![up one or two weekly or bi-weekly journals, the firms employing
them preferring them solely on the ground of cheapness. Experience
shows that women are not suited for newspaper work, unless the
paper does not appear more frequently than, say, twice a week, and
if the factory code disappeared to-morrow, morning daily
newspapers would afford to women compositors no fresh openings.
Have their opportunities been limited?
As regards the further point whether more women would be
employed if they were unprotected by law, the views of
representative employers and managers of labour are here set forth.
Out of thirty-five,[64]
twenty-eight were emphatic in their assurance
that the Factory Acts did not affect the question. Seven, on the other
hand, were inclined to think otherwise. Of these, five were unable to
say that they really would employ more women if freed from
restrictions, but two of them thought that "there might be something
in it," though the point had "never occurred to them before." Only
three of them were of the opinion emphatically that legislation was
certainly one amongst the obstacles to the employment of women.
[64]
These are the firms interviewed by Miss Bradby and
Miss A. Black as above.
When, on the other hand, we turn to the opinions of those
acquainted with the conditions of the trade, either as workers
(chiefly women) or Trade Union officials, we find practical unanimity.
The eighteen persons[65]
of this description questioned were strong
in their declarations that the employment of women was not
affected by the Factory Acts. To most of them, indeed, the idea of
any harmful connection between the two was novel and ridiculous.
This of course proves nothing; but if legislation had, to any
considerable extent, hampered the work of women, the women
themselves would doubtless have become aware of it.
[65]
Compositors only.](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/20269-250306144217-80d1bee8/85/Systems-Analysis-and-Design-in-a-Changing-World-7th-Edition-Satzinger-Solutions-Manual-32-320.jpg)
![The evidence available leads to the conclusion that, except in a
few small houses, the employment of women as compositors has not
been affected by the Factory Acts.
Legislation and home work.
The earlier stages during which the protection conferred by the
Legislature was enforced, were marked by attempts on the part of
certain employers to evade the spirit of the law by means of home
work.[66]
[66]
See pp. 99-101.
One example of this practice was given by the Rev. H. W. Blunt in
his evidence before the Commission of 1876. He says that much
work was sent to be completed after factory hours. For instance, in
one book-folding firm which had occasional rushes of work, a girl
was employed till 11 p.m. on the Monday before Christmas. She was
then told with the other girls that they must take home 1,000 quarto
sheets to fold by the morning. Several did so, but she refused,
because her mother was on the point of death, and the doctor said
there must not be a light in the room. She was consequently
dismissed at once. Mr. Blunt says further that religious "weeklies,"
the sheets of which came off the press at 12 o'clock at night, were
sent out to be folded by 8 a.m. They were taken away in
perambulators, children being employed to do this every week.
Work sent to "folding houses."
Another immediate result of legislation was the expedient of
sending out work to "folding houses" which did not come within the
definition of a factory or workshop. Such places may be premises
belonging to a factory and yet separate from it. Mr. Henderson, of
the Factory Department, in giving evidence before the Commission
of 1876, says: "Some years ago I came across Messrs. X., where
newspapers were folded wholesale by steam machinery, and I
thought it was a factory. Messrs. X. resisted the idea. Boys were](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/20269-250306144217-80d1bee8/85/Systems-Analysis-and-Design-in-a-Changing-World-7th-Edition-Satzinger-Solutions-Manual-33-320.jpg)
![beyond certain hours,' and, therefore, work not new has to be sent
in earlier."
Mr. Darton, of the same firm, adds: "We have persuaded
booksellers to give out stock work in June and July instead of
September or October, and so begin the work earlier and avoid
nightwork." This stimulus is undoubtedly good, and these views are
echoed by other employers.
The whole question of how far the practical prohibition of overtime
for women has limited the volume of work available for them, and
thus diminished their aggregate wages, needs very careful
consideration, as mistaken conclusions may easily be formed. The
matter was carefully considered by a Committee of the Economic
Section of the British Association, appointed in 1901, to enquire into
the effect of special legislation on women, and the following extracts
from its final report[67]
are of some interest:—
"A very important, perhaps from the economic point of view the
most important, effect of legislation has been to spread the period of
work more uniformly through the week, month, and year than had
been the case before regulation" (p. 5).
"The tendency to put off giving orders to the last moment is easily
checked when the customer can be met with a universal legal
prohibition" (p. 7).
"Restriction is met by adaptation of manufacture or rearrangement
of numbers employed and time at which work is done, women being
still employed at the work" (p. 13).
"Except for a few complaints as to the abolition of the possibility
of payment for overtime, which, as has been pointed out, by no
means prove any loss of earnings ... the Committee have no record
... of any loss of wages or earnings traceable to the [Factory] Acts"
(p. 25).
[67]
Presented at Southport in 1903.
Thus, it will be seen that the loss of overtime is not necessarily a
loss of work, but a re-distribution (and an economical one, too) of](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/20269-250306144217-80d1bee8/85/Systems-Analysis-and-Design-in-a-Changing-World-7th-Edition-Satzinger-Solutions-Manual-36-320.jpg)
![the times at which work is done, and does not therefore mean a loss
in income, but a steadying and regulation of income.
Nevertheless, before the re-organisation which has been
consequent on Factory legislation, overtime and nightwork were
necessary in order to turn out a certain volume of trade by a certain
number of workpeople, and the influence of restrictive legislation
has been shown in the following directions:—
1st. An increase in the class of workers called "job hands";
2nd. An enlargements of the permanent staff;
3rd. A rearrangement of the employment of male and female
labour.
The third of these changes we have found to be practically
imperceptible, whilst the second has affected women most
beneficially.
The job hand.
On the margin of casual and regular labour the job hand stands—
the reserve battalion of this section of the labour army. She is
generally a married woman, and commonly the wife of a faulty
husband. She does not want regular work, and only desires to earn
a certain limited wage. When she goes to a factory in search of
work, she has to wait idle for hour upon hour, but she generally
stays at home until summoned by her forewoman. Certain kinds of
cheap seasonal work as, for instance, penny almanacs, are almost
exclusively done by her,[68]
and she is commonly employed either
periodically, e.g., for weekly papers and monthly magazines, or
casually, e.g., prospectus work, for rushes. A notice in certain public-
houses, or information supplied to certain known agents, brings her
to the place where she is wanted.
[68]
"The majority of the almanac makers are married
women who stay at home from February to July": Leeds.
Job hands existed before 1867, but at that time they did not hold
quite the same position in the trade as they do now. They were the](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/20269-250306144217-80d1bee8/85/Systems-Analysis-and-Design-in-a-Changing-World-7th-Edition-Satzinger-Solutions-Manual-37-320.jpg)
![hands who went to different firms for two or three nights a month to
help in a recognised rush of work which occurred regularly. In the
Commissioners' Report for 1876, mention is made several times of
job hands who were employed quite regularly for definite pieces of
work at definite times during the month. Firms publishing certain
weekly papers were in the habit of employing women in folding
during the early hours of the morning before distributing the papers
to the newsagents. Firms which printed monthly magazines needed
women to fold all night for two or three nights or more at the end of
each month. Such employment naturally came to an end as soon as
the Act of 1867 came into operation; but the job hand only changed
her hours. It became necessary during rushes of work to call in extra
hands, in order to comply with the clauses of the Act, and many
firms solved the difficulty by employing job hands during the day
instead of at night, for a few days to meet the emergency.[69]
This
work was generally taken up by married women who had served in
the trade before marriage, and who were glad to get a few days'
employment from time to time.
[69]
But this is not the invariable rule. A manager of a firm
dealing largely in magazines and periodical issues says: "The
effect of legal restrictions on our business is to make women
work hard for two weeks and slacken off for two weeks.
There is no thought of giving the work to men, or of sending
it home, or of employing job hands."
Increase of permanent staff.
The second method of solving the difficulty—by employing a larger
permanent staff—involves the erection of more extensive premises,
and can only be adopted by firms whose financial position enables
them to meet a considerable outlay. It is probably the best means
for ensuring that work shall be done efficiently for the employer, and
conducted under the most favourable conditions for the employed.
Nightwork and overtime.](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/20269-250306144217-80d1bee8/85/Systems-Analysis-and-Design-in-a-Changing-World-7th-Edition-Satzinger-Solutions-Manual-38-320.jpg)
![But there still remains a slight residuum of nightwork which has to
be done by men. To this extent, and to this extent only, can
restriction be said to have hindered the employment of women.
We have tried to ascertain how much this really means to the
women workers. Thirty-three firms stated that work of the same
character as that performed by women in the daytime was
sometimes given out to men at night. We cannot, however, assume
that the work is always given to men on account of legal restrictions,
and it does not follow that the abolition of such restrictions would
induce all masters to introduce women for nightwork. Several of
them, indeed, emphatically deny that they would adopt this practice;
and in some instances we have been told that it was not observed in
the best firms before the law prohibited it, e.g., "Mr. A. remembers
the time before the Act of 1867 (he has been in the trade since
1851). He could have worked women at night, but never would
because of questions of morality."
These statements are, however, only part of the case, because
nightwork is generally overtime, and we must consider how far
employers care to practise it.
There seems to be an almost unanimous opinion against overtime,
and any mention of factory legislation appears to suggest overtime
at once to both employers and employed. Experience has driven it
home to them that overtime is a most uneconomical method of
work;[70]
and as there does not appear to be any demand for
women's labour at night except occasionally as overtime, the factory
law in this respect is only a protection to the employée engaged by
the employer who is still experimenting with this unproductive use of
labour.
[70]
"When the factory (now a large provincial lithographer's,
almanac maker's, etc.), was a small one, and it employed only
a few hands, they used to work a great deal of overtime.
They used all the time they were allowed by the Factory Acts
and sometimes tried to get in more. But now they do not find
it pays to work overtime."](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/20269-250306144217-80d1bee8/85/Systems-Analysis-and-Design-in-a-Changing-World-7th-Edition-Satzinger-Solutions-Manual-39-320.jpg)
![It is of some importance to note that a responsible
spokesman for the men engaged in London houses informed
one of our investigators that when men are put on at night to
fold "they take it easy, and six men do in two hours what two
women do in two hours. They don't bother to walk up and
down gathering, but sit at it in a row, and hand sheets on
from one to the other."
Testimony of employers.
Some employers, like Mr. Bell,[71]
admit candidly enough that
legislation enables them to be more humane (and humanity in this
respect pays) than they could otherwise afford to be. The Act is "a
great relief," such an employer has said. "Legislation is an excellent
thing; existing hours are quite long enough. If a person has not
done her work by the time they are up, she never will do it." "The
Factory Acts are a very good thing," another has said. "Long hours
diminish the output"; or again: "Factory legislation is a capital thing;
I only wish it could be extended to men." "Women are not so strong
as men, and therefore the law rightly steps in." "I think it would be
very inadvisable to employ women at night. I think legislation a very
good thing. Overtime is not really worth it." "Legislation is a very
good thing. I don't believe in long hours. Employers are often
shortsighted and think that workers are like machines—the longer
you work them the more they do, but this is not really the case; if
they work from 9 to 7 they have done as much as they are good
for." "The good done by the Factory Acts has quite outweighed any
evils or hardships." Another employer remarked: "I shouldn't like my
own daughter to do it, and I don't see why other women should do
so. I should think it a very bad thing for women to go home in the
early hours of the morning." On hearing that restrictions were
objected to on the score that they hindered the employment of
women, he replied scathingly that it was rubbish, but that "ladies
must have something to talk about."
[71]
Cf. p. 78.](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/20269-250306144217-80d1bee8/85/Systems-Analysis-and-Design-in-a-Changing-World-7th-Edition-Satzinger-Solutions-Manual-40-320.jpg)
![There were no proper meal hours. She used to get "just a snack
between her work."
D. remembers that when they were busy they had to work all
night and all the day before and the next day too. They used to
work on Sundays and were given a glass of gin. She never knew
anyone who wanted to do nightwork, and thinks eight and a half
hours quite long enough for anyone to work, especially when there
is housework, too, when one gets home.
E. remembers the time when he was a boy and women were kept
at work all night; he remembers shops where they worked regularly
all night after working all day, for two or three times a week.
F. a bookbinder, remembers women who worked all night
frequently. They were very poor, very rough, and of very low moral
standing. "Some of the women who worked could hardly be said to
belong to their sex." Respectable girls would not come for such low
wages, and also because they had to go home alone through the
streets. After the Factory Acts the moral tone and respectability
increased greatly; wages were no lower and there were fewer hours
of work.[72]
[72]
This is an interesting comment on the relation between
low wages and long hours on the one hand and character on
the other.
G. says, "We used to have to come in at 6 in the morning and
work till 10 or 11 at night, and then be told to come back again at 6
next day. I often used to faint; it took all my strength away." She
considers the Factory Act an unmixed blessing.
H., before the Factory Act, has worked from 9 to 7, 8, 9, or 10.
Often as a learner she stayed till 11 or 12, and once till 12 several
nights running. Once she remembers being turned out in a
thunderstorm at midnight, and how frightened she was. Occasionally
she worked all night; they used to be given coffee at 2 a.m. Once or
twice she worked from 9 a.m. one day to 2 p.m. next day;
"Excitement keeps you up." They were allowed to sing at their work
and be as merry as they could; "We didn't count it much of a](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/20269-250306144217-80d1bee8/85/Systems-Analysis-and-Design-in-a-Changing-World-7th-Edition-Satzinger-Solutions-Manual-44-320.jpg)
![whom, under thirteen years of age, earned from 2s. to 3s. 6d.; the
fourth, a sort of overlooker, earned 12s. Another firm of printers paid
the younger girls 4s. to 5s. a week; the older ones 8s. and 10s. The
women employed by a third firm earned at least 14s. a week and
3d. an hour overtime. In a fourth a young girl earned 9s. 10½d. for
fifty-three hours, another 12s. 10¾d. for forty-eight hours, another
13s. for fifty-seven hours, and the journeywoman 17s. 6d. for sixty
hours.
In a firm where women made envelopes, one girl working from 9
a.m. to 8 p.m. every day, and till 3 p.m. on Saturdays, said she could
earn 10s. 6d., and a journeywoman earned from 10s. to 12s.
Women making envelopes for another firm earned 9s. or 10s. a
week.
Paper-box makers earned, on an average, 9s. or 10s., some made
15s. or more. In another firm they earned 7s. or 8s. up to 25s. on
piecework. Timeworkers earned 12s. or 14s.; young girls earned 2s.
