Standard Outline FormatPurpose The purpose of an outline is to.docx

Standard Outline Format
Purpose: The purpose of an outline is to identify the most
important ideas in one or more chapters of a textbook and
organize them according to their importance.
I. Roman Numerals are used to identify the biggest and most
important ideas. If you are outlining more than one chapter,
then you will usually use roman numerals to identify the chapter
titles. If you are only outlining one chapter then you will use
roman numerals to identify section headings.
A. Main Ideas are identified by capital letters. In the textbook
that we use the main ideas are all in red bold letters. Every time
you see a heading that is big and red you will write it down with
a capital letter to the left of it.
1. sub-headings are smaller parts of a main idea. They are
identified by numbers. In our text book, most subheadings are
green. Sometimes, however, there aren’t any subheadings. In
that case you will write the first sentence of a paragraph as a
subheading.
a. supporting details are usually examples, proper nouns or
numbers. They are identified by lower case letters.
b. supporting detail
c. supporting detail
2. sub-heading
a.
b

B. Main Idea
1. sub-heading
a. supporting detail
b. supporting detail
The above explanation was done in outline format.
You will notice that every time there is an idea that is a part of
a larger one, the smaller idea is indented.
The use of roman numerals, capital letters , numbers and lower
case letters will vary depending on the length of the section or
paragraph.
POL/115 v3
Week 1 Assignment Worksheet
POL/115 v3
Page 2 of 3
POL/115 Week 1 AssignmentInfluences on the Founding of the
United States of America
Complete each section of the matrix below. Include APA
citations for all unoriginal ideas, facts, or definitions.
Documents
In 2-3 sentences, provide a brief summary of each document,
and discuss each document’s significance or influence on the
values of the American political culture or the ideas for the
structure and organization of the U.S. Federal Government.
Magna Carta
Mayflower Compact

Declaration of Independence
Articles of Confederation
The Virginia Plan
The New Jersey Plan
The Connecticut Plan
The U.S. Constitution
The Bill of Rights
Philosophers
In 2-3 sentences, provide a brief summary of who each
philosopher was, and discuss how each philosopher’s writings
and ideas influenced the founding fathers as they developed the
values of American political culture and the nature and structure
of the U.S. system of government.
Thomas Hobbes
John Locke
Montesquieu
Selected Founders
In 2-3 sentences, provide a brief summary of who each founding
father was, and discuss the role of each person in the
establishment of the United States of America and its system of
government.
Benjamin Franklin

Alexander Hamilton
George Washington
Thomas Jefferson
James Madison
John Adams
Political Factions
In 2-3 sentences, provide a brief explanation of each of these
factions, and discuss how each viewed the power and scope of
the U.S. Federal government.
Federalists
Anti-Federalists
Types of Democracy
In 2-3 sentences, discuss the characteristics and principles of
each type of government, and describe how (if at all) those
principles are used in the structure of the U.S. system of
government.
Representative Democracy
Direct Democracy
Concepts
In 2-3 sentences, describe how each of these concepts exists in
the organization of the U.S. federal government, and discuss
why this concept is important in a representative democracy.
Separation of Powers

Checks and Balances
Copyright© 2018 by University of Phoenix. All rights reserved.
Copyright© 2018 by University of Phoenix. All rights reserved.
PERSPECTIVES
What is the problem? A literature review on challenges
facing the communication of nanotechnology to the public
Åsa Boholm & Simon Larsson
Received: 18 January 2019 /Accepted: 4 April 2019 /Published
online: 23 April 2019
# The Author(s) 2019
Abstract Ethical and societal issues concerning justice,
safety, risks, and benefits are well-established topics in
the discourses of nanotechnology innovation and devel-
opment. That nanotechnology innovation should be so-
cially and ethically responsible is generally accepted by
scientists, policymakers, regulators, and industry, and
the idea of public involvement and communication is
part and parcel of the conceptualization of responsible
technology development. This paper systematically re-
views the social science research literature accumulated
between 2002 and 2018 on the communication of nano-
technology. A critical and constructivist perspective on
policy problems guides the analysis. Two questions are
asked of this literature: what problems are identified
regarding the communication of nanotechnology to the
public? How can these problems be managed and/or
resolved? Three different problem themes are identified:

the public, societal institutions, and nanotechnology
itself. While for some identified problems, there are
corresponding solutions; in other instances, there is little
alignment between problems and solutions. In conclu-
sion, the paper recommends that in communicating
nanotechnology to the public: (i) the objectives of com-
munication should be defined; (ii) previous research
should be used responsibly; (iii) communication strate-
gies should be adapted to the context; and (iv) effort
should not be spent trying to develop a generic frame-
work for communication.
Keywords Responsible innovation . Nanotechnology.
Science communication . Upstream engagement .
Literature review
Introduction
When nanotechnology hype began to mount almost two
decades ago, it was readily recognized that to reach its
full revolutionary potential, nanotechnology develop-
ment had to be Bresponsible^ (Macnaghten 2010;
Pidgeon et al. 2011). The gigantic National
Nanotechnology Initiative (NNI), established in the year
2000 in the United States (US), declared that
Bnanotechnology is helping to considerably improve,
even revolutionize, many technology and industry sec-
tors: information technology, energy, environmental sci-
ence, medicine, homeland security, food safety, and
transportation, among many others^ (NNI 2018a). The
responsible development of nanotechnology that ad-
dresses the ethical, legal, and societal issues (ELSI) of
nanotechnology is one of the NNI’s four objectives,

understood to advance the other, i.e., research, commer-
cialization, worker education, and public engagement.
The way ELSI is addressed is assumed to determine
J Nanopart Res (2019) 21: 86
https://doi.org/10.1007/s11051-019-4524-3
Å. Boholm (*)
School of Global Studies, University of Gothenburg, PO Box
115,
SE 405 30 Göteborg, Sweden
e-mail: [email protected]
S. Larsson
Gothenburg Research Institute, School of Business, Economics
and Law, University of Gothenburg, PO Box 603, SE 405
30 Göteborg, Sweden
e-mail: [email protected]
http://crossmark.crossref.org/dialog/?doi=10.1007/s11051-019-
4524-3&domain=pdf
http://orcid.org/0000-0002-0247-3798
public trust and the future of innovation driven by
nanotechnology (NNI 2018b).
The NNI has served as a role model for other countries
aspiring to compete in cutting-edge nanotechnology devel-
opment. The responsible development of technology is
currently a widely accepted ideal in European Union
(EU) research and innovation policies (Coenen 2016). It
is generally accepted by scientists, policymakers, regula-
tors, and industry that issues concerning environmental
impact, health, and safety should be addressed responsibly,
ensuring that any new technology benefits society. ELSI
has therefore become an important consideration in inno-

vation (Coenen 2016). According to this ideal of technol-
ogy innovation, the societal need for technology, technol-
ogy regulation, and risk management and safety, as well as
ethical implications must be thoroughly addressed
(Pidgeon et al. 2011: 1696).
The ideal of the responsible development of nanotech-
nology implies sensitivity to public perceptions and public
trust at an early stage of technology development (Breggin
and Carothers 2006). Responsible technology develop-
ment is further understood to have the capacity to counter-
act failure due to public lack of acceptance of, or opposi-
tion to, new technology. Already at an early stage of
innovation, US scientists and policymakers worried that
the public might turn against nanotechnology (Friedman
and Egolf 2005). This is what happened in Europe with
genetically modified organisms (GMOs): concern over
risk and the lack of trust in science, experts, and regulators
were factors that turned the public against the technology
as such, the industry, and the products (Wynne 2001). For
history not to repeat itself in the form of public distrust of
regulatory agencies and scientific experts, consumer boy-
cotts of products and companies, citizen pressure on
policymakers and regulators, and amplification of risks in
the media, foresight and sensitivity to public concern have
been recurrent mantras regarding the development of
nanotechnology (Sylvester et al. 2009). It has been argued
that developers and industry, as well as policymakers and
regulators, must be aware of possible public concerns and
of the societal dynamics of media and interest groups
before they manifest as protests and social movements
(David and Thompson 2011).
Upstream engagement in nanotechnology, i.e., early
public involvement in the processes of technology de-
velopment and innovation, as well as the public provi-

sion of relevant and correct information regarding nano-
technology, has been envisaged as the road forward
(Pidgeon et al. 2017; Rogers-Hayden et al. 2007).
Social scientists have argued that technology should be
democratically governed, which calls for Breflexive^
learning processes to develop Bscientific citizenship,^
reflexive governance, and citizen capacity in science
(Miah 2017; Pidgeon and Rogers-Hayden 2007: 203).
Communication with the public is generally agreed to be
necessary for upstream engagement (Priest 2012), un-
derstood as part and parcel of the social regulation of
nanotechnology (Pidgeon et al. 2017; Priest 2009: 761).
The responsible development of nanotechnology to
safeguard the environment, human health, and safety,
and to ensure that the new technology benefits society, is
understood to require citizen involvement, dialog, and
participation. If we look more closely into the literature
on the Bcommunication of nanotechnology to the
public,^ several broad communicative goals can be
identified (Delgado et al. 2011). Pidgeon and Rogers-
Hayden (2007: 192) suggested three arguments for pub-
lic engagement. The normative argument postulates that
dialog is a good thing in itself: it is part of democracy
and allows room for public values and attitudes in
decision-making. The instrumental argument proposes
that dialog with the public increases the legitimacy of
decisions and enhances trust. The substantive argument
claims that dialog creates better decisions and outcomes.
The normative objectives of public inclusion and delib-
eration imply broad consultation with stakeholders and
the public as well as foresight and reflexivity concerning
ethical and legal issues. From this normative position,
dialog and public participation are essential values re-
lated to innovation, and all these activities rely on infor-

