palisade about man’s height. Being indefatigable plunderers, they prevailed upon Derkyllidas to send them a guard of two hundred hoplites, for the purpose of guarding their separate camp with the booty accumulated within it. Presently the camp became richly stocked, especially with Bithynian captives. The hostile Bithynians, however, watching their opportunity when the Odrysians were out marauding, suddenly attacked at daybreak the two hundred Grecian hoplites in the camp. Shooting at them over the palisade with darts and arrows, they killed and wounded some, while the Greeks with their spears were utterly helpless, and could only reach their enemies by pulling up the palisade and charging out upon them; but the light-armed assailants, easily evading the charge of warriors with shield and spear, turned round upon them when they began to retire, and slew several before they could get back. In each successive sally the same phenomena recurred, until at length all the Greeks were overpowered and slain, except fifteen of them, who charged through the Bithynians in the first sally, and marched onward to join Derkyllidas, instead of returning with their comrades to the palisade. Derkyllidas lost no time in sending a reinforcement, which, however, came too late, and found only the naked bodies of the slain. The victorious Bithynians carried away all their own captives.[377] At the beginning of spring the Spartan general returned to Lampsakus, where he found Arakus and two other Spartans, just arrived out as commissioners sent by the ephors. Arakus came with instructions to prolong the command of Derkyllidas for another year; as well as to communicate the satisfaction of the ephors with the Cyreian army, in consequence of the great improvement in their conduct, compared with the year of Thimbron. He accordingly
- 24. assembled the soldiers, and addressed them in a mingled strain of praise and admonition; expressing his hope that they would continue the forbearance which they had now begun to practise towards all Asiatic allies. The commander of the Cyreians (probably Xenophon himself), in his reply, availed himself of the occasion to pay a compliment to Derkyllidas. “We (said he) are the same men now as we were in the previous year; but we are under a different general; you need not look farther for the explanation.[378]” Without denying the superiority of Derkyllidas over his predecessor, we may remark that the abundant wealth of Mania, thrown into his hands by accident (though he showed great ability in turning the accident to account), was an auxiliary circumstance, not less unexpected than weighty, for ensuring the good behavior of the soldiers. It was among the farther instructions of Arakus to visit all the principal Asiatic Greeks, and report their condition at Sparta; and Derkyllidas was pleased to see them entering on this survey at a moment when they would find the cities in undisturbed peace and tranquillity.[379] So long as the truce continued both with Tissaphernes and Pharnabazus, these cities were secure from aggression, and paid no tribute; the land-force of Derkyllidas affording to them a protection[380] analogous to that which had been conferred by Athens and her powerful fleet, during the interval between the formation of the Confederacy of Delos and the Athenian catastrophe at Syracuse. At the same time, during the truce, the army had neither occupation nor subsistence. To keep it together and near at hand, yet without living at the cost of friends, was the problem. It was accordingly with great satisfaction that Derkyllidas noticed an intimation accidentally dropped by Arakus. Some envoys (the latter said) were now at Sparta from the Thracian Chersonesus (the long tongue of land bordering westward on the Hellespont), soliciting aid against their marauding Thracian neighbors. That fertile peninsula, first hellenized a century and a half before by the Athenian Miltiades, had been a favorite resort for Athenian citizens, many of whom had acquired property there during the naval power of Athens. The battle of Ægospotami dispossessed and drove home
- 25. these proprietors, at the same time depriving the peninsula of its protection against the Thracians. It now contained eleven distinct cities, of which Sestos was the most important; and its inhabitants combined to send envoys to Sparta, entreating the ephors to send out a force for the purpose of building a wall across the isthmus from Kardia to Paktyê; in recompense for which (they said) there was fertile land enough open to as many settlers as chose to come, with coast and harbors for export close at hand. Miltiades, on first going out to the Chersonese, had secured it by constructing a cross- wall on the same spot, which had since become neglected during the period of Persian supremacy; Perikles had afterwards sent fresh colonists, and caused the wall to be repaired. But it seems to have been unnecessary while the Athenian empire was in full vigor,—since the Thracian princes had been generally either conciliated, or kept off, by Athens, even without any such bulwark.