Techer

I. Quality Learners
School systems work with the children who come into them. The quality of children’s
lives
before beginning formal education greatly influences the kind of learners they can
be.
Many elements go into making a quality learner, including health, early childhood
experiences and home support.
Good health and nutrition.
Physically and psychosocially healthy children learn well. Healthy development in
early
childhood, especially during the first three years of life, plays an important role in
providing the basis for a healthy life and a successful formal school experience
(McCain &
Mustard, 1999). Adequate nutrition is critical for normal brain development in the
early
years, and early detection and intervention for disabilities can give children the best
chances for healthy development. Prevention of infection, disease and injury prior to
school enrolment are also critical to the early development of a quality learner.
Early childhood psychosocial development experiences.
Positive early experiences and interactions are also vital to preparing a quality
learner. A
large study in 12 Latin American countries found that attendance at day care coupled
with
higher levels of parental involvement that includes parents reading to young children
is
associated with higher test scores and lower rates of grade repetition in primary
school
(Willms, 2000). Evidence from the Philippines, Sri Lanka and Turkey, and has shown
that
children who participate in early intervention programmes do better in primary school
than
those who do not benefit from formal early child programmes, and studies from India,
Morocco and Latin America demonstrate that disadvantaged children benefit the
most
from such programmes (UNICEF, 1998). In addition to cognitive effects, the benefits
of
good early childhood prograappropriate stimulation in a child’s early years influences
the brain development necessary
for emotional regulation, arousal, and behavioural management. A child who misses
positive stimulation or is subject to chronic stress in the pre-school years may have
difficulty with psychosocial development later in life (McCain & Mustard, 1999). A
high
level of quality in early childhood development programmes can be achieved when
health
and nutrition components are combined with structured psychosocial development in
the
pre-school years.
Regular attendance for learning.
When they reach school age, research demonstrates that to achieve academically,
children

must attend school consistently. A child’s exposure to curriculum — his or her
‘opportunity to learn’ — significantly influences achievement, and exposure to
curriculum
comes from being in school (Fuller et al., 1999). A study of village-based schools in
Malawi found that students with higher rates of attendance had greater learning
gains and
lower rates of repetition, a finding consistent with many other studies (Miske, Dowd
et al.,
1998).
Family support for learning.
Parents may not always have the tools and background to support their children’s
cognitive and psychosocial development throughout their school years. Parents’
level of
education, for example, has a multifaceted impact on children’s ability to learn in
school.
In one study, children whose parents had primary school education or less were
more than
three times as likely to have low test scores or grade repetition than children whose
parents had at least some secondary schooling (Willms, 2000). Parental education
not only
influences parent-child interactions related to learning, but also affects parents’
income
and need for help in the home or field — help that often comes at the expense of
keeping
children in school (Carron & Chau, 1996). Parents with little formal education may
also be
less familiar with the language used in the school, limiting their ability to support
learning
and participate in school-related activities.
The effects of schools in poor areas can often outweigh the impact of family
background
and practices (Fuller, et al., 1999). Further, although many constraints exist, schools
can
play a role in helping parents to enhance the ‘home curriculum’ and improve the
quality of
parental involvement in their children’s education. Strategies include, for example,
partnering with organizations that can affect parenting in the pre-school years such
as
public health providers and non-governmental organizations (NGOs); asking parents
to
participate in assessment of their child’s progress, offering clear, regular, non-
threatening
communication; and including parents in decision-making groups at the school
(Redding,
2000). Successful attempts to increase parental involvement have taken place
around the
world. One example is the creation of student newspapers in China. Such
newspapers
“exist at different levels of the education system and in urban as well as rural zones.
The

result is that, much more than in other countries, pupils and parents have the
possibility to
read, which is of benefit in particular to the otherwise disadvantaged rural families”
(Carron & Chau, 1996). Other forms of family literacy programmes have focused on
particular aspects of parental involvement. In Sri Lanka, for example, an eight-
weekmmes include better psychosocial development. Effective andprogramme that
sought to improve the literacy skills of low-income, undereducated
mothers found that the mothers’ capacities to help develop their children’s language
competencies increased, especially in the areas of listening and speaking
(Dharmadasa,
1996). In sum, the home curriculum seems to play a vital role in preparing quality
learners
for school.
Healthy children with positive early learning experiences and supportive, involved
parents
are thus most likely to succeed in school. Quality teachers need similar support for
their
tasks in schools. Another essential ingredient for a successful educational system is
a
quality learning environment.
II. Quality Learning Environments
Learning can occur anywhere, but the positive learning outcomes generally sought
by
educational systems happen in quality learning environments. Learning
environments are
made up of physical, psychosocial and service delivery elements.
Physical elements
Quality of school facilities.
Physical learning environments or the places in which formal learning occurs, range
from
relatively modern and well-equipped buildings to open-air gathering places. The
quality of
school facilities seems to have an indirect effect on learning, an effect that is hard to
measure. Some authors argue that “[e]xtant empirical evidence is inconclusive as to
whether the condition of school buildings is related to higher student achievement
after
taking into account student’s background” (Fuller, 1999). A study in India, however,
sampled 59 schools and found that of these only 49 had buildings and of these, 25
had a
toilet, 20 had electricity, 10 had a school library and four had a television (Carron &
Chau,
1996). In this case, the quality of the learning environment was strongly correlated
with
pupils’ achievement in Hindi and mathematics (Carron & Chau, 1996). In Latin
America, a
study that included 50,000 students in grades three and four found that children
whose
schools lacked classroom materials and had an inadequate library were significantly
more