mation exchange and the understanding of messages.
Since the mid-1990s when the field emerged, consid-
erable social science research into nanotechnology has
been published. Policymakers have understood social
science to be essential in grasping the dynamics of
public attitudes and perceptions and in forming a basis
for developing effective tools for gaining public accep-
tance of nanotechnology innovation (Ebbesen 2008).
Social science research on nanotechnology is multidis-
ciplinary, including sociology, psychology, political sci-
ence, social anthropology, science and technology stud-
ies, and media and communication studies. The accu-
mulated research has provided many insights into how
nanotechnology is perceived by the public, how it is
represented by the media, how media information af-
fects public perceptions, and how policy is formed and
developed. Many studies have been conducted in the
US, the EU, and elsewhere (for overviews of the field,
86 Page 2 of 21 J Nanopart Res (2019) 21: 86
see Duncan 2011; Kahan 2009; Priest 2012; Ronteltap
et al. 2011; Satterfield et al. 2009; Siegrist 2010).
This paper aims to present an overview of the re-
search literature on the communication of nanotechnol-
ogy to the public between 2002 and 2018. We will
systematically identify the problems defined and solu-
tions suggested in this research. We contribute by pro-
viding an extensive overview of the communication of
nanotechnology to the public. By adopting a holistic
critical and constructivist approach, this exercise pro-
vides a stepping stone to further research and policy

work on what socially Bresponsible^ nanotechnology
innovation and development might mean and how it
might be implemented. The study also contributes to
the general discussion of science communication
concerning new technology.
Method, research questions, and analytical
framework
This paper presents a literature review of published
peer-reviewed papers (listed in the references) that ad-
dress the topic of the communication of nanotechnology
to the public. The papers were identified through a
search in the Scopus publication database conducted in
February 2018 and through ongoing searches in Google
Scholar. The search terms have been Bnano^ in conjunc-
tion with Bcommunication,^ Bpublic,^ Bparticipation,^
Bengagement,^ and Bdialog^ to appear in title, abstract,
keywords, or main body of text. Altogether, 62 different
published journal articles were identified. All 62 papers
meeting the search criteria were included in the sample.
The oldest study was published in 2002 and the latest in
2018. Some papers explicitly address nanotechnology
communication and have Bcommunication^ among
their keywords, whereas in others, the presence of the
topic is less explicit. Many of the papers address com-
munication issues in their discussion sections, where the
implications of research findings for practice, regula-
tion, or policy are considered. The papers were pub-
lished in a broad range of multidisciplinary journals,
though four dominate the sample (in order of frequen-
cy): Journal of Nanoparticle Research, Risk Analysis:
An International Journal, Public Understanding of
Science, and Nanoethics. The literature review is not
claimed to be exhaustive, but the sample presents a
broad range of published research papers giving ample

insight into what scholars discuss when addressing the
communication of nanotechnology to the public.
The analysis was inspired by Carol Bacchi’s (1999,
2012) approach to policy analysis. Her analytical and
theoretical framework sees policy embedded in a dis-
cursive construct that, implicitly or explicitly, estab-
lishes problems in need of policy intervention via man-
agement and mitigation. From this perspective,
problematizations that underlie policy are understood
as often taken for granted: they are accepted as Btruths^
beyond questioning (Bacchi 2012). The BWhat is a
problem?^ approach allows for the systematic decon-
struction and scrutiny of the underlying assumptions of
policy problems. The analysis brings these assumptions
into the open, enabling a critical approach to policy that
can be applied both theoretically and in practical policy
work.
According to Bacchi (1999), all problems with policy
implications have a generic structure: something is iden-
tified as a problem for some reason, and then is isolated,
defined, and characterized with regard to its causes and
consequences. Defining the problem entails choosing
certain elements, characteristics, and causal explana-
tions while excluding others. Some elements are
foregrounded while others are backgrounded. Since
the problem definition and its characterization include
causal assumptions about how the problem came into
existence, the problem definition paves the way for
solutions. Problem definitions and solutions are concep-
tually related since solutions are often logically and
rationally contained in the problem framing
(Lancaster and Ritter 2014). However, in policy
work, this is not always the case: problems and