6d.
These wages are very much the same as those paid to-day, and
the hours then were undoubtedly longer.[73]
Nor must it be assumed
that wages would have risen more satisfactorily had there been no
Factory Acts. Had there been any tendency for wages to rise which
the Factory Law was retarding, that tendency would have shown
itself in a marked way during the intervals between each Act, but no
such thing is observable, as Mr. Wood's figures in the footnote
indicate. Moreover, taken all together, the evidence gathered by this
investigation proves that neither the demand for improvement nor
the organisation to make that demand effective exists in the case of
the woman worker. On the other hand, there is no evidence to show
that legislation has improved wages, except in so far as it has
reduced hours without apparently having lowered rates.](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/20269-250306144217-80d1bee8/85/Systems-Analysis-and-Design-in-a-Changing-World-7th-Edition-Satzinger-Solutions-Manual-50-320.jpg)
![[73]
Cf. "The Course of Women's Wages during the Nineteenth Century," by Mr.
G. H. Wood, printed as an Appendix to "A History of Factory Legislation," by B.
L. Hutchins and A. Harrison, where the following figures are given as the
estimated average weekly earnings of women and girls in the printing trade:
1840, 6s. 3d.; 1850, 6s. 6d.; 1860, 7s. 5d.; 1866,7s. 10d.; 1870, 8s. 6d.; 1883,
8s. 9d.; 1886, 8s. 9d.; 1891, 9s. 10d.; 1895, 9s. 10d.; 1900, 10s. 1d.
On the whole there seems to be no ground for considering that special legislation for
women in this trade has materially injured the value of their labour. There is nothing to
show that their wages have decreased, that legislation has acted as a drag upon their
income, or that they have lost employment to any appreciable extent.
Want of elasticity in the law.
A lack of elasticity in the law seems to be the greatest complaint of the employers. On
the face of it, it looks like a piece of senseless red-tape that, because it is usually
preferable to an employer to open his factory between the hours of 8 to 8, he may not
when it is more convenient to him, open it between 6 and 6 or 7.30 and 7.30. It seems
absurd that it was an illegal act of an employer to allow two young women to begin work
at 6 a.m. and work till 8 p.m., whereas it would have been quite legal if they had begun
work at 8 a.m. and worked till 10 p.m., due notice having been given to the Home Office.
[74]
[74]
Stationery Trades' Journal, 1898.
Mr. Henderson, as above quoted, gives it as his opinion that "a wide limit of law is
necessary for printing offices where women may not work after 8 p.m. or before 6 a.m.
Hours for adult women other than at present should be allowed by the Secretary of
State, as for instance the folders of weeklies."
Again, it is felt that a greater freedom is needed with regard to overtime. Mr. Vaughan,
the Factory Inspector for North London, in the Factories and Workshops Report for 1899
says: "I find in some trades, e.g., Christmas cards, great dissatisfaction at the
curtailment of overtime from five to three nights a week, when the busy season lasts
only for a month or so; the allowance of thirty nights a year is not required, but an
allowance of more nights during these few weeks would be an enormous assistance. The
temptation in such cases to work more nights a week than are allowed is universally
great."
It appears to be a great hardship that women who have not been working by day may
not upon occasions work by night, and both employers and employées are unanimous in
demanding that the law should recognise this distinction. There is a great difference
between retaining an ordinary worker through the night, or for more than a certain
number of hours per week, and drafting in a fresh set of workers to do work by night at
stated periods in the month or at times of emergency.
Whether or not the law can be made sufficiently elastic to allow of greater freedom
with regard to period of employment, overtime, and nightwork, raises difficult questions.
No doubt it would be an advantage both to employées and employers, if the law could be
made so elastic, but the difficulty of effective inspection would be so great as to](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/20269-250306144217-80d1bee8/85/Systems-Analysis-and-Design-in-a-Changing-World-7th-Edition-Satzinger-Solutions-Manual-51-320.jpg)
![outweigh any possible advantage. The early history of factory legislation and its working
shows clearly that the intention of the Act was defeated because employers could so
easily evade its clauses. At present it is known to a factory inspector that a factory that
opens at 6 always opens at 6 and closes at 6, unless notice has been given that overtime
is being worked; if, however, an employer were free to open his factory at 6 or 7 or 8, as
occasion demanded, and close accordingly, the difficulty of administration would
obviously be greatly increased.
The same point arises with regard to nightworkers. It is quite impossible to know
among a staff of nightworkers, who has been working all day and who are bonâ fide job
hands. Such cases as the following, which was the cause of a prosecution, would occur
far more frequently.
"Twenty-four girls who were employed at a neighbouring printing and bookbinding
firm, worked for twelve hours at that firm on Friday, November 20th. They then went
straight to the Carlyle Press, and worked all night, going back to their regular work at the
other firm at 8 the next morning. The forewoman employed by the latter firm said that
she did not know these girls had been working all day, or she would not have admitted
them."[75]
[75]
Printers' Register, January 12th, 1892.
It must be remembered that so far as the class of job hands is concerned, they owe
their present position in a large measure to factory legislation. By utilising them, the
employer has been able to meet a sudden press of work, and yet to comply with the
provisions of the law, so that, without the legislation of which they now complain, many
of them would not have found employment. Moreover, job hands are not numerous when
compared with regular workers, and the provisions in the Factory Acts which seem to
bear hardly on casual labour have rightly been passed in the interest of the permanent
staff. To accede to the demand for greater elasticity is to suppose a higher code of
morals on the part both of employers and of employed than experience justifies, and it
would also render necessary a far more elaborate and irritating system of inspection than
at present exists. The efficiency of modern factory industry depends very greatly upon
automatic working—upon its standardisation of conditions, and the existing factory law
with its inelastic provisions is, in reality, a great aid in maintaining those conditions of
efficiency. Now and again an employer complains of some hard experience, and forgets
that a departure from rigid rule would destroy the certainty which he feels that the law is
treating him exactly as it is his competitors. Such a feeling of security is essential to
business enterprise.](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/20269-250306144217-80d1bee8/85/Systems-Analysis-and-Design-in-a-Changing-World-7th-Edition-Satzinger-Solutions-Manual-52-320.jpg)
![CHAPTER VII.
WOMEN AND MACHINERY.
There is a general opinion amongst the women workers themselves that the
introduction of machinery has ruined these trades for them. But we have found that
certain opinions prevail, not because they have stood the test of investigation, but
because they are passed round, and have never been subjected to enquiry. We have
already referred to the question in a general way.[76]
[76]
P. 48.
Effect of machinery.
The impression of workers that machinery is displacing them, must be received with a
great deal of reserve as they rarely take long or broad views.
Mechanical aid is very imperfect in most of these trades, and in book folding, envelope
making, black bordering, etc., its use has hitherto been greatly restricted owing to the
nature of the work.
The census figures, moreover, seem to be pretty conclusive that, taking the trade as a
whole, machinery cannot have had such a very destructive influence upon women's
employment.[77]
[77]
An old-established publisher commits himself to the statement that
machinery has increased women's work by 20 per cent. The manager of a
leading Scottish paper and stationery firm stated, with reference to envelope
making: "The use of machinery is always extending; but only in the direction of
increasing the output; there has been no displacing of workers; the result has
been rather to increase their employment."
The following statement by a Trade Union official is at once the most emphatic and
most detailed of a considerable mass of information on this subject:—
"Folding and stitching machines have largely superseded female labour and men's
labour too. E.g., A. (a certain weekly paper), if folded, etc., by hand, would employ thirty
hands—now it is all done by machinery. B. (another similar paper) by hand would employ
100 girls and, say, twenty or thirty men—now no girl touches it except just to insert
'things,' e.g., advertisements, and men merely pack it; machinery does the rest. Even
wrapping is done by machinery—one machine with one man does the work of eight men.
At X. (a well-known London firm) ten folding machines do the work of 100 girls."
As a matter of fact the papers referred to have been created by the cheap work of
machines, and no labour has been displaced by their employment. They have rather
increased the demand for labour. But the statement shows the efficiency of machinery
worked under the best conditions.](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/20269-250306144217-80d1bee8/85/Systems-Analysis-and-Design-in-a-Changing-World-7th-Edition-Satzinger-Solutions-Manual-53-320.jpg)
![Another statement by a woman worker, typical of many others, is as follows:
—"Machinery is ruining the trade, and workers are being turned off; thirty were turned
off a few months ago, and twenty more will have to go soon."
This applies to a certain well-known London firm of bookbinders, and it is curiously
corroborated by other investigators who found in other firms traces of the women
discharged from this one. The firm's own statement, however, was that they had to turn
away "ten hands (young ones), the other day, because of the introduction of folding
machines"; but this information was received five months before the woman employed
quoted above was seen.[78]
[78]
An Edinburgh firm states that one folding machine can be managed by
two girls and it does the work of eight women hand-folders. The firm does not
state if it turned away hands, but it considered that there is too great a strain
placed upon girls in watching this machine constantly, so their work is varied.
Displacement.
That there is some displacement, either directly or by the substitution of younger
workpeople, cannot be gainsaid with reference to particular processes.
The class most affected is the sewers. The evidence in support of their displacement
places it beyond dispute, and though the increased facility for sewing has created an
extra demand for folding, and some sewers have turned to folding in consequence, this
class as a whole has suffered by machinery. Folders have been less affected.
The way in which the displacement is brought about is of some interest. We have, to
begin with, the general apparent inability of women to manage machines, and we find
that the folding machine has tended to reintroduce men to aid in work which for many
years has been exclusively women's.[79]
Here we have a case of men and machinery
doing women's work. On the other hand, the sewing machine does not appear to have
had that tendency, the only explanation apparently being that convention determines
that in these trades sewing machines and women go together. Sewing machines are
domestic implements in men's eyes. It is very curious that it should be so, but we are
driven to that as the only possible explanation of well-observed facts. In this instance
machines alone displace women.
[79]
The manager of a firm with an extensive business in popular periodical
literature says: "Folding, which was all hand work and women's work, is now
largely done by machines managed by men. Wrapping, of which the same was
true, is also largely done by machines which are managed by men.... If the
machine is large and complicated, men will replace women, if it is small and
simple, women will replace men."
No process—excepting the few rare instances in the typographical trade—seems to
have been opened up to women in consequence of the introduction of machinery; and,
on the other hand, the instances where young persons, either boys or girls, have been
put to women's work owing to the introduction of machinery are very rare. So all that
has happened has been that machines have somewhat changed the character of
women's work, and their chief effect, beyond the displacement of sewers, has been to](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/20269-250306144217-80d1bee8/85/Systems-Analysis-and-Design-in-a-Changing-World-7th-Edition-Satzinger-Solutions-Manual-54-320.jpg)
![with a productive capital charge, to turn out large volumes of produce. "When we see a
good machine," said one of these employers, "we try it, and we do not think of the
cheapness or dearness of the labour it may displace." But with small employers, and with
those producing for a lower class or special market, considerations of wages do enter
greatly into calculations of the utility of a new machine, and to some slight extent the
cheapness of women's labour has retarded the application of machinery in these trades.
One investigator states of a large West End stationer:—"Undoubtedly he would put up
steam folding and stamping machines if women's labour were not so cheap." A printer
who prints some of the best-known weekly papers and reviews is reported to have said:
—"Taking it broadly, the cheapness of men's or women's work undoubtedly tends to
retard the introduction of machinery."
But the most striking proof of the connection between cheap labour and handwork is
given by one investigator who, whilst being taken over certain large printing works was
shown women folding one of the illustrated weekly papers. Folding machines were
standing idle in the department, and she was told that these were used by the men
when folding had to be done at times when the Factory Law prohibited women's labour.
[80]
Another employer stated that he had introduced folding machines as a consequence
of the legal restrictions placed upon women's labour, whilst another well-known
bookbinder said:—"If women would take a fair price for work done it would not be
necessary to employ machinery."
[80]
Cf. pp 80, 81, etc.
A large printer of magazines reports: "The saving in cost, and therefore the
inducement to put in machinery, is much less if higher wages are paid for men doing the
work." The scarcity of women's labour, we are told, induced a Manchester printing firm to
adopt folding machines; whilst, on the other hand, the cheapness of women's labour has
kept linotypes out of Warrington composing rooms.](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/20269-250306144217-80d1bee8/85/Systems-Analysis-and-Design-in-a-Changing-World-7th-Edition-Satzinger-Solutions-Manual-56-320.jpg)
![CHAPTER VIII.
HOME WORK.
Census figures.
The table of occupations compiled from the census of 1901 for the first time indicates
the number of home workers. For these trades the figures for women are as follows:
ENGLAND AND WALES.[81]
Unmarrie
d.
Married
or
Widowe
d.
Tota
l.
Total
for
Scotlan
d.
Paper manufacture 9 10 19 0
Paper stainers 1 1 2 1
Stationery manufacture 37 25 62 0
Envelope makers 27 42 69 4
Paper box and paper
bag makers
524 1,153
1,67
7
36
Other workers in paper,
etc.
54 52 106 2
Printers [? folders] 73 46 119 2
Lithographers, copper
and
steel plate printers
18 12 30 0
Bookbinders 129 145 274 9
Typecutter 0 1 1 0
[81]
Paper box making was not investigated.
It is always difficult to trace out the home worker, and the information we obtained
was collected through communication with School Board officers, Charity Organisation
Society secretaries, district nurses, sanitary inspectors, and workpeople. The groups of
trades investigated are mainly factory and workshop trades, and are becoming more so.
Home work is not so prevalent in them as it used to be, and it is now somewhat difficult
to trace its effects in its present decayed importance.](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/20269-250306144217-80d1bee8/85/Systems-Analysis-and-Design-in-a-Changing-World-7th-Edition-Satzinger-Solutions-Manual-57-320.jpg)
![Home work drawbacks.
There used to be a good deal of home work in these trades, but the growth of large
firms and the introduction of machinery[82]
have discouraged it.[83]
The material is very
heavy and sometimes costly, and has to be carefully handled. It is therefore difficult to
move from workshop to dwelling-place; and when handled in kitchens or other living
rooms it runs a great risk of being stained and spoiled. The home workers find some of
their own material, e.g., paste and brushes for bag making, and they save light and rent
for employers; but, on the other hand, they are apt "to send back their work with the
mark of teacups upon it," or spoiled in some other way, and it is difficult to get them to
return it punctually. So in these trades, home work really does not pay.