likely to show lower test scores and higher grade repetition than those whose
schools
were well equipped (Willms, D., 2000). Other studies, carried out in Botswana,
Nigeria
and Papua New Guinea, concur with these latter findings (Pennycuick, 1993).
Interaction between school infrastructure and other quality dimensions.
The quality of school buildings may be related to other school quality issues, such as
the
presence of adequate instructional materials and textbooks, working conditions for
students and teachers, and the ability of teachers to undertake certain instructional
approaches. Such factors as on-site availability of lavatories and a clean water
supply,
classroom maintenance, space and furniture availability all have an impact on the
critical
learning factor of time on task. When pupils have to leave school and walk significant
distances for clean drinking water, for example, they may not always return to class

(Miske & Dowd, 1998). Even when schools do have adequate infrastructure, parents
may
be reluctant to allow children — especially girls — to attend if they are located too far
away from children’s homes. In general, parents often consider the location and
condition
of learning environments when assessing school quality, and this can influence
school
participation.
Class size.
Many countries significantly expanded access to primary education during the
1990s, but
the building of new schools has often not kept pace with the increase in the student
population. In these cases, schools have often had to expand class sizes, as well as
the
ratio of students to teachers, to accommodate large numbers of new students. A
UNICEF/UNESCO survey conducted in 1995 in 14 least developed countries found
that
class sizes ranged from fewer than 30 students in rural and urban Bhutan,
Madagascar,
and the Maldives, to 73 in rural Nepal and 118 in Equatorial Guinea (Postlewaithe,
1998).
Do larger class sizes hurt the quality of education? Educators and researchers from
diverse
philosophical perspectives have debated the relationship between class size and
student
learning at length. Although many studies have found a relationship (e.g., Willms,
2000),
class size has not consistently been linked to student achievement (Rutter, 1979,
cited in
Pennycuick, 1993). This may be due to the fact that many schools and classrooms
have
not yet adopted the more demanding but higher quality student-centred learning
practices

discussed in this paper in section four (IV.) of this paper. Moreover, quantitative
relationships between class sizes and academic achievement rarely take other key
quality
factors into account, such as teachers’ perceptions of working conditions and their
sense
of efficacy.
Psychosocial elements
Peaceful, safe environments, especially for girls.
Within schools and classrooms, a welcoming and non-discriminatory climate is
critical to
creating a quality learning environment. In many countries, attitudes discouraging
girls’
participation in education have been significant barriers to providing quality
education to
all students. The Republic of Guinea provides an example of how this barrier can
begin to
be overcome. Between 1989 and 1997, Guinea was able to increase the percentage
of
school-age girls enrolment from 17 per cent to 37 per cent. This was done through
the
establishment of a high-profile Equity Committee, research to better understand
various
communities’ needs and attitudes, policy reforms related to pregnancy of school-age
mothers, the building of latrines for girls in schools, institutional reform that brought
more
women into teaching and administrative positions, and a sensitisation campaign to
raise
community awareness about the value of girls’ education. Although curricular reform
and
other issues remain to be acted upon, and girls’ persistence and achievement have
not yet
reached the level of boys’, this case shows that efforts to improve the learning
environment for girls and all students can lead to real results (Sutton, 1999).
Once girls gain access to schools, however, they may experience both direct
physical
threats and more subtle assaults on their confidence, self-esteem and identity
(Pigozzi,

2000). The journey to school may be unsafe, since many girls experience
harassment and
physical attacks either on public transportation in cities or remote paths in rural
areas. At
school, teachers often require girls to do maintenance work while boys study or play,
and
allow boys to bully girls. Girls must often sit at the back of the classroom, where
teachers
may call on them infrequently. In some cases, extreme physical assault, including
rape,
may be perpetuated against girls at school. The threats that come in the form of
unequal

treatment, harassment, bullying and undervaluing girls harm them in profound and
longlasting
ways.
Teachers’ behaviours that affect safety.
Relative to both girls and boys, parents, educators and researchers express
important
concerns about teachers who create an unsafe environment for students. In some
schools
in Malawi, for example, male teachers sexually harassed girls even with outside
observers
present (Miske, Dowd, et al., 1998). When parents in Burkina Faso, Mali and
Tanzania
were asked about reasons they might withdraw their children from schools, they
most
often cited a lack of discipline, violence of teachers towards pupils (corporal
punishment),
and the risk of pregnancy due to the male teachers’ behaviour (Bergmann, 1996). A
study
in Ethiopia found that nearly 50 per cent of teachers interviewed reported using
corporal
punishment at least once a week, with 11 per cent saying they use it every day. Just
over
one third said they never use corporal punishment (Verwimp, 1999). These teacher
behaviours affect the quality of the learning environment since learning cannot take
place
when the basic needs of survival and self-protection are threatened.
Effective school discipline policies.
Well-managed schools and classrooms contribute to educational quality. Students,
teachers and administrators should agree upon school and classroom rules and
policies,
and these should be clear and understandable. Order, constructive discipline and
reinforcement of positive behaviour communicate a seriousness of purpose to
students
(Craig, Kraft & du Plessis, 1998). It is important not to mistake small group
cooperative
learning for disorder, however; although noise levels may increase, task-orientation
and
focus on learning signal effective practices. Policies are also needed on bullying,
harassment, drug and tobacco use, and anti-discrimination with regard to disabilities,
HIV/AIDS and pregnancy.
Inclusive environments.
Reducing other forms of discrimination is also critical to quality improvement in
learning
environments. Most countries, in all parts of the world, struggle with effective
inclusion
of students with special needs and disabilities. An examination of special education
policies and practices in China, Indonesia, Japan, Malaysia, New Zealand, South
Korea,
Thailand and Viet Nam found that although most educational policies include some