solutions can be decoupled without any logical
relationship between the two. The identification
of a solution may also sometimes preclude the
definition of a problem.
The research questions addressed to the literature
were developed from the BWhat is a problem?^ ap-
proach to policy analysis. The questions answer to the
overall aim of providing a systematic and critical anal-
ysis of the social science research field of nanotechnol-
ogy and public communication. Each article in the sam-
ple of 62 papers was read and analyzed with regard to
the following questions:
1. How is the problem of the Bcommunication of
nanotechnology to the public^ conceptualized,
characterized, and explained?
J Nanopart Res (2019) 21: 86 Page 3 of 21 86
2. What solutions are offered to the problem of the
Bcommunication of nanotechnology to the public^?
3. What is the relationship between the constructions
of problems and of solutions concerning the
Bcommunication of nanotechnology to the public^?
The relationship between problem and solution was
not analyzed at the level of the individual paper. Far
from all papers did provide answers to all three ques-
tions. The analysis of the individual papers adds up to a
meta-analysis of the material.
The remainder of the paper is organized into the

following parts: (1) BBackground: what do we know
about public understanding of nanotechnology?^ sum-
marizes the main findings regarding public attitudes and
perceptions necessary to understand how the problem of
nanotechnology communication is discussed; (2) BThe
problem of communicating nanotechnology to the
public^ addresses problems and obstacles identified in
the reviewed literature (this section explicitly addresses
communication problems, categorizing them so that the
problems can be juxtaposed to the proposed solutions in
the next section); (3) B
Solution
s for the communication
of nanotechnology to the public^ offers solutions and
recommendations identified in the reviewed literature
for the successful communication of nanotechnology;
(4) BDiscussion^ treats these findings in relation to the
research field; and (5) BConclusions^ wraps up the
review and suggests ways forward.
Background: what do we know about public
understanding of nanotechnology?
This section summarizes social science findings essen-
tial to communicating nanotechnology to the public. In
this section, the lessons from previous research are

divided into the following themes: (i) public knowledge
and attitudes and (ii) factors explaining public attitudes.
The reviewed studies were carried out in different coun-
tries using different methodologies; while most used
surveys and quantitative analysis, others relied on qual-
itative methods, such as interviews or focus groups.
There are differences in theoretical and analytical frame-
work for the studies, and their research designs differ,
including case studies, experimental, cross-sectional,
and even longitudinal research designs. The results are
therefore not immediately comparable (Ronteltap et al.
2011). Our aim with the review was not to evaluate or
discuss why there are differences between studies.
Differences in findings can be explained by a number
of factors: theoretical assumptions, hypothesis, and re-
search design, of data collection and analysis, concep-
tual differences (Ronteltap et al. 2011), for example, in
how trust is defined and operationalized. Sample char-
acteristics also differ a lot. Studies are done on public
understanding in different countries, with different reg-
ulatory frameworks, and with considerable institutional
and cultural differences. These differences also explain
diverging findings. Our objective was to identify com-
mon main findings regarding public understanding of

nanotechnology, since such findings serve as a reference
point for formulations of problems and solutions in the
investigated sample of papers.
Public knowledge, attitude, interest, and engagement
Many studies have noted that the public lacks knowl-
edge of nanotechnology and is unfamiliar with its basic
concepts and principles (Castellini et al. 2007; Delgado
et al. 2011; Larsson and Boholm 2018; Lin et al. 2013;
Macoubrie 2006; Retzbach et al. 2011; Vandermoere
et al. 2010). Although there are some national varia-
tions, studies in a number of countries confirm this
result. One of the first studies of public attitudes toward
nanotechnology (Bainbridge 2002) found that the public
had a high level of enthusiasm for the benefits of nano-
technology and little concern over risks, and later stud-
ies have confirmed this result, demonstrating that nano-
technology is perceived by the public as beneficial and
not associated with risk (Cobb and Macoubrie 2004;
Duncan 2011). Other studies have found that a consid-
erable portion of the public is indifferent toward nano-
technology (Vandermoere et al. 2010). Another often-
noted finding is that the public is not homogeneous
(Kim et al. 2014: 967), but consists of many groups

