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1-2
Copyright © 2014 McGraw-Hill Education. All rights reserved. No reproduction or distribution without the prior written consent of
McGraw-Hill Education.
4. Which of the following activities is the best example of a project?
A. Processing insurance claims
B. Producing automobiles
C. Writing a policy manual
D. Monitoring product quality
E. Overseeing customer requests
5. Which of the following is NOT one of the stages of a project life cycle?
A. Identifying
B. Defining
C. Planning
D. Executing
E. Closing
6. In the _____________ stage of the project life cycle, project objectives are established, teams are
formed, and major responsibilities are assigned.
A. Identifying
B. Defining
C. Planning
D. Executing
E. Closing
7. In the _____________ stage of the project life cycle, a major portion of the physical project work
performed.
A. Identifying
B. Defining
C. Planning
D. Executing
E. Closing
8. In the _____________ stage of the project life cycle you are more likely to find status reports,
changes, and the creation of forecasts.
A. Identifying
B. Defining
C. Planning
D. Executing
E. Closing

1-3
9. In the _____________ stage of the project life cycle the project's schedule and budget will be
determined.
A. Identifying
B. Defining
C. Planning
D. Executing
E. Closing
10. In the _____________ stage of the project life cycle project the product is delivered to the
customer and resources are reassigned.
A. Identifying
B. Defining
C. Planning
D. Executing
E. Closing
11. Which of the following is NOT typical of a project manager?
A. Managing a temporary activity
B. Overseeing existing operations
C. Managing a nonrepetitive activity
D. Responsible for time, cost and performance trade-offs
E. Work with a group of outsiders, including vendors and suppliers
12. Which of the following is NOT one of the driving forces behind the increasing demand for project
management?
A. Compression of the product life cycle
B. Knowledge explosion
C. Increasing need for multiproject management
D. Declining need for product customization
E. More sustainable business practices
13. Project management is ideally suited for a business environment requiring all of the following
EXCEPT
A. Accountability.
B. Flexibility.
C. Innovation.
D. Speed.
E. Repeatability.

1-4
14. Which dimension of project management centers on creating a temporary social system within a
larger organizational environment that combines the talents of a divergent set of professionals
working to complete the project?
A. Communication
B. Sociocultural
C. Social
D. Technical
E. Scheduling
15. Which of the following statements is true?
A. Project management is far from a standard way of doing business
B. Project management is increasingly contributing to achieving organizational strategies
C. Project management is being used at a consistent percentage of a firm's efforts
D. Project management is a specialty that few organizations have access to
E. All of these statements are false
16. Project management is important to understand when people are a part of a project team because
they
A. Work with others to create a schedule and budget.
B. Need to understand project priorities so they can make independent decisions.
C. Need to be able to monitor and report project progress.
D. Need to understand the project charter or scope statement that defines the objectives and
parameters of the project.
E. All of these are reasons it is important for project team members to understand project
management.
17. Project governance does NOT include
A. Setting standards for project selection.
B. Overseeing project management activities.
C. Centralization of project processes and practices.
D. Options for continuous improvement.
E. Allowing project managers to plan the project the way they see fit.
18. Projects should align with the organization's overall strategy in order to
A. Complete the project safely.
B. Reduce waste of scarce resources.
C. Ensure customer satisfaction.
D. Secure funding.
E. None of these are reasons why projects should align with the organization's overall strategy.

1-5
19. Two dimensions within the project management process are
A. Technical and sociocultural.
B. Cost and time.
C. Planned and unexpected.
D. Established and new.
E. Unique and reoccurring.
20. Which of these is NOT part of the "technical dimension" of project management?
A. WBS
B. Budgets
C. Problem solving
D. Schedules
E. Status reports
21. Which of these is NOT part of the "sociocultural dimension" of project management?
A. Negotiation
B. Resource allocation
C. Managing customer expectations
D. Leadership
E. Dealing with politics
22. Corporate downsizing has increased the trend toward
A. Reducing the number of projects a company initiates.
B. Outsourcing significant segments of project work.
C. Using dedicated project teams.
D. Shorter project lead times.
E. Longer project lead times.
23. Which of the following is NOT a reason why project management has become a standard way of
doing business?
A. Increased need for skilled management of stakeholders outside of organization
B. Projects need to be done faster
C. Organizations are doing more project work in-house instead of outsourcing
D. Organizations are executing more and more projects
E. Increased product complexity and innovation

1-6
24. Which of the following is typically the responsibility of a project manager?
A. Meeting budget requirements
B. Meeting schedule requirements
C. Meeting performance specifications
D. Coordinating the actions of the team members
E. All of these are typical responsibilities
25. A series of coordinated, related, multiple projects that continue over an extended time period and
are intended to achieve a goal is known as a
A. Strategy.
B. Program.
C. Campaign.
D. Crusade.
E. Venture.
26. Which of the following is NOT true about project management?
A. It is not limited to the private sector
B. Many opportunities are available for individuals interested in this career path
C. It improves one's ability to plan, implement and manage activities to accomplish specific
organizational objectives
D. It focuses primarily on technical processes
E. It is a set of tools
27. As the number of small projects increase within an organization's portfolio, what is a challenge an
organization faces?
A. Sharing resources
B. Measuring efficiency
C. Managing risk
D. Prioritizing projects
E. All of these are challenges
28. Governance of all project management processes and procedures helps provide senior
management with all of the following EXCEPT
A. A method to ensure projects that are important to senior management are being implemented
B. An assessment of the risk their portfolio of projects represents
C. An overview of all project management activities
D. A metric to measure the improvement of managing projects relative to others in the industry
E. A big picture of how organizational resources are being used

1-7
29. Which of the following is a good example of a program?
A. Planting a garden
B. Developing a new residential area that includes six custom homes
C. Developing a new marketing plan
D. Taking notes each class meeting to prepare for the final
E. Planning a wedding
30. Which of the following represents the correct order of stages within the project life cycle?
A. Planning, Defining, Executing, Closing
B. Closing, Planning, Defining, Executing
C. Defining, Planning, Executing, Closing
D. Executing, Defining, Planning, Closing
E. Planning, Defining, Closing, Executing
Fill in the Blank Questions
31. Project management is not limited to the __________ sector.
________________________________________
32. The initial stage in the project life cycle is the __________ stage.
________________________________________
33. The final stage in the project life cycle is the __________ stage.
________________________________________
34. A professional organization for project managers that has grown from 93,000 in 2002 to more than
520,000 currently is the ___________.
________________________________________
35. A major part of the project work, both physical and mental, takes place in the ___________ stage
of the project life cycle.
________________________________________
36. The project's schedule and budget will be determined in the ___________ stage of the project life
cycle.
________________________________________

1-8
37. A temporary endeavor undertaken to create a unique product, service, or result is a(n)
_________.
________________________________________
38. In today's high-tech industries the product life cycle is averaging _________ to 3 years.
________________________________________
39. The advent of many small projects has created the need for an organization that can support
__________ management.
________________________________________
40. Increased competition has placed a premium on customer satisfaction and the development of
__________ products and services.
________________________________________

