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19. [251] Stephani Infessuri Diarium Romanæ, in Muratori, R.I.S.,
III., p. ii., p. 1246. He dates the marriage ceremony the 12th
of June, 1493.
[252] Gaye, Carteggio, I., p. 326. See a contemporary estimate
of the invading army in VIII. of the Appendix.
[253] Our French authorities for this expedition are valuable,
including Comines, and André de la Vigne, contemporaries
who shared in its hazards. A curious essay by M. de
Foncemagne, ascribing to Charles the ambition of a crusader,
and pointing at Constantinople as its real destination, will be
found in vol. XVII., p. 539 of Mémoires de l'Academie des
Inscriptions.
[254] Carteggio, I., p. 213.
[*255] These words are infinitely misleading.
[256] See some details of it in IX. of the Appendix.
[257] See their pedigree, so far as concerns our subject, in the
table at the end of this volume.
[258] Marino Sanuto's Diary MS. i. 374. From another passage
in his annals we learn that a then usual scale of ransom was
twenty-five ducats for a man-at-arms, twelve for a light-
horseman, and three for a foot-soldier. These Diaries extend
to fifty-seven large volumes, from 1495 to 1533. Our various
extracts from them were most kindly communicated to us by
Mr. Rawdon Brown, who has printed at Venice a very curious
digest of their contents, and whose successful diligence in
illustrating the secret history of that Republic may well put
her own citizens to the blush. They are preserved in Bib.
Marciana, MSS. Ital. classe vii. No. 419.
[259] Diary MS. i. 448.
20. [260] The assertion of most historians, that the pretext was
Giovanni's impotency, is contradicted by very curious
documents in the suit of divorce. A commission having been
issued by the Pontiff, empowering two cardinals to examine
into the facts, Lucrezia stated to them that in her twelfth year
she had been contracted in marriage, by the words "Will you?
I will," to Gaspare, son of Giovanni Francesco da Procida,
Count of Aversa, but that subsequently she had been induced
[quadam facilitate] to marry Sforza, and live with him above
three years; but she offered to prove by her own oath, and by
the report of obstetrices, that this marriage had never been
consummated. Giovanni averred himself ready to affirm on
oath that no copula had ever followed, and he adhibited his
consent to the divorce. These steps took place towards the
close of the year, and on the 18th of December a bull issued
dissolving this ill-fated union. Archiv. Dipl. Urb. at Florence.
[261] Sanuto's MS. Diary, Bib. Marc., vol. II., 466-71, 489, 495,
587-98. Compare with Burchard, Eccard., II., 2060; Tommasi,
I., 223-43. Burchard has no trace of that partiality for Cesare
at this period, usually imputed to the Pontiff, but establishes
an excessive fondness for his elder brother up to his death.
Roscoe rejects the charge against the Cardinal; his German
translator credits it.
[*262] They always did; it was a mediæval practice in the case
of any trouble or riot: it might seem the merest common
sense. But the truth is, that when a crime had been
committed the government closed the shops till the culprit
was forthcoming.
[263] Sanuto. Yet there are scoffers who sneered at this
worthy successor of St. Peter the fisher, netting the river for
his bastard son! Burchard apud Raynaldum.
[264] The papal legitimation of this Giovanni di Borgia, then in
his third year, dated the kalends of September, 1501,
21. proceeds upon this preamble: "Legittime genitos, ex quorum
verisimilibus infantilis ætatis indiciis, spes concipi potest quod,
succedentibus annis, se in viros debeant producere virtuosos,
quousque progenitorum suorum præclara merita, et ortûs
generosa propago decorant, naturæ vitium minime decolorat,
quia decus virtutum genituræ maculam abstergit in filiis, et
pudicitia morum pudor originis aboletur." He is called a son of
Cesare, but in another, and probably secret, brief of the same
date, the Pope recognises him, nevertheless, as his own
offspring by an unmarried woman, this description being also
a legal fiction.
[265] Sanuto, Diario MS. i. 539.
[*266] For this expedition, see Matarazzo, Chronicle of Perugia
(Dent), p. 243 et seq.
[*267] For the peace, July 6, 1498, see V. Ansidei, La Pace fra
Guidobaldo Duca d'Urbino e il Comune di Perugia, in Boll. per
l'Umbria, vol. V., p. 741 et seq.
[268] Bembo says 170 pounds of gold. Hist. Venet., IV.
Navigero puts the mounted cross-bow-men at 200. Muratori,
R.I.S., xxiii. 1214.
[269] Molini Documenti di Storia Italiana, i. 29.
[270] See the curious disclosures of a Venetian ambassador,
printed by Ranke, History of the Popes, Appendix, sect. i., No.