and segments with different outlooks, values, and ap-
proaches to new technology (Cormick and Hunter 2014;
Duncan 2011).
Nanotechnology is generally not an issue that spurs
public engagement. Only a minority of citizens takes an
active interest in nanotechnology and how it should be
governed in society (Priest et al. 2011: 1731). When
they are concerned, members of the public are worried
about the societal implications of nanotechnology use,
its environmental effects (Conti et al. 2011), and wheth-
er its benefits will be fairly distributed (McComas and
Besley 2011). There are some concerns about how
nanotechnology products might affect society in the
future, as well as whether or not nanotechnology will
contribute to social and environmental sustainability
(Pidgeon and Rogers-Hayden 2007: 204–5). In general,
the public does not have stable preformed attitudes on
the subject of nanotechnology; rather, their attitudes are
prone to fluctuate depending on how the media frames

nanotechnology, current societal discussions of emerg-
ing applications, and their understanding of the benefits,
risks, and possible ethical concerns (Satterfield et al.
2009, 2012).
A growing number of studies addresses public attitudes
toward various applications of nanotechnology. Risks and
benefits are assessed differently depending on the area of
application (Pidgeon et al. 2009; Siegrist 2010). That
attitudes differ a lot depending on the area of application
is clear from many studies (Cacciatore et al. 2011;
Cormick 2009; Gupta et al. 2012, 2015; Larsson and
Boholm 2018; Pidgeon et al. 2009; Siegrist et al. 2007).
For example, people are more favorable toward nanotech-
nology applications to remedy water quality, nanotechnol-
ogy developments in medicine, and nanotechnology ad-
dressing problems in developing countries (Macoubrie
2006: 237). Applications such as cosmetics, on the other
hand, are regarded as poorly justified and are generally not
approved (Larsson and Boholm 2018; Macoubrie 2006:
236). The public has been found to be skeptical or doubtful
toward nanotechnology in the food sector (Bostrom and
Löfstedt 2010: 1658; Duncan 2011; Siegrist et al. 2007;
Vandermoere et al. 2011).

Several studies focus on public views of the labeling
of nanoproducts, which is understood to be an important
regulatory tool tomanage consumer products containing
nanomaterials (Siegrist 2010). Labeling is therefore ex-
pected to have an important role in risk communication
in the field of nanotechnology (Brown and Kuzma
2013). The public is favorable toward the labeling of
nanotechnology used in food. They want labeling for all
types of food and are also willing to pay for this, since
they believe that labeling facilitates informed decisions
related to risk management. Consumers also believe that
they have a right to be informed (Brown and Kuzma
2013; Yue et al. 2015).
Factors explaining public attitudes toward
and perception of nanotechnology
Many studies have explored the underlying causes of
public attitudes toward and perceptions of nanotechnology,
demonstrating that many interacting explanatory variables
are involved (Pillai and Bezbaruah 2017). In a meta-
analysis of the perceived risk of nanotechnologies,
Satterfield et al. (2009) concluded that public perception
is influenced by a considerable number of variables, such

as framing effects, media exposure, trust in regulation,
popular understanding of toxicity, attitudes toward envi-
ronmental risks, the perceived naturalness of nanotechnol-
ogy, psychometric variables, cultural bias, and religiosity,
as well as income and education. In a review of public
perception studies of nanotechnology, Siegrist (2010) iden-
tified values, trust, and worldview as key explanatory
factors shaping views of nanotechnology.
Trust in and respect for science have been shown to
be particularly important as an explanation for public
attitudes toward nanotechnology (Ho et al. 2010). Many
studies suggest that public opinion on nanotechnology
is guided by general attitudes toward science and tech-
nology, and that broad ideas about the value and use of
technology in society guide the formation of attitudes
toward nanotechnology (Priest 2009; Priest et al. 2011:
1721). Very few people have personal experience of and
familiarity with nanotechnology, an advanced broad
transdisciplinary natural science field that is difficult
for non-specialists to comprehend. Therefore, it makes
sense that deference to scientific authority (Ho et al.
2010), interest and trust in science, and a general belief
that scientific knowledge is beneficial all influence atti-
tudes toward nanotechnology (Retzbach et al. 2011).