philosophy of inclusion, significant gaps between policies and actual practices in
schools
and classrooms exist (Mitchell, 1995). Children of ethnic and language minorities,
politically or geographically disfavoured groups, and groups at low socio-economic
levels
may also suffer from discriminatory policies and practices that hinder the
advancement of
quality education for all children. This can occur by excluding such children from
schoolor by excluding their participation in school once they are attending. In
general, continued
restructuring of most learning environments needs to occur to improve learning
opportunities for children of all abilities and backgrounds.
Non-violence.
War and other forms of interpersonal and group conflict clearly have an impact on
children’s mental health and their ability to learn. Many young victims of violence
suffer
lasting physical, psychological, social-emotional and behavioural effects. Although it
is
difficult for schools to provide safe havens from some forms of violence, other forms
can
be effectively prevented through interventions (World Health Organization, 1998).
Service delivery
Provision of health services.
The school service environment can also contribute to learning in important ways.
Provision of health services and education can contribute to learning first by reducing
absenteeism and inattention. Sick children cannot attend school, and evidence from
China,
Guinea, India and Mexico shows that children’s illness is a primary cause for
absenteeism
(Carron & Chau, 1996). Today, the potential of school-based health interventions in
improving academic performance is becoming increasingly clear as problems of
proteinenergy
malnutrition, micronutrient deficiency disorders, helminthic infection and
temporary hunger among children continue to plague developing countries
(Levinger,
1992). School-based deworming programmes in Guinea, for example, led to
increased
achievement outcomes — failing scores fell from 32 per cent to 23 per cent over
three
years while passing grades improved markedly (Williams & Leherr, 1998). Maximum
benefit-cost ratios have been achieved when deworming is combined with sanitation,
a
clean water supply and health education (Lockheed & Vespoor, 1991). School-based
programmes that address other major health and nutrition problems that can
decrease
cognitive functioning including deficiencies of iron, iodine and vitamin A have also
been
shown to be effective (Dolan, Drake, Maier, Brooker & Jukes, 2000). Guidance and
counselling services, the provision of extra-curricular activities and the provision of
school

snacks are other examples of service provision that contribute to quality school
environments.
High quality physical, psychosocial and service environments in schools set the
stage for
learning to occur. This learning begins with quality content.
III. Quality Content
Quality content refers to the intended and taught curriculum of schools. National
goals for
education, and outcome statements that translate those goals into measurable
objectives,
should provide the starting point for the development and implementation of
curriculum
(UNICEF, 2000Student-centred, non-discriminatory, standards-based
curriculum structures.
Research on educational practices and projections about future needs in society
contribute
to current understanding of the structure of school curriculum. In general, curriculum
should emphasize deep rather than broad coverage of important areas of
knowledge,
authentic and contextualized problems of study, and problem-solving that stresses
skills
development as well as knowledge acquisition. Curriculum should also provide for
individual differences, closely coordinate and selectively integrate subject matter,
and
focus on results or standards and targets for student learning (Glatthorn & Jailall,
2000).
Curriculum structure should be gender-sensitive and inclusive of children with
diverse
abilities and backgrounds, and responsive to emerging issues such as HIV/AIDS and
conflict resolution. In all content areas, curriculum should be based on clearly
defined
learning outcomes and these outcomes should be grade-level appropriate and
properly
sequenced (see, for example, Kraft, 1995).
Uniqueness of local and national content.
The specific content of school curriculum, however, depends on local and national
values.
In the main subject areas of primary education, which include language, math,
science and
social studies, little variation is found among different regions in the developing
world.
Nation states, however, “tend to have a high degree of consistency in curriculum
emphasis
over time, but differ sharply from each other, reflecting unique historical patterns”
(Benavot & Karmens, 1989, cited in UNICEF, 2000). Local level interests may also
have
an impact on and contribute to the quality of educational content. Based on
community
priorities, the Mali Community Schools project, for example, successfully
incorporated