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different content

to their utmost capacity; and in rolls worn sash-like over one
shoulder and under the other, were their blankets and the canvas of
their tentes d’arbri.
The dull boom of two guns from the westward was evidently a
signal, and the bugle sounded “forward.” That day it was the turn of
our Regiment to lead the Brigade, and of our Brigade to lead the
Corps, and we were at once en route in the direction of
Fredericksburg, which was three miles away. Soon after the march
began the sun rose, showing at first only its huge, dull-red disk, but
soon rising above the haze, throwing its bright beams athwart the
landscape, making it and us cheery with their warmth and shine.
With the sunrise came a gentle movement of the air, pushing away
the smoke from the uplands, but leaving the river valley thick with
fog. Midway between our camp and the river we crossed the summit
of a round-topped hill, from which, by reason of the sweep of the
river, we could see for a distance the rolling lands of Stafford
Heights, which on its left bank form the immediate valley of the
Rappahannock, and over all these hills, now glowing in the sunlight,
were moving in columns of fours, converging, apparently, toward a
common centre, the various corps and divisions of the Army of the
Potomac, more than a hundred thousand men.
Across the river could be seen, but not as yet distinctly, the fortified
line of hills occupied by Lee’s Army of Virginia. Between us and
them, the river and the river bottoms on the farther side, with all of
the town of Fredericksburg except the church spires and the cupola
of its Court House, were shrouded in vapor.
General Burnside had established headquarters in the Phillips house,
a fine brick mansion overlooking the valley and the town, and our
grand division was massed near by in a large field of almost level
land, entirely bare of tree or shade, and here we passed the whole
day under a warm December sun, which softened the ground into
mud, glared in our eyes, and baked our unprotected heads.

Before we reached this spot the dogs of war were in full cry. Down
by the river side there were frequent sputterings of musketry, and
the hills on either side of the river were roaring with the sound of
the great guns from their earth-work batteries.
About the Phillips house, on its piazza and in its rooms, there were
gatherings of general and field officers, discussing with more or less
warmth the situation and the probabilities. Occasionally a mounted
officer or orderly would come dashing up from the river side, looking
hot and anxious, and after delivering or receiving reports or orders,
would hasten down again to his station; but, on the whole, things
were very deliberately done.
When the fog lifted, below us, and directly on our bank of the
stream, could be seen the hospitable-looking Lacy house with its low
wings, under the lee of which, sheltered from the fire of the enemy,
were groups of officers, their horses picketed in the dooryard. On
the opposite side of the river, its houses coming close down to high-
water mark, lay the compactly built town of Fredericksburg; beyond
it a space of level land, narrowing at the upper end of the town to
nothing, but opening below into a wide plain, which, so far as we
could see, was everywhere bounded to the west by a rise of land
more or less abrupt, forming the lip of the valley there. This rising
land terminated just above the town, in a bluff at the river bank.
The right and centre grand divisions of Burnside’s army occupied the
heights on the eastern side of the river. Lee’s forces were entrenched
in those on the western side. Between them, the River
Rappahannock and the city of Fredericksburg.
The left grand division, under Franklin, one or two miles down the
river, before 10 o’clock had laid pontoon bridges and secured a foot-
hold on the opposite shore. Between him and the enemy was a
nearly open plain, the extent of which, from the river to the rising
ground, was more than a mile. On our left everything had gone
smoothly and well; all opposition to the crossing had been easily

overcome, but in the immediate front of the town it was quite
another story.
At early dawn the engineers were ready and began to lay the
pontoon bridges opposite the town. A dozen or more of the boats
had been moored into position, and men were actively at work
laying plank across, when Barksdale’s Mississippians opened fire and
drove the Union men to cover. Calling up a brigade of Hancock’s men
to cover the work, repeated attempts were made to bridge the river,
but the Confederates occupying the houses on their bank could fire
from windows without being seen themselves, and the endeavors of
the engineers, although gallantly made, were unsuccessful.
Then followed a long consultation at headquarters, which resulted in
an order to concentrate the fire of our artillery on Fredericksburg,
and for an hour or more a hundred and fifty guns played on the
town. Fires broke out in several places and raged without restraint.
During and after the cannonade our troops essayed again and again
to moor the boats and lay the bridge, but the fire of the enemy,
although reduced, was yet too fierce, and at last, about four, P. M.,
two or three of the boats of the pontoon train were loaded with
volunteers and pushed across the river at a bend above the
buildings, the rebels were flanked and driven from their shelter, and
the bridge was speedily constructed.
To us, three-quarters of a mile away, the delay finally became
irksome and the Colonel and Major, moved by curiosity, rode down
to the river. The Rappahannock here lies deep between its banks
and they rode to the edge of the bluff, peering over, up and down
the stream, to see what might be seen. The firing for the time had
ceased, and all seemed quiet except the crackling flames of the
burning buildings. The gunners of the two-gun battery close by were
chatting, leaning lazily against the gun-carriages. Below, the river,
waiting the turn of the tide to flood, was still and smooth. Opposite,
the warehouses, thrusting their unhandsome walls down to the line
of tidal mud, seemed utterly deserted; two or three of them were

yet burning, a few were badly battered, but on the whole the storm
of shot and shell had done wonderfully little harm.
A rifle ball, passing between the two officers, singing as it went,
reminded them that everything was not as peaceful as it seemed,
and they turned away just as the battery joined the renewed
bombardment to cover the forlorn hope in their boat crossing.
That night we bivouacked in a neighboring wood, where we
remained also the next day and night, while Franklin on one side of
us, and Sumner on the other, were crossing and deploying their
commands below and in the town, covered for the greater part of
the day by a dense fog which allowed neither the enemy nor us to
see much of the movements.
General Burnside would seem to have had an idea that he could
push his army across the river, attack Lee’s army and win the
heights, before Jackson, from his position eighteen miles below,
could come to aid his chief. This possibly might have been done by
flanking, if he had been content to cross the Rappahannock where
Franklin, at 9 o’clock on the 11th, had succeeded in establishing his
bridges; but before the upper pontoon bridges could be laid, the
rebel right wing, under Jackson, had effected its junction with the
lines of Longstreet, and Lee’s army was again united.
December 13th, 1862,—the day of the battle of Fredericksburg,—
opened clear and bright, except that over the lowlands bordering the
river was stretched a veil of vapor which laid there until 9 o’clock.
The grand divisions of Sumner and Franklin were over the river and
ready for battle—Sumner in the streets of Fredericksburg, which ran
parallel to the river, and Franklin in the open plain below the town.
Our (Hooker’s) grand division yet occupied the heights on the
eastern side of the Rappahannock, from which—except for the fog—
could be seen the slightly undulating plain, which was to be
Franklin’s field of battle, but from which the greater part of Sumner’s
field was hidden by the town itself.