Another dimension attracting interest in several stud-
ies is the relationship between support of nanotechnol-
ogy and knowledge of nanotechnology. Knowledge of
nanotechnology generally increases acceptance, but on-
ly slightly (Priest 2009: 763; Siegrist 2010: 840). When
people who state that they know little are exposed to
information about nanotechnology, they do not automat-
ically become more supportive (Anderson et al. 2014:
376). Why, then, is knowledge a weak predictor of
attitudes toward risk when knowledge generally makes
the public more confident in new technology? It has
been argued that nanotechnology actualizes many ethi-
cal issues and dilemmas that do not go away or diminish
with increasing knowledge of the technology (Pidgeon
et al. 2011: 1697). Nanotechnology is also ambiguous
due to its many areas of application, huge complexity,
and broad scope of use (Renn and Roco 2006).
Values predict attitudes toward nanotechnology
(Siegrist 2010). Religious belief has been shown to be
negatively correlated with support for nanotechnology

(Ho et al. 2010). In another study, religiosity was found
to be negatively related to the perceived benefits of
nanotechnology (Cacciatore et al. 2011: 393). Other
studies, however, do not find religiosity and ideology
to be related to the perceived risk of nanotechnology
(Anderson et al. 2014: 383). While risk perception has
been shown to be gendered for other risk issues
(Finucane et al. 2000), research on public attitudes to-
ward nanotechnology has mixed findings. Some studies
provide evidence that gender to some extent explains
attitudes toward, or acceptance of, nanotechnology
(Bainbridge 2002: 569; Satterfield et al. 2009: 756),
while other studies find no gender effects (Macoubrie
2006: 236).
Studies have shown that public attitudes toward
nanotechnology are affected more strongly by informa-
tion on risks than on benefits (Satterfield et al. 2012:
257). In some studies, perceptions of the risks and
benefits of nanotechnology seem to be related, with
higher perceived risks reducing the perceived benefits
(Cacciatore et al. 2011: 396). Attitudes toward nano-
technology are unstable and can change rapidly depend-

ing on new information and how it is presented
(Satterfield et al. 2012). Due to the great uncertainty
regarding nanotechnology and its potential implications,
public attitudes and perceptions are more unstable than
they are regarding other more traditional technological
risk issues (e.g., chemical risks, radiation, nuclear pow-
er, and nuclear waste). One interesting finding is
that women have less fixed and stable attitudes
toward nanotechnology than do men, which might
indicate that gender has higher explanatory power for
new and less well-known technologies (Satterfield et al.
2012: 257).
Another factor influencing public opinion is media
representations. It is generally agreed in the literature on
public perceptions of nanotechnology that the mass
media constitute a key factor influencing these attitudes
(Scheufele and Lewenstein 2005). It was argued early
on in the nanotechnology debate that the public often
forms opinions on complex topics of which they have
little knowledge and for which they lack relevant infor-
mation based on the material provided by the mass
media (Scheufele and Lewenstein 2005). How informa-
tion is framed therefore influences risk perceptions of
nanotechnology, so that risks are perceived differently

depending on the social context of the information pre-
sented (Schütz and Wiedemann 2008: 377). Risk per-
ception is influenced by what information is provided
and opinions also change depending on information
(Smith et al. 2008).
Studies have demonstrated that media use correlates
positively with nanotechnology support (Ho et al. 2010)
and that attention to science news correlates with sup-
port for nanotechnology (Cacciatore et al. 2011: 393).
Themedia generally emphasize benefits over risks when
reporting on nanotechnology (Anderson et al. 2009;
Fitzgerald and Rubin 2010; Lewenstein et al. 2005;
Kjølberg 2009; Metag and Marcinkowski 2014), al-
though some studies note ambiguous representations
and frequent associations with risk (Anderson et al.
2005, 2009; Boholm and Boholm 2012; Friedman and
Egolf 2011; Laing 2005; Weaver et al. 2009). However,
exposure to information does not have a uniformly
positive effect on attitudes toward nanotechnology (Ho
et al. 2010: 2711). The public perceives scientific un-
certainty expressed in the media differently depending
on their level of trust in and deference to science author-
ity (Binder et al. 2016). Consequently, representations

of science in the media are not necessarily directly
linked to public risk perception of new technologies
(Binder et al. 2016).
The problem of communicating nanotechnology
to the public
That communication with the public on nanotechnology
is a delicate matter has been an underlying assumption
in the field since its inception. Several challenges for the
public communication of nanotechnology have been
identified, problems relating to some of the issues
discussed above. In this section, we dissect identified
problems explicitly noted as challenges in communicat-
ing nanotechnology to the public. These problems can
be sorted according to basic problem definitions de-
pending on how the sources of the problems are identi-
fied. Analytically, three main problem themes are dis-
tinguished: the public, societal organizations, and nano-
technology itself.
The public is a problem
The reviewed literature presents the public as a problem
for the communication of nanotechnology in ways that