3. The exposition, by Machiavelli, of the French policy, and of
the persevering pursuit of sovereignty by the Borgia, is
interesting and instructive; Il Principe, ch. iii. and vii.
[271] See a more correct statement of this transaction, above,
pp. 72, 90.
[272] British and Foreign Review, No. xxix.
[273] See above, p. 308.
22. [274] Some interesting particulars of his arrival in France will
be found in XI. of the Appendices.
[275]
"'Borgia Cæsar eram, factis et nomine Cæsar;
Aut nihil aut Cæsar,' dixit: utrumque fuit."
The idea was thus repeated by Sannazaro:—
"Aut nihil aut Cæsar vult dici Borgia: quid ni?
Cum simul et Cæsar possit, et esse nihil."
Cæsar or nothing, Borgia fain would be;
Cæsar and nothing, both in him we see.
[*276] This again is overstated. The Pope wanted money to
enable Cesare to subdue the Romagna. It is absurd of
Dennistoun to ask below whether Cesare "directly
participated" in these "unrighteous profits." Sanuto (III., 855)
tells us that Duke Valentino visited the old cardinals and
asked them to agree to the new nominations that he might
be supplied with money for his work in Romagna.
[277]
"Vendidit Alexander claves, altaria, Christum;
Emerat ille prius, vendere jure potest."
[*278] Sanuto, III., 878. Burchard, III., 77, who gives the sum
obtained from each.
[*279] This is the most absurd attack on Sismondi, who was
certainly prejudiced, if at all, against "tyrants." Dennistoun's
whole view of Cesare is worthy only of his age. His
conscience has blinded his intelligence. How are we to explain
the fact that Leonardo and Machiavelli were eager to follow
Cesare's fortunes and believed in him if we accept
23. Dennistoun's estimate? Cesare was greatly in advance of his
age, which he met with its own weapons.
[280] Yet one of his sonnets, bewailing the abasement of Italy,
is so touching and so true, as well as so little known, that we
shall introduce it in XII. of our Appendices. It in some degree
anticipates the more powerful and popular declamatory
rhymes of Filicaja on the same theme, which Byron has
embodied in Childe Harold.[*F]
[*F] Without doubt Cesare was welcome in Romagna. Cf.
Gregorovius, Lucrezia Borgia, and Guicciardini, Op. Ined., III.,
307, who says the inhabitants loved his rule.
[281] Sanuto has preserved a story that his page having fitted
him with a tight shoe, he with one kick threw him upon the
fire, where he slew him with his hanger, and left his body to
be calcined.[*G]
[*G] Dennistoun forgets to mention that Cesare descended on
d'Orco suddenly and put him to death.
[282] Burchard tells us that Cesare ordered a masked figure,
who had lampooned him at Rome, to be seized, his hand and
tongue to be amputated, and publicly exposed during two
days. Verily his tastes lay towards melodramatic murder!
[*283] For treaty, see Dumont, Corps Diplomatique, III., 445.
[284] We have spoken of this above.
[285] See Alberi, Relazioni Venete, series II., vol. III., Capello.
[*286] Cf. Burchard, III., 162. "Hurrah," cried the people, "for
the Duchess of Ferrara! Hurrah for Pope Alexander VI.!" when
the news was brought to Rome that the contract was signed.
Lucrezia, in splendid attire, rode to offer thanks at S. Maria
del Popolo. Four bishops and three hundred horse
accompanied her.
24. [*287] Cf. Gregorovius, Lucrezia Borgia, p. 189 et seq. The
wedding was celebrated on 30th December in the Cappella
Paolina before the Pope, who sat on his throne attended by
thirteen cardinals and the foreign ambassadors. The Emperor
was not represented.
[288] Sanuto says 753 mouths, 426 horses, with 234 mules.
See details in Mr. Rawdon Brown's Ragguagli, II., p. 192.
[289] Diarii di M. Sanuto, xxvii. f. 320. The reader is again
referred to Roscoe's dissertation on the character of Lucrezia,
for views which this letter tends to support. In Sanuto we find
a very elaborate report of the marriage festivities which
celebrated her arrival at Ferrara in 1502, and in which the
Duchess of Urbino bore a distinguished part. It is perhaps the
most graphic description of a cinque-cento pageant that has
come down to us, and will be found in XIII. of the
Appendices.
[290] Urb. MSS. No. 1023, f. 188. In No. 904, f. 43, is the diary
of a citizen of Urbino during the usurpation of Borgia, which
has supplied us with many of the succeeding details.