[82]
This seems to be specially the case in the provinces.
[83]
One of the home workers (also workshop worker) visited said, "Home
work is given less and less and is difficult to get now. Only three work at it—old
hands—and they are going to stop it altogether, perhaps." Another investigator
reports of machine-ruling in Scotland: "Two elderly women who worked a paper-
ruling machine in their kitchen. They had been at the work for thirty years,
having been taught by their father, and have carried on the business since his
death. The father had a good business, and they can make their living by it, but
say the work has sadly fallen off. They get enough orders to keep them going,
and when very busy employ a girl occasionally to help them. 'It is useless to try
to compete with the new machines they have nowadays. What used to be given
to us at 2s. 6d., can now be turned out by the machines for 1s. 6d. We couldn't
afford to do it at those rates.'" Cf. Appendix V.
The Trade Unions prohibit home work when they are able to detect it. There is,
generally, a healthy feeling opposed to this method of employment, and firms deny
practising it.
Home work processes.
Home work is now mainly confined to book and paper folding, sewing printed matter,
black bordering and folding envelopes, making paper bags, and designing and painting
Christmas cards which is done at home not so much because employers encourage it,
but because it is undertaken by a class of women indisposed to enter a workshop. The
folding is mostly of cheap printed matter like popular almanacs and other street
literature. Also, a good deal of folding thin paper Bibles and prayer books is done at
home.
Some paper staining is also done in living rooms by workpeople, but the practice is less
common than it was. "One paper colourer, a married woman, whom we saw, told us that
her mother worked at the trade before her at home, and when she herself was a baby
her cradle was rocked on the colouring board. 'Many was the night' that she sat up as a
child helping her mother to do the work. She certainly throve on it and seemed
immensely proud of her industrial career."
The home worker.](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/20269-250306144217-80d1bee8/85/Systems-Analysis-and-Design-in-a-Changing-World-7th-Edition-Satzinger-Solutions-Manual-58-320.jpg)
![What home work is still done is given mainly to women employed in the workshop
during the day, and is therefore illegal.[84]
In addition, women who have married whilst
working in certain firms, or widows of men who have been workmen in these trades,
keep up old connections by occasional—if not systematic—home work. But as it hardly
pays the employer to avail himself regularly of domestic workers, the work now done at
home is chiefly given out to meet a temporary pressure of demand, and would practically
disappear if these exceptional pressures did not take place.
[84]
The wording of the section (31 (2)) of the Act, however, makes it difficult
to enforce.
Paper-bag making.
The making of paper bags is, of this group of trades, most extensively and
systematically practised as a home industry. This is particularly the case in the
neighbourhood of busy street markets, such as are found in South London. The work is
mostly done by married women of a rough class, as a supplement to their husbands'
wages.[85]
Reporting upon one such worker an investigator says: "Mrs. —— is one of nine
daughters, and seven are paper-bag makers. All her cousins, aunts and relations-in-law
have taken it up.... A niece of hers was consumptive and could not earn her living, but
she was fond of dress. Mrs. —— taught her paper-bag making and she soon earned 8s.
or 9s. a week." The profit which yielded this income is stated to be 6d. or 7d. per
thousand bags. Many women who occasionally work at paper-bag making only do so to
earn a particular sum of money of which they are in need—say 10s. When that is earned
they cease work. Such is the casual nature of the employment and the disorganised state
of the labour employed in it.
[85]
"In nearly all the cases that Mrs. —— (an employing bag maker in the
Borough) knows there are bad husbands. Mrs. —— is in the trade herself to
supplement her husband's earnings because she has nine children and he
cannot earn enough to keep them in comfort."
The homes.
The practically unanimous report of the investigators is that these home workers' home
conditions are of the very worst. "A very squalid and evil-smelling slum," "Very poor and
miserable house shared by others," are typical descriptions of the dwellings to which the
home work investigations led us.](https://image.slidesharecdn.com/20269-250306144217-80d1bee8/85/Systems-Analysis-and-Design-in-a-Changing-World-7th-Edition-Satzinger-Solutions-Manual-59-320.jpg)
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- 5. Systems Analysis and Design in a Changing World, seventh edition 9-1 Chapter 9 – Designing the Database Solutions to End-of-Chapter Problems Review Questions 1. List the components of a DBMS and describe the function of each. Application program interface – An interface engine or library of precompiled subroutines that enable application programs (such as those written in C or Java) to interact with the database. End-user query processor – A program or utility that allows end users to retrieve data and generate reports without writing application programs. Data definition interface – A program or utility that allows a database administrator to define or modify the content and structure of the database (for example, add new fields or redefine data types or relationships). Data access and control logic – The system software that controls access to the physical database and maintains various internal data structures (for example, indexes and pointers). Database – The physical data store (or stores) combined with the schema. Schema – A store of data that describes various aspects of the “real” data, including data types, relationships, indexes, content restrictions, and access controls. Physical data store – The “real” data as stored on a physical storage medium (for example, a magnetic disk). 2. What is a database schema? What information does it contain? A database schema is a store of data that describes the content and structure of the physical data store (sometimes called metadata—data about data). It contains a variety of information about data types, relationships, indexes, content restrictions, and access controls. 3. What does SQL stand for and what is its purpose? SQL stands for Structured Query Language. It is the standard language used by relational DBMSs to access and update data in a relational database. 4. Why are databases the preferred method of storing data used by an information system? Databases are a common point of access, management, and control. They allow data to be managed as an enterprise-wide resource while providing simultaneous access to many different users and application programs. They solve many of the problems associated with separately
- 6. Systems Analysis and Design in a Changing World, seventh edition 9-2 maintained data stores, including redundancy, inconsistent security, and inconsistent data access methods. 5. What are the responsibilities of a data administrator? A data administrator is the person in charge of the structure and integrity of the data itself. This includes things such as setting standards for naming and defining data elements, for collaborating and controlling who controls the data and who can access it, and for ensuring that the data is correct, accurate, and complete. 6. What are the responsibilities of a database administrator? The database administrator is the person in charge of the DBMS – its operation and safety. This includes such things as managing multiple DBMS environment if necessary, protecting the data and the database with authentication and attack prevention, maintaining performance of the DBMS, and backup and recovery procedures 7. With respect to relational databases, briefly define the terms row and attribute value. Row – The portion of a table containing data that describes one entity, relationship, or object. Attribute value – The portion of a table (a column) containing data that describes the same fact about all entities, relationships, or objects in the table. 8. What is a primary key? Are duplicate primary key values allowed? Why or why not? A primary key is a field or set of fields, the values of which uniquely identify a row of a table. Because primary keys must uniquely identify a row, duplicate key values aren’t allowed. 9. What is the difference between a natural key and an invented key? Which type is most commonly used in business information processing? A natural key is a naturally occurring attribute of or fact about something represented in a database (for example, a human fingerprint or the atomic weight of an element). An invented key is one that is assigned by a system (for example, a social security or credit card number). Most keys used in business information processing are invented. 10. What is a foreign key? Why are foreign keys used or required in a relational database? Are duplicate foreign key values allowed? Why or why not? A foreign key is a field value (or set of values) stored in one table that also exists as a primary key value in another table. Foreign keys are used to represent relationships among entities that are represented as tables. Duplicate foreign keys are not allowed within the same table because they would redundantly represent the same relationship. Duplicate foreign keys may exist in different tables because they would represent different relationships.
- 7. Systems Analysis and Design in a Changing World, seventh edition 9-3 11. Describe the steps used to transform a domain class diagram into a relational database schema. 1. Create a table for each class. 2. Choose a primary key for each table. 3. Add foreign keys to represent one-to-many relationships. 4. Create new tables to represent many-to-many relationships. 5. Define referential integrity constraints. 6. Evaluate schema quality and make necessary improvements. 7. Choose appropriate data types and value restrictions for each field. 12. What is referential integrity? Describe how it is enforced when a new foreign key value is created, when a row containing a primary key is deleted, and when a primary key value is changed. Referential integrity is content constraint between the values of a foreign key and the values of the corresponding primary key in another table. The constraint is that values of the foreign key field(s) must either exist as values of a primary key or must be NULL. A valid value must exist in the foreign key field(s) before the row can be added. When a row containing the primary key is deleted, the row with the foreign key must also be deleted for the data to maintain referential integrity. A primary key should never be changed; but in the event that it is, the value of the foreign key must also be changed. 13. What types of data (or attributes) should never be stored more than once in a relational database? What types of data (or attributes) usually must be stored more than once in a relational database? Non-key fields should never be stored more than once. If a table represents a class, the primary key values of each class represented in the table are redundantly stored (as foreign keys) for every relationship in which the class participates. 14. What is relational database normalization? Why is a database schema in third normal form considered to be of higher quality than a non-normalized database schema? Relational database normalization is a process that increases schema quality by minimizing data redundancy. A schema with tables in third normal form has less non-key data redundancy than a schema with non-normalized tables. Less redundancy makes the schema and database contents easier to maintain over the long term. 15. Describe the process of relational database normalization. Which normal forms rely on the definition of functional dependency? The process of normalization modifies the schema and table definitions by successively applying higher order rules of table construction. The rules each define a normal form, and the normal forms are numbered one through three. First normal form eliminates repeating groups
- 8. Systems Analysis and Design in a Changing World, seventh edition 9-4 that are embedded in tables. Second and third normal forms are based on a concept called functional dependency—a one-to- one correspondence between two field values. Second normal form ensures that every field in a table is functionally dependent on the primary key. Third normal form ensures that no non-key field is functionally dependent on any other non-key field. 16. What is the difference between a primitive data type and a complex data type? A primitive data type (for example, integer, real, or character) is directly supported (represented) by the CPU or a programming language. A complex data type (for example, record, linked list, or object) contains one or more data elements constructed using the primitive data types as building blocks. 17. What additional database management complexities are introduced when database contents are replicated in multiple locations? Replicated copies are redundant data stores. Thus, any changes to data content must be redundantly implemented on each copy. Implementing redundant maintenance of data content requires all servers to periodically exchange database updates. 18. When should database design be performed? Can the database be designed iteratively or must the entire database be designed at once? Database design is usually done as early as possible in the project. For an iterative project, it is usually designed and implemented in the earlier iterations. The database does not have to be designed completely all at once, however, it should be designed and refined as much as possible in the early iterations. 19. What is the basic purpose of transaction logging? Transaction logging takes every update to the database and logs exactly how it happened (sometimes with an image of the transaction). It is extremely important for audit trails and for recovery in case something goes wrong. 20. What is the difference between homogeneous distributed database and a heterogeneous distributed database? A homogeneous distributed database is where the data is distributed, but all database copies use the same DBMS system and thus can function from a single global schema definition. A heterogeneous distributed database is where the data is distributed and may also use distinct DBMSs. Since the DBMSs are distinct, there may be both global and local users with different schema definitions.
- 9. Systems Analysis and Design in a Changing World, seventh edition 9-5 21. What is the purpose of database synchronization for a replicated database? Replicated databases are where there is a master instance of the database and multiple copies. However, updates to the database may occur both at the master and the copy level. Database synchronization is done to make sure all instances, master and copies, have the same data. 22. What are the advantages and disadvantages of replicated databases? Advantages of replicated databases include • Rapid response time because each database instance is independent • Good availability since instances are images of each other and can “cover” each other • Transaction processing is easier because it is done at a single location. Disadvantages are primarily the increased storage requirements for multiple copies, and the requirement to do frequent synchronization. 23. Which would be easier to configure and maintain? A vertically partitioned database or a horizontally partitioned database? Explain why. Horizontally partitioned databases are usually much easier to configure and maintain. Horizontally partitioned databases simply duplicate the schema (table definitions) at multiple locations, and simply have distinct rows at the different locations. To provide a comprehensive data set simply requires combining the rows of data. Vertically partitioned databases are more complex because they have unique columns of the same rows at distinct locations. Some of the issues of vertically partitioned database are, (1) when a new row is added at one location, that row should also be added to all locations. (2) when updates are done at one location, that may require updates to other locations, (3) when a row is deleted, the other rows must be deleted. 24. What is a transaction with regard to updating a database? A transaction is a piece of work that may require updates to multiple tables in a database. Either all the updates must be completed successfully, or none of the updates must be performed. If something fails in the middle, i.e. with only part of the updates completed, then those must be returned to their pre- transaction condition. 25. What is transaction logging and what is its purpose? Ooooops. Duplicate question. See # 19. Transaction logging takes every update to the database and logs exactly how it happened (sometimes with an image of the transaction). It is extremely important for audit trails and for recovery in case something goes wrong.
- 10. Systems Analysis and Design in a Changing World, seventh edition 9-6 26. What is the difference between a shared lock and an exclusive lock? A shared lock, sometimes called a read lock, allows multiple users to read and access the data at the same time. It is used when the data is not changing and multiple users may want to refer to it at the same time. An exclusive lock is required when the data is going to be changed. Only one user at a time can access the data, both for reading and for updating. When an exclusive lock is issued, other users are locked out completely, both for reading and for updating. 27. What is another name for an exclusive lock? An exclusive lock is also called a write lock.