The letter A may be used to demonstrate the topography of the
battle. The left limb of that letter may represent the line of higher
land occupied by the Confederates, the right limb the line of the
Rappahannock river, and the cross-bar the course of a sunken creek
which separated the lines of Sumner’s troops from those of Franklin,
but which offered no advantage to our troops, and no impediment to
the fire of either of the combatants. Below the cross-bar of the A,
the space between the limbs may have averaged two-thirds of a mile
in width, over which Franklin’s men must advance to the attack,
almost constantly exposed to the fire from the batteries of the
rebels, and for at least half the way to that from the rifles of their
infantry. Within the triangle—the upper portion of the A—was
included the city of Fredericksburg and Sumner’s aceldama, and here
the lines of the enemy were strengthened by earthworks on the
summit of the heights, (not fifty feet above the level of the plain),
and by stone walls and rifle pits along their base. Here the space
between the foremost rebel line, and the nearest blocks of houses in
the town was nowhere two thousand feet, and within this narrow
space, under the fire of a mile of batteries, and at least ten thousand
rifles, the Union lines must be formed for the attack.
What we saw of Franklin’s battle was what happened before noon,
and after 9 o’clock,—at which latter hour the fog disappeared,
revealing to us and to the enemy the advancing line of Meade’s
division, to us a moving strip of blue on the dun-colored plain. We
saw it halt, covered no doubt by some undulation of the land, while
a battery on the left was silenced by the Union guns—then the line
moved on, fringed sometimes with the smoke of its own volleys, at
other times with the silver-like sheen of the rifle barrels. We saw the
smoke of the rebel rifles burst from the woods that covered the first
rise of ground—saw Meade’s line disappear in the woods, followed
by at least one other line,—then our bugles called “attention!
forward!” and we saw no more of Franklin’s fight.
Early in the morning two of Hooker’s divisions had been sent to
strengthen Franklin, and now two others, Humphrey’s and Griffins’

(ours) were ordered to the support of Sumner. A new boat-bridge
had been laid, crossing the river at the lower part of the town, just
below the naked piers of what had been and is now the railroad
bridge, and just above the outlet of a small stream. The two
divisions were massed on the hill-side near this bridge—an attractive
mark for the rebel cannoneers, who however, having food for
powder close at hand, spared to us only occasionally a shell. The
crossing must have occupied an hour. Down the steep hill-side and
the steeper bank; over the river and toiling up the western side; with
many waits and hitches—the serpent-like column moved tediously
along. Once up the bank, and the rifle balls whistled about us and
our casualties began; but we wound our way, bearing a little to the
left, through the lower portion of the town, where the buildings were
detached and open lots were frequent, availing ourselves of such
cover as could be used, until in a vacant hollow each regiment as it
came up was halted to leave its knapsacks and blankets. These were
bestowed in heaps, and the men and boys of the drum-corps were
left to guard them. Here too, by order of the Colonel, the field and
staff officers dismounted, leaving their horses in charge of servants.
Then in fighting trim we moved forward past the last buildings, out
upon the field of battle. Here was still between us and the enemy a
swell of land, six or eight feet in its greatest height, affording some
slight protection, and we trailed our arms to conceal our presence
from the enemy.
The confusing roar of the battle was all about us. Our own batteries
of heavy guns from Stafford Heights were firing over us—a few of
our field pieces were in action near by. The rebel guns all along their
line were actively at work—their shells exploded all around us, or
crashed into the walls of neighboring buildings, dropping fragments
at every crash; whatever room there might have been in the
atmosphere for other noise, was filled by the rattle of musketry and
the shouts of men.
No words can fully convey to a reader’s mind the confusion which
exists when one is near enough to see and know the details of

battle. One reads with interest in the reports of the generals, the
letters of newspaper correspondents, or in the later histories
constructed from those sources, a clear story of what was done; of
formations and movements as if they were those of the parade; of
attack and repulse—so graphically and carefully described as to
leave clear pictures in one’s mind. But it may be doubted whether
one who was actively engaged, and in the thick of the fight, can
correctly describe that which occurred about him, or tell with any
degree of accuracy the order of events or the time consumed.
The reports of the battle of Fredericksburg describe occurrences that
never happened, movements that were never made, incidents that
were impossible. “History” tells how six brigades formed for attack
on our right, in column of brigades, with intervals of two hundred
paces—where no such formation was possible, and no such space
existed. And at least one general (Meagher), in his reports must
have depended much upon imagination for the facts so glowingly
described.
To the memory now comes a strange jumble of such situations and
occurrences as do not appear in the battles of history or of fiction.
Of our Regiment separated from the rest of the brigade, getting into
such positions that it was equally a matter of wonder that we should
ever have gone there, or having gone should ever have escaped
alive—of rejoining the division, where, one behind the other and
close together in the railroad cut, were three brigades waiting the
order for attack.
We recall the terrific accession to the roar of battle with which the
enemy welcomed each brigade before us as it left the cover of the
cut, and with which at last it welcomed us. We remember the rush
across that open field where, in ten minutes, every tenth man was
killed or wounded, and where Marshall Davis, carrying the flag, was,
for those minutes, the fastest traveller in the line; and the Colonel
wondering, calls to mind the fact that he saw men in the midst of

the severest fire, stoop to pick the leaves of cabbages as they swept
along.
We remember how, coming up with the 62d Pennsylvania of our
brigade, their ammunition exhausted and the men lying flat on the
earth for protection, our men, proudly disdaining cover, stood every
man erect and with steady file-firing kept the rebels down behind
the cover of their stone wall, and held the position until nightfall.
And it was a pleasant consequence to this that the men of the
gallant 62d, who had before been almost foes, were ever after our
fast friends.
Night closed upon a bloody field. A battle of which there seems to
have been no plan, had been fought with no strategic result. The
line of the rebel infantry at the stone wall in our front was precisely
where it was in the morning. We were not forty yards from it,
shielded only by a slight roll of the land from the fire of their
riflemen, and so close to their batteries on the higher land that the
guns could not be depressed to bear on us. At night our pickets
were within ten yards of the enemy.
Here we passed the night, sleeping, if at all, in the mud, and literally
on our arms. Happily for all, and especially for the wounded, the
night was warm. In the night our supply of ammunition was
replenished, and toward morning orders were received not to
recommence the action.
The next day, a bright and beautiful Sunday, there was comparative
quiet along the lines, but to prevent the enemy from trees or houses
or from vantage spots of higher land bringing to bear upon our line
the rifles of their sharp-shooters, required constant watchfulness and
an almost constant dropping fire from our side.
Several attempts were made to communicate with us from the town,
but every such endeavor drew a withering fire from the enemy. None
of us could stand erect without drawing a hail of rifle balls. A single

field-piece from the corner of two streets in the city exchanged a
few shots over our heads with one of the batteries on the heights,
but soon got the worst of it and retired.
Sergeant Spalding, in a printed description of this day, says: “It was
impossible for the men in our brigade to obtain water without
crossing the plain below us, which was a hazardous thing to attempt
to do, as he who ventured was sure to draw the enemy’s fire;
nevertheless, it was not an uncommon thing to see a comrade take
a lot of canteens and run the gauntlet.” Seldom were they hit, but in
a few instances we saw them fall, pierced by the rebel bullet.
“I remember seeing a soldier approaching us from the city, with
knapsack on his back and gun on his shoulder. I watched him with
special interest as he advanced, knowing that he was liable to be
fired upon as soon as he came within range of the enemy’s rifles. He
came deliberately along, climbed over the fence, and was coming
directly towards where we lay, when crack went a rifle and down
went the man—killed, as we supposed, for he lay perfectly still. But
not so, he was only playing possum. Doubtless he thought that by
feigning to be dead for a few moments he would escape the notice
of the enemy. So it proved, for unexpectedly to us, and I doubt not
to the man who shot him (as he supposed), he sprang to his feet
and reached the cover of the hill before another shot was fired.”
The day wore away and the night came again, and we, relieved by
other troops, returned to refresh ourselves by sleeping on the wet
sidewalks of one of the city streets.
The next day three lines of infantry were massed in this street,
which ran parallel to the river, but the day passed without any
renewal of the battle. It was not pleasant, looking down the long
street so full of soldiers, to think what might happen if the rebel
guns, less than a thousand yards away, should open on the town—
but it was none of our business. As it came on to storm at nightfall
we took military possession of a block of stores, and the men, for