local knowledge into traditional subject areas (Muskin, 1999). In all countries,
however,
quality content should include several pivotal areas. These include literacy,
numeracy, life
skills and peace education — as well as science and social studies.
Literacy.
Literacy, or the ability to read and write, is often considered one of the primary goals
of
formal education. Policies and practices in education for literacy vary significantly
among
countries. A recent UNICEF study on curriculum showed that in some cases, literacy
skills are taught as a separate subject, in a language course, where the instruction
tends to
focus on teaching the language as an end in itself. Such an approach tends to be
linear —
first teaching aural skills, then speaking, reading and writing skills. Alternatively,
literacy
skills may be developed through other subjects such as social studies or science.
The
UNICEF study found that in these cases, there is a greater focus on language as a
tool for
social development; situations from daily life are incorporated into activities that
foster the
acquisition of reading and writing skills (UNICEF, 2000). Attention to the way literacy
is
developed is critical since research has shown that language learning cannot be
separated
from content. The learning context and agendas people have for learning to read and
write
have an important impact on the development of literacy skills (Furniss & Green,
1993).
Numeracy.
As quantitative data become increasingly prevalent in many societies, the concept of
numeracy seems to be evolving. Also known as ‘quantitative literacy’, numeracy
12
encompassesencompasses a range of skills from basic arithmetic and logical
reasoning to advanced
mathematics and interpretative communication skills (Steen, 1999). Numeracy differs
from
mathematics; while mathematical skills support numeracy, the latter represents the
ability
to use a range of skills in a variety of contexts. Because mastery of many curricular
areas
requires numeracy — from geography and social studies to science and vocational
training— many mathematics educators advocate teaching numeracy skills in an
integrated
way rather than as an isolated subject in a mathematics course (House & Coxford,
1995).
Numeracy skills not only give people more control in their daily lives through, for

example, more informed management of household or small enterprises, but also
allow for
more effective participation in communities and nations, since understanding many
collective issues requires an ability to make sense of financial and other quantitative
information.
Life skills.
The term ‘life skills’ can be broadly interpreted, and is often assumed to include such
topics as health, hygiene, etiquette, and vocational skills. In UNICEF, however, life
skills
are defined as “psycho-social and interpersonal skills used in every day
interactions…not
specific to getting a job or earning an income”. The definition also explains that “a
wide
range of examples exist under the UNICEF working definition of Life Skills, such as
assertion and refusal skills, goal setting, decision making and coping skills”
(UNICEF,
2000). Life skills curriculum focuses on attitudes, values and behavioural change,
rather
than seeking to provide young people with a body of knowledge about a set of
topics. As
with literacy, age-appropriate life skills can be incorporated into other areas of study.
For
example, educators in Rwanda teach life skills as part of courses on conflict
resolution,
self-awareness, cooperation and communication. In Zimbabwe, aspects of life skills
come
through HIV/AIDS courses (UNICEF, 2000). Other countries may address some
aspects
of life skills through community-based learning. Still others approach life skills topics
in
courses such as health education, education for development, global education and
peace
education.
Peace education.
Peace education seeks to help students gain the ability to prevent conflict, and to
resolve
conflict peacefully when it does arise, whether on the intrapersonal, interpersonal,
intergroup, national or international level. Peace education addresses cognitive,
affective
and behavioural learning and can occur both within schools, through curriculum
development and teacher education, and outside of schools, through camps, sports
and
recreation programmes, youth groups and clubs, and training for community leaders,
parents, librarians and the media (Fountain, 1999). Although few research or
evaluation
studies have examined peace education, some evidence exists that anti-violence
programmes can be effective. For example, when an evaluation of a school-based,
traumahealing
and peaceful problem-solving programme was carried out in Croatia (UNICEF

Croatia, 1997, cited in Fountain, 1999), evaluators noted a positive effect on
decreased
post-traumatic stress and improved self-esteem in female students. The programme
appeared to promote a good psychosocial climate in the classrooms involved. A
Norwegian programme to reduce bullying found that participating children reduced
their
13
expressions of aggression and antisocial behaviour by 50 per cent over two years.
The
effects were more significant in the second year than the first (World Health
Organization,
1998).
Challenges in reaching large numbers of children with quality content.
Educators who seek to maintain and expand programmes that successfully address
important curricular content such as life skills and peace education may face
challenges.Some evidence suggests that expansion beyond pilot programmes often
falters
even when pilot programmes are successful and educational agencies provide
adequate
resources for the development and implementation of curriculum that responds to
emerging issues. Several reasons for this exist (Obanya, 1995), including:
. Teachers often find curricular integration and interdisciplinarity difficult, especially
when the teacher does not have a role in curriculum design;
. Subjects that do not appear on important examinations are not always taken
seriously;
. Social attitudes towards the subject may not be favorable, and cultural patterns are
difficult to change;
. Ideas conceived in other regions of the world may not be adequately adapted to
the local context;
. Political and economic instability can lead to discontinuity in policies and
programmes, as well as teacher and administrator turnover.
These obstacles pose serious but not insurmountable challenges to educational
programming. The value of quality content, however, makes finding solutions to such
challenges critical. To be most effective, quality content must be situated in a context
of
quality processes.
IV. Quality Processes
Until recently, much discussion of educational quality centred on system inputs, such
as
infrastructure and pupil-teacher ratios, and on curricular content. In recent years,
however, more attention has been paid to educational processes — how teachers
and
administrators use inputs to frame meaningful learning experiences for students.
Their
work represents a key factor in ensuring quality school processes.
Teachers
Professional learning for teachers.
The highest quality teachers, those most capable of helping their students learn,
have deep
mastery of both their subject matter and pedagogy (Darling-Hammond, 1997). The