[*291] In this year begins Diario delle Cose di Urbino, which
Federico Madiai has published in Arch. St. per le Marche e per
l'Umbria, vol. III., p. 423 et seq. It begins on January 18, the
day on which Lucrezia came to Urbino, "con 150 cavalli e
circa 2000 bocche." "Andò moglie di D. Ferrante figlio del
Duca di Ferrara. Fu stimato che tra Gubbio, Cagli e Urbino il
nostro Duca spendesse circa ottomila ducati." For Gubbio, see
A. Pellegrini, Gubbio sotto i Conti e Duchi d'Urbino, in Boll. per
l'Umbria, vol. XI., p. 211 et seq.
[292] This rudeness was, however, visited by the Signory with
a sharp rebuke.—Sanuto's Diaries.
[*293] The Duke left between the fourth and fifth hour of the
night (i.e. between 11 p.m. and midnight) on June 20. Cf.
25. Diario delle Cose di Urbino in Arch. St. per le Marche e per
l'Umbria, vol. III., p. 423.
[294] Bembo, Opera, II., p. 637.
[*295] The Diario delle Cose di Urbino makes no mention of
any terror or looting on the 21st or after. There was an
earthquake on the 23rd at mid-day, "che non s'udì mai il
maggiore." On the 25th Cesare departed towards
Casteldurante. He returned on August 3rd and left on the 6th.
[296] See of her, p. 289.
[297] Vat. Urb. MSS. No. 1023, art. 17.
[298] Sanuto has preserved the following letter of the 8th
October, addressed by Cesare to the inhabitants of Bertinoro,
near Cesena, in reference to this feat of Brizio:—
"The Duke of Romagna, Prince of Urbino and
Adria, Lord of Piombino, to our well-beloved,
greeting: The peasants of S. Leo, carrying wood
into that place, induced by cupidity of new booty,
captured the warder and took the castle; and it
being the capital of Montefeltro, the neighbouring
castles have rebelled; and as perhaps
Guidobaldo, feigning to have assistance from
some potentate, may attempt to go thither, we
command you, as you value our favour, to exert
yourselves, and guard the passes with armed
men, arresting all who may come that way,
giving them into the hands of our commissary, or
slaying those who may make resistance.
Guidobaldo is not aware of the good
understanding which exists between the Pope's
Holiness and the most Christian King of France,
as also between other potentates and us."
26. [*299] On 8 October, according to the Diario above cited (p.
401, note *1), news came of the return of San Leo, San
Marino, and Tavoleto, and all the Montefeltro. Gubbio and
Cagli had returned to their allegiance to Guidobaldo, and all
Urbino armed itself and cried, "Feltro! Feltro! Feltro!" There
was, however, at first a large party who did not wish to see
Guidobaldo again. The rocca, still presumably in the hands of
Cesare, was taken next day, four contadini being killed.
[300] Among the Oliveriana MSS. I found a statement that his
return was reluctant, and against hope of success, and that it
had been somewhat forced upon him, in consequence of the
injudicious zeal of a priest, who, finding his seal in S. Leo,
gave out that he was arrived, ordered rejoicings, and issued
forged letters in his name. The apocryphal story is not
supported by any authority that I have met with. From the
instructions to Machiavelli, dated 5th of October, it appears
that his return was anticipated before the surprise of S. Leo
had taken place,—an event probably brought about in part by
such rumours, tending
"Spargere voces
In vulgum ambiguas, et quærere conscius arma."
Indeed, he had secretly applied to the Signory for pecuniary
aid some days anterior to the rising in his duchy.
[301] On 18 October, 1502, the Duke returned to Urbino; he
had with him but ten horse. "Non saprei estimare la
moltitudine degli uomini d'ogni parte grandi e piccoli che si
trovarono per la strada. Da poi che si partì da San Leo per
sino a Urbino, in ogni poggio erano le tavole apparecchiate
dagli Urbinati. Ogni uomo se gli fe incontro dalla terra a un
miglio, a due, a tre, a quattro" (Diario, cf. supra, p. 401, note
*1).
27. [*302] "Our Signore," says the Diario, "did not leave his bed
on the 19th because he had the gout ... but every man went
to speak with him in bed, the contadino as well as the citizen;
and day and night he gave them audience, and spoke with
every one willingly."
[303] The extract sent me has "supplicat," probably for
"suppetat."
[304] This commentary, I believe, bears also the name of
Raschid.
[305] MS. works in the Albani library at Rome.
[306] That many of the greatest Italian painters, up to about
1500, were in the habit of illuminating religious and historical
MSS. is a fact which need not here be illustrated by examples.