the first time for many months, slept under the cover of a roof. It
was a fearfully windy night, and whether it was the wind, or anxiety
about the situation, the Colonel could not sleep. His horses were
kept in the street conveniently at hand, and once or twice he rode
out to the front and heard Captain Martin objurgating the General
for his orders to entrench his battery with one pick and one shovel.
About 3 A. M. came an orderly seeking the commander of the
brigade, whom nobody had seen for the past two days. The Colonel
was inclined to be gruff until he learned that the orders were to
move the brigade back over the river; then, indeed, he was sprightly.
Declaring himself the ranking officer of the brigade, he receipted for
the order and, sending his orders to the other regiments, began to
retire the brigade to the easterly bank, and thence ordered the
regiments to their old camps at Stoneman’s Switch, where the real
brigadier found them soon after dawn.
At 8 A. M. Burnside had withdrawn his entire army and taken up his
bridges. The storm was over, but again the fog filled the low lands.
As it cleared away, some of us, from the piazza of the Phillips House,
saw the rebel skirmishers cautiously creeping toward the town, and
it was not long before the shouts from their lines told that the
evacuation was discovered. In the battle of Fredericksburg the 32d
lost thirty-five killed and wounded. Among the killed was Captain
Charles A. Dearborn, Jr.

W
IX.
BETWEEN CAMPAIGNS.
ITH the close of the year 1862, Colonel Parker resigned the
command, Lieutenant-Colonel Prescott was promoted to the
Colonelcy; Major Stephenson was made Lieutenant Colonel, and
Captain Edmunds, Major.
A vacancy occurred also in the medical staff, by the resignation of
Assistant Surgeon Bigelow, and an elderly, but very respectable M.
D. was gazetted in his place. It happened that the new doctor
reported for duty on the eve of a movement of the corps. He had no
horse; said he had left his trunk at “the depot,” meaning by the
roadside, at Stoneman’s Switch, and when told that he must march
with the Regiment next day he undertook to hire a buggy. The
young gentlemen of the Regiment kept him floundering about for a
good part of the night in search of an imaginary livery stable, and
even sent him up to division headquarters to borrow the General’s
barouche. One day’s experience was enough for him, and the next
morning he declined to be mustered in and went back—he and his
trunk—to the more congenial white settlements.
After the disastrous attempt upon the heights of Fredericksburg, the
Regiment had remained in their old camping-ground near
Stoneman’s Switch, in the neighborhood of Falmouth. Excepting the
reconnoissance to Morrisville and skirmish there, with that terrible
march on the return when our brigadier, Schweitzer, led his
“greyhounds,” as he termed them, at such a terrific pace for twenty-
five or thirty miles, nothing occurred to break the monotony of camp
life. The night of the 31st December, 1862—that of the march above
alluded to—was extremely cold, and the men, in light marching

order, without knapsacks or necessary blankets, compelled to fall out
from inability to keep the pace, suffered terribly from exposure, and
many lost their lives in consequence.
For two months, or since November 22d, 1862, we had been
comfortably encamped (including the episodes of the battle of
Fredericksburg, and the march and skirmish of Morrisville above-
mentioned) near Stoneman’s Switch—two months! which seemed so
near an age, a cycle, or an eternity of time in the Army of the
Potomac in those days, that we had prepared ourselves as if to
remain forever. Our tents were converted into comfortable huts, with
wide chimneys and wooden floors; we had tables and camp-chairs
and bedsteads and looking-glasses—all rather rudely constructed,
perhaps, but to our minds luxurious to a degree unprecedented.
When, however, we got marching orders, every man seemed to vie
with his neighbor in displaying his contempt for all this effeminacy,
and his readiness to quit these “piping times of peace,” by
destroying all his possessions that savored of luxury, and throwing
away whatever could not be carried in knapsack or saddle-pack.
Adjutant Cobb was a sound sleeper. He did not average to sleep so
long, perhaps, as many others, but he would owl over his work or
his letters night after night, and then, when the conditions were
favorable, would do such solid sleeping for one night as would bring
him out even. At such times it seemed absolutely impossible to
awaken him; no quantity of shaking would make any impression,
and it was necessary to let him have it out.
Somewhere about midnight, before January 21st, an orderly came
with a written order, found the adjutant sleeping in his tent, and did
his best to waken him, but without effect. Finally he thrust the order
into Cobb’s hand, closed the fingers over it, and went his way.
Before daylight the adjutant was wakened by the beating drums,
and found the paper in his hand. Rising, he struck a light, read the
paper and found that it was an order for the Regiment to march at 3
A. M. It was then half-past two, and an hour and a half is the

shortest time in which a command can get breakfast and make
needful preparations for the route.
Matters were hurried up pretty lively, and inasmuch as there was the
usual delay in starting, the Regiment managed to come to time.
We did not move until four. Meantime the work of destruction went
on, even to making bonfires of all comforts and luxuries in wood,
around which the men warmed themselves and laughed and sung.
Even tent-cloths and cast-off clothing were destroyed. Nothing was
to be left that would comfort Johnny Reb. But even before we
moved off, some of us began to regret our comfortable home; for a
bitter cold north-east wind blew fiercely, and the air was full of snow
and sleet, which gradually grew to rain. We moved at first pretty
fast, and then the pace grew slower, slower, slowest, with frequent
halts, until after dark, when we drew off the road and bivouacked for
the night. The rain continued for some time, and it was exceedingly
chilly, and by no means an agreeable opportunity for sleep. The men
made fires among the trees, and sat around them nearly all night.
As morning rose the wind changed, the rain ceased and when we
resumed our march at about eight o’clock the air was soft, bland,
and beautiful, like a day in April or May. Heavy, lead-colored clouds,
however, hung low over everything, the air was thick with mist, and
vaporous masses of steam lay upon the fields and woods. The snow
had disappeared, and the frost was coming out of the ground, and
lay in pools and puddles, and finally, in lakes and rivers of water,
over roads and low-lying fields in every direction. Soon it began
raining again, first a drizzle and then a steady pour, and the
thermometer rose and rose and rose again, to fifty, seventy, and
eighty degrees, every object in the landscape began to exhale
steam. Men and horses and mules and wagons, every bush and
blade of grass, gave it forth in clouds and masses. There was a glow
everywhere as of early dawn, and a dank, earthy smell pervaded the
air. The wagons and trains, and everything that went on wheels or
by horse-flesh, abandoned the roads and took to the fields. Deeper
grew the mud and deeper the water over the mud. Still the moving