[381] Informed that the request of the Chersonesites had been favorably listened to at Sparta, Derkyllidas resolved to execute their project with his own army. Having prolonged his truce with Pharnabazus, he crossed the Hellespont into Europe, and employed his army during the whole summer in constructing this cross-wall, about four and a quarter miles in length. The work was distributed in portions to different sections of the army, competition being excited by rewards for the most rapid and workmanlike execution; while the Chersonesites were glad to provide pay and subsistence for the army, during an operation which provided security for all the eleven cities, and gave additional value to their lands and harbors. Numerous settlers seem to have now come in, under Lacedæmonian auspices,—who were again disturbed, wholly or partially, when the Lacedæmonian maritime empire was broken up a few years afterwards.[382] On returning to Asia in the autumn, after the completion of this work, which had kept his army usefully employed and amply provided during six months, Derkyllidas undertook the siege of Artaneus, a strong post (on the continental coast eastward of Mitylênê) occupied by some Chian exiles, whom the Lacedæmonian admiral Kratesippidas had lent corrupt aid in expelling from their
- 26. native island a few years before.[383] These men, living by predatory expeditions against Chios and Ionia, were so well supplied with provisions that it cost Derkyllidas a blockade of eight months before he could reduce it. He placed in it a strong garrison well supplied, that it might serve him as a retreat in case of need,—under an Achæan named Drako, whose name remained long terrible from his ravages on the neighboring plain of Mysia.[384] Derkyllidas next proceeded to Ephesus, where orders presently reached him from the ephors, directing him to march into Karia and attack Tissaphernes. The temporary truce which had hitherto provisionally kept off Persian soldiers and tribute-gatherers from the Asiatic Greeks, was now renounced by mutual consent. These Greeks had sent envoys to Sparta, assuring the ephors that Tissaphernes would be constrained to renounce formally the sovereign rights of Persia, and grant to them full autonomy, if his residence in Karia were vigorously attacked. Accordingly Derkyllidas marched southward across the Mæander into Karia, while the Lacedæmonian fleet under Pharax coöperated along the shore. At the same time Tissaphernes, on his side, had received reinforcements from Susa, together with the appointment of generalissimo over all the Persian force in Asia Minor; upon which Pharnabazus (who had gone up to court in the interval to concert more vigorous means of prosecuting the war, but had now returned) [385] joined him in Karia, prepared to commence vigorous operations for the expulsion of Derkyllidas and his army. Having properly garrisoned the strong places, the two satraps crossed the Mæander at the head of a powerful Grecian and Karian force, with numerous Persian cavalry, to attack the Ionian cities. As soon as he heard this news, Derkyllidas came back with his army from Karia, to cover the towns menaced. Having recrossed the Mæander, he was marching with his army in disorder, not suspecting the enemy to be near, when on a sudden he came upon their scouts, planted on some sepulchral monuments in the road. He also sent some scouts up to the neighboring monuments and towers, who apprised him that the two satraps, with their joint force in good order, were planted here to
- 27. intercept him. He immediately gave orders for his hoplites to form in battle array of eight deep, with the peltasts, and his handful of horsemen, on each flank. But such was the alarm caused among his troops by this surprise, that none could be relied upon except the Cyreians and the Peloponnesians. Of the insular and Ionian hoplites, from Priênê and other cities, some actually hid their arms in the thick standing corn, and fled; others, who took their places in the line, manifested dispositions which left little hope that they would stand a charge; so that the Persians had the opportunity of fighting a battle not merely with superiority of number, but also with advantage of position and circumstances. Pharnabazus was anxious to attack without delay. But Tissaphernes, who recollected well the valor of the Cyreian troops, and concluded that all the remaining Greeks were like them, forbade it; sending forward heralds to demand a conference. As they approached, Derkyllidas, surrounding himself with a body-guard of the finest and best-equipped soldiers, [386] advanced to the front of the line to meet them; saying that he, for his part, was prepared to fight,—but since a conference was demanded, he had no objection to grant it, provided hostages were exchanged. This having been assented to, and a place named for conference on the ensuing day, both armies were simultaneously withdrawn; the Persians to Tralles, the Greeks to Leukophrys, celebrated for its temple of Artemis Leukophryne.[387] This backwardness on the part of Tissaphernes even at a time when he was encouraged by a brother satrap braver than himself, occasioned to the Persians the loss of a very promising moment, and rescued the Grecian army out of a position of much peril. It helps to explain to us the escape of the Cyreians, and the manner in which they were allowed to cross rivers and pass over the most difficult ground without any serious opposition; while at the same time it tended to confirm in the Greek mind the same impressions of Persian imbecility as that escape so forcibly suggested. The conference, as might be expected, ended in nothing. Derkyllidas required on behalf of the Asiatic Greeks complete