- 11. Systems Analysis and Design in a Changing World, seventh edition 9-7 Problems and Exercises 1. The Universal Product Code (UPC) is a bar-coded number that uniquely identifies many products sold in the United States. For example, all printed copies of this textbook sold in the United States have the same UPC bar code on the back cover. Now consider how the design of the RMO database might change if all items sold by RMO were required by law to carry a permanently attached UPC (e.g., on a label sewn into a garment or on a radio frequency ID tag attached to a product). How might the RMO relational database schema change under this requirement? The change to the schema is relatively simple. ProductID is replaced with the UPC bar code both as the primary key of ProductItem and all corresponding foreign keys. The change might be more complex if the DBMS were previously responsible for generating values of ProductItem.Number. That function would now be removed from the DBMS because the key values would be externally assigned. This would potentially add more complexity to the system in order to determine what the UPC values were and to get them entered into the system. 2. Assume that RMO will begin asking a random sample of customers who order by telephone about purchases made from competitors. RMO will give customers a 15 percent discount on their current order in exchange for answering a few questions. To store and use this information, RMO will add two new classes and three new associations to the class diagram. The new classes are Competitor and ProductCategory. Competitor has a one-to-many association with ProductCategory, and the existing Customer class also has a one-to-many association with ProductCategory. Competitor has a single attribute called Name. ProductCategory has four attributes: Description, DollarAmountPurchased, MonthPurchased, and YearPurchased. Revise the relational database schema shown in Figure 9-10 to include the new classes and associations. All tables must be in 3NF. The following tables must be added to the relational database schema: Competitor = CompetitorID, Name ProductCategory = ProductPurchaseID, CompetitorID, CustomerAccountNo, MonthPurchased, YearPurchased, Description, DollarAmountPurchased Primary keys are shown in bold, and foreign keys are shown in italics. Even though the case does not define the keys, they have been added to ensure uniqueness in the database. Also, the problem is in error. There are only two new associations required. 3. Assume that RMO will use a relational database, as shown in Figure 9-11. Assume further that a new catalog group located in Milan, Italy, will now create and maintain the product catalog. To minimize networking costs, the catalog group will have a dedicated database server attached to its LAN. Develop a plan to partition the RMO database. Which tables should be replicated on the
- 12. Systems Analysis and Design in a Changing World, seventh edition 9-8 catalog group’s local database server? Update Figure 9-25 to show the new distributed database architecture. Assumptions: Milan will have responsibility for describing and maintaining product items and accessory packages. Milan will also have responsibility for supporting and maintaining Promotions. The following tables will need to be replicated on the local LAN. Access requirements (C,R,U, and D) are shown in parentheses. Promotion (CRUD) PromoOffering (CRUD) ProductItem (CRUD) AccessoryPackage (CRUD) InventoryItem ( R) Updates to all of these tables are assumed to be relatively infrequent and, thus, the performance cost of complete replication with immediate or frequent updates is minimal. Milan can be represented in Figure 9-25 in the same manner as the warehouse LAN with a LAN and replicated database partition. 4. Visit the Web site of an online catalog vendor similar to RMO (such as www.llbean.com) or an online vendor of computers and related merchandise (such as www.cdw.com). Browse the online catalog and note the various types of information contained there. Construct a list of complex data types that would be needed to store all the online catalog information. Answers will vary. Some examples of typical complex data types include: • Graphic images in formats such as GIF and JPEG. • Motion video in formats such as MPEG and AVI. • Sound in formats such as WAV and MP3. • Possibly executable scripts in formats such as Java and VBScript. • Browser-formatted documents in HTML and XML. • Hard-copy documents in formats such as Postscript or Acrobat.
- 13. Systems Analysis and Design in a Changing World, seventh edition 9-9 5. Figure 9-26 illustrates a partial class diagram for a property management company. Using the data in the class diagram, create a database schema. Note: Generalization and Specialization hierarchy has many attributes in each class, thus separate tables will be defined for each class. Table Attributes Owner OwnerID, Name, StrAddress, City, State, Zip, Email, Telephone Property PropertyID, Name, StrAddress, City, State, Zip, Description Ownership OwnerID, PropertyID, PercentOwn ResidentialProp PropertyID, NumbUnits, NumbStorage, BuildingType, Floors, NumbParkSpace CommercialProp PropertyID, SquareFeet, NumbRetUnits, SqFtParking Apartment AptNo, PropertyID, Status, NumbBedrooms, NumbBaths, RentAmt, UnitAddress, TenantName, TenantPhone, TenantEmail, ContractDate RetailSpace SpaceID, PropertyID, Status, SquareFt, TypeUnit, LeaseAmt, TenantName, TenantPhone, TenantEmail, ContractDate, LeaseType 6. Given the database table in Figure 9-27 of university course and sections offered, normalize the table so that it is in third normal form. Hint: Look for functional dependencies. Note: The data in the table is not sufficient to analyze for all the functional dependencies that exist. However, using our experience with university courses (we are domain experts), we can assume the following. • The key to the rows must be Course and Section together as a composite key. • Course name is not functionally dependent on the entire key, only the Course. Violates 2NF. • #Room is functionally dependent on entire key. • #Chairs is also not FD on the key (Course, Section), but is FD on #Room. Violates 3NF. • #Enrolled is FD on entire key. • Time is FD on entire key. • Teacher is probably FD on entire key. (Assuming only one teacher per Course Section.) • Students is multiply occurring, and thus violates 1NF. There are three violations of Normalization. Assuming a new table for each violation, there will be four tables for normalization, and one more table for a many-to-many association. Table Attributes Comments Course CourseID, CourseName Added a key field Student StudentID, StudentName Added a key field Room Room#, #Chairs Room# includes a building id, so we did not add a building field CourseSection CourseID, Section#, Room#, #Enrolled, Time, Teacher Removing the students, forces a many-to-many association with CourseSection EnrolledStudent CourseID, Section#, StudentID Association table
- 14. Systems Analysis and Design in a Changing World, seventh edition 9-10 7. Given the database table in Figure 9-28 of employees and their employment, normalize the table so that is in third normal form. Hint: Look for functional dependencies. Note: The data in the table is not sufficient to analyze for all the functional dependencies that exist. However, using our experience (we are domain experts), we can assume the following. • Key to this table is Emp# • EmployeeName is FD on the key. • JobTitle appears to be multiply occurring. Violates 1NF • WageRange appears to be FD on JobTitle. Violates 3NF • DatePromoted appears to be FD on EmployeeName and JobTitle. Violates 3NF • SupervisorEmp# is FD on key. • SupervisorName is FD on SupervisorEmp#. Violates 3NF Note: One thing we learn about using normalization, is that it is often easier to return to a class diagram. When a class diagram is constructed correctly, it automatically produces tables in 3NF. Table Attributes Comments Supervisor SupervisorEmp#, Name This table is redundant to Employee table. Can be represented by a unary relationship. Job JobID, JobTitle, WageRange Added JobID as key Employee Emp#, EmployeeName, SupervisorEmp# This is all that is required. EmpPosition Emp#, JobID, DatePromoted This is an association class.
- 15. Systems Analysis and Design in a Changing World, seventh edition 9-11 Solutions to End-of-Chapter Cases Case Study: Computer Publishing, Inc. 1. Consider the contents of this textbook as a template for CPI’s database content. Draw a class diagram that represents the book and its key content elements. Expand your diagram to include related product content, such as a set of PowerPoint slides, an electronic book formatted as a Web site or PDF file, and a Web based test bank.
- 16. Systems Analysis and Design in a Changing World, seventh edition 9-12 2. Develop a list of data types required to store the content of the book, slides, and Web sites. Are the relational DBMS data types listed in Figure 9-20 sufficient? Relational databases have the option of storing the actual data or of only storing a pointer to the data. Where the data is complex such as image files, video files, slide shows, and sound files, most often those are stored outside of the database with the address or locater stored in the database. If the data itself is stored in the database, then a data type of “blob” is often used. 3. Authors and editors are often independent contractors, not publishing company employees. Consider the implications of this fact for controls and security. How would you enable authors and editors to interact with the database? How would you protect database content from hackers and other unauthorized accesses? Interacting with an SQL relational database is not easy to do at the low level – at the SQL level. Therefore an entire system would need to be designed to allow authors to write text and create the figures and upload them into the appropriate places in the textbook structure. Writing and editing a textbook would probably require a different approach than an author simply sitting down and writing from front to back. The new system would need to have login capability to allow only authenticated authors to access the textbook materials. Authorization would also be required to control which parts of the textbook authors and editors could access and update. One potential problem is how to prevent the database for a particular textbook from becoming corrupted, or out of order, or jumbled if the authors entered the information incorrectly. The problem with hackers is the same as with any proprietary data that is available over the Internet. Access to the database must be through secure measures and encrypted passwords, or perhaps even more secure login procedures.
- 17. Systems Analysis and Design in a Changing World, seventh edition 9-13 Running Cases: Community Board of Realtors In Chapter 4, you developed a domain model class diagram. Using your previous solution or one provided to you by your instructor, update your domain model class diagram with any additional problem domain classes, new associations, or additional attributes that you have discovered as you worked through the previous chapters. Finalize this comprehensive domain model and then turn it in as part of your solution. Using this comprehensive domain model class diagram, develop a relational database schema. In the schema, identify the foreign keys that are required. Also, identify a key attribute for each table. You may need to add a key field if there isn’t an attribute that could logically serve as the key. Remember that a candidate key for an association class is the combination of the keys of the connected classes. However, it may make sense to define a shorter, more concise key field. Verify that each table is in first, second, and third normal form. Discuss any discrepancies you had to fix from your first solution. Discuss any tables that may not be in third normal form and why you are leaving it as not-normalized. Note: We will use the following class diagram from Chapter 4 problem 3 for this problem. The following changes/additions were made: 1. CommissionPercent was dropped from the association class. It is not a logical piece of the MLS system. 2. A few new attributes were added.
- 18. Systems Analysis and Design in a Changing World, seventh edition 9-14 Table Fields (columns) REOffice office_number, office_name, manager, street, city, state_province, postal_code, telephone REAgent agent_number, office_number, agent_lastname, agent_firstname, street, city, state_province, postal_code, office_phone, mobile_phone, email_address Listing listing_number, listing_type, property_street, property_city, property_state, property_postal, status_code, date_listed, date_sold, date_unlisted, asking_price, sold_price ForLeaseListing listing_number, rental_amount, rented_amount, date_available, furnishing_desc, utilities_desc Owner owner_number, owner_lastname, owner_firstname, street, city, state_province, postal_code Structures structure_number, listing_number, description, year_built, square_feet, number_bedrooms, number_bathrooms AgentOnListing agent_number, listing_number OwnerOnListing owner_number, listing_number Note: Primary key is bold. Foreign key is italicized The ForSaleListing was combined with the listing table, since most listings are For Sale Listings. ForRentListing is a separate table because the information is unique and there are only a few of those types of records. A new field, listing_type, was added to denote rental listings. The type codes (string, integer, number, etc.) nor the length have been included this information will have to be added before the tables can be entered into a database. The tables are in 3NF with one exception. State is functionally dependent on Postal_code, i. e. a state can be determined by postal code. But due to common usage of always having state and postal-code included, they are maintained together. (Alternative is to have a separate postal_code to state translation table.)
- 19. Systems Analysis and Design in a Changing World, seventh edition 9-15 Running Cases: The Spring Breaks 'R' Us Travel Service In Chapter 4, you developed a domain model class diagram. Using your previous solution or one provided to you by your instructor, update your domain model class diagram with any additional problem domain classes, new associations, or additional attributes that you have discovered as you worked toward your solutions in the previous chapters. Finalize this comprehensive domain model and then turn it in as part of your solution. Using this comprehensive domain model class diagram, develop a relational database schema. In the schema, identify the foreign keys that are required. Also, identify a key attribute for each table. You may need to add a key field if there isn’t an attribute that could logically serve as the key. Remember that a candidate key for an association class is the combination of the keys of the connected classes. However, it may make sense to define a shorter, more concise key field. Verify that each table is in first, second, and third normal form. Discuss any discrepancies you had to fix from your first solution. Discuss any tables that aren’t in third normal form and why you are leaving them as non-normalized. (For example, in the United States, city and state are functionally dependent on zip code, but you might leave all three fields in the same table. Why?) Note: Use the following class diagram. There are 12 classes and 5 many-to-many associations.
- 20. Systems Analysis and Design in a Changing World, seventh edition 9-16
- 21. Systems Analysis and Design in a Changing World, seventh edition 9-17 Table Attributes ForeignKey PersonAccount PersonID, BalanceAmt, CCInfo, DateLastPay, AmtLastPay Traveler PersonID, PersonName, PersonAddress, PersonTel, PersonEmail Group GroupID, RespPersonID, NumbInGroup Ref Traveler Reservation ReservationID, GroupID, ArrivalDate, DepartDate, NumbBeds Ref Group PaymentTxn TxnID, ReservID, PersondID, AmtPaid, DatePaid, TypePayment, Details Ref Reservation Ref Person Resort ResortID, ResortName, ResortAddr, ResortTel, ResortEmail Accommodation ResortID, Room#, RoomTelephone, RoomNumbBeds Ref Resort Facility FacilityID, ResortID, FacilityName, FacilityDesc, FacilityLoc, FacilityCap Ref Resort Activity ActivityID, FacilityID, ActDescription, ActStart, ActEnd Ref Facility Comment CommentID, PersonID, CommentDateTime, Rating, Text Ref Traveler Interest InterestID, PersonID, InterestDesc, InterestIntensity Ref Traveler TravelerInRoom PersonID, ResortID, Room#, CheckIn, CheckOut Ref Traveler Ref Accommod TravelerLikesFacility PersonID, FacilityID Ref Traveler Ref Facility TravelerIsFriendOf PersonID, PersonID Ref Traveler TravelerInGroup GroupID, PersonID Ref Group Ref Traveler AccommodAssignment ReservationID, ResortID, Room# Ref Reservation Ref Accommod
- 22. Systems Analysis and Design in a Changing World, seventh edition 9-18 Running Cases: On the Spot Courier Services In Chapter 4, you developed a domain model class diagram. Using your previous solution or one provided to you by your instructor, update your domain model class diagram with any additional problem domain classes, new associations, or additional attributes that you have discovered as you worked toward your solutions in the previous chapters. Finalize this comprehensive domain model and then turn it in as part of your solution. Using this comprehensive domain model class diagram, develop a relational database schema. In the schema, identify the foreign keys that are required. Also, identify a key attribute for each table. You may need to add a key field if there isn’t an attribute that could logically serve as the key. Remember that a candidate key for an association class is the combination of the keys of the connected classes. However, it may make sense to define a shorter, more concise key field. Verify that each table is in first, second, and third normal form. Discuss any discrepancies you had to fix from your first solution. Discuss any tables that aren’t in third normal form and why you are leaving them as non-normalized. Even though this is a small company, the DA and DBA responsibilities need to be assumed by somebody, or by several people. Of the employees so far identified in previous discussion, who should assume DA responsibilities and who should assume DBA responsibilities? Do the current employees have enough skills to successfully handle these responsibilities? Should “On the Spot” hire somebody? Explain your reasoning. Note: Use the following class diagram. There are 10 classes, with 2 of them being Gen/Spec. There is 1 many-to-many.