preparation that teachers receive before beginning their work in the classroom,
however,
14
variesvaries significantly around the world and even within the least developed
countries. In
Cape Verde, Togo and Uganda, for example, 35 per cent to 50 per cent of students
have
teachers who had no teacher training. Yet in Benin, Bhutan, Equatorial Guinea,
Madagascar and Nepal, over 90 per cent of students do have teachers with some
form of
teacher training. In these latter countries, most teachers have, at least, lower
secondary
education; this contrasts sharply with Cape Verde and Tanzania where over 60 per
cent of
students have teachers with only a primary education (Postlewaithe, 1998). Perhaps
as a
consequence of too little preparation before entering the profession, a number of
teachers
in China, Guinea, India and Mexico were observed to master neither the subject
matter
they taught nor the pedagogical skills required for good presentation of the material
(Carron & Chau, 1996). This affects educational quality since student achievement,
especially beyond basic skills, depends largely on teachers’ command of subject
matter
(Mullens, Murnance & Willett, 1996) and their ability to use that knowledge to help
students learn. A recent evaluation of the East African Madrasa (Pre-school)
Programme
noted the importance of mentoring by trainers in the form of continuous support and
reinforcement of teacher learning by on-site visits to classrooms following a two
week
orientation training and alongside weekly trainings in Madrasa Resource Centres.
(Brown,
Brown & Sumra, 1999).
Teacher competence and school efficiency.
Whether a teacher uses traditional or more current methods of instruction, efficient
use of
school time has a significant impact on student learning. Teachers’ presence in the
classroom represents the starting point. Many teachers face transportation and
housing
obstacles that hinder them from getting to school on time and staying until school
hours
are over. Many teachers must hold second jobs, which may detract from the time
and
energy they expend in the classroom. Teachers may miss school altogether. A study
in
China, Guinea, India and Mexico found that nearly half the teachers interviewed
reported
being absent at some point during the previous month (Carron & Chau, 1996),
requiring

other teachers to compensate for them or leaving students without instruction for the
day.
Next, when teachers are present, learning occurs when teachers engage students in
instructional activities, rather than attending to administrative or other non-
instructional
processes (Fuller, et al., 1999). As mentioned above, the opportunity to learn and the
time
on task have been shown in many international studies to be critical for educational
quality. Finally, some schools that have been able to organize their schedules
according to
children’s work and family obligations have seen greater success in student
persistence and
achievement. In Ethiopia, for example, schools that began and ended the day earlier
than
usual and that scheduled breaks during harvest times found that educational quality
improved. “The quality of a school and the quality of teaching of the individual
teacher is
[sic] higher in schools that are able (and willing) to make more efficient use of the
available time of its teachers and its pupils” (Verwimp, 1999).
Ongoing professional development.
Professional development can help overcome shortcomings that may have been part
of
teachers’ pre-service education and keep teachers abreast of new knowledge and
practices
in the field. This ongoing training for teachers can have a direct impact on student
15
achievement. Case studies from Bangladesh, Botswana, Guatemala, Namibia and
Pakistan
have provided evidence that ongoing professional development, especially in the
early
years after initial preparation and then continuing throughout a career, contribute
significantly to student learning and retention (Craig, Kraft & du Plessis, 1998).
Effective
professional development may take many forms; it should not be limited to formal
off-site
kinds of programmes. Dialogue and reflections with colleagues, peer and supervisor
observations and keeping journals are all effective ways for teachers to advance
their
knowledge (UNICEF, 2000). A programme in Kenya, the Mombassa School
Improvement Project, built on this approach to professional development and
showed that
teachers supported with in-service as well as external workshop training improved
significantly in their abilities to use child-centred teaching and learning behaviours
(Anderson, 2000). In India, an effective programme used interactive video
technology to
reach a large number of teachers who sought professional development. This
programme
found that training using interactive video technology led to improved conceptual
understanding of pedagogical issues for a large number of geographically dispersed
teachers (Maheshwari & Raina, 1998).

Continuing support for student-centred learning.
Teacher education, both pre-service and in-service, should help teachers develop
teaching
methods and skills that take new understandings of how children learn into account.
Just
as curriculum should be child-centred and relevant, so should instructional methods.
The
limited view of teaching as presentation of knowledge no longer fits with current
understandings of how and what students learn. Instead, instruction should help
students
build on prior knowledge to develop attitudes, beliefs and cognitive skills; as well as
expand their knowledge base. Teaching styles in many places, however, remain
traditional,
teacher-centred and fairly rigid or even authoritarian (Carron & Chau, 1996). When
Ethiopian teachers were interviewed about the degree to which their teaching
practices
were learner-centred and relevant to student’s lives, about half said they link lessons
to the
daily life of pupils at least once a week. Almost two-thirds, however, said they never
or
rarely ask pupils what their interests are, or what they would like to learn (Verwimp,
1999). Greater understanding of student-centred learning can be encouraged
through
programmes such as the Bangladeshi project on Multiple Ways of Teaching and
Learning.
Begun in 1994, the project helps improve teachers’ skills by integrating brain
research and
multiple intelligences theory as the foundation for understanding children’s needs
(Ellison
& Rothenberger, 1999). Teaching methods that facilitate active student learning
rather
than promote passivity and rote memorization represent a new and difficult paradigm
for
many teachers, but one that needs to be understood and put into practice if learner
outcomes are to improve. Life skills is a term which UNICEF uses in two main ways,
(i)
to refer to a broad group of psychosocial and interpersonal skills, and (ii) to refer to
the
process of teaching and learning about these skills. As such, it is important to
discuss life
skills in terms of essential content (see section three (III.) of this paper) and
processes
related to life skill-based education. Teaching and learning about life skills requires
interactive, student-centred methods. Since skills are by definition active,
competency is