masses of men pushed on, jumping from hummock to stump,
sinking in up to the thighs and being dragged out half drowned,
struggling through dense thickets rather than try the road, and
everything and everybody draggled and splashed and yellow with
mud; there had been something very much like this in the march up
the Peninsula under McClellan, in the trenches and corduroys about
Yorktown, and we did not expect to give it up. But at last we came
to a dead standstill. We were in a narrow wood-road and had passed
several teams of a wagon train completely mired, and apparently
sinking deeper and deeper, mules singing their peculiar lay with little
above the mud but their ears, when we were halted where the road
made a sudden turn and descent, and for the present at least, all
further progress was impossible. Our entire day’s march was only
three miles.
The narrow road appeared to be blocked, wagons were upset
apparently one upon another, while men and horses were
floundering about in most dire confusion. In a very short time we
made our way out of this scene of disorder, and to the great relief of
all who progressed by horse-flesh, halted to wait a more agreeable
season. Then again did we regret the comfortable quarters we had
left.
It was dreadful to think of camping where we were, worse to
undertake to go back again, or forward or anywhere. The whole
country in all directions appeared to be under water. The trees stood
up as if in a vast bog or swamp. At the first step off from a root or
stump you sank so deep as to make you catch your breath, and you
were lucky if, in extracting yourself, you did not leave behind both
boots and stockings. Virginia mud is a clay of reddish color and
sticky consistence, which does not appear to soak water, or mingle
with it, but simply to hold it, becoming softer and softer, and parting
with the water wholly by evaporation. It was difficult to stand; to sit
or lie down, except in the sticky mud, was impossible. Everything
was so drenched with water that it was difficult to make fires. The
warm, moist atmosphere imparted a feeling of weariness and

lassitude, and in short our condition was disgusting. Wet through,
stuck-in-the-mud, we dragged out the night.
The next day, January 23d, was bright, mild, and beautiful, at least
as far as sun and air went. A gentle breeze began to dry up the
ground, and the whole brigade was set at work to corduroy roads.
The method pursued by our own men was peculiar. They were
marched across the field and brought into single line before a
Virginia fence. Every man then pulled out a rail, shouldered it, and in
single file the Regiment marched to the place to be corduroyed,
where each dropped his rail as he came up.
The next day we returned to our camp at Stoneman’s Switch, which
looked on the whole about as comfortable and home-like as the
inside of a very mouldy Stilton cheese. In an incredibly short space
of time however, everything resumed its accustomed air of neatness
and quasi-comfort. The next Sunday-morning inspection showed not
a trace of the mud in which the Regiment with the rest of the army
had been nearly smothered.
Youthful readers of Lovers’ romances are apt to jump at the
conclusion that “a soldier’s life is always gay,” or at least that gaiety
is its normal condition. Youthful patriots in our war time yearned for
active service, and saw themselves in dreams successfully storming
forts, capturing batteries, charging and driving rebel hordes. Always
in their dreams there was floating over them the flag of their
country, (a bright new one)—always drums were beating and bands
were playing; and, if the dream was dreamed out to the end, the
great transformation-scene at the close, displayed the dreamer in
elegant uniform, crowned by the genius of victory, while the people
of the whole nation joined in shouts of approbation.
As they approached the field of glory the halo faded, and often upon
the field itself it was not at all manifest to the eye. A disordered liver
turned the gold to green, and the arm which by the dream was to
have been waving a flashing sword in the front part of battle, was

more frequently wielding a dull axe in the woods, or a spade in the
open ground. Many thought that their patriotism had evaporated,
but it was only the romantic aureola that was gone.
Among the first volunteers to join our Newton Company was the
Reverend William L. Gilman, a minister of the Universalist
denomination. To us he was Corporal Gilman of Company K, doing
his duty as a non-commissioned officer quietly and well. On the 10th
of December, 1862, the Colonel was in the dumps. He had been for
two months wrestling with the medical authorities of the corps, and
the medical authorities had near about killed him. Upon the eve of a
movement and a battle, they refused permission to send our sick to
hospital, and ordered our surgeons to follow the movement. More
than twenty men were very sick in our hospital tent, and the
steward objected to the heavy load which would fall to him if he
were left alone in charge.
At this juncture appeared Corporal Gilman with a sad countenance,
and told how disappointed he was to find that his services seemed
to be of no value, and to ask if some position could not be found in
which he might have the satisfaction of feeling that he was of use to
somebody. A brief consultation with the Surgeon told the Colonel
that the corporal was in no state for marching or fighting, that his
despondency was the effect of a disordered liver, and thereupon he
was detailed to the military command of the patients in hospital, and
before the regiment left he was fully instructed as to the duty
required of him. To Corporal Gilman’s activity during the five days of
our absence, is due a large share of the credit of saving the lives of
those entrusted to his care. Shamefully neglected by the division
surgeon who promised to visit them, and who even falsely said that
he had visited them, these sick men would have died of starvation
but for the unwearying devotion of their two non-commissioned
officers; and when the regiment returned, Gilman himself was well,
and had recovered that cheeriness which was his natural temper,
and which never afterward deserted him, even when mangled and
dying on the field of Gettysburg.

But after all there was some foundation for those youthful views.
There were men who could stand up against their own livers, and
there were times of general jollity.
Making a neighborly call at the headquarters of an Irish regiment,
our Adjutant found there quite a number of officers, the greater
number of them sitting or reclining on the ground, which formed the
tent floor, among them Captain Hart, A. A. General of the Irish
Brigade.
Of course the canteen was at once produced, and a single glass
which was to go the rounds with the canteen. The whiskey was of
the “ragged edge” variety, from the commissary stores, and it
required a stout throat to drink it half-and-half with water; but when
our adjutant, to whom by reason of infirmity of the lungs whiskey
was like milk, filled the little glass with clear spirit and tossed it down
his throat, there was a murmur of admiring surprise which found
expression in Hart’s reverent look and in his exclamation, “Oh, sir!
you ought to belong to the Irish Brigade, for it’s a beautiful swallow
you have!”
But the Irish had no monopoly of light-hearted soldiers. Dana of
“ours” was to the battalion what Tupper says a babe is to the
household—a well-spring of joy. Full of healthy life and spirits, he
bubbled over with jokes and pranks and mirth, and while no story of
the 32d could be complete without some stories of him, no one book
could suffice to contain them all.
Sent out with a party to corduroy a road, he announced himself at
the farm house near by as General Burnside, and demanded
quarters, got them, and fared sumptuously.
Detailed as acting quartermaster he kept no accounts, and how he
settled with his department no man knoweth to this day. The
demand of the ordnance department for property returns, although
frequently repeated, were quietly ignored, until the chief wrote to