- 28. autonomy,—exemption from Persian interference and tribute; while the two satraps on their side insisted that the Lacedæmonian army should be withdrawn from Asia, and the Lacedæmonian harmosts from all the Greco-Asiatic cities. An armistice was concluded, to allow time for reference to the authorities at home; thus replacing matters in the condition in which they had been at the beginning of the year. [388] Shortly after the conclusion of this truce, Agesilaus, king of Sparta, arrived with a large force, and the war in all respects began to assume larger proportions,—of which more in the next chapter. But it was not in Asia alone that Sparta had been engaged in war. The prostration of the Athenian power had removed that common bond of hatred and alarm which attached the allies to her headship; while her subsequent conduct had given positive offence, and had even excited against herself the same fear of unmeasured imperial ambition which had before run so powerfully against Athens. She had appropriated to herself nearly the whole of the Athenian maritime empire, with a tribute scarcely inferior, if at all inferior, in amount. How far the total of one thousand talents was actually realised during each successive year, we are not in a condition to say; but such was the assessment imposed and the scheme laid down by Sparta for her maritime dependencies,—enforced too by omnipresent instruments of rapacity and oppression, decemvirs and harmosts, such as Athens had never paralleled. When we add to this great maritime empire the prodigious ascendency on land which Sparta had enjoyed before, we shall find a total of material power far superior to that which Athens had enjoyed, even in her day of greatest exaltation, prior to the truce of 445 B.C. This was not all. From the general dulness of character pervading Spartan citizens, the full resources of the state were hardly ever put forth. Her habitual short-comings at the moment of action are keenly criticised by her own friends, in contrast with the ardor and forwardness which animated her enemies. But at and after the battle of Ægospotami, the entire management of Spartan foreign affairs
- 29. was found in the hands of Lysander; a man not only exempt from the inertia usual in his countrymen, but of the most unwearied activity and grasping ambition, as well for his country as for himself. Under his direction the immense advantages which Sparta enjoyed from her new position were at once systematized and turned to the fullest account. Now there was enough in the new ascendency of Sparta, had it been ever so modestly handled, to spread apprehension through the Grecian world. But apprehension became redoubled, when it was seen that her ascendency was organized and likely to be worked by her most aggressive leader for the purposes of an insatiable ambition. Fortunately for the Grecian world, indeed, the power of Sparta did not long continue to be thus absolutely wielded by Lysander, whose arrogance and overweening position raised enemies against him at home. Yet the first impressions received by the allies respecting Spartan empire, were derived from his proceedings and his plans of dominion, manifested with ostentatious insolence; and such impressions continued, even after the influence of Lysander himself had been much abated by the counterworking rivalry of Pausanias and others. While Sparta separately had thus gained so much by the close of the war, not one of her allies had received the smallest remuneration or compensation, except such as might be considered to be involved in the destruction of a formidable enemy. Even the pecuniary result or residue which Lysander had brought home with him (four hundred and seventy talents remaining out of the advances made by Cyrus), together with the booty acquired at Dekeleia, was all detained by the Lacedæmonians themselves. Thebes and Corinth indeed presented demands, in which the other allies did not (probably durst not) join, to be allowed to share. But though all the efforts and sufferings of the war had fallen upon these allies no less than upon Sparta, the demands were refused, and almost resented as insults.[389] Hence there arose among the allies not merely a fear of the grasping dominion, but a hatred of the monopolizing rapacity, of Sparta. Of this new feeling, an early manifestation, alike glaring and important, was made by the Thebans and Corinthians, when