- 23. Systems Analysis and Design in a Changing World, seventh edition 9-19 Table Attributes Foreign Keys CustomerAccount CustID, CustBalance, DateBilled, AmtBilled Ref Customer Customer CustID, CustName, CustAddress, CustPhone, ContactPerson, ContactPhone Ref CustomerAccount Payment PaymentID, CustID, DatePaid, AmtPaid, PayType Ref CustomerAccount Package PackageID, CustID, RequestID, ToName, ToAddr, Weight, PackCost, DTDelivered Ref Customer Ref PickupRequest PickupRequest RequestID, CustID, DTRequired, DTPickedUp, LocAddr Ref Customer RouteTrip TripID, EmpID, TripDate, TripStart, TripEnd, TripMileage Ref Employee Employee EmpID, EmpName, EmpAddr, EmpTelephone MovementEvent EventID, PackageID, EmpID, EventType, DTEvent Ref Package Ref Employee PackageOnTrip PackageID, TripID Ref Package Ref RouteTrip
- 24. Systems Analysis and Design in a Changing World, seventh edition 9-20 Answers will vary. As identified in Chapter 2, the stakeholders include: Bill Wiley – owner, Delivery persons, Warehouse staff. Bill is the only one that might have enough skills to be the DA or the DBA. In this case, probably the best solution would be to have Bill assume many of the responsibilities of the DA. He already knows the requirements and characteristics of the data. He needs to have control over what the data fields mean and how they are updated. However, for a DBA, it would probably be best to have a person part time. A possible solution would be the group that developed the system for him, might also be able tune and maintain the DBMS. Neither Bill nor any of his staff have the skills to maintain the DBMS.
- 25. Another Random Scribd Document with Unrelated Content
- 26. With regard to hours, the Commissioners report: "These ordinary hours (viz., 8 a.m. to 8 p.m. for females, 7 a.m. to 9 p.m. for men and boys) are from time to time exceeded to the extent of one or two hours, and sometimes more. In the case of those who bind for publishing houses the four or five winter months are the busy season, and the six weeks immediately preceding Christmas those of the greatest pressure; at one such place work often continued from 7 a.m. to 10 p.m. in those six weeks. The 'push' of 'magazine day' also affects this trade as it does the printer, keeping the workpeople for several days at the end of each month until 10 or 11 p.m., and on rare occasions till 1 or 2 a.m. The case of railway guides is even worse than that of magazines, for females sometimes have to work the whole night through till 6 a.m., returning to work at 10 on the same morning, and when the first of a month is on a Monday, work the whole of the preceding Sunday. On Sunday, April 30th this year, at one place twenty females worked from 10 a.m. to 8 p.m., and after a rest of two hours went on again through the night. Even girls of thirteen had worked in the same week once from 4 a.m. to 10 p.m., and twice from 9 a.m. to 10 p.m. Another rather older (fourteen and a half) worked on one day from 6 a.m. to 10 p.m. and on the preceding day from 7 a.m. to 9 p.m. A boy aged fourteen had worked two or three times in a week from 7 a.m. to 10 or 11 p.m. and three Sundays through." "With paper-box makers," the Commissioners say, "it is not uncommon to make two or even three hours overtime (this after a day of from 9 a.m. to 8 or 9 p.m.). For two months in spring and six weeks in autumn fourteen hours is the usual length of a female's working day. At one place females over fifteen are said to work constantly in the busy time from 9 a.m. to 12 p.m., and in some places till 1 or 2 a.m., especially with 'little men' working at home with their family and two or three girls to help. These are instances of London work, but in Manchester the hours are even longer. One girl worked, at sixteen years old, night after night in succession, from 6 a.m. to 12 p.m.; the younger ones there worked from 6 a.m. to 9 p.m.; at another place the same witness had frequently worked
- 27. from 6 a.m. to 10 p.m. Another, at nine years old, worked from 8 a.m. to 9 p.m. generally; she said that the older ones worked a good deal later than that. Some young women had worked on three or four occasions all the night through." "Boys of fourteen and fifteen employed at making cardboard, have in some cases worked from 8 a.m. till 10 or 11 p.m. twice a week for four or five weeks running, but that is not general in the trade. Girls of that age have worked at making paper bags nearly every night for a similar period, till 10 or 11 p.m. from 8 a.m., and were very much tired by it. As paper-box making is all handwork and paid for by the piece, it is not uncommon for work to go on in the meal hours—'they please themselves.'" The following was the experience of one girl which she gave before the Commissioners. "I am thirteen; I have been here twelve months. Some of the girls worked all night last month for two nights together. I call 'till 4 in the morning' all night. We generally work one night till 4 a.m., and three or four nights till 12. My mother thought all night hurt me and so would not let me go on, but I work till 12. Last month I worked five times in the night till 12. It is only in that week; we get very tired towards the end of it." With regard to the moral conditions of the workers the Commissioners reported: "The indiscriminate mixing of the sexes which still prevails in many workrooms is generally condemned. The evil of such a practice is especially conspicuous where they are late and irregular in their hours. The bad language and conduct of the boys is made the subject of very strong comment by two witnesses, who go so far as to say that there is a marked deterioration in this respect during the last ten years." Again, "The younger children were in many cases unable to read. The evil of late and irregular work in letting women loose on the streets at all hours of the night is justly censured by an employer as necessarily leading to great immorality." Legislation, 1867.
- 28. In consequence of the Report of the Commissioners, the Factory Act Extension Act, 1867, was passed. It applied specifically to any premises where paper manufacture, letter-press printing and bookbinding were carried on; and generally to any premises where fifty or more people were employed in any manufacturing process. The hours allowed for women and young persons were from 6 a.m. to 6 p.m., or from 7 a.m. to 7 p.m., with intervals amounting to one and a half hours for meals; on Saturday, work had to cease at 2 p.m. By way of exception, women employed in bookbinding could work fourteen hours a day, provided that their total hours did not exceed sixty per week. To those trades, such as litho-printing, that did not come under the above Act, was applied the Workshops Regulation Act of the same year, the provisions of which resembled, though they did not coincide with those of the foregoing enactment. The same aggregate number of hours per day and week was established, but more elasticity was permitted in workshops, women and young persons being allowed to work in them for the hours specified at any time between 5 a.m. and 9 p.m., and until 4 p.m. on Saturdays. Factory and Workshop Act, 1878. The discrepancies in the regulations applying to different classes of work were productive of a good deal of inconvenience, and after the Commission of 1876 came the Factory and Workshop Act, 1878, having as its object the consolidation and amendment of the existing statutes with a view to rendering their administration more even and secure. The main provisions of the law as it now affects the printing and kindred trades were laid down, although since that date there have been various additions and amendments. By this Act a distinction was drawn between factories and workshops, the chief difference being that, in the former, machinery propelled by steam, water, or other mechanical power must be in use; while in the latter, no such agency must be employed. Certain classes of works, however, apart from all question of mechanical power, were defined
- 29. as factories and not workshops. Under these came paper-staining works, foundries (including typefoundries), except premises in which such process was carried on by not more than five persons, and as subsidiary to the repair or completion of some other work—paper mills, letter-press printing works, and bookbinding establishments. Factory and Workshop Act, 1901. As regards hours of work and overtime, slight modifications have been effected by legislation subsequent to the year 1878, and the present state of the law as laid down in the Factory and Workshop Act, 1901, is as follows:—The regular hours for women and young persons except Saturday, are 6 a.m. to 6 p.m., 7 a.m. to 7 p.m., or 8 a.m. to 8 p.m., with an allowance of one and a half hours for meals, one hour of such meal-time being before 3 p.m. On Saturday the period of employment may be 6 a.m. to 2 p.m., 7 a.m. to 3 p.m., or 8 a.m. to 4 p.m., with not less than half-an-hour for meals. But where a woman or young person has not been actually employed for more than eight hours on any day in a week, and notice of this has been affixed in the factory or workshop and served on the inspector, she may be at work on Saturday from 6 a.m. to 4 p.m., with an interval of not less than two hours for meals. There are various special restrictions and exceptions applying to different classes of work. No protected person may take a meal or remain during meal-time in any part of a factory or workshop where typefounding is carried on, or where dry powder or dust is used in litho-printing, playing-card making, paper-staining, almanac-making, paper-colouring and enamelling. In certain industries, including printing, bookbinding, machine ruling and envelope making, women may work three days a week, and for thirty days during the year, two hours overtime, provided that such employment ceases at 10 p.m., and that they have two hours for meals. But this limit of overtime applies to the factory or workshop as a whole, and not to the overtime of individual workers.
- 30. 2. ECONOMIC AND INDUSTRIAL EFFECTS OF LEGISLATION. The foregoing brief summary of the law has naturally preceded the question as to how far legislation has affected women in these particular trades. When restrictions are imposed upon the labour of any class of wage-earners, their economic position must be altered for good or evil, unless the trade can so adjust itself as to meet exactly the requirements of these restrictions. If the worker is of great importance, an effort will be made to adapt the trade to the novel conditions; if another class of workers or machinery, free from all restrictions, can be as easily used, it is probable that the labour affected will be ousted. Has legislation displaced women? Is there, then, evidence to show that any material displacement of women or girls in these trades followed the enforcement of factory legislation? Instances of dismissal must obviously be sought for soon after the Act of 1867, as the employer then knew on what terms he engaged his staff, and, except in a few cases where deliberate evasions of the law might be attempted, the effect of legislation would be to deter him from employing women, rather than lead him to dismiss them. Owing to the lapse of time, it is difficult to find out from those in the trade the immediate consequences of this Act, nor does the Commission of 1876 give much assistance. Of 103 employers questioned by us, not half a dozen remembered dismissing women in consequence of the new enactment. One employer turned off ten or twelve women "folders" and introduced machinery, alleging as his reason the want of elasticity in the Factory Act. His ordinary hours were from 8 a.m. to 8 p.m., but on certain days in the week it was necessary to begin work at 6 a.m. He made arrangements that the total number of hours should not exceed those sanctioned by the Act, but the variation was not
- 31. allowed. If his women began work at 6 a.m. on any day, his hours had to be regularly 6 a.m. to 6 p.m., except in the case of thirty nights in the year when overtime was permitted. As this did not suit his business, he dismissed the women and had recourse to folding machines. Personally he gained, as the machinery proved an economy, but it told hardly on the women, whom otherwise he would have kept on as they were old hands. Another employer told a similar tale regarding the introduction of folding machinery, but stated that he had been obliged to dispense with female operatives by reason of the strict enforcement of the regulations regarding overtime only. In both these cases it is clear that the state of the trade was such that it required only a very slight disability on the part of the worker to make it worth while for the employer to use machinery. Quite apart from any effect of legislation the machine was destined to supplant manual labour; its advent was merely accelerated by the Act. Its first introduction caused isolated cases of hardship, but its ultimate results were beneficial. Thus at the present day women and girls are largely employed upon the very machines which once seemed to threaten their industrial existence. The case of women compositors. In the Economic Journal of 1899 an interesting paper by Miss Bradby and Miss A. Black discusses the position of women compositors in Edinburgh, and deals with the subject of legislation. After an exhaustive investigation, no single instance was discovered of the displacement of a woman by a man owing to the Factory Acts. The chief contention of those who oppose special factory legislation on the ground that it limits the usefulness of women compositors is, that women are not employed on newspaper work, and they give the legal prohibition of nightwork for women as the reason. Careful enquiry has shown that reason to be purely imaginary. Women are not employed on evening papers, though the factory law does not stand in their way. In the provinces women set-
- 32. up one or two weekly or bi-weekly journals, the firms employing them preferring them solely on the ground of cheapness. Experience shows that women are not suited for newspaper work, unless the paper does not appear more frequently than, say, twice a week, and if the factory code disappeared to-morrow, morning daily newspapers would afford to women compositors no fresh openings. Have their opportunities been limited? As regards the further point whether more women would be employed if they were unprotected by law, the views of representative employers and managers of labour are here set forth. Out of thirty-five,[64] twenty-eight were emphatic in their assurance that the Factory Acts did not affect the question. Seven, on the other hand, were inclined to think otherwise. Of these, five were unable to say that they really would employ more women if freed from restrictions, but two of them thought that "there might be something in it," though the point had "never occurred to them before." Only three of them were of the opinion emphatically that legislation was certainly one amongst the obstacles to the employment of women. [64] These are the firms interviewed by Miss Bradby and Miss A. Black as above. When, on the other hand, we turn to the opinions of those acquainted with the conditions of the trade, either as workers (chiefly women) or Trade Union officials, we find practical unanimity. The eighteen persons[65] of this description questioned were strong in their declarations that the employment of women was not affected by the Factory Acts. To most of them, indeed, the idea of any harmful connection between the two was novel and ridiculous. This of course proves nothing; but if legislation had, to any considerable extent, hampered the work of women, the women themselves would doubtless have become aware of it. [65] Compositors only.