him: “Having no replies to my repeated demands for your accounts,
I have this day addressed a communication to the 2d Auditor of the
Treasury, requesting him to withhold farther payments to you.” To
which D. at once replied: “Dear Sir,—Yours of the —th is received.
What did the 2d Auditor say?”
A representative of the Christian Commission in clerical dress and
stove-pipe hat was distributing lemons to the bilious soldiers, but
refused to give or sell one to Dana, who thereupon proposed to
arrest him as a deserter from our army or a spy of the enemy’s; and
when the gentleman asserted that he was enlisted only in “the army
of the Lord”—“Well, you’ve straggled a good ways from that,” was
the surly rejoinder.
Sergeant Hyde of K Company was a Yankee given to the invention of
labor-saving contrivances, and was not fond of walking two miles
under a big log, which was then the ordinary process of obtaining
fire-wood. He thought that he might get his fuel with less labor, from
the generous pile which always flanked the surgeon’s tent. Getting
one of his comrades, in the darkness of night, to draw off the
attention of the headquarters’ negro servants, Hyde secured a boss
log and escaped with it to his hut, and there, with the aid of a
newly-issued hatchet, proceeded to demolish his log beyond the
possibility of recognition.
Unfortunately for Hyde, the sharp hatchet glanced off the log and
cut an ugly gash in his leg—a serious wound, which made it
necessary to call on the surgeon and break his rest. The doctor was
kind and sympathizing beyond his wont, and very curious to learn all
about the accident, but to this day the sergeant believes that if that
doctor had known all the particulars, the treatment might not have
been so gentle.
Whenever the army was idle for a time, officers were apt to be
prolific in written communications, recommendations, and
endorsements, and these were not always merely dry routine. The

officer of the guard who knew more about tactics than any other
learning, one day on his report wrote a suggestion that “sum spaids
and piks” be provided for the use of the guard. This passing as usual
through the hands of the officer-of-the-day, who knew more about
books than tactics, he added over his official signature, “approved all
but the spelling.”
A. Q. M. Hoyt having in a written communication to the General of
the division called attention to the fact that the division
quartermaster was using an ambulance and horses for his own
private occasions in violation of an order of the War Department,
was by endorsement directed to “attend to his own duty,”
whereupon he sent the same paper to the Adjutant General at
Washington, with this additional endorsement. “In compliance with
the above order of Gen. —— the attention of the War Department is
called to the case within described.” The ambulance had to go.
It was in one of these prolonged waiting seasons that the assistant
surgeon with great exertion at all of the headquarters, secured a
thirty days leave of absence in order to be present at his own
wedding. Nothing now could make his face so long as it was next
morning at the mess breakfast, when an orderly brought, and when
the adjutant read aloud a general order from headquarters, Army of
the Potomac, cancelling all officers’ leaves “pending the present
operations of this army.” A premature chuckle from one of the
conspirators exposed the forgery and lightened the doctor’s heart.
It was not in every place and presence however, that even a full
surgeon could indulge his natural bent for humorous relation, as
indeed the chief of our medical staff discovered, when, after
convulsing a Court Martial with a vivid description of a pig hunt,
where he came in at the death to find the prisoners cutting up the
pig, and the Adjutant General of the division “presiding over the
meeting,” he found his reward in “plans and specifications,” upon
which he himself was tried for contempt of court, or something to
that effect.

St. Patrick’s Day was always a day of great jollity, for the religious
children of that holy bishop and his cherished isle are quick to break
forth into mirth and sport when opportunity is offered. The festival
of 1863, however, closed with a strange accident and a sad tragedy.
A course had been provided for horse racing, and after the races laid
down in the programme had been run, a variety of scrub matches
were made up extempore. Unfortunately it happened that two of
these were under way at the same time and in opposite directions,
and at the height of their speed, two horses came in collision so
directly, and with such a fearful shock as to cause the instant death
of both animals, the actual death of one, and the apparent death of
both the riders. He who escaped at last, was the dear foe of our
Quartermaster Hoyt, who, over the senseless body pronounced the
officer’s eulogy, and expressed his deep contrition for all that he had
ever said or done to offend the sufferer, but with the reserved
proviso that “if he does get well this all goes for nothing.”

T
X.
CHANCELLORSVILLE.
HE commencement of the year 1863 brought the not unwelcome
announcement to the Army of the Potomac that General Burnside
had been relieved from the command, and General Hooker
appointed in his stead. The disastrous failure at Fredericksburg, and
the rather absurd attempt which will be known in history as the
“mud march,” had not increased the confidence of the army in
Burnside’s ability, and it was with feelings of satisfaction that the
soldiers heard the order promulgated which relieved him and
appointed his successor. Notwithstanding some grave defects in the
character and habits of General Hooker, as a soldier he had enlisted
the confidence and won the affections of the men. The plucky
qualities which had given to him the name of “Fighting Joe,” seemed
to be an assurance of that activity and energy that were so
necessary to the successful ending of the contest, while his kindly
nature, and his genial, social temperament, won the love and good
wishes of all who came in contact with him. In appearance, when in
command, he represented the dashing, chivalrous soldier, of whom
we had read in history and fiction, inspiring confidence and
awakening our enthusiasm. As he rode along the line, while
reviewing the 5th Corps, mounted upon a snow-white steed, horse
and rider seemingly but one, erect in all the pride of command, his
hair nearly white, contrasting strongly with his ruddy complexion, he
looked the perfect ideal of a dashing, gallant, brave commander. We
soon learned that his skill in organization fully equalled his bravery
upon the battle-field, and the results were apparent in the improved
discipline and morale of the troops. To his administration must be
given the credit of the introduction of the corps badges, which
proved of great value in the succeeding days of the war.

It would be useless, tiresome perhaps, to describe the regular
routine performed by the 32d during the days and weeks that
succeeded. Suffice it to say, that it consisted principally of picket and
guard duty, with details for road building, and the constant drill and
discipline so necessary to prepare the soldier for the more severe
labors of the march, and the sterner duties of the battle-field. With
the warmer weather of the spring came orders which told us that
the campaign was soon to begin; baggage must be forwarded to
Washington, clothing must be furnished, deficiencies in ordnance
supplied; these, together with orders for the return of men on leave
and detached service, informed the soldier as clearly as if it had
been promulgated in positive terms, that active duties were to
commence, that a battle was soon to be fought. On the 8th of April,
President Lincoln reviewed the army, and the sight of a hundred
thousand men prepared for review was indeed impressive. General
Hooker was excusable, perhaps, in speaking of his command at this
time as “the finest army on the planet.” It certainly was never in
better condition. On the 27th of April we left our camp—the
Regiment under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel Stephenson—
without a thought that we should ever return to it again. Starting at
noon, we marched to Hartwood Church, about eight miles, reaching
it at nightfall; the next morning, moving towards Kelley’s Ford on the
Rappahannock, near which we bivouacked for the night; taking up
the line of march at daybreak, we crossed the Rappahannock on a
pontoon bridge, coming to Ely’s Ford on the Rapidan, late in the
afternoon of the 29th. The water at this ford was quite deep,
reaching nearly to the armpits, and running rapidly. Most of the men
stripped themselves of their clothing and waded through, holding
their muskets, knapsacks, and clothing above their heads, while
others dashed in without any preparation. Occasionally a luckless
wight would lose his footing in the swift-running stream, and float
down with the current, to be caught by the cavalry men who were
stationed below for that purpose. Regiment after regiment as they
arrived, dashed through the waters, and a more stirring scene can
hardly be imagined. All along the banks of the river were men by
hundreds, and thousands—on one side making preparation for