Active, standards-based participation methods.
Education that supports and empowers both teachers and students through
democratic

processes increasingly defines quality in the 21st century. An example of how
schools
might organize learning activities around these principles comes from Uganda. With
help
from USAID’s Improving Educational Quality project, researchers collaborated with
teachers in primary schools in Uganda to develop action research opportunities for
students that would exemplify empowering student-centred education. In one school,
for
example, students identified the problem area of student tardiness and selected it for
study.
They collected and analysed data tracking attendance and mapping the homes and
routes
tardy children took to school. Based on these data, more punctual students teamed
up
with their slower classmates who lived nearby, and devised systems to encourage
them
along (Kanyike, L., Namanya, P., & Clair, N., 1999). Among other things, this type of
learning activity promotes critical thinking, problem solving, teamwork, and
community
involvement. Such activities can build the attitudes and values in children that
contribute
to democratic societies.
Teacher feedback mechanisms.
Good teachers are skilled not only in instructional methods, but also in evaluation
and
assessment practices that allow them to gauge individual student learning and adapt
activities according to student needs. This process should include both performance
assessment and assessment of factual knowledge. Observations in Guinea and
India found
that teachers are very poorly trained in evaluation techniques, and the reality is far
from
the continuous evaluation procedures recommended by official programmes (Carron
&
Chau, 1996). Indeed, many teachers and educational systems continue to rely
almost
exclusively on traditional paper-and-pencil tests of factual knowledge that tend to
promote
rote memorization rather than higher order thinking skills (Colby, 2000).
Teacher beliefs that all students can learn.
The way time is used is related to school priorities and expectations. Quality
education
puts students at the centre of the process; student achievement must be the school’s
first
priority. Since schools exist because of students, this would seem self-evident.
Perhaps
because of the complexity of educational systems, however, teachers may not
always
believe in the school’s ability to help all students. For example, teachers interviewed
in

Guinea and Mexico had little awareness of the school’s role in pupil failure and
dropout.
Instead, they tended to blame the pupils and their family environment (Carron &
Chau,
1996). Research around the world has shown that low expectations for student
achievement permeate educational systems. Rather than setting high standards and
believing that students can meet them, teachers and administrators in many
developing
countries expect that up to half the students will drop out or fail, especially in primary
grades. Schools committed to student learning communicate expectations clearly,
give
frequent and challenging assignments, monitor performance regularly, and give
students
the chance to participate in and take responsibility for diverse school activities
(Craig,
Kraft, & du Plessis, 1998).
Teachers’ working conditions.
17
Teachers’ working conditions affect their ability to provide quality education. Many
aspects of school life and educational policy go into teachers’ perceptions of their
employment. As mentioned above, the condition of infrastructure, availability of
textbooks
and learning materials and class sizes all influence the teacher’s experience as an
educator.
Teachers’ remuneration also matters. In many countries, teacher salaries have
declined in
recent years, and teachers are not always paid on time. In Bangladesh, Nepal and
Uganda,
for example, the teachers of 27 per cent, 35 per cent and 60 per cent of all students,
respectively, were paid a month or more late (Postlewaithe, 1998). Low and late
remuneration may lead teachers to take on another job, which hurts student learning.
A
study in 12 Latin American countries found that children in schools where many
teachers
work in other jobs in addition to teaching are 1.2 times more likely to have lower test
scores and/or higher grade repetition (Willms, 2000). Effective teachers are highly
committed and care about their students (Craig, Kraft, & du Plessis, 1998); they
need
supportive working conditions to maintain these positive attitudes.
Supervision and support
Administrative support and leadership.
The quality of administrative support and leadership is another critical element in
school
processes, both for students and for teachers. At a more macro level, ensuring
financial
resources for education, especially for recurrent budgets is a necessity. Teachers
need
governments who are supportive of education systems. Organizational support for
teaching and learning takes many forms, including such measures as advocating for
better