can be categorized into three themes: (i) deficits (i.e.,
lack of knowledge, interest, and engagement), (ii)
heterogeneity, and (iii) attitudes influenced by values
and emotions.
(i) Deficits (lack of knowledge, interest, and engage-
ment)
Lack of knowledge and engagement among the
public is understood as a problem for nanotechnol-
ogy communication because it might make infor-
mation difficult for the public to comprehend, in
turn making it difficult to interest the public in the
information provided. As discussed in the section
on background, regarding nanotechnology, the
public arguably has poor knowledge, is unfamiliar
with the technology, harbors misconceptions, and
has difficulties understanding central concepts
(Castellini et al. 2007: 187; Duncan 2011;
Macnaghten 2010: 24; Pidgeon and Rogers-

Hayden 2007; Schütz and Wiedemann 2008;
Simons et al. 2009: 1596). They also lack engage-
ment and interest (Petersen et al. 2007), making it
difficult to reach out or involve the public in delib-
erative approaches.
(ii) The public is heterogeneous
A heterogeneous public constitutes a problem for
nanotechnology communication because the level
of knowledge and understandingwill differ between
subpopulations in society, making it difficult to
develop communication strategies. As discussed in
the above BBackground: what do we know about
public understanding of nanotechnology^ section,
the public is indeed heterogeneous and diverse
(Duncan 2011: 685; Kim et al. 2014), and research
has demonstrated that there are many different po-
sitions for or against nanotechnology for many dif-
ferent reasons (Priest 2006). The public is segment-
ed into sets of beliefs and worldviews and has
different attitudes accordingly (Cormick and
Hunter 2014). As discussed in the BBackground:
what do we know about public understanding of
nanotechnology^ section, factors such as religiosity

and gender affect perception and might have impli-
cations for how information is understood; more-
over, cultural cognition and group values influence
how people interpret nanotechnology-related infor-
mation (Kahan 2010; Kahan et al. 2009).
(iii) The public relies on values and emotions
Values, beliefs, and emotions are understood to
influence attitudes toward nanotechnology
(Bostrom and Löfstedt 2010; Cormick and
Hunter 2014). The role of values and emotions is
identified as a problem theme, since it makes it
difficult to foresee how information will be under-
stood when attitudes are formed by values, feel-
ings, hopes, and expectations rather than on fac-
tual knowledge (Simons et al. 2009: 1596). People
may not believe in information and might reject
information that is not consistent with their values
and emotions (Simons et al. 2009: 1596).
Societal institutions are a problem
Another problem associated with communicating nano-

technology to the public is that societal institutions are
understood as obstacles to successful communication.
Societal institutions are seen as a problem for the following
reasons: (i) mass media influence attitudes; (ii) mass media
provide a fragmented picture of nanotechnology; (iii)
nanotechnology regulation is fragmented; and (iv) there
is lack of agreement on definitions and concepts.
(i) Mass media influence public attitudes
That mass media influence public attitudes is
considered a problem for science communication
because it skews public opinion and makes proper
science communication difficult. Mass media are
understood to influence public attitudes (Binder
et al. 2016: 832); howmedia frame nanotechnology
and the lack of reporting are understood to create a
problem for science communication. There is a
limited discussion of nanotechnology in the media
and, when there is, risk is attenuated, which con-
tributes to a lack of public interest and engagement
(Pidgeon and Rogers-Hayden 2007: 195; Priest
2009: 759).
(ii) Mass media representations are fragmented and

ambiguous
The media are understood to offer a fragmented
and ambiguous picture of nanotechnology, not
providing the public with adequate tools to make
informed decisions. This scattered picture, ambi-
guity, and uncertainty in the news media arguably
might pave the way for fear, contributing to public
resistance to nanotechnology (Allan et al. 2010:
42).
(iii) Policy and regulation are fragmented
Regulatory uncertainty and fragmentation argu-
ably make it difficult for the public to understand
nanotechnology (Laux et al. 2018: 124), and conse-
quently more difficult to communicate about nano-
technology to the public (Priest 2009: 764). This
argument relates to the contemporary regulatory
situation with its patchwork of nano-specific and

non-nano-specific laws and regulations. Within the
EU, there is the regulation Registration, Evaluation,
Authorisation and Restriction of Chemicals
(REACH), the EU Cosmetics Directive, and the
European Food Safety Authority (EFSA), which
requires food labeling for nanomaterials (EC
2013). There are regulatory inconsistencies regard-
ing communication, since different legislationsmake
different demands: sometimeswarning labels, some-
times declarations of content, and sometimes public
hearings are required in environmental impact as-
sessment regulation (Priest 2009: 760).
(iv) Lack of consensus on definitions of concepts
A lack of standardized definitions and concepts
among the involved actors is also understood as a
problem when communicating nanotechnology to
the public. It has been argued that no standardized
framework is in place for categorizing nanotech-
nology and nanomaterials (Bostrom and Löfstedt
2010: 1652–3). Definitions of nanomaterials are
based on different criteria depending on the pur-
pose, varying among organizational, industry, reg-
ulatory, and research actors (Laux et al. 2018:

122–3). There is a broad range of definitions of
nanomaterial and nanoparticle, and there are dis-
agreements on what type of definition is the most
suitable (Boholm 2016; Boholm and Arvidsson
2016). The Black of a clear and shared understand-
ing of key terms^ is considered a problem for
science and regulation, since it allows ambiguity
and vagueness as well as conflicting messages
(Boholm and Arvidsson 2016: 38).
Nanotechnology itself is a problem
It has been argued that the qualities (or lack thereof)
associated with the physical and material properties of
nanotechnology create challenges for communication
for the following reasons: (i) these qualities give rise to
low dread risk; (ii) they concern matter that is difficult to
describe and visualize; (iii) there are many diverse ap-
plications and areas of use; and (iv) they are character-
ized by epistemic uncertainty.
(i) Absence of dread risk
Due to its material features, nanotechnology is
not perceived as a high-consequence, low-

probability risk, associated with involuntariness,
dread, and lack of control (Renn and Benighaus
2013: 305–6), and it therefore fits poorly into tra-
ditional risk communication frameworks. Dread
risk is a concept from psychometric studies of risk
perception and pertains to risks perceived as uncon-
trollable, global, and catastrophic; having fatal con-
sequences; inequitable; posing a high risk to future
generations; not easily reduced; and increasing and
involuntary (Slovic 1987: 282). Risk issues associ-
ated with the highest dread factor in early psycho-
metric research were nuclear war, nuclear weapons,
and nuclear reactor accidents (Slovic 1987).
Nanotechnology scores low on the dread risk factor
and is therefore considered a problem for risk com-
munication due to an inability to attract necessary
public attention and to communicate through rec-
ognizable risk scenarios (Renn and Benighaus
2013).
(ii) Beyond perception
Nanomaterials exist in a size range invisible to
the naked eye and are not easily described to
laypeople. It is therefore argued that, in the eyes

of the public, nanotechnology is distant, unfamil-
iar, and intangible (Castellini et al. 2007: 187;
Macnaghten 2010: 23; Pidgeon et al. 2011: 1695;
Priest 2012: 22–3; Simons et al. 2009).
Nanotechnology also arguably has uncanny asso-
ciations, since it deals with matter that is
Bunbelievably small^ and therefore Butterly be-
yond human action, perception and control^
(Macnaghten 2010: 24–5). Communicating with
the public about uncanny matter beyond percep-
tion is therefore understood to be challenging.
(iii) Applications are diverse
The diversity of nanotechnology applications
is understood to create a problem for nanotech-
nology communication. Nanotechnology includes
many diverse areas, heterogeneous substances,
techniques, applications, industry branches, and
risk issues. Public acceptance also differs between
particular applications, qualities, and potential
hazards (Duncan 2011; Macnaghten 2010: 24;
Pidgeon and Rogers-Hayden 2007: 197; Pidgeon
et al. 2011: 1695). As noted in the above
BBackground: what do we know about public

understanding of nanotechnology^ section, public
acceptance of nanotechnology depends on its ap-
plication (Berube et al. 2011; Simons et al. 2009),
and the perceived risk and benefit profiles of
different applications differ greatly.
(iv) Epistemic uncertainty
Nanotechnology is surrounded by considerable
uncertainty regarding its nature, benefits, environ-
mental risks, human health effects, and safety
(Berube et al. 2011: 3097; Grieger et al. 2009).
Uncertainty is arguably due to both the complex-
ity of nanomaterials as such and to their future
implications and consequences (Subramanian
et al. 2014). Consequently, many uncertain param-
eters must be communicated in policy and regula-
tory work on nanotechnology (Williams et al.
2010). It is argued that communicating with the
public about uncertain hopes and fears is much

more difficult than is communicating established
and known facts (Shatkin et al. 2010). For exam-
ple, the public wants to know if there actually are
nanoparticles in their food and, if so, whether or
not this is a health risk; such questions pose a
communication problem when science cannot
provide clear-cut answers (Bostrom and Löfstedt
2010: 1658).

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