- 30. they refused to join Pausanias in his march against Thrasybulus and the Athenian exiles in Peiræus,[390]—less than a year after the surrender of Athens, the enemy whom these two cities had hated with such extreme bitterness down to the very moment of surrender. Even Arcadians and Achæans too, habitually obedient as they were to Lacedæmon, keenly felt the different way in which she treated them, as compared with the previous years of war, when she had been forced to keep alive their zeal against the common enemy.[391] The Lacedæmonians were however strong enough not merely to despise this growing alienation of their allies, but even to take revenge upon such of the Peloponnesians as had incurred their displeasure. Among these stood conspicuous the Eleians; now under a government called democratical, of which the leading man was Thrasydæus,—a man who had lent considerable aid in 404 B.C. to Thrasybulus and the Athenian exiles in Peiræus. The Eleians, in the year 420 B.C., had been engaged in a controversy with Sparta,—had employed their privileges as administrators of the Olympic festival to exclude her from attendance on that occasion,—and had subsequently been in arms against her along with Argos and Mantineia. To these grounds of quarrel, now of rather ancient date, had been added afterwards, a refusal to furnish aid in the war against Athens since the resumption of hostilities in 414 B.C., and a recent exclusion of king Agis, who had come in person to offer sacrifice and consult the oracle of Zeus Olympius; such exclusion being grounded on the fact that he was about to pray for victory in the war then pending against Athens, contrary to the ancient canon of the Olympic temple, which admitted no sacrifice or consultation respecting hostilities of Greek against Greek.[392] These were considered by Sparta as affronts; and the season was now favorable for resenting them, as well as for chastising and humbling Elis.[393] Accordingly Sparta sent an embassy, requiring the Eleians to make good the unpaid arrears of the quota assessed upon them for the cost of the war against Athens; and farther,—to relinquish their authority over their dependent townships or Periœki, leaving the latter autonomous.[394] Of these dependencies there were several,
- 31. no one very considerable individually, in the region called Triphylia, south of the river Alpheus, and north of the Neda. One of them was Lepreum, the autonomy of which the Lacedæmonians had vindicated against Elis in 420 B.C., though during the subsequent period it had again become subject. The Eleians refused compliance with the demand thus sent, alleging that their dependent cities were held by the right of conquest. They even retorted upon the Lacedæmonians the charge of enslaving Greeks;[395] upon which Agis marched with an army to invade their territory, entering it from the north side where it joined Achaia. Hardly had he crossed the frontier river Larissus and begun his ravages, when an earthquake occurred. Such an event, usually construed in Greece as a divine warning, acted on this occasion so strongly on the religious susceptibilities of Agis, that he not only withdrew from the Eleian territory, but disbanded his army. His retreat gave so much additional courage to the Eleians, that they sent envoys and tried to establish alliances among those cities which they knew to be alienated from Sparta. Not even Thebes and Corinth, however, could be induced to assist them; nor did they obtain any other aid except one thousand men from Ætolia. In the next summer Agis undertook a second expedition, accompanied on this occasion by all the allies of Sparta; even by the Athenians, now enrolled upon the list. Thebes and Corinth alone stood aloof. On this occasion he approached from the opposite or southern side, that of the territory once called Messenia; passing through Aulon, and crossing the river Neda. He marched through Triphylia to the river Alpheius, which he crossed, and then proceeded to Olympia, where he consummated the sacrifice from which the Eleians had before excluded him. In his march he was joined by the inhabitants of Lepreum, Makistus, and other dependent towns, which now threw off their subjection to Elis. Thus reinforced, Agis proceeded onward towards the city of Elis, through a productive country under flourishing agriculture, enriched by the crowds and sacrifices at the neighboring Olympic temple, and for a long period
- 32. unassailed. After attacking, not very vigorously, the half-fortified city, —and being repelled by the Ætolian auxiliaries,—he marched onward to the harbor called Kyllênê, still plundering the territory. So ample was the stock of slaves, cattle, and rural wealth generally, that his troops not only acquired riches for themselves by plunder, but were also joined by many Arcadian and Achæan volunteers, who crowded in to partake of the golden harvest.[396] The opposition or wealthy oligarchical party in Elis availed themselves of this juncture to take arms against the government; hoping to get possession of the city, and to maintain themselves in power by the aid of Sparta. Xenias their leader, a man of immense wealth, with several of his adherents, rushed out armed, and assailed the government-house, in which it appears that Thrasydæus and his colleagues had been banqueting. They slew several persons, and among them one, whom, from great personal resemblance, they mistook for Thrasydæus. The latter was however at that moment intoxicated, and asleep in a separate chamber.