conditions and professional development, respecting teachers’ autonomy and
professionalism and developing inclusive decision-making processes. Such support
has
been shown to have impact on student learning. In Malawi, for example, supervisors
in the
schools that showed the greatest learning gains regularly evaluated teachers,
contributing
to professional development and improved teaching practice (Miske, Dowd et al.,
1998).
Unfortunately, however, few head teachers and administrators in developing
countries
have had any formal training in the leadership functions of schools, and promotions
may
not be based on leadership or management skills. Further, many heads of schools
continue
to have extensive pedagogical responsibilities in addition to administrative ones. This
leaves little time for supervision and support of staff (Carron & Chau, 1996). In spite
of
practical constraints, programmes designed to increase professionalism in schools
through
management training, such as one sponsored by SIDA and conducted in
disadvantaged
districts in Sri Lanka, show that interventions in this area can have a real impact
(Perera,
1997).
Student access to languages used at school.
The languages schools use for instruction can have an impact on learning and
academic
achievement in general. Research suggests that many benefits can be gained by
beginning
primary education in the student’s home language. Yet in Africa, especially in
Frenchspeaking
West Africa but not excluding anglophone areas, resistance to primary
instruction in the local language persists. Obstacles to language policy
implementation
exist in other regions as well, for several reasons. Many parents and teachers
believe that

learning in the mother tongue can impair learning French or English later. A belief
exists
that African languages are not equipped to deal with scientific and technical
concepts; and
many parents refuse to have their children learn a national language when they
consider it
to have been imposed for political rather than socio-linguistic or demographic
considerations (Obanya, 1995). Parents’ expected outcomes might also explain
resistance
to primary education in the home language. Parents want their children to master
languages early — learning English in Pakistan, French in Mali, or Spanish in
Ecuador and

Peru — since they view it as critical to improving life chances for their children
(Bergmann, 1996). A problem not often addressed is the transition the students must
make
from using the home language to using the national language, and the lack of
learning
resources and teacher support which is available to bridge this important linguistic
gap
(Cazden, 2000). Other problems include lack of textbooks, learning materials and
teacher
skills in local languages.
Using technologies to decrease rather than increase disparities.
The vast diversity of school facilities in the developing world concerns many who
believe
that technology and students’ development of technology-related skills will be crucial
factors in the 21st century knowledge-based global economy (Denny, 2000). These
authors advocate the use of technology to reduce global inequalities through such
vehicles
as Internet-based distance learning, interactive video and educational television. In
areas
where electricity and telephone lines are available, such approaches to learning may
contribute significantly to improve the quality of educational processes. Outside of
areas
with relatively developed infrastructure, there are some innovations that use
technologies
to support priority content and outcome goals such as basic literacy. These include
the use
of low earth orbiting satellites to send and receive email, the use of CD-ROMs to
disseminate Internet downloads where connectivity does not exist, and the use of
handheld
computers for tasks which were previously confined to desktop computers. Using
Internet technologies to assign teachers where they are needed is an innovation that
could
be explored further in developing countries (Droste, 2000). As the president and
chief
executive officer of Cisco Systems stated: “There are two fundamental equalizers in
life —
the Internet and education. E-learning eliminates the barriers of time and distance,
creating
universal learning-on-demand opportunities for people, companies and countries”
(Chambers, 2000). There is much to be learned about how technology can reduce
rather
than reinforce educational disparities, but there is certainty in the fact that technology
can
be only part of a learning process. As the author of a study on educational television
in
Cote d’Ivoire, Niger and Senegal said, “the human factor is the most important
element in
matters related to educational innovation” (Egly, 1986, cited in Obanya, 1995).
Diversity of processes and facilities.

The presence and heterogeneous uses of technology in schools are one
manifestation of
how school organizations can become more diversified to meet the needs, interests,
experiences and realities of individuals and groups, i.e., how schools can become
more
student-centred. As schools respond to the needs of diverse and excluded groups,
facilities
and practices will need to be diversified to respond to specific needs of different
areas and
users. For example, adjustments in school hours and calendars, constructing day
care close
19
to schools and opening reading centres at school can all make school resources
more
available than traditional models that assume only one kind of student will participate
(Carron & Chau, 1996). As described in section six below (VI.), student-centred
schools
that focus on quality education have found that adapting to the rhythms and
requirements
of local communities results in higher participation and better student outcomes.
V. Quality Outcomes
The environment, content and processes that learners encounter in school lead to
diverse
results, some intended and others unintended. Quality learner outcomes are
intentional,
expected effects of the educational system. They include what children know and
can do,
as well as the attitudes and expectations they have for themselves and their
societies.
Achievement in literacy and numeracy.
Academic achievement in general and achievement in literacy and numeracy in
particular
represent key educational outcomes. Teaching students to read, write and calculate
is
often considered the primary purpose of formal education, but students’ regular
attendance and attention in school does not guarantee this outcome. Investigations
into
literacy levels in recent years have shown that children in developing countries had
lower
levels of literacy than children in high-income countries who had received similar
amounts
of schooling (Willms, 2000). A large scale study in Bangladesh demonstrated, for
example, that although basic skills and levels of formal education are related, the
majority
of those who had completed primary school failed to attain the minimum standard of
competency in the four subject areas tested (Greaney, Khandker & Alam, 1999).
This and
other studies underscore the critical relationship between outcomes and the quality
of
environments, contents and processes.