- 33. The evidence available leads to the conclusion that, except in a few small houses, the employment of women as compositors has not been affected by the Factory Acts. Legislation and home work. The earlier stages during which the protection conferred by the Legislature was enforced, were marked by attempts on the part of certain employers to evade the spirit of the law by means of home work.[66] [66] See pp. 99-101. One example of this practice was given by the Rev. H. W. Blunt in his evidence before the Commission of 1876. He says that much work was sent to be completed after factory hours. For instance, in one book-folding firm which had occasional rushes of work, a girl was employed till 11 p.m. on the Monday before Christmas. She was then told with the other girls that they must take home 1,000 quarto sheets to fold by the morning. Several did so, but she refused, because her mother was on the point of death, and the doctor said there must not be a light in the room. She was consequently dismissed at once. Mr. Blunt says further that religious "weeklies," the sheets of which came off the press at 12 o'clock at night, were sent out to be folded by 8 a.m. They were taken away in perambulators, children being employed to do this every week. Work sent to "folding houses." Another immediate result of legislation was the expedient of sending out work to "folding houses" which did not come within the definition of a factory or workshop. Such places may be premises belonging to a factory and yet separate from it. Mr. Henderson, of the Factory Department, in giving evidence before the Commission of 1876, says: "Some years ago I came across Messrs. X., where newspapers were folded wholesale by steam machinery, and I thought it was a factory. Messrs. X. resisted the idea. Boys were
- 34. employed at irregular hours, but the Crown officers decided that it was not a factory." Christmas card packing and sorting are in the same position. Miss Deane, a lady factory inspector, who made a special investigation into the conditions of the Christmas card industry as recently as 1899, points out that many of the workplaces are outside the operation of the Act. In the Report on Factories and Workshops for 1899, she says: "A large number of Christmas cards, almanacs, etc., are made in Germany and are sent to England, where girls are employed in sorting and repacking and arranging them, for the purpose of being sold wholesale. Such places, unless attached to some factory or workshop, being unregulated by the Act, the girls are without the protection afforded by the law regarding length of hours, meal- times, etc. It was impossible not to be struck by the difference between the conditions found in one such place and those found in the large airy sorting rooms of a publishing factory close by—yet the girls in the stuffy workroom of the former were without the protection given by the law in the latter workplace. A curious instance arose in connection with one such place where about forty girls had been employed in packing and sorting for illegal hours. The occupier took to employing some of them in affixing a minute bow of ribbon to the cards, and during this temporary employment all the girls could claim and were accorded the protection of the Factory Acts. Excessive hours in hitherto unsuspected workrooms were also found to be worked in the processes of adapting and preparing bonbons for sale. In some cases, baskets, boxes and bags, were trimmed for the reception of these articles, in others they were merely selected and arranged in patterns in fancy boxes subsequently tied up with ribbon. In the first case clearly, and in the last also probably, the definition of workshop under the Act applies. Instructions were given and better conditions have gained the day." Speaking of these unregulated workplaces, in the same report, Miss Deane remarks: "In the course of some inspections after midnight last winter near the City, I came across several of these workplaces where women, girls and children, were then at work under
- 35. deplorable conditions—dirty rooms, foul, gassy air, and overcrowding. In one of them I was met by the observation that 'I might come in if I liked, but I could do nothing there.'" The experience of two of our investigators corroborates the above statement. One of them says: "At about 2.45 a.m. we went to see newspapers folded by women in the City. It was done in an old tumble-down room opposite a printing shop. We peeped in through a chink in the shutters—it was a boiling night, and the shutters were closed—and we could see a man carrying in a load of paper from time to time. When we entered we found four women streaming with perspiration in the foul hot atmosphere, folding away at the ... News. They were quite friendly and communicative, and told us they came every Thursday night about 11 p.m. and stayed till they had done. They were paid three times as much as day-workers and did no regular work in the daytime. Before beginning work they had a cup of tea. They said they liked the work and were glad that the Factory Act could not stop them; the police had been round to them and also two young ladies, but nothing had happened; and they considered that they were quite old enough to do nightwork if they liked." Folding houses are growing fewer in number owing, no doubt, to the fact that rent is so high in the City and space so valuable, that it is not worth while to erect them separate from a factory. Viewed also with dislike by factory inspectors as a means of evading the law, their tenure of life is not likely to be long. Nightwork. Employers admit that the effect of the Factory Acts has been to make them reduce nightwork. In criticising the Act before the Commission of 1876, Mr. Bell, of the firm of Darton, Bell and Thomas, bookbinders, says: "The Factory Act of 1867 has been a boon to employers and employed, because it has enabled us to put pressure on customers. Now we can say to the public 'We can't go
- 36. beyond certain hours,' and, therefore, work not new has to be sent in earlier." Mr. Darton, of the same firm, adds: "We have persuaded booksellers to give out stock work in June and July instead of September or October, and so begin the work earlier and avoid nightwork." This stimulus is undoubtedly good, and these views are echoed by other employers. The whole question of how far the practical prohibition of overtime for women has limited the volume of work available for them, and thus diminished their aggregate wages, needs very careful consideration, as mistaken conclusions may easily be formed. The matter was carefully considered by a Committee of the Economic Section of the British Association, appointed in 1901, to enquire into the effect of special legislation on women, and the following extracts from its final report[67] are of some interest:— "A very important, perhaps from the economic point of view the most important, effect of legislation has been to spread the period of work more uniformly through the week, month, and year than had been the case before regulation" (p. 5). "The tendency to put off giving orders to the last moment is easily checked when the customer can be met with a universal legal prohibition" (p. 7). "Restriction is met by adaptation of manufacture or rearrangement of numbers employed and time at which work is done, women being still employed at the work" (p. 13). "Except for a few complaints as to the abolition of the possibility of payment for overtime, which, as has been pointed out, by no means prove any loss of earnings ... the Committee have no record ... of any loss of wages or earnings traceable to the [Factory] Acts" (p. 25). [67] Presented at Southport in 1903. Thus, it will be seen that the loss of overtime is not necessarily a loss of work, but a re-distribution (and an economical one, too) of
- 37. the times at which work is done, and does not therefore mean a loss in income, but a steadying and regulation of income. Nevertheless, before the re-organisation which has been consequent on Factory legislation, overtime and nightwork were necessary in order to turn out a certain volume of trade by a certain number of workpeople, and the influence of restrictive legislation has been shown in the following directions:— 1st. An increase in the class of workers called "job hands"; 2nd. An enlargements of the permanent staff; 3rd. A rearrangement of the employment of male and female labour. The third of these changes we have found to be practically imperceptible, whilst the second has affected women most beneficially. The job hand. On the margin of casual and regular labour the job hand stands— the reserve battalion of this section of the labour army. She is generally a married woman, and commonly the wife of a faulty husband. She does not want regular work, and only desires to earn a certain limited wage. When she goes to a factory in search of work, she has to wait idle for hour upon hour, but she generally stays at home until summoned by her forewoman. Certain kinds of cheap seasonal work as, for instance, penny almanacs, are almost exclusively done by her,[68] and she is commonly employed either periodically, e.g., for weekly papers and monthly magazines, or casually, e.g., prospectus work, for rushes. A notice in certain public- houses, or information supplied to certain known agents, brings her to the place where she is wanted. [68] "The majority of the almanac makers are married women who stay at home from February to July": Leeds. Job hands existed before 1867, but at that time they did not hold quite the same position in the trade as they do now. They were the
- 38. hands who went to different firms for two or three nights a month to help in a recognised rush of work which occurred regularly. In the Commissioners' Report for 1876, mention is made several times of job hands who were employed quite regularly for definite pieces of work at definite times during the month. Firms publishing certain weekly papers were in the habit of employing women in folding during the early hours of the morning before distributing the papers to the newsagents. Firms which printed monthly magazines needed women to fold all night for two or three nights or more at the end of each month. Such employment naturally came to an end as soon as the Act of 1867 came into operation; but the job hand only changed her hours. It became necessary during rushes of work to call in extra hands, in order to comply with the clauses of the Act, and many firms solved the difficulty by employing job hands during the day instead of at night, for a few days to meet the emergency.[69] This work was generally taken up by married women who had served in the trade before marriage, and who were glad to get a few days' employment from time to time. [69] But this is not the invariable rule. A manager of a firm dealing largely in magazines and periodical issues says: "The effect of legal restrictions on our business is to make women work hard for two weeks and slacken off for two weeks. There is no thought of giving the work to men, or of sending it home, or of employing job hands." Increase of permanent staff. The second method of solving the difficulty—by employing a larger permanent staff—involves the erection of more extensive premises, and can only be adopted by firms whose financial position enables them to meet a considerable outlay. It is probably the best means for ensuring that work shall be done efficiently for the employer, and conducted under the most favourable conditions for the employed. Nightwork and overtime.
- 39. But there still remains a slight residuum of nightwork which has to be done by men. To this extent, and to this extent only, can restriction be said to have hindered the employment of women. We have tried to ascertain how much this really means to the women workers. Thirty-three firms stated that work of the same character as that performed by women in the daytime was sometimes given out to men at night. We cannot, however, assume that the work is always given to men on account of legal restrictions, and it does not follow that the abolition of such restrictions would induce all masters to introduce women for nightwork. Several of them, indeed, emphatically deny that they would adopt this practice; and in some instances we have been told that it was not observed in the best firms before the law prohibited it, e.g., "Mr. A. remembers the time before the Act of 1867 (he has been in the trade since 1851). He could have worked women at night, but never would because of questions of morality." These statements are, however, only part of the case, because nightwork is generally overtime, and we must consider how far employers care to practise it. There seems to be an almost unanimous opinion against overtime, and any mention of factory legislation appears to suggest overtime at once to both employers and employed. Experience has driven it home to them that overtime is a most uneconomical method of work;[70] and as there does not appear to be any demand for women's labour at night except occasionally as overtime, the factory law in this respect is only a protection to the employée engaged by the employer who is still experimenting with this unproductive use of labour. [70] "When the factory (now a large provincial lithographer's, almanac maker's, etc.), was a small one, and it employed only a few hands, they used to work a great deal of overtime. They used all the time they were allowed by the Factory Acts and sometimes tried to get in more. But now they do not find it pays to work overtime."
- 40. It is of some importance to note that a responsible spokesman for the men engaged in London houses informed one of our investigators that when men are put on at night to fold "they take it easy, and six men do in two hours what two women do in two hours. They don't bother to walk up and down gathering, but sit at it in a row, and hand sheets on from one to the other." Testimony of employers. Some employers, like Mr. Bell,[71] admit candidly enough that legislation enables them to be more humane (and humanity in this respect pays) than they could otherwise afford to be. The Act is "a great relief," such an employer has said. "Legislation is an excellent thing; existing hours are quite long enough. If a person has not done her work by the time they are up, she never will do it." "The Factory Acts are a very good thing," another has said. "Long hours diminish the output"; or again: "Factory legislation is a capital thing; I only wish it could be extended to men." "Women are not so strong as men, and therefore the law rightly steps in." "I think it would be very inadvisable to employ women at night. I think legislation a very good thing. Overtime is not really worth it." "Legislation is a very good thing. I don't believe in long hours. Employers are often shortsighted and think that workers are like machines—the longer you work them the more they do, but this is not really the case; if they work from 9 to 7 they have done as much as they are good for." "The good done by the Factory Acts has quite outweighed any evils or hardships." Another employer remarked: "I shouldn't like my own daughter to do it, and I don't see why other women should do so. I should think it a very bad thing for women to go home in the early hours of the morning." On hearing that restrictions were objected to on the score that they hindered the employment of women, he replied scathingly that it was rubbish, but that "ladies must have something to talk about." [71] Cf. p. 78.
- 41. From this it is evident that protection is viewed favourably by many employers, on the specific ground that it prevents systematic overtime. On the whole, they are of the opinion that nightwork is harmful to women, and that after overtime the next day's work suffers. Some are doubtful whether they would employ women at night even if the law permitted it. Nightwork, they assert, is unfit for women, not merely on account of the harm to health, but because of the insult and temptation to which they are exposed in going home. Whether these views would have been held so generally before the passing of the Factory Acts it is not possible to say; probably the results have justified the Act, and experience has provided moral reasons for legal limitations. Such in the main is the attitude of employers towards legislation. Of 103 who expressed an opinion, twenty-six stated that legislation had not affected women's labour at all, sixty considered it to have been beneficial, and seventeen looked on all legislation as grandmotherly and ridiculous—one among these thinking that legislation was all very well, and much needed in the City, but that Southwark should be free from interference. The attitude of those employers who objected to interference was expressed generally in some such way as that it was "unnecessary" for their trade at least, even if desirable for others. Pressed to explain what "unnecessary" meant, they said that women could take care of themselves; that protection was all very well for young girls, but when women arrived at the age of forty or fifty they could do what they liked; that it was hard on women that they should not be allowed to work day and night as well; that women could stand overtime just as well as men; and, finally, that legislation pressed very severely on the employer, who had to use the more expensive medium for doing nightwork, viz., men. Such is the attitude of these employers, and it is fairly well expressed in the following quotation from The Stationery Trades' Journal, September, 1880:—
- 42. "We report in another column a case in which Messrs. Pardon & Co. were summoned for an offence under the Factory Acts. Four women were employed during the night to fold a periodical which is printed by Messrs. P. The youngest of the four women was a married woman of thirty-five, whose husband is unable to work, and she, like the rest, prized the job because it afforded the means of earning a little extra money for the support of her family. Under the pretence of protecting these women, the law steps in and says: 'Your families may starve or go to the workhouse, but you shall not work overtime or go beyond the limits prescribed by the Act. You cannot be trusted with the care of your own health. You may fast as much as you like; it will do you good and help your children to grow up stalwart men and women—but you shall not endanger your health by working too many hours at a time.' This in substance is what the law does for women. As regards the employment of children and young persons, the Act is no doubt beneficial, but surely women of thirty-five and forty do not need the same legislative protection as children. A great deal of sentimental nonsense is written and spoken by benevolent busybodies without practical knowledge of the subjects with which they meddle; and one of the results is the application of the Factory Acts to women who are old enough to judge for themselves. In the case alluded to there was more real benevolence in providing work for women than in limiting their hours of employment." As a contrast to these opinions, the views on overtime expressed in the Factory Inspector's Report for 1899 are worth noting:— "The prohibition of overtime for young persons imposed by Section 14 of the Factory Act of 1895 has, in my opinion, proved to be the most beneficial clause of that Act. It has, moreover, been carried out without any serious interference with trade and without causing much difficulty to the inspectors. "The further restriction in the same clause of the overtime employment of women by reducing the number of times on which it may be worked in any twelve months from forty-eight to thirty was also a step in the right direction. If overtime were abolished altogether except for preserving perishable articles, the season
- 43. trades would soon accommodate themselves to doing without overtime in the same way that the cotton, woollen, linen and silk manufacturing trades have done, for they also are season trades." Opinion of employées. Among the older workers in the trade are men and women who remember conditions before the passing of the 1867 Act, and the experience of some of them and the comparison they make between work done before and after the Act is worthy of note. A. used to work till 10 every night when she first entered the trade. She was glad when the Act was passed to get home early, and never liked working late. B. used to work from 8 a.m. to 8 p.m. regularly, including Saturdays. Frequently she had to work till 10 or 12 and sometimes to begin at 5 a.m. The "young governor" used to take her and some of the other girls home at night as they were afraid to go alone. She disliked overtime, was tired out at the end of a day's work, and thought the other women were too, and she had often noticed how badly the work was done after eight or nine hours at it. Later on, as a forewoman, she noticed that the girls after overtime always loafed about the next day and did not work well. Some women liked overtime, but she noticed it was always those who spent the extra money earned on drink. She did not think that work had gone from the women in consequence of factory legislation, but thought that married women were employed for a little while during a rush of work where before the regular hands were kept working late. She remembered how tiresome it was for the married women to get home in time to fetch their babies from the crêches when the hours were from 8 to 8. C. has often heard her mother-in-law say that as a girl she constantly worked all night and then had to work just the same the next day. She used to consider that to get home at 7 on Saturday was early, and now every young lady looks forward to her Saturday afternoon. Workpeople have a much better time than they used to.