fording—on the other replacing their clothing and repairing
damages, while the water was crowded with soldiers who filled the
air with shouts, laughter, and song. As the darkness came on, the
numerous fires which the soldiers had made for the purpose of
drying their clothing, threw a strong light over a picture of life and
beauty, such as can only be witnessed in the experience of army life.
That night we rested on the south side of the Rapidan. The morning
of the 30th of April found us on the march, and in a few hours we
struck that region, which, but for the war, would scarcely have been
known outside of its own limits—now to be remembered by
generations yet to come, as the locality where were fought some of
the bloodiest battles known in history—the Wilderness.
Some description of the territory may not come amiss to those who
have grown up since the bloody scenes of the war for the Union
were enacted there. It comprises a tract of land probably more than
twenty miles in circumference; a nearly unbroken expanse of forest
and thicket. A large portion is covered with a dense growth of low,
scrub oaks, briars, and shrubs, with occasionally a spot where the
trees have attained to more lofty proportions. For miles you can
travel without a change, seeing only the loathsome snake as it glides
across your path, and uncheered by the voices of the birds, for the
songsters of the day find no home in its thickets, only the lonely
night-bird inhabiting its gloomy depths. Everything about it is wild
and desolate. The sun hardly penetrates through its gloom, and the
traveller, oppressed with its loneliness and desolation, hurries
through that he may reach the more genial spots beyond, and feel
the cheering rays of God’s sunshine.
Near one border of this region, at the junction of roads that lead
from Fredericksburg and United States Ford, is Chancellorsville; not
a town, not a village, but simply a tract of cleared land surrounding
one brick house, said to have been erected for a private residence,
but used at the commencement of the war as a roadside tavern.
Through the forest we marched to Chancellorsville, near which we
bivouacked for the night.

May 1st, 1863, our Regiment led the division which marched not
south-east in the direction of the plank road, but by a road which led
east and northeast, in the direction of Bank’s Ford. Artillery and
picket firing had been heard for some time, but we were in thick
woods. Covered by flankers and skirmishers we moved on
sometimes very rapidly, until within less than four miles of
Fredericksburg. The day was fine and with the exception of some
cavalry pickets, we saw no enemy, but there was a sound of heavy
firing on our right in the direction of the plank road, and as we
advanced it seemed to become more distant and almost exactly in
our rear.
By the excitement apparent among General Griffin’s staff it was
evident that things were not going right, and at last the order was
given to face about, and we took the back track at a killing pace. As
we neared Chancellorsville again, there was some pretty sharp
artillery and infantry skirmishing going on just ahead, and as night
drew on we were halted in the road in line of battle facing south,
with skirmishers in front.
It seems that the regular division of our corps had been roughly
handled and driven back, thus separating us from the army, and we
were kept all that night marching and counter-marching about the
country. It was a bright moonlight night, but dusky in the woods.
There were long waits, but not enough for sleep, and it was long
after daylight when we got out of the forest and came upon the 3d
division of our corps, and found ourselves welcomed as men who
had been lost but were found.
On the morning of May 2d we were posted on the extreme left of
the army and ordered to build breastworks. The axe and the spade
were soon busily at work, and before night a formidable barrier had
been erected against any attack. About sunset there was some slight
skirmishing, and the men stood in line awaiting an attack, but none
came. All was still as night; not a sound was heard except the low
murmuring of voices. Even the dropping fire of the pickets had

ceased, when suddenly on our right there burst on the air the sound
of a volley of musketry accompanied by the wild rebel yell that was
so familiar to the soldier of the Union. From the first it seemed to
come towards us like a torrent, constant and resistless. The men
stood, musket in hand, peering into the gloom, every nerve strung,
ready to meet the attack, but it did not reach us, and ceased
suddenly at last. This was the famous flank attack by Stonewall
Jackson upon the 11th Corps under General Howard, which was
ended thus abruptly by the death of the rebel commander. On the
morning of the 3d we relieved and changed positions with the 11th
Corps. Our new position was just at the right of Chancellorsville
house, by the side of the road; before us a cleared plain probably
two hundred yards wide, beyond which was a forest. Again we were
ordered to throw up earthworks, and the men were busily at work all
day. Our brigade was formed in two lines, the 32d being a part of
the front line, where it remained until the army fell back.
About noon on the 4th our brigade received orders to advance
across the plain into the woods. That morning a fire had swept
through the woods, burning the accumulated leaves, the deposit of
years, and in addition to the heat of the day, we suffered from the
hot ashes that arose under our footsteps in clouds.
The purpose of this advance was to feel out the enemy and draw his
fire, but not to bring on an engagement, the object being to
ascertain whether he was still in force on our front. The movement
was executed in gallant style. The enemy received us with a hot fire
of musketry and artillery, the greater portion of which fortunately
went over our heads. We were at once ordered to retire and did so,
under a tremendous shower of shot and shell, nearly all of which
passed above us.
We remember with pride the precision with which the brigade
returned across the field, as coolly as if passing in review, rather
than under the fire of the enemy, a movement which elicited the
hearty cheers of the division. The most excited individual was a non-

commissioned officer who, being lightly hit by a piece of shell as we
entered our earthworks, maddened by the stinging pain, turned and
shook his fist at the invisible foe, abusing him most lustily, amidst
the laughter of his companions. Our advance demonstrated that the
enemy was still there, and in a short time they made their
appearance in masses issuing from the edge of the wood, but they
were received with a fire of artillery that sent them reeling back to
their defences, leaving great numbers of dead and wounded on the
field.
The morning of the 5th came in with a cold, heavy rain, making our
position that day anything but pleasant, but we did not move. As
soon as darkness came on, the batteries began to withdraw, then
we could hear the tramp of regiment after regiment as they moved
away, and we soon learned that the army was retiring across the
Rappahannock. Still no orders came for us, and we began to realize
that again our division was to cover the retreat, and be the last
withdrawn. The ground was soaked with water, we could neither sit
nor lie down, but crouching under the little shelter tents, which
afforded some protection from the drenching rain, we waited for our
turn to come.
It was nearly morning when we started, and sunrise when, after
wading through mud and water often knee deep, we reached United
States Ford. The engineers were in position there ready to take up
the pontoons. Striking swiftly across the country, hungry, tired, and
disheartened, we re-occupied before noon our old quarters at
Stoneman’s and the grand movement of General Hooker upon
Richmond was ended. The loss of the 32d was only one killed and
four wounded.

A
XI.
FREDERICKSBURG TO GETTYSBURG.
FTER the battle of Chancellorsville the whole army retired to its
old position about Stafford Court House and Falmouth, on the
Rappahannock, opposite the City of Fredericksburg. The 32d
Massachusetts was detailed to guard duty along the railroad from
Acquia Creek; half of the command under Lieutenant-Colonel
Stephenson being posted at or near the redoubts on Potomac Creek,
guarding the bridge; the remainder, or right wing, under Colonel
Prescott, posted south of Stoneman’s Switch.
On Thursday afternoon, May 29th, orders were received to break
camp and move to Barnett’s Ford. The left wing moved promptly, but
the right wing, owing to the temporary absence of Colonel Prescott,
did not march until after nightfall. A bright full moon and cool breeze
made marching delightful. The way was familiar, the roads fine, and
the men, in the best of spirits, laughed and sung as they went. At
about midnight this hilarity had subsided, and the little column was
jogging sleepily along the way, which wound through a deep wood
in the vicinity of Hartwood Church. Suddenly, at a sharp turn of the
road, where the moonlight fell bright as day, came a stern call “Halt!
who goes there?” and a dozen horsemen, springing from the
shadow, stood barring the way, bringing forward their carbines with
a threatening click as they appeared. The column, however, not
halting, pressed forward into the light, showing the glittering
muskets of the men and something of their number. The horsemen
seemed to suddenly abandon their purpose, for, without a word of
parley, they turned their horses into the woods and slipped past us
under cover of the darkness. We recognized them, when too late, as