Using formative assessment to improve achievement outcomes.
Assessment of academic achievement outcomes has most often been used in a
summative
rather than formative way. Testing information tends to be used primarily as a
screening
device to decide who can continue to the next grade of level rather than as a tool to
help
improve educational quality for individuals and systems. A project in Ghana has
demonstrated that ongoing assessment of student performance can provide
teachers with
the information they need to improve student learning. The philosophical basis of the
project was that “it is critically important to identify what skills each student
possesses and
to use instruction to progressively build on this foundation” (Harris, 1996). An
assessment
tool that centred on a curriculum-based rating scale was developed and
administered to
students in the pilot schools. This tool allowed teachers to determine students’ level
of
mastery of previous and current years’ curricula, which helped them determine the
extent
to which alternative instructional strategies and remedial content were necessary for
both
individuals and groups. This approach resulted in significantly improved outcomes.
The
proportion of children who fully mastered reading at grade level, for example, rose
from 4
per cent to 21 per cent over just 18 months following the project’s inception (Harris,
1996).
20
Outcomes sought by parents.
Parents tend to see academic achievement as closely related to the opportunity for
social
promotion and employment. These anticipated outcomes tend to be highly valued by
families: future employment possibilities that result from education seem to be a
primary
factor in the demand for primary education (Bergmann, 1996). When parents in
China ,
Guinea, India and Mexico were interviewed, they rarely cited school-related factors
as
reasons for drop-out or non-enrolment, but other evidence suggested that a lack of
faith in
school as an instrument for social promotion may have led to decisions to keep
children
out of school (Carron & Chau, 1996). Parents tend to attach more importance to
educational outcomes as a measure of school quality than students, teachers or
principals
(Gaziel, 1996). Just as parents seek favorable outcomes, such as academic
achievement

and eventual employment, they seek to avoid outcomes they view as negative.
Parents
who view education unfavorably cite the following potential outcomes: children do
not
respect their parents, school leavers consider themselves superior to their fellow
villagers,
school leavers become delinquents, girls object to the traditional rules governing
marriage,
and school girls do not master the required domestic duties (Bergmann, 1996).
Outcomes related to community participation, learner confidence and life-long
learning.
Academic achievement is often used as an indicator of school quality because it is
easily
measurable using standardized tests, while other outcomes may be more complex
and less
tangible. These include education for citizenship (participating in and contributing to
the
community, learner confidence and self-esteem) and skills for behavioural
development
and change. Such outcomes are possible to evaluate, however. One approach
distinguishes
four levels of citizenship education outcomes: first, students’ knowledge of areas
such as
human rights, the rights of the child and governmental institutions; second, students’
ability to analyse social situations related to citizenship values; third, the degree to
which
students are able to work cooperatively and demonstrate curiosity and autonomy (an
outcome related to teachers’ use of participative pedagogy); and fourth, the degree
to
which students demonstrate responsibility to each other and to the community (an
outcome related to student and teacher participation in school management and
decisionmaking)
(DeKetele, 2000).
Experiential approaches to achieving desired outcomes.
The content and processes that lead to the more affective outcomes of community
participation and responsibility often happen in the classroom, but some
programmes have
discovered experiential community-based approaches that lead to these results. The
Social
Forestry, Education and Participation (SFEP) project in Thailand provides an
example. In
several Thai villages, the project brought fifth and sixth grade students out of the
classroom and into the community to learn about forest management. Students
surveyed
villagers to identify specific forest management problems and community members
gradually became more involved as informal teachers. Together, they developed
community projects, such as the care of seedlings and the establishment of a forest
nature
centre, that helped students increase their knowledge of forest ecosystems and the
social

21
systems that surround them. An evaluation of the project found that communities
supported this new form of teaching and learning and that school-community
relations
improved. The children were more connected to their local histories, social relations
and
economic structures. The students and the school came to be seen as a force for
positive
change in the community (McDonough & Wheeler, 1998). The SFEP and other such
programmes demonstrate that schools can help build social capital and create
interconnecting links that promote quality affective and behavioural outcomes for
children
(Bronfenbrenner, 1986).
Health outcomes.
Educational quality also implies positive outcomes for participants’ health. Students
should receive services to improve their health, such as treatment for illness and
infection
and school feeding programmes to improve nutrition, as well as curricular content
that
increases their knowledge and affects their behaviour related to health and hygiene.
General literacy and socialization provided by schools have been shown in particular
to
affect women’s maternal behaviour and reproductive health (LeVine, 2000).
Lifeskills and outcomes.
Psychosocial and interpersonal skills can be applied to many contexts — HIV/AIDS
prevention, drug abuse prevention, nutrition and hygiene behaviour and many non-
health
contexts as well. However, these skills are better assessed within a particular
context.
While it might be possible, albeit difficult, to generically assess the use of life skills
such as
decision-making or assertion skills without considering a specific context, the value
of so
doing is limited. It is more useful and easy to interpret evaluation about the specific
contexts where decision-making skills or assertive behaviours are applied, for
example,
since individuals will react differently in different contexts. Someone who is assertive
about not smoking or not drinking too much alcohol may not use a condom with a
sex
partner; or someone may demonstrate conflict- management skills among his male
friends
over whether or not to use drugs, but he may not demonstrate these skills when a
conflict
arises with his girlfriend over whether or not to have sex. It is important to evaluate
the
specific contexts and the life skills that are the focus of the programme (Botvin
&Willis,
1985).
Schools that strive for quality outcomes by bringing together the many elements of
quality

educational programmes exist around the world. Although there are many, the next
section describes two valuable examples.

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