- 44. There were no proper meal hours. She used to get "just a snack between her work." D. remembers that when they were busy they had to work all night and all the day before and the next day too. They used to work on Sundays and were given a glass of gin. She never knew anyone who wanted to do nightwork, and thinks eight and a half hours quite long enough for anyone to work, especially when there is housework, too, when one gets home. E. remembers the time when he was a boy and women were kept at work all night; he remembers shops where they worked regularly all night after working all day, for two or three times a week. F. a bookbinder, remembers women who worked all night frequently. They were very poor, very rough, and of very low moral standing. "Some of the women who worked could hardly be said to belong to their sex." Respectable girls would not come for such low wages, and also because they had to go home alone through the streets. After the Factory Acts the moral tone and respectability increased greatly; wages were no lower and there were fewer hours of work.[72] [72] This is an interesting comment on the relation between low wages and long hours on the one hand and character on the other. G. says, "We used to have to come in at 6 in the morning and work till 10 or 11 at night, and then be told to come back again at 6 next day. I often used to faint; it took all my strength away." She considers the Factory Act an unmixed blessing. H., before the Factory Act, has worked from 9 to 7, 8, 9, or 10. Often as a learner she stayed till 11 or 12, and once till 12 several nights running. Once she remembers being turned out in a thunderstorm at midnight, and how frightened she was. Occasionally she worked all night; they used to be given coffee at 2 a.m. Once or twice she worked from 9 a.m. one day to 2 p.m. next day; "Excitement keeps you up." They were allowed to sing at their work and be as merry as they could; "We didn't count it much of a
- 45. hardship." Some women after leaving the factory would go and work all night in printing houses; one woman would leave at tea-time and go to spend the night at the "Athenæum" until 7 a.m. After the Factory Act no one might stay beyond 10 without special permission. Once she did work all night; they put out the lights in the front and worked at the back. The only result of the Factory Acts that she could see was that employers had to have larger premises and employ more hands, instead of working a small staff hard. J. says "I entered the trade in 1863 when I was thirteen. Boys and porters came at 6 a.m.; journeymen at 8 a.m. (sixty hours a week); women at 8 or 9 a.m. All had to stay as long as they were wanted, i.e., till 10 or 11. Boys were frequently kept till 11 p.m. I was never kept all night. Conditions have improved for both sexes, men's owing to Trade Unionism, women's to factory laws." The opinions of forewomen. The testimony of the forewomen is to the same effect. A. a forewoman, used to work often till 10, 11, or 12 at night, sometimes all night. Sometimes she was obliged to keep her girls all night when there was work that had to be finished, but usually she gave them a rest the next day. She thinks it a very good thing that they should not be allowed to work all night; the work is piecework and long hours don't do any good, for they mean that you work less next day: if you work all night, then you are so tired that you have to take a day off; you have gained nothing. She used to find that so herself. B. a forewoman, thought the Factory Acts a very good thing. Girls grumbled if they had to stop till 8, and she never heard of any of them wanting to stay longer. "If you work till 8 for many weeks you get used up; there is no change in your life, and as soon as you get home you have to go to bed, you are so tired." C. is a forewoman. As a girl she used to work from 8.30 a.m. to 9 or 10 at night every day from September to Christmas. She had to stay till 2 a.m. one night and come again just the same next day; she had to work from 3 a.m. one Good Friday morning and
- 46. sometimes had to come to work at 1 on Sunday mornings. This nightwork was only occasional, but she thinks it a very good thing that it has been stopped; she never found it pay; the girls were so tired the next day. Another forewoman gave it as her deliberate opinion that when overtime is worked the piece workers do not make more as a rule, for they get so tired that if they stay late one night, they work less the next day. This is the unanimous view held by the forewomen, and it comes with considerable force from them, as it is they who have to arrange to get work done somehow within a certain time. They are the people who have to put on the pressure, and are in such a position as to see how any particular system of getting work done answers. Exceptions. Among the younger women—the girls who have had no experience of conditions before 1867, the opinion about overtime is not so unanimous. Some few like what little overtime is allowed to them and say they would not mind more. One such worker was met, just arrived home from her factory late one Saturday afternoon. She had been working overtime as a consequence of the Queen's death —the envelope makers and black borderers were all working late just then. It was a bleak and wet afternoon, and she came in in high spirits, evidently regarding all life as a joke, and frankly confessing that factory life especially was a joke, particularly when they had overtime. "It is 'larks' working late, and the governor he up and spoke to us so nice. He says, 'Girls, you won't mind doing a bit of overtime for the sake of our dear Queen?' and we says 'No.' I shouldn't mind doing overtime every day of the week. I like the factory and should hate to be out of it." A few such girls there are who are in excellent health, like the work and don't find it monotonous, and, above all, enjoy the larger life that they meet in a factory just as girls in another social scale enjoy public school or college life. It is these who revel in their day's work and are not tired
- 47. at the end of it, but how in actual fact they would like longer hours or systematic overtime it is impossible to say. It is probably the rarity of it, the stimulus and excitement of working against time for once in a way, the being put on their mettle by the "governor" himself, that make the enjoyment. We must also remember that the younger hands are those who take the most anti-social views of work and care least about industrial conditions. But even by these few, when the idea of all night work is suggested, it is scouted with horror. On the whole, the view adopted is that when you have done your day's work, you have done enough. A worker in the stationers' trade assured us that overtime means a doctor's bill, so you don't really make anything by it. The experience of two women who had tried nightwork illegally was also instructive. Overtime experience. A. an apparently strong woman was once offered a night job when she was hard up, and thought that it would be a "lark" to take it. She went in about 8 a.m. on Friday and worked on with intervals for meals till 3 p.m. on Saturday, being paid piece rates for the day hours and 6s. for the work between 10 p.m. and 6 a.m. She was utterly done up in consequence of this work and lost more money next week than she made by the whole job. B. once worked all night in a City shop for 5s. and got no good out of it, for she was so done up that she could not work at all next day, and very little the day after. Three girls working at the same factory, and speaking of conditions there, said that when they were busy after 9.30 p.m. men were put on to do the card mounting. These girls ridiculed the idea that they disliked this or wanted to stay. "You feel quite done for by 9 o'clock. Girls sometimes cry, they get so tired in the evening." None of the three had ever heard of any girls who objected to the Factory Acts. "The little ones do not mind overtime so much because they get 3d. an hour the same as the full hands, but the full hands
- 48. do mind. Overtime, i.e., till 4 p.m., on Saturdays is not so bad because you ain't so worn out." C. thinks it a very good thing that women may not work at night —"hours are quite long enough as it is—you feel quite done up after working from 8 a.m. to 9.30 p.m." D. is very much opposed to the idea of women working at night; she hears that in some places they work till 9 p.m. and thinks that dreadful. She has never heard anyone grumble that they cannot work longer, and scoffed at the idea. She herself hates overtime. E.'s views are that if you've had work from 9 to 7 that is quite as much as you can do properly. She never likes her daughters to work overtime, because it only tires them out. It is sometimes rather provoking when a job comes in late after you've been sitting idle and you have to leave it, but thinks that it is better on the whole. Some women wouldn't mind working "all the hours that God gives," but it is very selfish of them. Most can't stand it. If she had to be at the factory by 8 a.m. instead of 9 a.m., she never did any more work, because she was so tired. So the instances could be multiplied. There is no mistaking the note of relief that runs through the experiences of the workers who have worked both before and after 1867. Forewomen, employers and factory inspectors, who are in the position of the "lookers-on at the game," from different standpoints are nearly unanimous in agreeing that protective legislation is beneficial. The thirty-three firms, the authorities of which are returned as having stated that they give men at night work done by women during the day, consist for the most part of printing houses, and the work done by women was folding. The result produced by legislation is that men do the folding at night and on Saturday afternoons, when there is a press of business, but in one or two cases, a regular staff of night workers is employed. As the men are slower workers than the women, and charge a far higher price for their labour, it is to the employer's interest to reduce nightwork to a minimum. Prospectuses, however, and weekly newspapers have to be folded during the night, and this must fall to the men's lot. In two firms,
- 49. men occasionally do relief stamping for Christmas cards when there is a great press of work, and in one firm they do card mounting. In none of the above firms is there any question of employing men instead of women in the daytime. In one of the remaining two—a printing house—the manager said that perhaps he might have more women for folding; and in another the employer distinctly said that he would employ women for feeding his printing machines were it not for the limitations on their hours, which renders it impossible to keep them when a press of work comes in. These few cases can scarcely claim to constitute a serious hindrance to women's employment; nor, in view of the chorus of gratitude for factory legislation, can they be regarded as a serious indictment against that legislation. Has legislation affected wages? On the question as to whether the restrictions of the Factory Acts have affected wages, it is almost impossible to obtain any trustworthy information. In briefly touching on it, we must be careful to distinguish between the rate of wages and the sum total earned. There seems an entire lack of evidence that the rate of wages has been affected, although the sum total of women's earnings collectively and individually is obviously lowered, when some of their work is given to men. But even then the mere deprivation of the chance of working unlimited overtime is an altogether exaggerated measure of the loss in wages. A human being differs from a machine, for, even when the work done is mechanical, an interval of leisure and rest is essential, after a certain point, before the output can be continued. Experience has abundantly proved that for the regular worker overtime does not pay, and is also a wasteful expedient from the point of view of the employer. The Factory Commission of 1866 published evidence that may be accepted as reliable regarding the wages paid in the trade before legislation intervened. Mention is made in the Report of one firm of printers who employed four girls for folding and stitching, three of
- 50. whom, under thirteen years of age, earned from 2s. to 3s. 6d.; the fourth, a sort of overlooker, earned 12s. Another firm of printers paid the younger girls 4s. to 5s. a week; the older ones 8s. and 10s. The women employed by a third firm earned at least 14s. a week and 3d. an hour overtime. In a fourth a young girl earned 9s. 10½d. for fifty-three hours, another 12s. 10¾d. for forty-eight hours, another 13s. for fifty-seven hours, and the journeywoman 17s. 6d. for sixty hours. In a firm where women made envelopes, one girl working from 9 a.m. to 8 p.m. every day, and till 3 p.m. on Saturdays, said she could earn 10s. 6d., and a journeywoman earned from 10s. to 12s. Women making envelopes for another firm earned 9s. or 10s. a week. Paper-box makers earned, on an average, 9s. or 10s., some made 15s. or more. In another firm they earned 7s. or 8s. up to 25s. on piecework. Timeworkers earned 12s. or 14s.; young girls earned 2s. 6d. These wages are very much the same as those paid to-day, and the hours then were undoubtedly longer.[73] Nor must it be assumed that wages would have risen more satisfactorily had there been no Factory Acts. Had there been any tendency for wages to rise which the Factory Law was retarding, that tendency would have shown itself in a marked way during the intervals between each Act, but no such thing is observable, as Mr. Wood's figures in the footnote indicate. Moreover, taken all together, the evidence gathered by this investigation proves that neither the demand for improvement nor the organisation to make that demand effective exists in the case of the woman worker. On the other hand, there is no evidence to show that legislation has improved wages, except in so far as it has reduced hours without apparently having lowered rates.
- 51. [73] Cf. "The Course of Women's Wages during the Nineteenth Century," by Mr. G. H. Wood, printed as an Appendix to "A History of Factory Legislation," by B. L. Hutchins and A. Harrison, where the following figures are given as the estimated average weekly earnings of women and girls in the printing trade: 1840, 6s. 3d.; 1850, 6s. 6d.; 1860, 7s. 5d.; 1866,7s. 10d.; 1870, 8s. 6d.; 1883, 8s. 9d.; 1886, 8s. 9d.; 1891, 9s. 10d.; 1895, 9s. 10d.; 1900, 10s. 1d. On the whole there seems to be no ground for considering that special legislation for women in this trade has materially injured the value of their labour. There is nothing to show that their wages have decreased, that legislation has acted as a drag upon their income, or that they have lost employment to any appreciable extent. Want of elasticity in the law. A lack of elasticity in the law seems to be the greatest complaint of the employers. On the face of it, it looks like a piece of senseless red-tape that, because it is usually preferable to an employer to open his factory between the hours of 8 to 8, he may not when it is more convenient to him, open it between 6 and 6 or 7.30 and 7.30. It seems absurd that it was an illegal act of an employer to allow two young women to begin work at 6 a.m. and work till 8 p.m., whereas it would have been quite legal if they had begun work at 8 a.m. and worked till 10 p.m., due notice having been given to the Home Office. [74] [74] Stationery Trades' Journal, 1898. Mr. Henderson, as above quoted, gives it as his opinion that "a wide limit of law is necessary for printing offices where women may not work after 8 p.m. or before 6 a.m. Hours for adult women other than at present should be allowed by the Secretary of State, as for instance the folders of weeklies." Again, it is felt that a greater freedom is needed with regard to overtime. Mr. Vaughan, the Factory Inspector for North London, in the Factories and Workshops Report for 1899 says: "I find in some trades, e.g., Christmas cards, great dissatisfaction at the curtailment of overtime from five to three nights a week, when the busy season lasts only for a month or so; the allowance of thirty nights a year is not required, but an allowance of more nights during these few weeks would be an enormous assistance. The temptation in such cases to work more nights a week than are allowed is universally great." It appears to be a great hardship that women who have not been working by day may not upon occasions work by night, and both employers and employées are unanimous in demanding that the law should recognise this distinction. There is a great difference between retaining an ordinary worker through the night, or for more than a certain number of hours per week, and drafting in a fresh set of workers to do work by night at stated periods in the month or at times of emergency. Whether or not the law can be made sufficiently elastic to allow of greater freedom with regard to period of employment, overtime, and nightwork, raises difficult questions. No doubt it would be an advantage both to employées and employers, if the law could be made so elastic, but the difficulty of effective inspection would be so great as to
- 52. outweigh any possible advantage. The early history of factory legislation and its working shows clearly that the intention of the Act was defeated because employers could so easily evade its clauses. At present it is known to a factory inspector that a factory that opens at 6 always opens at 6 and closes at 6, unless notice has been given that overtime is being worked; if, however, an employer were free to open his factory at 6 or 7 or 8, as occasion demanded, and close accordingly, the difficulty of administration would obviously be greatly increased. The same point arises with regard to nightworkers. It is quite impossible to know among a staff of nightworkers, who has been working all day and who are bonâ fide job hands. Such cases as the following, which was the cause of a prosecution, would occur far more frequently. "Twenty-four girls who were employed at a neighbouring printing and bookbinding firm, worked for twelve hours at that firm on Friday, November 20th. They then went straight to the Carlyle Press, and worked all night, going back to their regular work at the other firm at 8 the next morning. The forewoman employed by the latter firm said that she did not know these girls had been working all day, or she would not have admitted them."[75] [75] Printers' Register, January 12th, 1892. It must be remembered that so far as the class of job hands is concerned, they owe their present position in a large measure to factory legislation. By utilising them, the employer has been able to meet a sudden press of work, and yet to comply with the provisions of the law, so that, without the legislation of which they now complain, many of them would not have found employment. Moreover, job hands are not numerous when compared with regular workers, and the provisions in the Factory Acts which seem to bear hardly on casual labour have rightly been passed in the interest of the permanent staff. To accede to the demand for greater elasticity is to suppose a higher code of morals on the part both of employers and of employed than experience justifies, and it would also render necessary a far more elaborate and irritating system of inspection than at present exists. The efficiency of modern factory industry depends very greatly upon automatic working—upon its standardisation of conditions, and the existing factory law with its inelastic provisions is, in reality, a great aid in maintaining those conditions of efficiency. Now and again an employer complains of some hard experience, and forgets that a departure from rigid rule would destroy the certainty which he feels that the law is treating him exactly as it is his competitors. Such a feeling of security is essential to business enterprise.