a band of guerillas, and learned more concerning them at the first
picket post we met.
During our stay at the fords of the Rappahannock, guerillas harassed
us in various ways, hovering around us, indeed, until we neared the
border of Maryland. Now a portion of our wagon train would be run
off, and an officer would be spirited away when on outpost duty or
riding from one camp to another. Again and again the mail was
stopped and rifled, the carrier shot or captured. Indeed, these things
became of so frequent occurrence that stringent orders came from
headquarters forbidding officers or men straying beyond the limits of
their camp guards. Many were the sensational rumors concerning
the guerillas and their Chief Mosby. One of our cavalry officers used
to say that he never could catch a guerilla, but after a long chase
occasionally found a man wearing spurs, engaged in digging a well.
At Hartwood Church the two wings of the Regiment were again
united, and moved on the following day past Barnett’s to Kemper’s
Ford. Mrs. Kemper and her daughter were the only inmates of their
mansion, Mr. Kemper being “away,” which meant in the rebel army,
and of the swarms of servants which no doubt once made the
quarters lively, there remained only two or three small girls and an
idiot man.
Our stay here was one of the bright spots of army experience. The
location was delightful and the duty light. We had a detail on guard
at the ford and pickets along the river bank; opposite to us on the
other shore, and within talking distance, were the rebel pickets, but
no shots were exchanged, and all was peaceful and quiet.
We had extended to the family such protection as common courtesy
demanded, and when we were about to leave, a few of the officers
called to say good-bye, and found the ladies distressed and in tears
on account of our departure, or the dread of what might come
afterwards. They told us that ours was the first Massachusetts
regiment that had been stationed there; that they had been taught

to believe that Massachusetts men were vile and wicked; “but,” said
one of them, “we have received from no other soldiers such
unvarying courtesy and consideration; we have discovered our
mistake, and shall know how to defend them from such aspersions
in the future.” Promising in reply to their urgency that, if taken
prisoners and if possible, we would communicate with them, we
took our leave, with the impression that it was well to treat even our
enemies with kindness.
On the 9th of June occurred the engagement at Brandy Station, said
at that time to be the greatest cavalry fight of the war, and the
Regiment crossed the river and covered the approaches to the ford
while the battle was in progress. They moved out about three miles
in the direction of Culpepper Court House, but encountered no
enemy, except a few straggling cavalry men, who fled at their
approach.
Now the Regiment was kept continually on the qui vive, under
orders to move at a minute’s notice, and be prepared for long and
rapid marches.
Suddenly the enemy withdrew all his pickets from the river, and on
the 13th of June we moved in the middle of the night, which was
very dark, in the direction of Morrisville, and on the following night
we reached Catlett’s, our division bringing up the rear of the army
and guarding the wagon train. The weather had now become very
summerlike, and the days were hot and sultry, and the roads heavy
with dust. Again we were moving through that detestable Manassas
country, that debatable land, now almost a desert; the soil
uncultivated, trodden to powder, the fields overgrown with weeds,
an arid waste where no water was and no food could be obtained,
the breeze stifling one with the pungent odor of penny-royal, which
pervaded everything.
June 16th we encamped near Manassas, on the Thoroughfare Gap
road, and on the following day made an ever-memorable march of

eighteen or twenty miles, under a tropical sun, with a stifling air
filled with dust, without a drop of water anywhere, and the men of
all ranks and commands falling down by the roadside and dying of
heat-stroke and exhaustion. The 32d made the best record of any
regiment in the division on this day, encamping at Gum Spring at
night with fuller ranks than any other. We set out with 230 men and
came in with 107 in the ranks, and even this poor showing was far
ahead of most regiments composing the division. Four soldiers of the
division died from sunstroke on this dreadful march. Firing was
heard all day from the direction of Aldie, and we were urged forward
as rapidly as possible.
On the 19th we moved to Aldie Gap, with the whole of the 5th
Corps, passing many fine places upon the broad Winchester
turnpike. An artillery skirmish was going on as we neared the Gap at
sunset, and we deployed across the broad fields under the beautiful
Blue Ridge mountains in fine style, bands playing, bugles sounding,
etc. At 2 A. M. on the morning of the 21st the men were awaked,
three days rations issued, and we were soon in motion up the Gap.
As morning broke we defiled past Aldie, and on the way down the
mountain side were passed by thousands of cavalry, under command
of Generals Pleasanton, Gregg, and Kilpatrick.
During that day and the next we had a glorious opportunity to
witness one of the great cavalry skirmishes of the Army of the
Potomac, the enemy’s cavalry consisting of Fitz Hugh Lee’s brigade
led by Rousseau, and Stuart’s cavalry led by Stuart himself. We
withdrew on the 22d and passed that night near Aldie on the side of
the hills, looking down into the valley, and across to Ashby’s Gap.
Many are the tales since told of what we saw and did during those
two days of cavalry and infantry fighting. On the 21st the Regiment
led the infantry advance, and on the return was at the rear of the
column, and covered the cavalry retreat.
June 26th orders came to move at 3 A. M., and from that time we
marched rapidly forward across the state of Maryland, and until we

reached the Pennsylvania line.
Early on the afternoon of July 1st, 1863, after a march of about ten
miles, the 32d reached Hanover, Pennsylvania, and as we filed into a
cleared level piece of grass-land, we congratulated ourselves upon
the prospect of a long rest and a refreshing sleep after the tedious
marches and broken slumbers of the previous sixteen days. The men
went cheerily to work preparing food, the great difficulty being lack
of fuel, for we were in a friendly country, and the usual destruction
of fences and trees was forbidden. But we were soon to find
ourselves disappointed in our expectations; for, at 8 o’clock, orders
came to move, and the men discontentedly packed their knapsacks,
giving up all idea of rest so much needed and desired. As we
marched toward Gettysburg, we heard in advance the sound of
cheering, and soon word came down the line that General McClellan
was again in command of the army. As the news passed along,
regiment after regiment sent up cheers, and the soldiers moved with
quickened step and joyful hearts. Where this report originated we
never knew, yet many went into the battle the next day thinking
they were under the command of the general, who, above all others,
had won the love and confidence of the Army of the Potomac. Very
soon, orders came for the musicians to give the time for the march,
and we stepped off quickly to the beat of the drum. This was one of
the very few occasions on which we used our music while on the
march during the entire service of the Regiment. Our musicians were
used, as a general rule, only in camp to sound the various calls that
marked the routine of camp duty, and at guard-mountings and
parades, and on this occasion we were allowed but a few minutes to
enjoy the luxury of marching to the beat of the drum, for it was
stopped by orders from an authority higher than our division
general, on account of the danger of giving information of our
whereabouts to the enemy.
We marched nearly ten miles more that night, and at midnight
bivouacked two miles distant from the spot that was to be the field
of the battle of Gettysburg. Very early in the morning, as soon as

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