But as the name of Perugino occurs, I may mention that one
of the most perfect miniatures known to exist is the
martyrdom of St. Sebastian, signed by him, in a Book of
Offices of the Romish Church, purchased by me at Rome, in
1838, from Prince Albani, which now ornaments the Earl of
Ashburnham's rich collection. This volume, containing several
other paintings of equal merit, was executed for Giovanni di
Pierantonio Bandini Baroncelli, long ambassador from the
Medici at the court of Charles V., the great antiquity of whose
family is sarcastically maintained by Boccaccio, on the ground
that their ugliness proves them to have issued from the hands
of Nature ere she had become perfect at her business!
[307] Vat. Urb. MSS. No. 1198, f. 12, &c., Literæ Ducis
Federici, in Latin.
[308] The date of this mission is indicated by a letter of 22nd
August, 1475. It and another are addressed to Don Antonio
and Don Guglielmo, probably English courtiers, referring to
that embassy to England, offering duty to Edward, and the
writer's services in his behalf at Rome and Naples.
28. [309] Anstis refers to this as of 1476-9.
[310] Among the other letters in this collection relating to
England, are one to the Reverend John [Morton, Master of
the Rolls], counsellor to the King, with thanks for his
attentions to Pietro Ubaldini; another, thanking the Lord
Chancellor for a horse and hounds; another of civility to
Archbishop Boutcher, Cardinal of England, presbyter of S.
Ciriaco. There are three others to Edward IV. In the first he
avails himself of a visit from Sir John de la Scrop, then on his
return from the Holy Land, to offer the King his affectionate
duty, and to express his high regard for that nobleman. In the
next he alludes to Sir John, an English ambassador then at
Urbino, who seems to have been accredited in order to co-
operate with the Duke in obtaining a Jubilee [1475], and in
recommending some one to an Irish see. In another he
mentions hearing that his Majesty had crossed over to France
[1475], and offers his good offices with the Pope and King of
Naples.
[311] This passage, written probably in Norman French, has
become somewhat obscure in its transmission through
barbarous Latin into Sanzi's rugged rhymes.
[312] Vat. Urb. MSS. No. 373, f. 105, 106.
[313] The former march of the army by the same passes
required but three days from Fornovo to Pontremoli; on this
occasion the King was four days in crossing, besides a halt of
three more to enable his artillery to get ahead of him. It is
probable that in 1494 much of his ordnance, baggage, and
stores had been sent in the fleet.
[314] It is curious to find this cowardly policy openly laid down
by such authority as a maxim, and it affords a clue not only to
the lax military operations of the grasping Republic, but
betrays the secret that their mainland advantages were
29. oftener gained by tortuous diplomacy than in open field. The
Venetian proveditori were at first of the nature of
quartermasters and commissaries-general, their duty being to
distribute pay and quarters to the troops, as well as to levy
and allot taxes whereby the military finances were maintained
through the agency of local sub-commissaries. But they
became tools of the ever-jealous Signory, empowered to
control the commanders, as well as to watch and report their
proceedings. We have frequent occasion to notice the bad
consequences of this narrow policy.
[315] Vies des Hommes Illustres, Discours 48.
[316] It is scarcely necessary to point out in these interludes
the germ of the modern ballet spectacles (which in Italy are
still introduced between the acts of the opera), as well as of
various carnival pastimes. The details illustrate the history of
the stage, as well as the social manners of the cinque-cento,
which may excuse the length of this extract.
[H] Cf. with the Table in Yriarte, César Borgia, vol. I.
Transcriber’s Errata List
Page xxi, number 18: Price is missing in original.
Page xxii, number 21: "Sazi" should be "Sanzi".
Page xxii, number 22: "Luigo Allemanno" should be "Luigi
Alamanni".
Page 460, bottom: Subtotal is missing in original.
Missing legends for natural children in some of the
genealogical tables have been added. In some tables, the
30. original uses the same symbol to indicate both natural
children and skipped generations. In order to distinguish
between them, the skipped generations are indicated by
the § symbol, as that symbol is used for that purpose in
the other original tables.
In the first table relating to the succession to the Crown
of Naples, Jane, wife of Ferdinand I., is actually his
second wife, and not the mother of his issue listed here.
The original table lists this marriage twice; both instances
are combined here for clarity.
The Borgia genealogical table is not historically accurate,
but is presented here as it appears in the original. (See
the author's comment on the Borgia pedigree on p. 320.)
Footnote 226: Errors in the Boccalini quotations have
been corrected by comparison with the 1612 edition of
'De' ragguagli di Parnaso' at the Internet Archive.
Footnote 299: Original erroneously cites p. 385;
corrected to p. 401.
Footnote 301: Original erroneously cites p. 385;
corrected to p. 401.
List of Greek Transliterations
Page 445, number 25: Philairetotatô.
Page 445, number 27: Olbios sianolbios.
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