- 53. CHAPTER VII. WOMEN AND MACHINERY. There is a general opinion amongst the women workers themselves that the introduction of machinery has ruined these trades for them. But we have found that certain opinions prevail, not because they have stood the test of investigation, but because they are passed round, and have never been subjected to enquiry. We have already referred to the question in a general way.[76] [76] P. 48. Effect of machinery. The impression of workers that machinery is displacing them, must be received with a great deal of reserve as they rarely take long or broad views. Mechanical aid is very imperfect in most of these trades, and in book folding, envelope making, black bordering, etc., its use has hitherto been greatly restricted owing to the nature of the work. The census figures, moreover, seem to be pretty conclusive that, taking the trade as a whole, machinery cannot have had such a very destructive influence upon women's employment.[77] [77] An old-established publisher commits himself to the statement that machinery has increased women's work by 20 per cent. The manager of a leading Scottish paper and stationery firm stated, with reference to envelope making: "The use of machinery is always extending; but only in the direction of increasing the output; there has been no displacing of workers; the result has been rather to increase their employment." The following statement by a Trade Union official is at once the most emphatic and most detailed of a considerable mass of information on this subject:— "Folding and stitching machines have largely superseded female labour and men's labour too. E.g., A. (a certain weekly paper), if folded, etc., by hand, would employ thirty hands—now it is all done by machinery. B. (another similar paper) by hand would employ 100 girls and, say, twenty or thirty men—now no girl touches it except just to insert 'things,' e.g., advertisements, and men merely pack it; machinery does the rest. Even wrapping is done by machinery—one machine with one man does the work of eight men. At X. (a well-known London firm) ten folding machines do the work of 100 girls." As a matter of fact the papers referred to have been created by the cheap work of machines, and no labour has been displaced by their employment. They have rather increased the demand for labour. But the statement shows the efficiency of machinery worked under the best conditions.
- 54. Another statement by a woman worker, typical of many others, is as follows: —"Machinery is ruining the trade, and workers are being turned off; thirty were turned off a few months ago, and twenty more will have to go soon." This applies to a certain well-known London firm of bookbinders, and it is curiously corroborated by other investigators who found in other firms traces of the women discharged from this one. The firm's own statement, however, was that they had to turn away "ten hands (young ones), the other day, because of the introduction of folding machines"; but this information was received five months before the woman employed quoted above was seen.[78] [78] An Edinburgh firm states that one folding machine can be managed by two girls and it does the work of eight women hand-folders. The firm does not state if it turned away hands, but it considered that there is too great a strain placed upon girls in watching this machine constantly, so their work is varied. Displacement. That there is some displacement, either directly or by the substitution of younger workpeople, cannot be gainsaid with reference to particular processes. The class most affected is the sewers. The evidence in support of their displacement places it beyond dispute, and though the increased facility for sewing has created an extra demand for folding, and some sewers have turned to folding in consequence, this class as a whole has suffered by machinery. Folders have been less affected. The way in which the displacement is brought about is of some interest. We have, to begin with, the general apparent inability of women to manage machines, and we find that the folding machine has tended to reintroduce men to aid in work which for many years has been exclusively women's.[79] Here we have a case of men and machinery doing women's work. On the other hand, the sewing machine does not appear to have had that tendency, the only explanation apparently being that convention determines that in these trades sewing machines and women go together. Sewing machines are domestic implements in men's eyes. It is very curious that it should be so, but we are driven to that as the only possible explanation of well-observed facts. In this instance machines alone displace women. [79] The manager of a firm with an extensive business in popular periodical literature says: "Folding, which was all hand work and women's work, is now largely done by machines managed by men. Wrapping, of which the same was true, is also largely done by machines which are managed by men.... If the machine is large and complicated, men will replace women, if it is small and simple, women will replace men." No process—excepting the few rare instances in the typographical trade—seems to have been opened up to women in consequence of the introduction of machinery; and, on the other hand, the instances where young persons, either boys or girls, have been put to women's work owing to the introduction of machinery are very rare. So all that has happened has been that machines have somewhat changed the character of women's work, and their chief effect, beyond the displacement of sewers, has been to
- 55. prevent the taking on of some learners who otherwise might have been employed in certain branches of these trades. Conclusions can be arrived at with more accuracy in respect of the paper-colouring and enamelling processes. Paper colouring and enamelling hardly exists as a separate trade now. Paper is coloured or enamelled, as a rule, in the mill where it is made, and the processes are carried out by machinery. This trade, then, affords a definite instance of the replacement of women's work by machinery, handwork being now a rare survival. In one firm where forty-five women were formerly employed twelve now work. The process of colouring by hand is very simple. The sheet of paper to be coloured is placed in front of the woman who wets it over with the required colour by means of a long thin brush like a whitewash brush, which she dips into a bowl. She then takes another round brush, about 10 ins. in diameter, and brushes over the whole surface, so that the colour shall lie quite evenly. The process is now complete, and the sheet of paper is taken up and hung on a line to dry. Enamelling is done in precisely the same way, enamel, instead of colour, being applied. These hand processes apparently survive in the case of small quantities of paper which it is not worth while to colour or enamel by machine. Those who have seen the process cannot regret the abolition of hand labour. The work is rough and dirty; the workers and the walls are all splashed over with the colour, the result being picturesque, but not healthy. When dry powder or dust is used in the process, meals may not be taken on the premises. The work does not attract a high grade of workers; they are of the job-hand type, friendly, rough and ready, and by no means tidy or "genteel." Paper colouring and enamelling was once a man's trade but women replaced men for the same reason that machinery has now replaced women, i.e., cheapness. Machine ruling has also been slightly affected. One of the investigators reports of an Edinburgh factory: "In this factory I was shown a ruling machine which was provided with an automatic feeder, in the form of two indiarubber wheels, which drew each sheet of paper into the machine with great exactness. The machine, after ruling one side, turned the paper and ruled the other without any adjustment by hand being necessary. After being set, this machine required only the occasional supervision of one man operative. It was estimated that its output equalled that of twelve persons on the old machines, whilst on some work of a simple kind which was merely to be run through, it might replace the work of thirty." Cheap labour and mechanical appliances. In these circumstances it is hardly to be expected that much evidence could have been collected leading to very definite conclusions regarding how far the cheapness of women's labour retarded the introduction of machinery, and the efficient organisation of these industries. With the large up-to-date employers, the fact that women's labour is cheap counts for little in face of the fact that machinery is rapid, and enables them on a small area and
- 56. with a productive capital charge, to turn out large volumes of produce. "When we see a good machine," said one of these employers, "we try it, and we do not think of the cheapness or dearness of the labour it may displace." But with small employers, and with those producing for a lower class or special market, considerations of wages do enter greatly into calculations of the utility of a new machine, and to some slight extent the cheapness of women's labour has retarded the application of machinery in these trades. One investigator states of a large West End stationer:—"Undoubtedly he would put up steam folding and stamping machines if women's labour were not so cheap." A printer who prints some of the best-known weekly papers and reviews is reported to have said: —"Taking it broadly, the cheapness of men's or women's work undoubtedly tends to retard the introduction of machinery." But the most striking proof of the connection between cheap labour and handwork is given by one investigator who, whilst being taken over certain large printing works was shown women folding one of the illustrated weekly papers. Folding machines were standing idle in the department, and she was told that these were used by the men when folding had to be done at times when the Factory Law prohibited women's labour. [80] Another employer stated that he had introduced folding machines as a consequence of the legal restrictions placed upon women's labour, whilst another well-known bookbinder said:—"If women would take a fair price for work done it would not be necessary to employ machinery." [80] Cf. pp 80, 81, etc. A large printer of magazines reports: "The saving in cost, and therefore the inducement to put in machinery, is much less if higher wages are paid for men doing the work." The scarcity of women's labour, we are told, induced a Manchester printing firm to adopt folding machines; whilst, on the other hand, the cheapness of women's labour has kept linotypes out of Warrington composing rooms.
- 57. CHAPTER VIII. HOME WORK. Census figures. The table of occupations compiled from the census of 1901 for the first time indicates the number of home workers. For these trades the figures for women are as follows: ENGLAND AND WALES.[81] Unmarrie d. Married or Widowe d. Tota l. Total for Scotlan d. Paper manufacture 9 10 19 0 Paper stainers 1 1 2 1 Stationery manufacture 37 25 62 0 Envelope makers 27 42 69 4 Paper box and paper bag makers 524 1,153 1,67 7 36 Other workers in paper, etc. 54 52 106 2 Printers [? folders] 73 46 119 2 Lithographers, copper and steel plate printers 18 12 30 0 Bookbinders 129 145 274 9 Typecutter 0 1 1 0 [81] Paper box making was not investigated. It is always difficult to trace out the home worker, and the information we obtained was collected through communication with School Board officers, Charity Organisation Society secretaries, district nurses, sanitary inspectors, and workpeople. The groups of trades investigated are mainly factory and workshop trades, and are becoming more so. Home work is not so prevalent in them as it used to be, and it is now somewhat difficult to trace its effects in its present decayed importance.
- 58. Home work drawbacks. There used to be a good deal of home work in these trades, but the growth of large firms and the introduction of machinery[82] have discouraged it.[83] The material is very heavy and sometimes costly, and has to be carefully handled. It is therefore difficult to move from workshop to dwelling-place; and when handled in kitchens or other living rooms it runs a great risk of being stained and spoiled. The home workers find some of their own material, e.g., paste and brushes for bag making, and they save light and rent for employers; but, on the other hand, they are apt "to send back their work with the mark of teacups upon it," or spoiled in some other way, and it is difficult to get them to return it punctually. So in these trades, home work really does not pay. [82] This seems to be specially the case in the provinces. [83] One of the home workers (also workshop worker) visited said, "Home work is given less and less and is difficult to get now. Only three work at it—old hands—and they are going to stop it altogether, perhaps." Another investigator reports of machine-ruling in Scotland: "Two elderly women who worked a paper- ruling machine in their kitchen. They had been at the work for thirty years, having been taught by their father, and have carried on the business since his death. The father had a good business, and they can make their living by it, but say the work has sadly fallen off. They get enough orders to keep them going, and when very busy employ a girl occasionally to help them. 'It is useless to try to compete with the new machines they have nowadays. What used to be given to us at 2s. 6d., can now be turned out by the machines for 1s. 6d. We couldn't afford to do it at those rates.'" Cf. Appendix V. The Trade Unions prohibit home work when they are able to detect it. There is, generally, a healthy feeling opposed to this method of employment, and firms deny practising it. Home work processes. Home work is now mainly confined to book and paper folding, sewing printed matter, black bordering and folding envelopes, making paper bags, and designing and painting Christmas cards which is done at home not so much because employers encourage it, but because it is undertaken by a class of women indisposed to enter a workshop. The folding is mostly of cheap printed matter like popular almanacs and other street literature. Also, a good deal of folding thin paper Bibles and prayer books is done at home. Some paper staining is also done in living rooms by workpeople, but the practice is less common than it was. "One paper colourer, a married woman, whom we saw, told us that her mother worked at the trade before her at home, and when she herself was a baby her cradle was rocked on the colouring board. 'Many was the night' that she sat up as a child helping her mother to do the work. She certainly throve on it and seemed immensely proud of her industrial career." The home worker.
- 59. What home work is still done is given mainly to women employed in the workshop during the day, and is therefore illegal.[84] In addition, women who have married whilst working in certain firms, or widows of men who have been workmen in these trades, keep up old connections by occasional—if not systematic—home work. But as it hardly pays the employer to avail himself regularly of domestic workers, the work now done at home is chiefly given out to meet a temporary pressure of demand, and would practically disappear if these exceptional pressures did not take place. [84] The wording of the section (31 (2)) of the Act, however, makes it difficult to enforce. Paper-bag making. The making of paper bags is, of this group of trades, most extensively and systematically practised as a home industry. This is particularly the case in the neighbourhood of busy street markets, such as are found in South London. The work is mostly done by married women of a rough class, as a supplement to their husbands' wages.[85] Reporting upon one such worker an investigator says: "Mrs. —— is one of nine daughters, and seven are paper-bag makers. All her cousins, aunts and relations-in-law have taken it up.... A niece of hers was consumptive and could not earn her living, but she was fond of dress. Mrs. —— taught her paper-bag making and she soon earned 8s. or 9s. a week." The profit which yielded this income is stated to be 6d. or 7d. per thousand bags. Many women who occasionally work at paper-bag making only do so to earn a particular sum of money of which they are in need—say 10s. When that is earned they cease work. Such is the casual nature of the employment and the disorganised state of the labour employed in it. [85] "In nearly all the cases that Mrs. —— (an employing bag maker in the Borough) knows there are bad husbands. Mrs. —— is in the trade herself to supplement her husband's earnings because she has nine children and he cannot earn enough to keep them in comfort." The homes. The practically unanimous report of the investigators is that these home workers' home conditions are of the very worst. "A very squalid and evil-smelling slum," "Very poor and miserable house shared by others," are typical descriptions of the dwellings to which the home work investigations led us.
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