[397] They then assembled in arms in the market-place, believing themselves to be masters of the city; while the people, under the like impression that Thrasydæus was dead, were too much dismayed to offer resistance. But presently it became known that he was yet alive; the people crowded to the government-house “like a swarm of bees,”[398] and arrayed themselves for his protection as well as under his guidance. Leading them forth at once to battle, he completely defeated the oligarchical insurgents, and forced them to flee for protection to the Lacedæmonian army. Agis presently evacuated the Eleian territory, yet not without planting a Lacedæmonian harmost and a garrison, together with Xenias and the oligarchical exiles, at Epitalium, a little way south of the river Alpheius. Occupying this fort (analogous to Dekeleia in Attica), they spread ravage and ruin all around throughout the autumn and winter, to such a degree, that in the early spring, Thrasydæus and the Eleian government were compelled to send to Sparta and solicit peace. They consented to raze the imperfect
- 33. fortifications of their city, so as to leave it quite open. They farther surrendered their harbor of Kyllênê with their ships of war, and relinquished all authority over the Triphylian townships, as well as over Lasion, which was claimed as an Arcadian town.[399] Though they pressed strenuously their claim to preserve the town of Epeium (between the Arcadian town of Heræa and the Triphylian town of Makistus), on the plea that they had bought it from its previous inhabitants at the price of thirty talents paid down,—the Lacedæmonians, pronouncing this to be a compulsory bargain imposed upon weaker parties by force, refused to recognize it. The town was taken away from them, seemingly without any reimbursement of the purchase money either in part or in whole. On these terms the Eleians were admitted to peace, and enrolled again among the members of the Lacedæmonian confederacy.[400] The time of the Olympic festival seems to have been now approaching, and the Eleians were probably the more anxious to obtain peace from Sparta, as they feared to be deprived of their privilege as superintendents. The Pisatans,—inhabitants of the district immediately around Olympia,—availed themselves of the Spartan invasion of Elis to petition for restoration of their original privilege, as administrators of the temple of Zeus at Olympia with its great periodical solemnity,—by the dispossession of the Eleians as usurpers of that privilege. But their request met with no success. It was true indeed that such right had belonged to the Pisatans in early days, before the Olympic festival had acquired its actual Pan-hellenic importance and grandeur; and that the Eleians had only appropriated it to themselves after conquering the territory of Pisa. But taking the festival as it then stood, the Pisatans, mere villagers without any considerable city, were incompetent to do justice to it, and would have lowered its dignity in the eyes of all Greece. Accordingly the Lacedæmonians, on this ground, dismissed the claimants, and left the superintendence of the Olympic games still in the hands of the Eleians.[401]
- 34. This triumphant dictation of terms to Elis, placed the Lacedæmonians in a condition of overruling ascendency throughout Peloponnesus, such as they had never attained before. To complete their victory, they rooted out all the remnants of their ancient enemies the Messenians, some of whom had been planted by the Athenians at Naupaktus, others in the island of Kephallenia. All of this persecuted race were now expelled, in the hour of Lacedæmonian omnipotence, from the neighborhood of Peloponnesus, and forced to take shelter, some in Sicily, others at Kyrênê.[402] We shall in a future chapter have to commemorate the turn of fortune in their favor.
- 35. CHAPTER LXXIII. AGESILAUS KING OF SPARTA. — THE CORINTHIAN WAR. The close of the Peloponnesian war, with the victorious organization of the Lacedæmonian empire by Lysander, has already been described as a period carrying with it increased sufferings to those towns which had formerly belonged to the Athenian empire, as compared with what they had endured under Athens,—and harder dependence, unaccompanied by any species of advantage, even to those Peloponnesians and inland cities which had always been dependent allies of Sparta. To complete the melancholy picture of the Grecian world during these years, we may add (what will be hereafter more fully detailed) that calamities of a still more deplorable character overtook the Sicilian Greeks; first, from the invasion of the Carthaginians, who sacked Himera, Selinus, Agrigentum, Gela, and Kamarina,—next from the overruling despotism of Dionysius at Syracuse. Sparta alone had been the gainer; and that to a prodigious extent, both in revenue and power. It is from this time, and from the proceedings of Lysander, that various ancient authors dated the commencement of her degeneracy, which they ascribe mainly to her departure from the institutions of Lykurgus by admitting gold and silver money. These metals had before been strictly prohibited; no money being tolerated except heavy pieces of iron, not portable except to a very trifling amount. That such was the ancient institution of Sparta, under which any Spartan having in his possession gold and silver money, was liable, if detected, to punishment, appears certain. How far the regulation may have been
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